ACTS and Monuments of matters most special and memorable, happening in the Church, with an Universal history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitive age to these latter times of ours, with the bloody times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions against the true Martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by Heathen Emperors, as now lately practised by Romish Prelates, especially in this Realm of England and Scotland.  
¶ Newly revised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time again published and recommended to the studious Reader, by the Author (through the help of Christ our Lord) JOHN FOXE, which desireth thee good Reader to help him with thy Prayer.  APOC. VII. 
Salus sedenti super thronum & agno.  
An. 1583. Mens. Octobr.   

The Calendar.  
¶ january hath 31. days. The Moon thirty. Days of their death. Year of our Lord. 3 A 1 Circumcision.    b 2 john Wickliff Preacher, Martyr.  1387 11 c 3 I. Aston confess.  1382  d 4 William Sawtry priest Martyr.  1400 19 e 5 Swinderby a priest, martyr.   8 f 6 Epiphany.    g 7 Sir Rog. Acton knight, Martyr.  1401 16 A 8 john Browne Gentleman Martyr.  1413 5 b 9 john Beverley preacher Martyr.  1413  c 10 Richard Silbecke martyr. 14 1413 13 d 11 john Castellave Doctor, Martyr. 12 1521 2 e 12 Tho. Whittle Minister, Martyr. 27 1525  f 13 Bartlet green Gentleman, Martyr. 27 1556 10 g 14 john Tudson, Martyr. 27 1556  A 15 Thomas Went, Martyr. 27 1556 18 b 16 Thomas Browne, martyr. 27 1556    Isabel Foster, Martyr. 27 1556 7 c 17 joane warn, aliâs Lashford, Martyr. 27 1556  d 18 john Lomas, Martyr. 31 1556 15 e 19 Anne Albright, aliâs Champnes, Martyr. 31 1556 4 f 20 joane Catmer, Martyr. 31 1556    Agnes Snoth, Martyr. 31 1556  g 21 joane Sole, Martyr. 31 1556 12 A 22 William Waterer, martyr. 15 1556    Conuer. of Paul. 15  1 b 23 Steven Kempe, Martyr. 15 1557    William Hay, Martyr. 15 1557  c 24 Thomas Hudson, Martyr. 15 1557 9 d 25 William Lowicke, martyr. 15 1557  e 26 William Prouting martyr.  1557 17 f 27 Nicholas Final, Martyr.  1557 6 g 28 Math. Bradbrige Martyr. 16   A 29    14 b 30 john Philpot, Martyr.  1557 3 c 31 Thomas Stevens, martyr.    
February hath 28. days. The Moon xxix. Days of their death. Year of our Lord.  d 1 William Thorpe priest, confessor.  1407 11 e 2 Purification of our Lady.   19 f 3 john Claidon, Martyr.  1413 8 g 4 Richard Turmine, martyr.  1413  A 5 Zisca a confessor.  1416 16 b 6 Sir john Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, Martyr.  1418 5 c 7 Richard Hoveden, martyr.  1430  d 8 Thomas Bagley priest, Martyr.  1431    Paul Craws, Martyr.  1431 13 e 9 Thomas Rhedon. Martyr.  1436 2 f 10 Rainold Peacock bishop, confessor.  1457  g 11 Sir Roger only knight Martyr.  1441 10 A 12 Elinor Cobham gentlewoman, confessor.    b 13 Mother of the lady Young Martyr.  1490 18 c 14 Thomas Norice, Martyr.  1507 7 d 15 Thomas Eckles Martyr.  1510  e 16 Thomas Bungay Martyr.  1511 15 f 17 D. Martin Luther, confessor. 18 1546 4 g 18 Pope of Eay, Martyr.  1512  A 19 Peake, Martyr.  1512 12 b 20 George Carpenter, martyr. 8 1527 1 c 21 john Roger's Preacher, Martyr. 4 1555  d 22 Laurence Sanders Preacher, Martyr. 8 1555 9 e 23 john Hooper Bishop, Martyr. 9 1555  f 24 Mathias Apostle.   17 g 25 Rowland Tailor Doctor Martyr. 9 1555 6 A 26 Robert Farrar Bishop, Martyr. 22 1555  b 27 Agnes Potten, Martyr. 19 1556 14 c 28 Trunchfields wife, martyr. 19 1556  
¶ March hath 31. days. The Moon thirty. Days of their death. Year of our Lord. 3 d 1 William tailor Martyr. 2 1422  e 2 john Weselianus a doctor, Martyr.  1479 11 f 3 Doctor Ueselus, aliâs Basilius, confessor.  1490  g 4 Henry Sudphen, Martyr.  1524 19 A 5 john Hougley, Martyr.  1526 8 b 6 Petrus Flestedius, martyr.  1528  c 7 Adolphus Clabachus, Martyr.  1528 16 d 8 Patrick Hamelton martyr.  1528 5 e 9 Thomas Hitton, Martyr.  1530  f 10 Thomas Bilney, Martyr.  1531 13 g 11 Dany Foster, Mar.  1531 2 A 12 Edward freeze, confessor.  1531  b 13 Valentine freeze and his wife, Mar.   10 c 14 Father Bate, confess.  1531  d 15 Rawlin White, Mar. 5 1555 18 e 16 Thom. Tomkins, Martyr. 15 1555 7 f 17 Thomas Higbed gentleman, Mar. 25 1555  g 18 Thomas Cawson Gentleman, Mar. 25 1555 15 A 19 William Hunter, Martyr. 25 1555 4 b 20 William Pigot, Martyr. 28 1555  c 21 Stephen Knight, Martyr. 28 1555 12 d 22 john Laurence Minister Martyr. 29 1555 1 e 23 Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, Martyr. 21 1556  f 24 Robert Spicer, Martyr. 24 1356 9 g 25 Annunciation of our Lady.    A 26 William Coberley, Martyr. 24 1556 17 b 27 Maundrell, Mar. 24 1556 6 c 28 Rich. Crashfield, Martyr. 15 1557  d 29 Cuthbert Simpson, martyr. 28 1558 14 e 30 Hugh Fox, Mar. 28 1558 3 f 31 john Devennish, Martyr. 28 1558  
¶ Aprill hath 30. days. The Moon xxix. Days of their death. Year of our Lord.  g 1 Robert Hatches Martyr.      Archer Martyr. 4 1519    Hawkins Martyr.   11 A 2 Thomas Bound, Martyr. 4 1519  b 3 Wrigsham Martyr. 4 1519 19 c 4 Lansdale Martyr. 4 1519 8 d 5 master Smith Widow Martyr. 4 1519 16 e 6 james Baynham Gentleman Martyr. 30 1532 5 f 7 john Awcocke Confessor. 2 1555  g 8 George Marsh Preacher Martyr. 24 1555 13 A 9 William Flower Minister Martyr. 24 1555 2 b 10 Robert Drakes Minister, Martyr. 24 1556  c 11 Thomas Times Martyr: 24 1556 10 d 12 Richard Spurge Martyr. 24 1556  e 13 Thomas Spurge Martyr.   18 f 14 john Cavil Martyr. 24 1556 7 g 15 George Ambrose Martyr. 24 1556  A 16 I. Harpole Martyr. joane Bech Martyr. 1 1556 15 b 17 john Hullier Minister, Martyr. 2 1556 4 c 18 Christopher Lister Minister, Martyr. 28 1556  d 19 john Mace Martyr. 28 1556 12 e 20 john Spencer Martyr. 28 1556    Simon join Martyr. 28 1556 1 f 21 Richard Nicholl Martyr. 28 1556  g 22 john Hamond Martyr. 28 1556 9 A 23 S. George Martyr.    b 24 Thomas Loseby Martyr. 12 1556 17 c 25 Mark Evangelist.   6 d 26 Henry Ramsey Martyr. 12 1557  e 27 Thomas Thyrtle Martyr. 12 1557 4 f 28 Margaret Hyde Martyr. 12 1557  g 29 Agnes Stanley Martyr. 12 1557  A 30 William Nicholl Martyr.  1558  
¶ May hath 31. days. The Moon thirty. Days of their death. Year of our Lord. 11 b 1 Philip and jacob Apostles.    c 2 john Hus, Martyr.  1415 19 d 3 Hieronymus Savonarola, Martyr. 23 1499 8 e 4 Dominike, Martyr. 23 1499  f 5 Silvester, Martyr. 23 1499 16 g 6 Friar Roy, Mar.  1531    Rob. King, mar.  1532 5 A 7 Robert Debnam, Martyr.  1532  b 8 Nicholas Marsh, Martyr.  1532 13 c 9 〈◊〉 Card-maker, aliâs tailor, Preacher Martyr. 31 1555 2 d 10    e 11 john warn, mar. 31 1555 10 f 12 Margaret Ellis, confessor. 13 1556  g 13 Hugh La●erocke, Martyr. 15 1556 18 A 14 john Apprice, mar. 15 1556 7 b 15 Katherine Hut Widow, Martyr. 16 1556  c 16 Elizab. Thackuell, martyr. 16 1556  15 d 17 jone Horns, mar. 16 1556 4 e 18 A blind boy and another with him, mar. 5 1556  f 19 Thomas Spycer, Martyr. 21 1556 12 g 20 john Denny, mar. 21 1556 1 A 21 William Poole, Martyr. 21 1556    john Flesh, confessor. 30 1556  b 22 William Norant, Martyr. 29 1557 9 c 23     d 24 Steven Gratwike, martyr. 29 1557 17 e 25 john Thurstone, confessor.  1557 6 f 26 William Seaman, martyr. 19 1558  g 27 Thomas Carman, martyr. 19 558 14 A 28 Thomas Hudson, Martyr. 19 1558 3 b 29 William Harry's, Martyr. 26 1558  c 30 Rich. Day, mar. 26 1558 11 d 31 Christian George, Martyr. 26 1558  
¶ june hath 30. days. The Moon xxix. Days of their death. Year of our Lord.  e 1 〈…〉, martyr. 1 1416 19 f 2 Anne Askew, Martyr. joh. Lassels, gent. Mar. Nich. Belman, Mar.  1546 8 g 3 Tho. Hawks, Mar. Tho. Wa●tes, Mar. ●● 1555 16 A 4 john Simplon, Mar. john Ardl●y, Mar. Nic. Chamberlain, mar. 14 1555 5 b 5 Tho. Hosmond, mar. W. Brainford, Mar. Tho. Harland, Mar. 15 1555  c 6 john Osward, Mar. Tho. Read, Mar. 6 1556 13 d 7 Tho. Abington, Mar. Tho. Wood, minist. Mar. Tho. mills, Mar. 20 1556 2 e 8 Wil Adherall Minister, confessor. 23 1556    john Clement, confess. 25 1556  f 9 A merchant's servant, Martyr. 26  10 g 10 H. Adlington, mar. Lau. P●●nam, mar. Hen. Wic, mar. 27 1556  A 11 W. Halliwell, mar. 27 1556    Th. Bowyer, mar. George Serle, mar. 27 18 b 12 Edm. Hurst, mar. 27 1556    Lion Cawch, mar. Ralph jackson, mar. 27  7 c 13 joh. Derifall, mar. john Roth. mar.  1556  d 14 Eliz. Pepper, mar. 27     Agnes George, mar. Tho. Parrot, confess. 27 1556 15 e 15 Hunt & Ambrose, confess. joh. Morris, confess. 28 1556 4 f 16 Rog. Bernard, mar. 29 1556    Adam Foster, mar. Rob. Lawson, mar. 30 1556  g 17 Walter Apleby & Petronill his wife, mar. 18 1557 12 A 18 Edm. Allen, and Katherine his wife, mar. Io. Bradbrige, mar.   1 b 19 I. Manning, mar. Eliz. a blind maid, mar. Tho. Moor, mar. 18 1557  c 20 Nich. White, mar. Nich. Pard●●e, mar. 19 1557 9 d 21 I. Fishcocke, mar. Barbara Final, mar. Bradbriges wid. Mar.    e 22 Bendens wife, and wilson's wife, Mar. 19 1557 17 f 23 Rich. Woodman, mar.      Nat. of S. john Bap.   6 g 24 G. Stephens, W. Mainard, Alexander Hosmans' man, Martyrs. 22 1557  A 25 Tomasin a Wood's maid, Margery Morris, jam. 22 1557 14 b 26 Morris son, Dennis Burges, Asdowns wife, Groves wife, Martyrs.   3 c 27 Henry Pond, mar. R. Estland, mar. 27 1558  d 28 Ro. Southam, mar. Mat. Ricarby, mar.      Pete● and Paul.   11 e 29 john Lloyd, mar. 27 1558  f 30 john Holiday, mar. Rog. Holland, mar.    
¶ july hath 31. days. The Moon thirty. Days of their death Year of our Lord. 19 g 1 Henry Uoz, Mar. john Esch, mar. ● 1522 8 A 2 〈…〉 Martyr. 4 1523  b 3 Andrew Hewet, Martyr.   16 c 4 Anthony Person, Martyr.   5 d 5 Robert Testwood, Martyr. H. Finnemore, mar. 18 1543  e 6 john Bradford preacher, Martyr. 1 1555 13 f 7    2 g 8 john leaf, mar. john poley, Mar.    A 9 Will. Ming Minister, Mar. Richard Hooke, Mar. 2 1555 10 b 10 john Blande Preacher, Mar. 12 1555  c 11 john Frank, mar. Humphrey Middleton, Mar. 12 1555 18 d 12 Nich. Shetterden, Martyr. 12 1555 7 e 13 William Dighel, Martyr.    f 14 Dirike Carver, mar. john Launder, mar. 2 1555 15 g 15 Thomas jueson, Martyr. 3 1555 4 A 16 Nich. Hall, Mar.    b 17 john Alewoorth, confessor.      john Careless confessor. john Gwin, mar. 1 1556 12 c 18 julius Palmer a schoolmaster, and Askine, Martyrs. ●6 1556 1 d 19 Katherine Cauches, and Parati●e Massy, with her child not one hour old, and Guillemine Gilbert, Mar. 17 1556  e 20   9 f 21 Thomas Dungate, mar.    g 22 john Foreman, Martyr. 18 1556 17 A 23 Simon Miller, Mar. Elizabeth Cooper, Martyr. 13 1556 6 b 24 Mary Magdalene.    c 25 Richard Yeoman, Minister, mar. 10 1558 14 d 26 William Pikes, Mar. 14 1558 3 e 27 james Apostle.    f 28 Stephen Cotton, Martyr. 14 1558    john Slade, mar. ●4 1558 11 g 29 Stephen Wight, Mar. Rob. mills, mar. 14 1558  A 30 Rob. Dines, mar. 14 1558 19 b 31 Tho. Benbricke Gentleman, mar. 19 1558  
¶ August hath 31. days. The Moon thirty. Days of their death. 〈…〉 our Lord. 8 c 1 Leonard Keyfer, Martyr. 16 1527 16 d 2 james Abbes, mar. 2 1555 5 e 3 john Demy Gentleman mar. 8 1555  f 4 john Newman, Martyr. ●8 ibid. 13 g 5 Patrick Patingham, mar. 28 ibid. 2 A 6 Will. Coker, mar. 23 ibid.    Wil Hopper▪ mar. 23 ibid.  b 7 Henry Laurence, Martyr. 23 ibid. 10 c 8 Richard Collier, Martyr. 23 ibid.  d 9 William steer, Martyr. 23 ibid. 18 e 10 Richard Wright, Martyr. 23 ibid. 7 f 11 Elizabeth Warn, martyr.    g 12 George Tankerfield, mart. 26 ibid. 15 A 13 Richard Smith, Martyr. 8 ibid. 4 b 14 8 ibid.  c 15 Stephen Horwood, martyr. 30 ibid.    Thomas Fusse. mar. 30 ibid. 12 d 16 William Hail, Martyr. 31 ibid.  e 17 Robert Samuel Preacher, mar. 31 1555  f 18 joane Waste, Mar.  1556 9 g 19 William Bongeor, martyr. 2 1557  A 20 Robert Purtas, mar. 2 1557 17 b 21 Thomas Bennold, martyr. 2 1557 6 c 22 Agnes Siluerside, aliâs Smith, mar. 2 1557  d 23 Bartholomew Apostle.   14 e 24 Ellen Ewring, mar. 2 1557 3 f 25 Elizabeth folks maid, Martyr. 2 1557  g 26 William Munt, Martyr. 2 1557 11 A 27 Alice Munt, mar. 2 1557 19 b 28 Rose Allin, maid, Martyr. 2 1557  c 29 john johnson, mar. George Eagles, mar. 2 1557 8 d 30 One Friar and the said George Eagles sister, Martyrs. 2 1557  e 31    
September hath 30. days The Moon xxix. Days of their death. Year of our Lord. 16 f 1 Father Abraham, Marsor.  1428 5● g 2 William Wright Priest, Martyr.  1428  A 3 john Waddon Priest, Martyr.  1428 1● b 4 William Gardiner, Martyr.  1552    W. Allen, Mar. Tho. Cob, Martyr.  1556 2 c 5 Tho. Coo. Mar.    d 6 Will. Androw, confessor.  1555 ●● e 7 Thomas King, confessor.  ibid.  f 8 Thomas Leis, confessor. 5 ibid.    George Catmer, Martyr. 6 ibid. ●● g 9 Robert S●rcate●, Martyr.   ● A 10 Anthony Burward, martyr.  ibid.  b 11 George Bradbrige, martyr. james Tutty, Mar. 6 ibid. 15 c 12 Thom. Hayward, Martyr.  ibid. 4 d 13 I. Goreway, Mar. Rob. Glover, Mar. 20 ibid.  e 14 Cornelius Bungay, martyr.   12 f 15 Edw. Sharp, mar. john Hart, mar. 8 1556 ● g 16 Tho. Ravensdale a sho●maker, or a Currier, mar. 24 1556  A 17 john Horn and another woman, mar. 25 1556 ● b 18 john Kurd, mar. Cicelie Ormes, mar. 20 1556   joice Lewis, mar. 23 1557  c 19 Ralph Allerton, mar. 10 1557 17 d 20 Richard Roth, mar. 17 1557    Matthew Apostle.   6 e 21 james Ansco and Margery his wife, mar. 17 1557  f 22 Agnes Bongeor, Martyr. 17 1557 ● g 23 Mar. Thurstone, Martyr.  1557 ● ● 24 john Warren, mar.    b 25 Christi. Grover, Martyr.    c 26 Thomas Athoth, Martyr.  1557  d 27 john Ashdone, Martyr. Thomas Spurdaunce, Mar.  1557  e 28    8 f 29 Michael Archangel.    g 30 john Fortune, Martyr.  1557  
October hath 31. days The Moon thirty. their death Days of 6 A 1 Bartholer Mi●●on, martyr.  1534  b 2 john de Burge a rich merchant, Mar.  1534 3● c 3 The receiver of Aunts Mar.  1534 ● d 4 Henry Poile, Mar. Catelle a schoolemaistres' Martyr.  1534     15●4  e 5 Stephen de la Forge, a merchant, Mar.  1134 10 f 6   1536  g 7 William Tyndall, Mar●tyr.   18 A 8 William Leyton, Martyr.  1537    Puttedew, Mar.  1537 7 b 9 joh. Lambert, aliâs Nicolson, Mar.  1538  c 10 Collins, Mar. Cowbrige, Mar.  1538    Peter a German, Martyr.  1539 15 d 11  1539 4 e 12 Launcellot, Mar. john a Painter, Mar.  1539  f 13 Giles German, Martyr.  1539    Robert Barnes, Mar.  1539 12 g 14 Thomas Garrard, martyr.  1541  A 15 William Jerome, martyr.    b 16 William Wolsey, Martyr. 4 1555 9 c 17 Rob. Pigot, Mar. 4 1555  d 18 Luke Evangelist.   17 e 19 Nicholas Ridley Bishop▪ Martyr. 6 1555 6 f 20 Hugh Latymer Bishop, Martyr.    g 21 I Web, gent. mar. George Roper, mar. 31 1555 14 A 22 Gregory Park, Martyr.   3 b 23 Adam Walls, mar. Mark Burges, mar. 2 1551  c 24 William Hooker, Martyr.  1560 11 d 25 Simson Priest, Beverech friar, Keyler black Friar. Davy Stratton, gentleman, Norman Gorley vicar of Dolour, a black Canon, with 4. other, martyrs   19 e 26    f 27   8 g 28 Simon and jude.    A 29 Three died in prison at Cicester, confess. 18 1556 16 b 30 Mother Seaman, confessor.  1556 5 c 31 Mother Bennet, confessor.  1556  
November hath 30. days. The Moon xxix. Days of their death Year of our Lord.  d 1 The feast of all Saints.   ● e 2 Richard Mekings, martyr.  1541 2 f 3 Richard Spenser, Martyr.  1541  g 4 Andrew Hewet, Martyr.  1541 10 A 5 john Porter, confess.  1542  b 6 Thomas Bernard, martyr.  1542 18 c 7 james Morton, Martyr.  1542 7 d 8 George Wizard Gentleman, Mar.  1146  e 9 john Kirby, Mar.  1546 ●5 f 10 Roger Clarke, Mar.  1546 4 g 11 Richard Barfield, aliâs Somersam, Mar. 20 1531  A 12 john Clarke, confess.  1556 12 b 13 Dimstane Chittenden, confess.  1556  c 14 William Foster, Martyr.  1556  d 15 Alice Potkins, confessor.  1556 9 e 16 john Archer, confess.  1556  f 17 Hook, Mar.  1556 17 g 18 john Hallingdale, Martyr. 18 1557 6 A 19 William Sparrow, martyr. 18 1557  b 20 Richard Gybson Gentleman, Mar. 18 1557 14 c 21 Saunder Gouch, Martyr. 4 1558 3 d 22 Elizabeth Driver, martyr. 4 1558    Philip Humphrey, Martyr. 5 1558  e 23 john Davy, Mar. 5 1558 11 f 24 Henry Davy, Mar. 5 1558 19 g 25 john Corneforth, Martyr. 10 1558  A 26 Christopher Browne, Martyr. 10 1558 8 b 27 john Herst, Mar. 10 1558  c 28 Alice Snoth, Mar. 10 1558 16 d 29 Katharme knight, Martyr.   5 e 30 Andrew Apostle.    
December hath 31. days The Moon thirty. Days of their death. Year of our Lord.  f 1 William Tracy Esquire, confess.  1534 13 g 2 Peter Sapience, Martyr.  1545 28 A 3 George Bucke● alias Adam Damlip Martyr.  1531 10 b 4 An old man of Buckingham shire, Mar.  1381  c 5 Two grey Friars, Martyrs.  1513 18 d 6 john Hilton, confessor. john Coignes, confessor.  1517 7 e 7 Robert Warde, confessor.  1517  f 8 A scholar of Abbevile, Martyr.  1522     1528 15 g 9 A jew, Martyr. Richard Hun, Martyr. 4 1515 4 A 10      john Tewkesbery, martyr. 20 1531  b 11 james Gore, confess. 7 1555 12 c 12 William Wiseman confessor. 13 1555 1 d 13 john Philpot Preacher, Martyr. ●8 1557  e 14 john Rough, Preacher, Martyr. 22 1557 9 f 15 Margaret Mering, martyr. 22 1558  g 16 Thomas Tyler, confessor.  1558 17 A 17 Matthew Withers, confessor. Dale, confess.  1558 6 b 18 Thomas Apostle.  1550  c 19 Wil Plain.   14 d 20 Elizabeth Lawson, confessor.  1550    joh. Glover, confess.   3 e 21 Nicholas Burton, martyr. 22 1562  f 22 not▪ of our Lord. Stephen, Mar.   11 g 23 john Evangelist. Childermas.   19 A 24 Thomas Rhedonenfis, an Earl, mar.  1436  b 25 Picus Mirandula, confessor.  1497 8 c 26 Erasmus Roterodamus, confessor.  1513  d 27 Mart. Bucer, confe●.  1549 16 e 28 Paulus Phagius, confessor.  1551     1559 5 f 29 Philip Melancton, confessor.  1562  g 30 Peter Martyr, confess.  1553 13 A 31 King Edward the sixth, confessor.     

Ad Dominum jesum Christum Seruatorem clementissimum, Eucharisticon. joan. Foxi.  
CONFECTO NUNC OPERE, QVOD TVIS PRIMUM AVSPIcijs ac voluntate aggressus (sum & adorande jesus, idemque Seruator clementissime) inchoavi, quodque tuo demum beneficio ao favore exegi atque absolui, praeter omnem certam opinionem & vires meas: superest itaque pro officio meo, ut animula haec, ceu pro votiva tabula, gratias, si non quantas debeat (utinam enim id posset) at quantas queat maximè, munificentissimae tuae persoluat maiestati: quae tam miserum homuncionem, vel syphar potius hominis, in laboribus tot tantísque istis, qui vel asellum quemuis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 possent conficere, tumultuantem, benigno successu ac solatio tam clementer suffulcerit. Quanquam autem de operis difficultate nihil hic causari attinet, quae vix aestimari à multis poterit: tua tamen non ignorat omnipotens maiestas, huius, qualecunque sit, negoti● confectio quibus quanque non ferendis curis, vigili●s, molestijs constitit: Quibus nullo modo pares futuri essemus, nisi faventis gratiae tuae numen affulsisset, ac sese quodam modo admiscuisset operi. 
Auxilium Christs in concinnando hoc opere.  Quid ni enim fatear ac tester ingenuè, quod re ipsa experti sumus. Persensimus enim, penéque oculis ipsis conspeximus, singularem excelsae dexterae tuae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non modo in successu negotij provehendo, sed in vita etiam spiritúque inter labores, conseruando. Tui igitur muneris est (clementissime jesu) quod opus tuis susceptum auspicijs huc usque provectum sit. Nos vicissim quod nostri sit officij, gratias clementiae tuae, cum nostro privatim, tum publico quodammodo ecclesiae tuae nomine, agimus. Vel hinc enim cernimus quanti causam Martyrum tuorum aestimes, quando eorum illustrando nomini tanta faveas propensione. Quanquam verò si nulla hic extaret eorum recordatio, non possent non omnibus modis esse illustrissimi, quorum sint nomina vitae tuae libro inscripta. Et tamen voluit hoc modo tua declarare maiestas, nobisque innotescere hominibus, quàm honorificum sit pro tui nominis gloria fortiter dimicantes occumbere, quorum tu vitam à cinere ac rogo sic vindicas, sic causam tueris, sic dignitatem illustras, ut eandem multo cum gloriae foenore abs te recipiat clariorem, quam si ipsi nunquam alioqui perdidissent. Habet siquidem peculiare hoc sibi militiae tuae ratio, long à mundo hoc diversum, quòd in castris tuis militantes sive vivant, tibi vivant, sive moriantur, multò clarescant a funere foelicius, quàm si vixissent maximè.  
Sic Cranmerum videmus, 
Felix ac gloriosum pro Christo mortem oppetere.  Ridleum, Latimerum, johannem Hooperum, Bradfordum, caeterosque eiusdem decuriae pugiles, quanto maiore occubuisse cum gloria in acie tua depugnantes, quàm si relicta statione, in qua erant collocati, saluti ipsi suae causam tuam postposuissent. Quae enim gens, quae lingua, quae natio, quae temporum vetustas, quae hominum posteritas eorum non cantabit laudes, non virtutem agnoscet, non magnitudinem admirabitur? Quis Wiclewm unquam, aut Cobhamum natum fuisse existimasset, nisi tua in causa tam egissent strenuè? Quanto honori illud Hussio Bohemensi, nostroque Tindallo fuit, quod vitam in evangelii tui causa perditam, magis abs te recipere, quam ipsi retinere maluerint? Spectemus è diversa part adversarios tuos, quorum tam multas esse constat caedes, iniurias, crudelitates adversus tuos, multáque item occultè & scelestè ab ijsdem perpetrata, quae numquam sperabant fore palam: Et tamen quid unquam in angulis & tenebris ab illis est designatum tam occultè adversus Ecclesiam, quod non in apricum tua produxit producetque providentia? atque ita produxit, ut unde ipsi laudis sibi conceperunt animo opinionem, inde summum sibi ipsis dedecus pepererint & contumeliam, quam nec vita effugere, nec morte unquam finire poterint. Quis Guisios, Boneros, Storios, Gardineros, tanquam execranda hominum nomina nunc non novit? non exhorret, quis eorum facinora obliterabit dies, aut sepeliet memoria? Et quid hos in tanta multitudine hostium tuorum recenseo? 
Papae nomen nunc probrosum  Cui unquam prospere cessit tuo rebellare numini, aut hostem se ecclesiae tuae profiteri? Papae nomen quàm erat aliquando in his terris celebre & gloriosum? Nunc quid putidius, quid probrosius? Cardinalitium fastigium coeperunt primo admirari homines, multáque prosequi reverentia: 
Cardinalium Monachorum, nonnarum nomina ad ignominiam nunc relicta.  Sic Monachorum & Nonnarum collegia suum quondam habebant plausum apud plebem simplicem & credulam: At postquam spreta veritate tua caeperunt grassari contra te, tuorumque homicidae fieri eo tandem sunt prolapsi (exceptis paucis quos tua exemit gratia) ut reliqua fex nihil aliud iam esse praeter vocabula quaedam ad ignominiam relicta videatur.  
Haec nimirum (sanctissime domine ac deus noster) iustissimi judicij tuisunt praeludia, ex quo haud difficile aestimare sit, quidnam in altero illo expectaturi sint, quos in hoc ipso seculo, hoc est in suo ipsorum regno, tanta accumules infamia & dedecore. Sed omissis his, ad sanctos tuos redeamus Martyres, quorum nomine, merito à nobis perenne velut sacrificium laudis & gratiarum tuae debetur, simul & habetur, bonitati. Primum quòd in ecclesiae tuae causa dimicantibus tam fortem & alacrem spiritum omnibusque tormentis maiorem adversus parricidas Papistas subministrasti. Deinde quòd & nobis in illorum desudantibus historia propitius adeò clementiae tuae favour affuerit. Debetur & hoc privatim meo quoque nomine singulari tuae pietati, quòd vitam toties alioqui nutantem, in hac tanta, quantam tu solus novisti, laboris immensitate conseruatam tuo volveris beneficio. Verum illud inprimis omnes debemus pariter effusissimo tuo in nos amori, quòd beatorum Martyrum tuorum, quos mundi huius ad flammas & cineres adegerit perversitas, causam & innocentiam velut è cinere recollectam, in lucem denuò notitiamque ecclesiae tuae revocare at patefacere dignatus sis. Etsi enim dubium non est, quin in supremo illo judicio tuo, quum virtutes coelorum movebuntur, omnis eorum ad amussim excutietur causa ante tribunal tuum, est tamen aliquid hîc quoque in ecclesia tua causam ipsorum, facta, vitaeque virtutes caeteras non ignorari. Tunc autem ad illos uberior gloria, ad nos interea maior redundabit fructus, quando ex ipsorum rectè factis, integritate, innocentia, fide ac patientia constar● poterit, non quid ipsi solum fecerint, sed quid & nobis eorum sit exemplo faciendum.  
Sed hic rursus (dulcissime jesu) opus est benigno favoris tui praesidio. Nos enim qui filii Martyrum tuorum sumus, 
Deploratio nostrorum morum et temporum.  quosque maximè maiores nostros imitari conveniebat, nunc nihil serè parentum tenemus, praeter vitae solam hanc, quam suo partam sanguine reliquerunt, libertatem: qua etiam ipsa nimium abutimur intemperanter, utiam periculum sit, ne non filii modò Martyrum, sed ne fratres quidem ipsorum haberi mereamur. Quantum enim intersit discriminis, quamque prorsus disconuenit ordine toto nostra consuetudo ab illorum vestigijs & disciplina, pudet profectò referre. Sed quid ego tibi referam, cuius nihil non perspicit maiestas ac intuetur? Quanto illis studio ac curae fuit amore tui, caetera quaeque, adeoque seipsos ad vitae etiam contemptum abdicare, mundum cum omnibus desideri●s floccifacere, voluptates tanquam nugas spernere? Nec sinebant pericula undique imminentia opibus congerendis multoque minus honoribus cumulandis vacare. Contra verò nostra nunc vita, studium, omnisque adeò contentio, quid nisi mundum spirat, quid aliud quàm perpetuum quoddam fluxarum rerum, opum, ac honorum aucupium videtur & ambitus? At illi quam praeclarè secum actum putassent, si vel vivere modò licuisset. Ideoque multi fuere eorum qui Mariae Reginae facultates & possessiones omnes adusque extremum assem obtulerunt, 
Quanta degeneratio nostrorum nunc hominum, ab exemplis superiorum Martyrum.  dumm●do solam ipsis remitteret conscientiam. Et quae nos tanta haec habendi intemperies exagitat, quibus nec unus nec mediocris victus possit esse satis? Sine modo, sine fine opibus, sacerdotijs, censuique dilatando inhiamus. Quanto ambitu amicos fatigamus & inimicos, non ut vivamus solum, verum ut sublimes vivamus & honorati? De fide, de mansuetudine eorum, tolerantia, simplicitate, ac patientia incredibili, quid dici satis potest? Quanta constantia, qua animi alacritate perpessi sunt quicquid infligebatur, vindictam omnem deo remittentes, cui & causam commendabant? Nulla vis eos adversariorum deijcere, nec minae frangere, non ludibria movere, non pericula, non tormenta ulla consternere, nec delinire blanditiae potuerunt.  
Componamus nunc nostram cum his mollitiem. Sed pudor prohibet, Nam quae tam levis nos tentationis aura afflare possit, quae non illico praecipites ac transuersos rapiat in avaritiam, in fastum, voluptates, turpitudinem, vindictam, & in quid non malorum? Quae tam levis obijci poterit iniuriola, pro qua non coelum terrae miscemus, mariáque turbamus ab imo? Ex quo in promptu est colligere, quantum ab eo absumus, ut mortem simus unquam, tua causa subituri, siquando res Martyrium flagitet, quum nec affectus quidem istos tuo amputare jussu velimus. 
Necessaria precatio.  Quapropter ut Martyrum quidem illorum causa gratias agimus nomini tuo sancto: ita nostra vicissim causa deprecamur, ut qui largitus sis ipsis vincendi facultatem, nobis itidem pia eorundem exempla imitandi foelicitatem aspires: sicque ecclesiae tuae affulgeat tua gratia, necubi seducti huius mundi illecebris, secordiores ipsi in retinenda evangelii tui victoria, quàm illi in comparanda strenui, videamur. Postremo quoniam historiam hanc tuo nutu ac voluntate aggressi, in ea re operam studiumque posuimus, quo facta gestaque sanctorum tuorum (sanctissime jesu) ad nominis tui gloriam, & in commodum ecclesiae publicum emergerent, add nunc labori fructum, simulque historiae tutelam in te recipias magnopere petimus, cui & opus ipsum, totumque meipsum, quem tot modis tuae misericordiae debeo, toto corpore & anima, totisque viribus commendo, dedico, consecroque, cui omne cadat genu, omnisque vox & lingua confessionis gloriam per omnes ecclesias tribuat personétque. Amen.   

¶ To the Right Virtuous, most Excellent and Noble Princess, Queen ELIZABETH, our dread Lady, by the grace of God, Queen of England, France and Ireland, Defender of Christ's Faith and Gospel, and principal Governor both of the Realm, and also over the said Church of England and Ireland, under Christ the Supreme head of the same▪ etc. john Fox her humble subject wisheth daily increase of God's holy spirit and Grace, with long reign, perfect health, and joyful peace, to govern his flock committed to her charge, to the example of all good Princes, the comfort of his Church, and glory of his blessed name.  
CHRIST the Prince of all Princes, who hath placed you in your throne of Majesty, under him to govern the Church and Realm of England, give your royal highness long to sit, and many years to reign over us, in all flourishing felicity, to his gracious pleasure, and long lasting joy of all your subjects. Amen.  
When I first presented these ACTS and MONUMENTS unto your Majesty (most dear Sovereign Queen ELIZABETH, our peaceable SALOME) which your majesties rare clemency received in such gentle part: I well hoped that these my travails in this kind of writing had been well at an end, whereby I might have returned my studies again to other purposes after mine own desire, more fit then to write histories, especially in the English tongue. But certain evil disposed persons, of intemperant tongues, adversaries to good proceedings, would not suffer me so to rest, fuming and fretting, and raising up such miserable exclamations at the first appearing of the book, as was wonderful to hear. A man would have thought Christ to have been new borne again, and that Herode with all the City of jerusalem had been in an uproar. Such blustering and stirring was then against that poor book through all quarters of England, even to the gates of Louvain: so that no English Papist almost in all the Realm thought himself a perfect Catholic, unless he had cast out some word or other to give that book a blow.  
Whereupon, considering with myself what should move them thus to rage, first I began with more circumspect diligence to overlook again that I had done. In searching whereof, I found the fault both what it was, and where it lay: which was in deed, not so much in the Book itself (to say the truth) as in an other certain privy mystery and working of some: of whom joannes aventinus shall tell us in his own words, & show us who they be: Quibus, inquit, audiendi quae fecerint, pudor est: nullus faciendi, quae audire erubescunt. Illic ubi opus nihil verentur: hic ubi nihil opus est, ibi verentur. etc. Who being ashamed belike to hear their worthy stratagems like to come to light, sought by what means they might, the stopping of the same. And because they could not work it per brachium seculare, by public authority (the Lord of heaven long preserve your noble Majesty) they renewed again an old wont practice of theirs: doing in like sort herein as they did sometimes with the holy Bible in the days of your renowned father of famous memory king Henry the viij. who when they neither by manifest reason could gainstand the matter contained in the book, nor yet abide the coming out thereof, then sought they by a subtle devised train to deprave the translation, notes and Prologues thereof, bearing the king in hand and all the people, that there was in it a thousand lies, and I cannot tell how many more: Not that there were such lies in it in very deed: but because the coming of that book should not bewray their lying falsehood, therefore they thought best to begin first to make exceptions themselves against it: playing in their stage like as Phormio did in the old Comedy, who being in all the fault himself, began first to quarrel with Demipho, when Demipho rather had good right to lay Phormio by the heels.  
With like facing brags these Catholic Phormiones think now to dash out all good books, and amongst others also, these Monuments of Martyrs. Which godly Martyrs as they could not abide being alive, so neither can they now suffer their memories to live after their death, lest the acts of them being known, might bring perhaps their wicked acts and cruel murders to detestation: and therefore spurn they so vehemently against this book of histories, with all kind of contumelies and uproars, railing and wondering upon it, much like as I have heard of a company of thieves, who in robbing a certain true man by the high ways side, when they had found a piece of gold or two about him more than he would be acknown of, they cried out of the falsehood of the world, marveling and complaining what little truth was to be found in men.  
Even so these men deal also with me: for when they themselves altogether delight in untruths, and have replenished the whole Church of Christ with feigned fables, lying miracles, false visions, miserable errors contained in their Missals and Portuses, Breviars, and Summaries, and almost no true tale in all their Saints lives and Festivals, as now also no great truths in our Lovanian books, etc. Yet notwithstanding, as though they were a people of much truth, and that the world did not perceive them, they pretend a face and zeal of great verity: And as though there were no histories else in all the world corrupted, but only this history of Acts and Monuments, with tragical voices they exclaim and wonder upon it, sparing no cost of Hyperbolical phrases, to make it appear as full of lies as lines. etc. much after the like sort of impudency as Sophisters use sometimes in their Sophisms to do (and sometimes is used also in Rhetoric) that when an Argument cometh against them which they cannot well resolve in deed, they have a rule to shift of the matter with stout words and tragical admiration, whereby to dash the Opponent out of countenance, bearing the hearers in hand, the same to be the weakest & slenderest argument that ever was heard not worthy to be answered, but utterly to be hissed out of the Schools.  
With like sophistication these also far with me, who when they neither can abide to hear their own doings declared, nor yet deny the same, which they hear to be true for three or four escapes in the book committed (and yet some of them in the said Book amended) they neither reading the whole, nor rightly understanding that they read, inveigh and malign so perversely the setting out thereof, as though neither any word in all that story were true, nor any other story false in all the world besides. And yet in accusing these my accusers, I do not so excuse myself, nor defend my book, as though nothing in it were to be sponged or amended. Therefore I have taken these pains, & reiterated my labours in travailing out the story again, doing herein as Penelope did with her web, untwisting that she had done before: Or as builders do sometimes, which build and take down again, either to transpose the fashion, or to make the foundation larger. So in recognising this history I have employed a little more labour, partly to enlarge the argument which I took in hand: partly also to assay, whether by any pains taking I might pacify the stomachs, or satisfy the judgements of these importune quarrelers: which nevertheless I fear I shall not do, when I have done all I can. For well I know that all the heads of this hissing Hydra will never be cut of, though I were as strong as Hercules. And if Apelles the skilful Painter, when he had bestowed all his cunning upon a piece of work, which no good artificer would or could greatly reprove, yet was not without some controlling Suitor, which took upon him Vltra crepidam, much more may I look for the like in these controlling days. 
Ne suitor ultra crepidam.   
Nevertheless committing the success thereof unto the Lord, I have adventured again upon this story of the Church, and have spent not only my pains, but also almost my health therein, to bring it to this. Which now being finished, like as before I did: so again I exhibit and present the same unto your Princely Majesty, blessing my Lord my God with all my heart: first for this liberty of peace and time, which through your peaceable government he hath lent unto us for the gathering both of this and other like books, tractations and monuments requisite to the behoof of his Church, which hitherto by iniquity of time could not be contrived in any kings reign since the Conquest, before these Altion days of yours.  
Secondly, as we are all bound with public voices to magnify our God for this happy preservation of your royal estate: so privately for mine own part, I also acknowledge myself bound to my God and to my Saviour, who so graciously in such weak health, hath lent me time, both to finish this work, and also to offer the second dedication thereof to your Majesty: desiring the same to accept in worth t●● donation thereof, if not for the worthiness of the thing given, yet as a testification of the bounden service and good will of one, which by this he here presenteth, declareth what he would, if he had better to give.  
And though the story being written in the popular tongue, serveth not so greatly for your own peculiar reading, nor for such as be learned: yet I shall desire both you and them, to consider in it the necessity of the ignorant flock of Christ committed to your government in this Realm of England. Who, as they have been long led in ignorance, and wrapped in blindness for lack specially of God's word, and partly also for wanting the light of history, pity I thought but that such should be helped, their ignorance relieved, and simplicity instructed. I considered they were the flock of Christ, and your subjects, belonging to your account and charge, bought with the same price and having as dear souls to the Lord as other. And though they be but simple and unlearned, yet not unapt to be taught if they were applied. Furthermore what inconvenience groweth of ignorance, where knowledge lacketh, both I considered: and experience daily teacheth.  
And therefore hearing of the virtuous inclination of your Majesty, what a provident care, & Zeal full of solicitude you have, minding (speedily I trust) to furnish all quarters & countries of this your realm with the voice of Christ's Gospel, & faithful preaching of his word, I thought also not unprofitable to adjoin unto this your godly proceedings, and to the office of the ministry, the knowledge also of Ecclesiastical history, which in my mind ought not to be separate from the same: that like as by the one the people may learn the rules and precepts of doctrine so by the other they may have examples of Gods mighty working in his Church, to the confirmation of their faith, 

Profit to be taken by examples of christian Martyrs.  
God's works to be observed in histories.   and the edification of Christian life. For as we see what light and profit cometh to the Church by histories in old times set forth of the judges, Kings, Maccabees, & the Acts of the Apostles after Christ's time: so likewise may it redound to no small use in the Church, to know the Acts of Christ's Martyrs now since the time of the Apostles.  
Besides other manifold examples and experiments of Gods great mercies and judgements in preserving his Church, 
What use cometh by reading of Histories.  in overthrowing tyrants, in confounding pride, in altering states & kingdoms, in conserving Religion against errors and dissensions, in relieving the godly, in bridling the wicked, in losing and tying up again of Satan the disturber of common weals, in punishing transgressions as well against the first table as the second: wherein is to be seen Idolatry punished, blasphemy plagued, contempt of God's holy name and religion revenged, murder with murder rewarded, Adulterers & Wedlockbreakers destroyed, perjuries, extortions, covetous, oppressions, and fraudulent counsels come to nought, with other excellent works of the Lord: the observing and noting whereof in histories, minister to the readers thereof wholesome admonitions of life: with experience and wisdom both to know God in his works, and to work the thing that is godly: especially to seek unto the son of God for their salvation, & in his faith only to find that they seek for, and in no other means. The continuance and constancy of which faith, the Lord of his grace and goodness grant to your noble Majesty, and to his whole beloved Church, and all the members of the same, to everlasting life. Amen.   

Ad doctum Lectorem joh. Foxus.  
COgitanti mihi, versantique mecum in animo quàm peri●ulosa res aleae sit, emittere nunc aliquid in publicum, quod in man●s oculósque multorum subeat, his praesertim tam exulceratis moribus temporibúsque, ubi tot hominum dissidijs, tot studijs partium, tot morosis capitibus, tam rigidis censuris, & Criticorum sannis fervent ferè omnia, ut difficillimum sit quicquam tam circumspectè scribere, quod non in aliquam calumniandi materiam rapiatur: perbeati profectò foelicésque videnturij, quibus eum vitae cursum tenere liceat, ut in otio viventes cum dignitate, sic alienis frui queant laboribus, velut in theatro ociosi sedentes spectatores, ut nullum interim ipsis vel ex actione taedium, vel ex labore periculum metuendum sit. Me vero nescio quo pacto long diversa quidem hactenus exercuit vitae ratio, quip cui nec fortunae illam foelicitatem, in cuius complexibus tam multos suaviter foveri video, nec otij amoenitatem experiri, vix etiam per omnem vitam degustare in continuo laborum ac negotiorum feruore ac contentione contigerit. Quanquam de fortuna parum queror, quam semper contempsi, quin neque de laboribus multum dicturus, si modo lobores ij, tantum vel prodesse vel placere caeteris possent hominibus, quantum me privatim atterunt incommodántque. Nuncad meae infoelicitatis cumulum accedit in super, quod in eo argumenti genere laborandum fuit, quod praeter lugubrem rerum ipsarum materiam, praeter linguae inamoenitatem, praeter tractandi difficultatem, quae vix nitorem recipiat orationis, eo porro autorem ipsum redigit angustiae, ut neque falsa narrare sine iniuria historiae, nec verum dicere sine magna sua invidia odi● que multorum liceat. Nam cum in eo historiae argumento mihi versandum fuit, quod non ad superiorum modo temporum res gestas altéque repetitas pertineat, sed hanc ipsam aetatem nostram, nostraeque gentis nunc homines etiamnum praesentes, viuôsque sic attingat, sic perfricet, sic designet, quemadmodum in hoc materiae genere necessario faciundum fuit: quaeso quid hîc mihi aliud expectandum sit, nisi postquam frustrà me defatigando, valetudinem attriverim, oculos perdiderim, senium acciverim, corpus exhauserim, demum ut post haec omnia multorum me hominum odijs, sibilis, invidiae ac calumniae exponam. In tot istis asperitatibus cum nihil me tutum praestare poterit, non Caesar, non Monarchae, non Rex, non Regina, non ulla huius mundi praesidia, preter solam divini numinis potentem deteram: principiò igitur atque ante omnia huc ceu ad tutissimum asylum me recepi, huic me librúmque commendavi & commendo. Tum vero insuper in eodem domino tuum illum candorem (docte piéque Lector) eamque tuam humanitatem appellare vol●i, qua ex humanioribus literis studijsque te scio praeditum, quo nostris his fudoribus tuae approbation ●●●cedat calculus, aut si approbationem non mereamur, saltem ne favoris desit benignitas: cui si appro●atum iri hanc historiae nostrae farraginem senserimus, caeterorum judicia obtrectatorum levius feremus.  
Nam alioquì non defuturos sat scio qui varijs modis nobis facessent molestiam. Habebit hic momus suos morsus, sycophanta suos sibilos, nec deerit Calumniatori sua lingua & aculeus, quem infigat. Hic fidem detrahet historiae. Ille artificium in tractando, alter diligentiam, vel in excutiendis rebus judicium desiderabit. Illi forsan operis displicebit moles, vel minus disposita seruatâque temporum ratio. Et si nihil horum fuerit, attamen in tanta religionis pugna, in tanta iudiciorum, capitum, sensuum varietate, ubi suae quisque favet ac blanditur factioni, quid tam affabrè aut circumspectè enarra●i potest, quod placeat universis? Quin & iam nunc mussitari etiam audio a nonnullis, qui longa sese teneri dicant expectatione, quoad haec tandem (Legenda nostra ut appellant Aurea) ewlganda sit: qui si nostram primùm in eo tarditatem repraehensam velint, nae ego suaues istos homines vicissim rogatos velim, ut ipsi prius in edendis suis se praebeant expeditiores, quam alienam incessant lentitudinem.  
Deinde si tardius exeat ipsorum opinione volumen, meminerint proverbiali praecepto, lentam esse festinationem oportere. Et bos dicitur lassus fortius pedem figere. Egimus in hac quidem re pro virili nostra, egimus spero & pro officio, si non satis pro temporis modo expeditè, at egimus certè pro valetudine, addam porro, egimus supra valetudinem. Quin & illud ipsorum venia adijcere liceat, egisse nos maturius quam ipsis forsan expediet, qui in hunc nugantur modum: certè maturatius egimus, quam tanti momenti & magnitudinis negotio conveniebat, quod accuratiorem in digerendis rebus moram curamque postulabat, cùm a nobis vix integros datos esse menses octodecim praeparandae materiae, comportandis componendisque rebus, conferendis exemplaribus, lectitandis codicibus, rescribendis his quae scripto mandata erant, castigandis formulis, concinnandae historiae, & in ordinem redigendae. etc., noveruntij qui testes adfuerint, & temporis conscij; & laboris socij. Quòd si autem Legendae suae aureae titulum huc eò accomodant, quòd illius exemplo hanc similiter fabulosam putent historiam, hinc que odioso vocabulo eius preiudicent veritati, quid his respondeam aliud quam quòd ingen●iè suam ipsi prodant calumniam, quam ne ad editionem quidem libri differre queant, prius de rebus dijudicantes quam noverint. Atque interim quidem illud bene habet quòd ipsis tandem aliquando Aureae suae legendae pudeat tam fabulosae. Et tamen fabellis illis non puduit mundum tam diu ludificare, periculum etiam intentantes his, si qui Legendae illi, hoc est, menda cissimis illorum nugis auderent detrahere. Quare cum nihil magis esse possit impium quam sacrosanctam ecclesiae fidem fabulamentis huiusmodi confictisque praeter omnem veri fidem delirijs commaculare, tamen ineptissimi isti nugatores ex suo ingenio caeteros quósque scriptores metientes, nec ipsi verum adferre satagunt, nec afferentibus alijs fidem habendam putant, cuncta videlicet suis aureis somnijs similia existimantes. Quin apagè cum Aureatua legenda, nugator impudens, quem ego librum, cum omnes cum scimus, nec ipse ignoras prodigiosis mendaciorum portentis & vanissimis undique commentis scatere, ne cum Homeri quidem fabulis conferre velim: tantum abest ut cum verè serijs grauib usque ecclesiae historijs quicquam commune habeat. Quid? an quia Papistis illis tuis & impuris monachis sic libuit in ridiculis miraculorum suorum portentis ineptire, tu protinus nullam gravem historiae authoritatem putas in ecclesia admittendam? Quin eadem lege & de Eusebij ecclesiastica, & tripartita Sozomeni & Socratis caeterorúmque historijs iudicemus. Sunt praeter haec & alia quaedam de Sanctis & Divis conscripta miracula, quae proprius ad Legendam hanc accedunt, & tamen nequaque eo loco apud nos habentur, ut Legendae illi Papisticae annumerentur, etiam quae suspectissimae sunt fidei. Quanque de scriptoribus caeteris mea nihil interest censuram ferre. Quòd ad hanc verò nostram 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 attinet, testatum id velim universis, datam esse a nobis operam fedulò ne quid usquam inesset operi fabulosum, aut eiusmodi, quod vel a nobis fictum, vel quod Legendae illi aureae (magis dicam plumbeae) non undique foret dissimillimum. Id quod res ipsa & nativa historiae facies testari poterit, cuius tota textura ex ipsis Episcoporum Archivis atque Registris, partímque ex proprijs martyrum ipsorum literis hausta ac conflata videri poterit. In qua historia etsi neque id exigam ut singula hic ꝓoraculis habeantur, at dedimus tamen pro virili operam ut si non plenè assequeremur, accederemus tamen quam proximè ad veterem illam historiae legem, ut duas res, prae cipuas historiae pestes vitaremus, timorem videlicet & assentationem: quarum altera saepe minus dicit, altera semper plus addit quàm par est, narrationi. Sed huius rei fidem ex ipso magis opere, quam ex mea commendatione astrui honestius est. Habet enim veritas ipsa simplicem suam & nativam faciem, quam non erit deficile non muccosis naribus lectori, ex ipso vel orationis habitu, aut rerum aspectu, sive alijs circumstantiarum notis deprehendere. Sed vereor ne hîc quoque, quemadmodum caeteris in rebus locum habeat veteris proverbij experientia: faciunt quip mendaces ut ne vera etiam dicenti fides habeatur. Cum hactenus in Martyrologicis sanctorum Legendis vitísque describendis mendacia, ac nugacissimae somniorum fictiones pro veris legantur narrationibus, sit ut & caeterae eiusdem argumenti materiae eandem pariter suspicionem subeant, ut vix iam quicque legi dicíue in ecclesia cum fide queat. Verùm huic malo cùm mederi nequeamus, satis erit quod nostrarum erat virium id nos praestitisse. Quod superest, divinae curandum providentiae relinquamus. Atque de certitudine veritatésque historiae haec hactenus: quae utinam ne tam vera quidem certaque esset, quàm isti videri volunt, at falsâ potius, consimilísque huic quam dicunt, Aureae ipsorum Legendae, aut Vitis patrum, aut Festiual●, aut Dormi secure, caeterísque Papisticis istis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 foret. Nunc verò martyrum horum non a nobis ficta, sed inflicta à vobis supplicia, atroxque caedes veriorem hanc comprobant historiam, plurésque suae veritatis testes habent quàm vellemus ipsi qui historiam scripsimus. Venio iam ad alteram criminationis partem, quae de Calendario fortassis obijcietur. Audio enim & hic mihi obstrepere non tacitas modò sententias, sed apertas papistarum quorundam voces, quibus iniquè a me factum videbitur, quòd antiquatis atque ex Calendario explosis veteris ecclesiae Divis, Martyribus, Confessoribus, Virginibúsque, novos eorum loco Martyres at Confessores infultiam. Primùm nulli ego veterum Divorum hoc facto praeiudicatum velim. Neque verò ideò inter Divos a me referuntur isti, quòd inseruntur in Calendarium. Hanc ego apotheosin mihi nunque sumpsi, quam sibi tam confidenter sumpsit Gregorius nonus. Porro neque eò spectat hoc Calendarium, ut novam aliquam festorum dierum legem praescribam ecclesiae, Tum multò minus cultum sancti alicuius instituo. Festorum dierum iam plus satis erat in mundo. utinam dominicum solum sabbatum dignè, atque ut par est, transigeremus. Habeant per me suum papistae Calendarium. Habeat & ecclesia suos sanctos, tum recentes tum veteranos, modò probatos, modò interim idem ne colantur, modò quàm sint vetusti, tàm verè etiam sancti sint.  
Verum enimuero cum non dubitavit sua etiam aetate Hieronimus multos existimare eorum gehennae ignibus cruciari, quos multi passim pro sanctis haberent in ecclesia: quid hîc tum diceret Hieronimus, si modo superstes papisticam hanc sanctorum collwiem & Calendaria, tot Papis, tot Episcopis, & Abbatibus oblita cerneret?  
Quanquam à me quidem non aliter Calendarium hoc institutum est, nisi ut pro Indice duntaxat suum cuiusque Martyris mensem & annum designante, ad privatum Lectoris seruiret usum. Et tamen si in templis etiam fas sit singulorum mensium dies proprijs sanctorum nomenclaturis consignare: quî minus liceat id mihi in veris istis facere Martyribus, quod ipsi in suis pseudomartyribus tanta sibi licentia, ne dicam impudentia, permiserunt? Si non poena, sed causa Martyrem faceat, cur non unum Cranmerum sexcentis Becketis Cantuariensibus non conferam, sed praetulerim? Quid in Nicholas Ridleo videtur cum quovis Divo Nicholao non conferendum? Qua in re Latimerus, Hoperus, Marsheus, Simpsonus, caeteríque christia●i martyrij Candidati, inferiores summis maximísque illis papistici Calendarij Divis, imo multis etiam nominibus non praeponendi videantur? Interim nullius ego boni sanctí que viri (modo qui verè sanctus sit) causam laedo, nec memoriam extinguo, nec gloriam minuo. Et si cui hoc displiceat Calendarium, memineret non in templis collocari, sed domesticae tantum lectioni praeparari.  
Sed missis hisce adversatiorum calumnijs, ad te, docte candidéque Lector (quoniam haec ad te instituta est epistola) tempus est ut recurrat oratio, cuius in his rebus judicium ut pluris aestimo, ita egeo magis hîc quoque patrocinio. Scio enim in vasta hac congerie reperies nonnulla, ad quae merito corruges frontem. Neque vero fieri facile potuit, praesertim in tanta operis praecipitatione, ut cun, cta ad amussim atque ad unguem perfectè adeo elimarentur, quin alicubi vel ex lassitudine dormitaret scriptor, vel per incuriam excideret authori aliquid, vel ex festinatione eveniret, quod cani solet in proverbijs nimium prae studio properanti, caecos nimirum producenti catulos. In quibus quidem excutiendis rebus magis nobis venia tua quam censura imploranda est. Quamobrem paucis haec apud te, docte simul & humanissime Lector, ante operis ingressum libuit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut si quid inter evoluendum occurrerit, non omnibus perfectum numeris, non ad Cleantis lucernam elucubratum, non ad exquisitum Theologorum acumen expressum aut minus alioqui acutissimis tuis dignum naribus, cogites haec non tuis auribus data esse, sed meae hoc est crassioris turbae hominibus, a quibus facilius leguntur libri quam iudicantur. Aut si ne id quidem gravissimae tuae sententiae fecerit satis, liceat illa mihi uti lege, qua semper permissum est opere in magno scriptori obrepere somnum. Quod si vero tuam hac in re facilitatem impetravero, minus laborabo quid caeteri obstrepant, graeci memor proverbij, cuius & ipsos commeminissi velim: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

To the true and faithful Congregation of Christ's Universal Church, with all and singular the members thereof, wheresoever congregated or dispersed through the Realm of England, a Protestation or Petition of the Author, wishing to the same abundance of all peace and tranquillity, with the speedy coming of Christ the Spouse, to make an end of all mortal misery.  
SAlomon the peaceable Prince of Israel, as we read in the third of Kings, after he had finished the building of the lords Temple (which he had seven. years in hand) made his petition to the Lord for all that should pray in the said Temple, or turn their face toward it. And his request was granted, the Lord answering him, as we read in the said book. cap. 6. I have heard (saith he) thy prayer and have sanctified this place. etc. Albeit the infinite Majesty of God is not to be compassed in any material walls, yet it so pleased his goodness to respect this prayer of the king, that not only he promised to hear them which there prayed, but also replenished the same with his own glory. For so we read again in the book aforesaid: Et non poterant ministrare propter nebulam, quia replevit gloria domini, domum domini. 3. Re. 7.  
Upon like trust in Gods gracious goodness, if I sinful wretch, not comparing with the building of that Temple, but following the zeal of the builder might either be so bold to ask, or so happy to speed, after my seven. years travail about this Ecclesiastical History, most humbly would crave of almighty God to bestow his blessing upon the same, that as the prayers of them, which prayed in the outward Temple were heard: so all true disposed minds which shall resort to the reading of this present History containing the Acts of Gods holy Martyrs, and monuments of his Church, may by example of their life, faith, & doctrine, receive some such spiritual fruit to their souls through the operation of his grace, that it may be to the advancement of his Glory, and profit of his Church, through Christ jesus our Lord. Amen.  
But as it happened in that Temple of Solomon, that all which came thither, came not to pray, but many to prate, some to gaze and see news, other to talk and walk, some to buy and sell, some to carp and find fault, and finally some also at the last to destroy and pluck down, as they did in deed. For what is in this world so strong, but it will be impugned? what so perfect, but it will be abused? so true, that will not be contraryed? or so circumspectly done, wherein wrangling Theon will not set in his tooth? Even so neither do I look for any other in this present History: but that amongst many well disposed Readers, some wasps nest or other will be stirred up to busze about mine ears. Such a dangerous thing it is now a days to write or do any good, but either by flattering a man must offend the Godly, or by true speaking procure hatred with the wicked. Of such stinging Wasps and buszing Drones I had sufficient trial in my former edition before, who if they had found in my book any just cause to carp, or upon any true zeal of truth had proceeded against the untruths of my story and had brought just proofs for the same, I could have right well abide it. For God forbidden, but that faults, wheresoever they be, should be detected and accused. And therefore Accusers in a Common wealth after my mind do serve to no small stead.  
But then such Accusers must beware they play not the dog, of whom Cicero in his Oration speaketh, which being set in Capitolio to fray away thieves by night, left the thieves and fell to bark at true men walking in the day. Where true faults be, there to bay & bark is not amiss. But to carp where no cause is, to spy in other straws, and to leap over their own blocks: to swallow Camels, and to strain gnats: to oppress truth with lies, and to set up lies for truth, to blaspheme the dear Martyrs of Christ and to Canonize for Saints, whom Scripture would scarce allow for good Subjects, that is intolerable. Such barking Curs, if they were well served, would be made a while to stoop. But with these brawling spirits I intend not at this time much to wrestle.  
Wherefore to leave them a while, till further leisure serve me to attend upon them, thus much I thought in the mean season, by way of Protestation or petition, to write unto you both in general & particular the true members and faithful Congregation of Christ's Church, wheresoever either congregated together, or dispersed through the whole Realm of England, that forsomuch as all the seeking of these Adversaries is to do what they can, by discrediting of this History with slanders & sinister surmises, how to withdraw the Readers from it: This therefore shallbe in few words to premonish and desire of all and singular of you (all well minded lovers and partakers of Christ's Gospel) not to suffer yourselves to be deceived with the big brags, and hyperbolical speeches of those flaundering tongues, whatsoever they have or shall hereafter exclaim against the same. But indifferently staying your judgement till truth be tried, you will first peruse, & then refuse measuring the untruths of this History, not by the scoaring up of their hundreds and thousands of lies which they give out, but wisely weighing the purpose of their doings, according as you find, and so to judge of the matter.  
To read my books I allure neither one nor other. Every man as he seethe cause to like as he list. If any shall think his labour to much in reading this history, his choice is free either to read this, or any other which he more mindeth. But if the fruit thereof shall recompense the Readers travel, than would I wish no man so light eared, to be carried away for any sinister clamour of Adversaries, who many times deprave good doings, not for the faults they find, but therefore find faults because they would deprave. As for me and my history, as my will was to profit all and displease none: so if skill in any part wanted to will, yet hath my purpose been simple, and certes the cause no less urgent also, which moved me to take this enterprise in hand.  

The partial de●li●g of story writers.  For first to see the simple flock of Christ, especially the unlearned sort, so miserably abused, and all for ignorance of history, not knowing the course of times, and true descent of the Church, it pitied me, that part of diligence so long to have been unsupplyed in this my country Church of England. Again considering the multitude of Chronicles and story writers, both in England, and out of England, of whom the most part have been either Monks or Clientes to the sea of Rome, it grieved me to behold how partially they handled their stories. Whose painful travel albeit I cannot but commend, in committing divers things to writing, not unfruitful to be known, or unpleasant to be read: yet it lamented me to see in their Monuments the principal points, which chief concerned the state of Christ's Church, and were most necessary of all christian people to be known, either altogether pretermitted, or if any mention thereof were inserted, yet were all things drawn to the honour specially of the Church of Rome, or else to the favour of their own sect of Religion. Whereby the vulgar ●ort, hearing and reading in their writings no other church mentioned or magnified but only that Church which here flourished in this world in riches and jollity, were drawn also to the same persuasion, to think no other Church to have stand in all the earth, but only the Church of Rome.  
In the number of this sort of writers, besides our Monks of England (for every Monastery almost had his Chronicler) I might also recite both Italian, and other country authors, as Platina, Sabellicus, Nauclerus, Martinus, Antoninus, Vincentius, Onuphrius, Laziardus, Georgius Lilius, Pollid▪ Virgilius, with many more, who taking upon them to intermeddle with matters of the church, although in part they express some truth in matters concerning the Bishops and sea of Rome: yet in suppressing an other part, they play with us, as Ananias and Saphira did with their money, or as Apelles did in Pliny, who painting the one half of Venus coming out of the sea, left the other half unperfect. So these writers while they show us one half of the B. of Rome, the other half of him they leave unperfect, & utterly untold. For as they paint him out on the one part glistering in wealth and glory, in showing what succession the Popes had from the chair of S. Peter, when they first began, and how long they sat, what Churches and what famous buildings they erected, how far their possessions reached, what laws they made, what councils they called, what honour they received of Kings and Emperors, what Princes and Countries they brought under their authority, with other like stratagems, of great pomp and royalty: so on the other side what vices these Popes brought with them to their seat, what abominations they practised, what superstition they maintained, what Idolatry they procured, what wicked doctrine they defended contrary to the express word of God, to what heresies they fell, into what division of sects they cut the unity of christian Religion, how some practised by Simony, some by Necromancy and Sorcery, some by poisoning, some indenting with the Devil to come by their Papacy, what hypocrisy was in their lives, what corruption in their doctrine, what wars they raised, what bloodshed they caused, what treachery they traversed against their Lords and Emperors, imprisoning some, betraying some to the Templaryes and Saracens, in bringing other under their feet, also in beheading some, as they did with Fredericus and Conradinus, the heirs and offspring of the house of Fredericus Barbarossa. an. 1269. furthermore how mightily almighty God hath stand against them, how their wars never prospered against the Turk, how the judgements of the godly learned from time to time have ever repugned against their errors▪ etc. of these and a thousand other more, not one word hath been touched, but all kept as under Benedicite in Auricular confession.  
This partial dealing and corrupt handling of Histories, when I considered, I thought with myself nothing more lacking in the church, than a full & a complete history, which being faithfully collected out of all our Monastical writers & written Monuments, should contain neither every vain written fable for that would be to much, nor yet leave out any thing necessary, for that would be to little: but with a moderate discretion taking the best of every one, should both ease the labour of the reader from turning over such a number of writers: and also should open the plain truth of times lying long hid in obscure darkness of antiquity. Whereby all studious Readers, beholding as in a glass the state, course, and alteration of Religion, decay of doctrine, and the controversies of the church, might discern the better between antiquity and novelty. For if the things which be first (after the rule of Tertullian) are to be preferred before those that be latter, then is the reading of histories much necessary in the church, to know what went before, and what followed after. And therefore not without cause Historia, 
Primum quodque ve●●●mum est Tertul.  in old authors is called the witness of times, the light of verity, the life of memory, teacher of life, & shower of antiquity. etc. Without the knowledge whereof man's life is blind, and soon may fall into any kind of error, as by manifest experience we have to see, in these desolate latter times of the Church, when as the Bishops of Rome under colour of antiquity have turned truth into heresy and brought such new found devices of strange doctrine and Religion as in the former age of the church were never heard of before, and all through the ignorance of times, and for lack of true history.  
For to say the truth, if times had been well searched, or if they which wrote Histories had without partiality gone upright between God and Baal, halting on neither side, it might well have been found the most part of all this catholic corruption intruded into the church by the bishops of Rome, as Transubstantiation, levation, and adoration of the sacrament, auricular confession, forced vows of Priests not to marry, veneration of Images, private and satisfactory Masses, the order of Gregory's Mass now used, the usurped authority, & Summa potestas of the sea of Rome, with all the rout of their ceremonies and wiedes of superstition overgrowing now the Church, all these (I say) to be new nothings lately coined in the mint of Rome without any stamp of antiquity, as by reading of this present history shall sufficiently, I trust, appear. Which history therefore I have here taken in hand, that as other story writers heretofore have employed their travail to magnify the Church of Rome, 
Image of both Churches.  so in this history might appear to all Christian readers the Image of both Churches, as well of the one as of the other: especially of the poor oppressed and persecuted Church of Christ. Which persecuted Church though it hath been of long season trodden under foot by enemies, neglected in the world, nor regarded in histories, and almost scarce visible or known to worldly eyes, yet hath it been the true Church only of God, wherein he hath mightily wrought hitherto in preserving the same in all extreme distresses, continually stirring up from time to time faithful ministers, by whom always hath been kept some sparks of his true doctrine and Religion.  
Now for as much as the true Church of God goeth not lightly alone, 
The descent of Christ's Church from the Apostles time described.  but is accompanied with some other Church or Chapel of the devil to deface and malign the same, necessary it is therefore the difference between them to be seen, and the descent of the right Church to be described from the Apostles tyme. Which hitherto in most part of histories hath been lacking, partly for fear, that men durst not: partly for ignorance that men could not discern rightly between the one and the other. Who beholding the Church of Rome to be so visible and glorious in the eyes of the world, so shining in outward beauty, to bear such a port, to carry such a train and multitude, and to stand in such high authority, upposed the same to be only the right Catholic mother. The other because it was not so visibly known in the world, they thought therefore it could not be the true church of Christ. Wherein they were far deceived. For although the right church of God be not so invisible in the world, that none can see it, yet neither is it so visible again that every worldly eye may perceive it. For like as is the nature of truth▪ so is the proper condition of the true Church, that commonly none seethe it, 
How the tru● Church of Christ is visible and not visible.  but such only, as be the members and partakers thereof. And therefore they which require that Gods holy Church should be evident and visible to the whole world seem to define the great synagogue of the world rather than the true spiritual Church of God.  
In Christ's time who would have thought, but the congregations and Councils of the pharisees had been the right church: and yet had Christ an other Church in earth besides that, which albeit it was not so manifest in the sight of the world, yet was it the only true Church in the sight of God. Of this Church meant Christ speaking of the Temple, which he would raise again the third day. And yet after that the Lord was risen, he showed not himself to the world, but only to his elect which were but few. The same Church after that increased and multiplied mightily among the jews, yet had not the jews eyes to see God's Church, but did persecute it till at length all their whole nation was destroyed.  
After the jews, than came the heathen Emperors of Rome, who having the whole power of the world in their hands, did what the world could do, to extinguish the name and church of christ. Whose violence continued the space of 3. hundredth years. All which while the true church of christ was not greatly in sight of the world, but rather was abhorred every where, and yet notwithstanding the same small ●elly flock so despised in the world, the Lord highly regarded and mightily preserved. For although many then of the Christians did suffer death: yet was their death neither loss to them, nor detriment to the Church: but the more they suffered, the more of their blood increased.  
In the time of these Emperors, God raised up then in this Realm of Britain divers worthy teachers and witnesses, as Elnanus, meduinus, Meltivianus, Amphibolus, Albanus, Aaron, julius and other more In whose time the doctrine of faith without men's traditions was sincerely preached. After their death and Martyrdom, it pleased the Lord to provide a general quietness to his Church, whereby the number of his flock began more to increase.  
In this age than followed here in the said land of Britain Fastidius, 
The antiquity of the Church here in England with the descent of the same.  Nivianus, Patricius, Bacchiarius, Dubricius, Congellus, Kentigernus, Helmotus, David, Daniel, Samson, Elnodugue, Asaphus, Cildas, Heulanus Elbodus, Dinothus, Samuel, Nivius, and a great sort more, which governed the Church of Britain by Christian doctrine a long season, albeit the civil governors for the time, were then dissolute & careless, as Gildas very sharply doth lay to their charge, and so at length were subdued by the Saxons.  
All this while about the space of four hundred years, Religion remained in Britain uncorrupt and the word of Christ truly preached, till about the coming of Austen and of his companions from Rome, many of the said Britain preachers were slain by the Saxons. After that began Christian faith to enter & spring among the Saxons, after a certain romish sort, yet notwithstanding some what more tolerable, than were the times, which after followed, through the diligent industry of some godly teachers, which then lived amongst them: as Aidanus, Finianus, Coleman Archbishop of York Beda, john of Beverlay, Alcuinus, Noetus, Hucharius, Serlo, Achardus, Ealredus, Alexander Neckam, Negellus, Fenallus, Alfricus, Sygeferthus & such other: who though they erred in some few things, yet neither so grossly, 
Transubstantiation not yet received for a public doctrine.  nor so greatly to be complained of in respect of the abuses that followed. For as yet, all this while, the error of Transubstantiation and levation, with auricular confession was not crept in for a public doctrine in Christ's Church, as by their own Saxon Sermon, made by Aelfricus, & set out in the second Volume of this present history may appear pag. 1114. During the which mean time although the Bishops of Rome were had here in some reverence with the Clergy: yet had they nothing as yet to do in setting laws touching matters of the Church of England: but that only appertained to the kings and governors of the land as is in this story to be seen. pag. 754.  

The Church when it began to fall from 〈◊〉 Aeneas Sil●uius ●ayth that Mathil●a made the Pope heir of those lands, which is called the Patrimonye of S. P●ter. Ex aven lib. 6. Monkery when it began to ●●ignem England.  And thus the Church of Rome albeit it began then to decline a pace from God, yet during all this while it remained hitherto in some reasonable order, till at length after that the said Bishops began to shout up in the world through the liberality of good Princes, and especially by Mathilda a noble Duchess of Italy. Who at her death made the Pope heir of all her lands, and endued his sea, with great revenues. Then riches begot ambition. Ambition destroyed Religion, so that all came to ruin. Out of this corruption sprang forth here in England (as did in other places more) an other romish kind of Monkery, worse than the other before, being much more drowned in superstition and ceremonies, which was about the year of our Lord. 980. Of this swarm was Egbertus Aigelbert▪ Egwine, Boniface, Wilfrede Agathon, james, Roman, Cedda, Dunstane, Oswold, Athelwold, Athelwine Duke of Eastangles, Lanfrancke, Anselme and such other.  
And yet in this time also through God's providence, the Church lacked not some of better knowledge and judgement, to weigh with the darkness of those days. For although king Edgar, with Edward his base son being seduced by Dunstane, Oswold and other Monkish Clerks, was than a great author and fautor of much superstition, erecting as many Monasteries, as were Sundays in the year: yet notwithstanding this continued not long. For eftsoons after the death of Edgar came king Ethelrede and Queen Elfthred his mother, with Alferus Duke of merceland, and other peers and nobles of the Realm, who displaced the Monks again, and restored the married Priests to their old possessions and livings. Moreover after that followed also the Danes which overthrew those Monkish foundations, as fast as king Edgar had set them up before.  
And thus hitherto stood the condition of the true Church of Christ, albeit not without some repugnance and difficulty, yet in some mean state of the truth & verity, till time of pope Hildebrand called Gregory 7. which was near about the year. 1080. And of Pope Innocentius 3. in the year 1215. By whom altogether was turned upside down, all order broken, discipline dissolved, true doctrine defaced. Christian faith extinguished. Instead whereof was set up preaching of men's decrees dreams, and idle traditions. And whereas before truth was free to be disputed amongst learned men, now liberty was turned into law, Argument into Authority. Whatsoever the bishop of Rome denounced, that stood for an oracle, of all men to be received without opposition or contradiction: whatsoever was contrary, ibso facto it was heresy, to be punished with faggot and flaming fire. Then began the sincere faith of this English Church, 
The true Church when it began first to decay.  which held out so long, to quail. Then was the clerre sun shine of God's word overshadowed, with mists and darkness, appearing like sackcloth to the people, which neither could understand that they read, nor yet permitted to read that they could understand. In these miserable days, as the true visible Church began now to shrink and keep in for fear: so upstart a new sort of players to furnish the stage, as school Doctors, canonists, and four orders of Friars. Besides other Monastical sects and fraternities of infinite variety. Which ever since have kept such a stir in the Church, that none for them almost durst rout, neither Caesar, king, nor subject. What they defined, stood. What they approved, was Catholic: What they condemned, was heresy: whom soever they accused, none almost could save. And thus have these hitherto continued or reigned rather in the Church, the space now of four hundredth years and odd. During which space, the true Church of Christ, although it durst not openly appear in the face of the world, oppressed by tyranny: yet neither was it so invisible or unknown: but by the providence of the Lord, some remnant always remained from time to time, which not only showed secret good affection to sincere doctrine, but also stood in open defence of truth against the disordered Church of Rome.  

The true Church continueth in the midst of their enemies.  In which Catalogue, first to pretermit Barthramus and Barengarius, which were before Pope Innocent 3. a learned multitude of sufficient witnesses here might be produced, whose names neither are obscure nor doctrine unknown: as joachim Abbot of Calabria, Almericus a learned Bishop, who was judged an heretic for holding against Images, in the time of the said Innocentius. Besides the Martyrs of Alsatia, of whom we read an hundred to be burned by the said Innocentius in one day, as writeth Hermanus Mutius. Add likewise to these Waldenses or Albigenses, which to a great number segregated themselves from the Church of Rome. To this number also belonged Reymundus Earl of Tholose, Marsilius, Pativius, 

Extravagant cap Non sine multa.  
Ex Nicholao Emerico. lib. Inquisitionum.   Gulielmus de S. Amore, Simon Tornacensis Arnoldus de nova villa, joannes Semeca, besides divers other preachers in Suevia standing against the Pope. Anno. 1240. Ex Cranz. Laurentius Anglicus a Master of Paris. anno. 1260. Petrus joannis a Minorite, who was burned after his death. anno. 1290. Robertus Gallas a Dominicke Friar, anno. 1291. Robert Grosthead bishop of Lincoln which was called Malleus Romanorum. anno. 1250. Lord Peter de Cugnerijs. anno. 1329. To these we may add more our Gulielmus Ockam, Bongratius Bergomensis, Luitpoldus Andraeas Laudensis. Vlricus Hangenor Treasurer to the Emperor, joannes de Ganduno. anno. 1330. mentioned in the Extravagantes, Andraeas de Castro, Buridianus, Euda, Duke of Burgundy, who counseled the french king, not to receive the new found constitutions, and extravagantes of the Pope into his realm, Dantes Alligerius, an Italian, who wrote against the Pope, Monks and Friars, and against the donation of Constantine. anno. 1330. Taulerus a German preacher, 

Ex joan. Auentins. lib. 7.  
Extravagant. cap. Licet int●a doctrin●m.   Conradus Hager imprisoned for preaching against the Mass an. 1339. The author of the book called, Poenitentiarius Asini, compiled about the year 1343. Michael Cesenas a grey Friar, Petrus de Corbaria, with joannes de Poliaco, mentioned in the Extravantes and condemned by the Pope, joannes de Castilione. with Franciscus de Arcatara, who were burned about the year of our Lord. 1322. 
Ex Bulli● quib●●dam Othonis Epist. Herbipo●ensis.  joannas' Rochtaylada, otherwise called Haybalus, with an other Friar martyred about the year. 1346. Franciscus Petrarcha, who called Rome the whore of Babylon. etc. an. 1350. 
Extravagant joan. 22. Ex joan Frosiardo volume. 1. Cap. 211. Ex Tritemio.  Georgius Ariminensis, an. 1350 joannes de Rupe Scissa, imprisoned for certain prophecies against the Pope. an. 1340. Gerhardus Ridder, who also wrote against Monks and Friars a book called Lacryma Ecclesiae. an. 1350. Godfridus de Fontanis, Gulielmus de Landuno, joannes Monachus Cardini. Armachanus, Nicholaus Orem preacher. an. 1364. Militzius a Bohemian, which then preached that Antichrist was come, and was excommunicate for the same, an. 1366. jacobus Misnensis, 
Ex Bulla Gregorij cap. 11.  Mathias Parisiensis a Bohemian borne, and a writer against the Pope, an. 1370. joannes Mountziger, Rector of the University of ulme, 
Ex Illirico.  anno. 1384. Nilus' Arch. of Thessalonica. Henricus de ●ota, Henricus de Hassia. etc.  
I do but recite the principal writers and preachers in those days: How many thousands there were which never bowed their knees to Baal, that is known to God alone. Of whom we find in the writings of one 
Ex Brushio. Ex Christiano Masseo.  Brushius that xxxvi. Citizens of Maguntia were burned, an. 1390. Who following the doctrine of the Waldenses, affirmed the Pope to be the great Antichrist. Also Massaeus recordeth of one hundred and forty, which in the province of Narbon were put to the fire, for not receiving the decretals of Rome: besides them that suffered at Paris to the number of xxiv. at one time, anno. 1210. and the next year after were four hundred brent under the names of Heretics. Besides also a certain good Eremite, 
Ex joan. Bacon Dist. 2. Quest. 1.  an Englishman, of whom mention is made in john Bacon. Dist. 2. Quest. 1. who was committed for disputing in Paul's Church, against certain Sacraments of the Church of Rome. an. 1306.  
To descend now somewhat lower in drawing out the descent of the Church. What a multitude here cometh of faithful witnesses in the time of john Wickleffe, as Ocliffe, Wickliff. an. 1376. W. Thorp White, Purvey, Patshall, pain, Gower, Chaucer, Gascoigne, William Swinderby, Walter Brute, Roger Dexter, William Sautry about the year. 1400. john Badby, an. 1410. Nicholaus tailor, Rich. wagstaff, Mich. Scrivener, William Smith john Henry, W. Parchmenar, Roger Goldsmith, with an Ancresse called Mathilde in the City of Leicester, Lord Cobham, Sir Roger Acton knight, john Beverley preacher, john Husse, Jerome of Prage Schoolmaster, with a number of faithful Bohemians and Thaborites not to be told with whom I might also adjoin Laurentius Valla and joannes Picus, the learned Earl of Mirandula. But what do I stand upon recital of names, which almost are infinite.  
Wherefore if any be so far beguiled in his opinion to think the doctrine of the church of Rome (as it now standeth) to be of such antiquity, & that the same was never impugned before the time of Luther and Zuinglius now of late, let him read these histories: or if he think the said history not to be of sufficient credit to alter his persuasion let him peruse the Acts and Statutes of parliaments, passed in this realm of ancient time and therein consider and confer the course of times; where he may find and read. 
Statut. in An. 5. Rich. 2. An. Domini. 1390.  An. 5. Regis Richardi. 2. in the year of our Lord. 1380. of a great number (which there be called evil persons) going about from town to town in freeze gowns preaching unto the people etc. which preachers although the words of the Statute do term there to be dissembling persons, preaching divers Sermons containing heresies & notorious errors, to the emblemishment of Christian faith, & of holy Church etc. as the words do there pretend: yet notwithstanding every true Christian reader may conceive of those Preachers to teach no other doctrine, than now they hear their own Preachers in Pulpits Preach, against the Bishop of Rome and the corrupt heresies of his Church.  
Furthermore he shall find likewise in Statut. An. 2. Henr. 4. Cap. 15. in the year of our Lord. 1402. another like company of good Preachers and faithful defenders of true doctrine against blind heresy and error. Whom albeit the words of the Statute there, through corruption of that time, do falsely term, 
Ex Statut. in An. 2. Henr. 4. cap. 15. An. Domini 1402.  to be false and perverse Preachers, under dissembled holiness, teaching in those days openly and privily new doctrines and heretical opinions contrary to the faith and determination of holy Church. etc. yet notwithstanding whosoever readeth histories and conferreth the order and descent of times, shall understand these to be no false teachers, but faithful witnesses of the truth, not teaching any new doctrines contrary to the determination of holy Church: But rather shall find that Church to be unholy, which they Preached against, teaching rather itself heretical opinions contrary both to antiquity, and verity of Christ's true Catholic Church.  
Of the like number also, or greater, of like true faithful favourers and followers of God's holy word, we find in the year of our Lord. 14●2. specified in a letter sent from Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury, to Pope Martin 5. in the fift year of his Popedom, where mention is made of so many here in Engand infected: (as he said) with the heresies of Wickleffe and Husse, that without force of any army they could not be suppressed. etc. Whereupon the Pope sent two Cardinals to the Archbishop to cause a tenth to be gathered of all spiritual and Religious men, 
Ex Literis Archiepiscopi Cant. ad Martinum. 5. Anno. Domini. 1422.  and the money to be laid in the chamber Apostolic, and if that were not sufficient, the residue to be made up of Chalices, Candlesticks, and other implements of the Church etc.  
What shall need then any more witness to prove this matter, when you see so many years ago, whole armies and multitudes, thus standing against the Pope? who though they be termed here for heretics and schismatics, yet in that, which they call heresy, served they the living Lord, within the Ark of his true spiritual and visible Church.  
And where is then the frivolous brag of the Papists, which make so much of there painted sheath, & would needs bear us down, that this gournment of the Church of Rome which nowiss, hath been of such an old standing, time out of mind, even from the primitive Antiquity, & that never was any other church demonstrable here in earth for men to follow, besides the said only Catholic mother church of Rome? when as we have sufficiently proved before by the continual descent of the Church till this present time, that the said Church, after the doctrine which is now reform, is no new begun matter, but even the old continued Church, by the providence and promise of Christ, still standing, which albeit it hath been of late years repressed by the tyranny of Roman Bishops, more than before: yet notwithstanding it was never so oppressed but God hath ever maintained in it the truth of his Gospel, against heresies and errors of the Church of Rome, as in this history more at full is to be seen.  

Bloody marks of Christ's passion seen on men's garments in Germany. Anno. 1501.  Let us now proceed farther as we began, deducing this descent, of the Church unto the 1501. year. In which year the Lord began to show in the parts of Germany wonderful tokens, and bloody marks of his Passion, as the bloody Cross, his nails, spear, and Crown of thorns, which fell from heaven upon the garments and caps of men, and rocks of woman, as you may further read in this book pag. 816. By the which tokens almighty God (no doubt) presignified what grievous afflictions and bloody persecutions should then begin to ensue upon his Church for his Gospel's sake, according as in this history is described, wherein is to be seen what christian blood hath been spilled, what persecutions raised, what tyranny exercised, what torments devised, what treachery used against the poor flock and Church of Christ, in such sort as since Christ's time greater hath not been seen.  

seventy years of captivity well near expired.  And now by revolution of years we are come from the time of .1501. to that year now present 1570. In which the full seventy years of the Babylonical captivity draweth now well to an end, if we count from the first appearing of these bloody marks above mentioned. Or if we reckon from the beginning of Luther, and his persecution, then lacketh yet xvi. years. Now what the Lord will do with this wicked world, or what rest he will give to his Church after these long sorrows, he is our father in heaven, his will be done in earth, as seemeth best to his divine majesty.  
In the mean time let us for our parts with all patiented obedience wait upon his gracious leisure and glorify his holy name, and edify one an other with all humility. And if there cannot be an end of our disputing, and contending one against an other: yet let there be a moderation in our affections. And for as much as it is the good will of our God, that Satan thus should be let lose amongst us for a short time: yet let us strive in the mean while what we can to amend the malice of the time with mutual humanity. 
Exhortation to the Church of England.  They that be in error, let them not disdain to learn. They which have greater talents of knowledge committed, instruct in simplicity them that be simple. No man liveth in that common wealth where nothing is amiss. But yet because God hath so placed us Englishmen here in one common wealth, also in one Church as in one ship together: let us not mangle or divide the ship, which being divided perisheth: but every man serve in his order with diligence, wherein he is called. They that sit at the helm, keep well the point of the needle, to know how the ship goeth, and whether it should. Whatsoever weather betideth, the needle well touched with the stone of God's word will never fail. Such as labour at the oars, start for no tempest, but do what they can to keep from the rocks. Likewise they which be inferior rooms, take heed they move no sedition, nor disturbance against the rowers and mariners. No storm so dangerous to a ship on the sea, as is discord and disorder in a weal public. What countries and nations, what kingdoms and empires, what Cities, towns, and houses discord hath dissolved, in stories is manifest: I need not spend time in rehearsing examples. The Lord of peace, who hath power both of land and Sea, reach forth his merciful hand to help them up that sink, to keep them up that stand, to still these winds and sourging seas of discord and contention among us: that we professing one Christ, may in one unity of doctrine gather ourselves into one Ark of the true Church together, where we continuing steadfast in faith may at the last luckily be conducted to the joyful port of our desired landing place by his heavenly grace. To whom both in heaven and in earth be all power and glory, with his father and the holy spirit for ever. Amen.   

The utility of this Story.  
seeing the world is replenished with such an infinite multitude of books of all kind of matters, I may seem (perhaps) to take a matter in hand superfluous and needles, at this present to set out such Uolumes, especially of histories, considering now a days the world is so greatly pestered, not only with superfluous plenty thereof, but of all other treatises, so that books now seem rather to lack Readers, 
Multitude of books lamented.  than Readers to lack books: In which multitude of books I doubt not, but many do both perceive, and inwardly bewail this insatiable boldness of many now a days both in writing and printing, which to say the truth, for my part I do as much lament as any man else beside: and would therefore no man should think that unadvisedly or with rashness I have attempted this enterprise, as one being not only doubtful, but also both bashful and fearful within myself for setting the same abroad. And why? first I perceived how learned this age of ours is in reading of books, neither could I tell what the secret judgements of readers would conceive, to see so weak a thing, to set upon such a weighty enterprise, not sufficiently furnished with such ornaments able to satisfy the perfection of so great a story, or sufficient to serve the utility of the studious: and the delight of the learned. Which ability the more I perceived to be wanting in me, the less I durst be bold to become a writer.  
But again on the other side, when I weighed with myself what memorable Acts and famous doings this latter age of the Church hath ministered unto us by the patiented sufferings of the worthy martyrs: I thought it not to be neglected, that so precious Monuments of so many matters, meet to be recorded and registered in books, should lie buried by my default under darkness of oblivion. Me thought somewhat was to be said of them for their well deserving, and something again of our parts for benefits by them received. But above all other things nothing did so much stir me forward hereunto, as the diligent consideration and special regard of the common utility which every man plentifully may receive by the reading of these Monuments or martyrologue which history as I have taken in hand chief for the use of the English Church: so have I framed it in that tongue which the simple people could best understand.  
Now if men commonly delight so much in other Chronicles which entreat only upon matters of policy, and rejoice to behold therein the variable events of worldly affairs, the Stratagems of valiant captains, the terror of fought fields, the sacking of Cities, the hurlye burlies of Realms and people. And if men think it such a gay thing in a common wealth to commit to history such old antiquities of things profane and bestow all their ornaments of wit and eloquence in garnishing the same: how much more than is it meet for Christians to conserve in remembrance the lives: Acts and doings, not of bloody warriors, but of mild and constant Martyrs of Christ, which serve not so much to delight the ear, as to garnish the life, to frame it with examples of great profit, and to encourage men to all kind of Christian godliness? As first by reading thereof we may learn a lively testimony of God's mighty working in the life of man, contrary to the opinion of Atheists, and all the whole nest of Epicures. For like as one said of Harpalus in times past, that his doings gave a lively testimony against God, because he being so wicked a man escaped so long unpunished: so contrariwise in these men we have a much more assured and plain witness of God both in whose lives and deaths appeared such manifest declarations of Gods divine working, whiles in such sharpness of torments we behold in them strength, so constant above man's reach, such readiness to answer, such patience in imprisonment, such godliness in forgiving, cheerfulness so courageous in suffering, besides the manifold sense and feeling of the holy ghost which they in their lives so plentifully tasted in their afflictions, 
Comparison between worldly soldiers and ●● the soldiers of Christ.  as in reading of their letters evidently we may understand. Over and besides this, the mild deaths of the saints do not a little avail to the stablishing of a good conscience: to learn the contempt of the world, and to come to the fear of God. Moreover, they confirm faith, increase godliness, abate pride in prosperity, and in adversity do open an hope of heavenly comfort. For what man reading the misery of these godly persons, may not therein as in a glass behold his own case, whether he be godly or godless. For if God give adversity unto good men, what may either the better sort promise themselves, or the evil not fear? And whereas by reading of profane stories we are made perhaps more skilful in warlike affairs: so by reading of this we are made better in our livings, and besides are better prepared unto like conflicts, if by God's permission they shall happen hereafter more wiser by their doctrine, and more steadfast by their example.  
To be short, they declare to the world what true Christian fortitude is, and what is the right way to conquer which standeth not in the power of man, but in hope of the resurrection to come, and is now I trust at hand. In consideration whereof, me thinks I have good cause to wish, that like as other subjects: even so also Kings and Princes, which commonly delight in heroical stories, would diligently peruse such Monuments of martyrs, and lay them always in sight, not alonely to read, but to follow, and would paint them upon their walls, cups, rings and gates. For doubtless such as these: are more worthy of honour than an hundredth alexander's, Hectors, Scipions and warlike julies'. And though the world judgeth prosperously of things, yet with God the true judge, certes such are to be reputed in deed, not that kill one an other with a weapon, but they which being rather killed in God's cause, do retain an invincible constancy against the threats of tyrants and violence of tormentors. Such as these, are the true conquerors of the world, by whom we learn true manhood, so many as fight under Christ, and not under the world. With this valiantness did that most mild Lamb and invincible Lion of of the tribe of juda first of all go before us, of whose unspeakable fortitude we hear this prophetical admiration: who is this (saith he) which walketh so in the multitude of his strength? 
Esay. 63.  Forsooth the high son of the high God, once conquered of the world, and yet conquering the world after the same manner he was conquered.  
The like dance did all his other Martyrs follow, to whom the ancient antiquity of the Church did attribute so great honour, as never king or Emperor could purchase in this world with all their images, pillars hie spires, triumphs, temples, and all their solemn feasts. In probation whereof we see with what admiration, and almost superstition, not only the memory, but also the relics of those good Martyr's were received & kept amongst the ancient Christians. We have also for witness the learned Hymns and Songs of Prudentius and Nazienzene, wherewith Pindarus did never so much set out his triumphs of Olympia and Nemea. I need not here rehearse the learned Orations of eloquent Cyprian, chrysostom, Ambrose. and Jerome, who never showed their eloquence more, than when they fell into the commendations of the Godly Martyrs?  
Whereby it is manifest, what estimation in times past was attributed to Martyrs: with what gratulation, rejoice, mirth, and common joy the afflictions of those godly, dying in Christ's quarrel, were sometime received and solemnised, and that not without good reasonable cause. For the Church did well consider how much she was beholding to their benefits, by whose death she understood her treasurés to increase. Now than if Martyrs are to be compared with Martyrs, I see no cause why the Martyrs of our time deserve any less commendation, than the other in the primative Church, which assuredly are inferior unto them in no point of praise: whether we view the number of them that suffered, or greatness of their formentes, or their constancy in dying, or also consider the fruit that they brought to the amendment of posterity, and increase of the Gospel. They did water the truth with their blood, 
A comparison between the Martyrs of the Primitive Church and of the latter Church.  that was newly springing up: so these by their deaths restored it again, being sore decayed and fallen down. They standing in the forward of the battle, did receive the first encounter and violence of their enemies, and taught us by that means to overcome such tyranny. These with like courage again like old beaten soldiers did win the field in the rearward of the battle. They like famous husbandmen of the world did sow the fields of the Church, that first lay unmanured and waste: these with fatness of their blood did cause it to battle and fructify. Would to God the fruit might be speedily gathered into the ●arne, which only remaineth behind to come.  
Now, if we ascribe such reputation to Godly preachers (and worthily) which diligently preach the Gospel of Christ, when they live notwithstanding by the benefit of time, without all fear of persecution: how much more reasonable cause have we to praise and extol such men as stoutly spend their lives for the defence of the same? All these premises duly of our parts considered and marked, seeing we have found so famous Martyrs in this our age, let us not fail then in publishing and setting forth their doings, lest in that point we seem more unkind to them, than the writers of the primitive Church were unto theirs. And though we repute not their ashes chains, and swords in the stead of relics▪ yet let us yield thus much unto their commemoration, to glory the Lord in his Saints, and imitate their death (as much as we may) with like constancy, or their lives at the least with like innocency. They offered their bodies willing, to the rough handling of the tormentors. And is it so great a matter then for our part, to mortify our flesh, with all the members thereof? They neglected not only the riches and glory of the world for the love of Christ, but also their lives: and shall we then keep so great a stir one against an other, for the transitory trifles of this world? They continued in patiented suffering, when they had most wrong done unto them, and when their very hearts blood gushed out of their bodies: and yet will not we forgive our poor brother, be the injury never so small, but are ready for every trifling offence to seek his destruction, and cut his throat. They wishing well to all men, did of their own accord forgive their persecutors: & therefore ought we, which are now the posterity and Children of Martyrs, not to degenerate from their former steps, but being admonished by their examples, if we cannot express their charity toward all men, yet at lest to imitate the same to our power and strength. Let us give no cause of offence to any. And if any be given to us, let us overcome it with patience, forgiving and not revenging the same. And let us not only keep our hands from shedding of blood, but our tongues also from hurting the same of others. Besides, let us not shrink if case so require, martyrdom or loss of life, according to their example, to yield up the same in the defence of the lords flock. Which thing if men would do, much less contention and business would be in the world ●hen now is. And thus much touching the utility and fruit to be taken of this history.   

To all the professed friends and followers of the Pope's proceedings, four Questions propounded.  
TO you all and singular, which profess the doctrine and Religion of the Pope your holy Father, 
Four demands or questions put forth to the Papists.  and of your mother Church of Rome, pretending the name of Catholics▪ commonly termed Papists, wheresoever abiding in the Realm of England, these four Questions or Problems hereunder following I would move, desiring you all either to muse upon them, or to answer them at your leisure.  

* The first Question.  
FIrst, 
The 1. question.  forsomuch as Mount Zion (which God calleth by the Prophet jesai, the hill of his holiness) beareth in the scripture an undoubted type of the spiritual church of Christ: & for so much as the said jesai. ca 11. & 65. prophesying of the said Mount Zion, saith in these words: 
Esay. 11.65.  Non nocebunt neque affligent in omni monte sancto meo, dicit Dominus. etc. 1. They shall not kill nor hurt, in all my holy hill, saith the Lord. etc. And again in the same chap. thus we read: Habitabit Lupus cum agno, & Pardus cum haedo accubabit: Vitulus, & Leo & ovis una commorabuntur, & puellus paruulus ducet eos. etc. i. The wolf shall dwell with the Lamb, & the Leopard with the Kid: the Calf, the Lion & the sheep shall feed together, & a young child shall rule them. The Cow also & the Bear shall abide together with their young ones, & the Lion shall eat chaff & fodder like the Ox. etc.  
Upon these premises now followeth my question, how the church of Rome can be answerable to this hill of Sion: seeing in the said church of Rome is, 
Objection.  and hath been now so many years such killing and slaying, such cruelty and tyranny showed, such burning & spoiling of christian blood, such malice & mischief wrought, as in reading these histories may to all the world appear.  
To this if they answer, & expound these words of the Prophet, as pertaining to the church triumphant thereunto I reply again: 
Refutation.  that by the words in the same place & in the same sentence expressed that sense cannot stand, for as much as the Prophet in the very same place, where he prophesieth of this peaceable dwelling in Gods holy mountain without hurting or killing, meaneth plainly of the earth, & showeth also the cause of that godly peace. Because (saith he) the earth is replenished with knowledge & science of the Lord. etc. ibid. And furthermore the Prophet speaking of the same day when this shallbe, addeth saying: In that day the root of jesse shall stand for a sign to the people, for the Gentiles to be converted, and to seek unto him▪ etc. Which day in no wise can be applied to the church in heaven triumphant, but only here militant in earth.  
Touching which place of jesai, 
Public execution of laws, not forbidden in Scripture. The conditions and properties of the true Church of Christ. Rom. 15. Galath. 6.  further here is to be noted by the way, that by this peaceable Mount Zion (which comprehendeth both the states, as well ecclesiastical as temporal) is not restrained the public penalty of good laws needful to be executed upon public malefactors, but here is restrained the fierceness, revenge, cruelty, & violence of men's affections. To which affections men being commonly subject by nature, through grace & working of the gospel are altered, reformed, & changed to another disposition: from stoutness to softness: from violence to sufferance: from fierceness to forbearing: from pride to humility, from cruelty to compassion, from wiliness to simplicity, from solemn singularity to humanity and meekness. Which virtues, if they had been in the church of Rome (according to the rule of S. Paul, which willeth men that be stronger, to bear with the infirmities of the weaker, and that in the spirit of meekness. etc. Rom. 15. Gal. 6.) I should not have needed now at this time to write such a long history as this of the suffering of so many Martyrs.   

¶ The second Question.  
MY second question is this: 
The 2. question.  to demand of you catholic professors of the pope's sect, which so deadly malign and persecute the protestants professing the gospel of Christ, 
The deadly hatred of the Papists against the Protestants, grounded upon no just cause nor deserving.  what just or reasonable cause have you to allege for this your extreme hatred ye bear unto the, that neither you yourselves can abide to live with them, nor yet will suffer the other to live amongst you? If they were jews, Turks or Infidels, or in their doctrine were any Idolatrous impitie or detestable iniquity in their lives: if they went about any deadly destruction, or privy conspiracies to oppress your lives, or by fraudulent dealing to cirumvent you, than had you some cause to complain, and also to revenge. Now seeing in their doctrine ye have neither blasphemy, idolatry, superstition nor misbelief to object unto them: seeing they are baptized in the same belief, and believe the same articles of the Crede, as ye do: having the same God, the same Christ & saviour, the same baptism, & and are ready ●s confer with you in all kind of Christian doctrine, neither do refuse to be tried by any place of the scripture, how then riseth this mortal malice of you against them? If you think them to be her●tickes, then bring forth if ye can, any one sentence which they arrogantly hold, contrary to the mind of holy scripture: expounded by the censure of most ancient Doctors? Or what is there in all the scripture to be required, but they acknowledge & confess the same? See & try the order of their lives & doings, what great fault find you. They serve God, they walk under his fear, they obey his law, as men may do: and though they be transgressors toward him, as other men are, yet toward you what have they done, what have they committed or deserved why you should be so bitter against them?  
What offended the poor habitants of Merindal & Cabriers when the bishop of Aix, the Cardinal of Turon, and other Bishops of France wresting from Frances the French king a commission, 

Malice and cruelty of Papists against the country of merindol and Cabriers.  
Malice of Papists against the Citizens of Tholouse in France.  
Malice and cruelty of Papists against the Protestants in the town of Vassy.  
Clemency and mercy showed to Papists in the reign of Queen Elizabeth.   sent Men●rius with his Captain john de Gay to destroy their country, an. 1530. who driving the poor people there into a barn full of straw, set the barn on fire, & burned up men, women, and children: And likewise in a church, exercised the like cruelty upon them, where were murdered the same time to the number of a thousand young and old, women, children, and young infants, besides seven. whole towns, with the most part of the dwellers thering, being murdered & burnt in the said country of Provence.  
Also before that, what offended the Citizens of Tholouse and Auinion when Pope Gregory the ix. set jews the French king to war against them and against Raymundus their Earl, without cause, where also the said king died at the siege.  
Or to speak of later years, what hurt or harm did the poor Protestants in the town of Uassy, who peaceably being at a Sermon, were miserably slain and cut▪ men, women, and children, by the Duke of Guyes and his armed soldiers? besides other infinite examples almost not to be numbered of like cruelty, in Calabria, Apulia, Bohemia, France, and now of late in Flaunders, and in other countries more.  
But to let other countries pass, let us turn now to the peaceable government in this realm of England, under this our so mild & gracious Queen now presently reigning. Under whom you see how gently you are suffered, what mercy is showed unto you: how quietly ye live. What lack you, that you would have, having almost the best rooms and offices in all the realm, not only without any loss of life▪ but also without any fear of death. And though a few of your Arch●lerkes be in custody: yet in that custody so shrewdly are they hurt, that many a good Protestant in the realm would be glad with all their hearts to change rooms and diet with them if they might. And albeit some other for their pleasure have slipped over the seas, if their courage to see countries abroad did so allure them, who could let them, yet this is certain, no dread there was of death that drove them. For what papist have you seen in all this land to lose either life or limb for papistry during all these xii. years hitherto since this Queen's reign? And yet all this notwithstanding, having no cause to complain, so many causes to give God thanks ye are not yet content, ye fret and fume, ye grudge and mutter, and are not pleased with peace, nor satisfied with safety but hope for a day, and fain would have a change. And to prevent your desired day, ye have conspired, and rise up in open rebellion against your Prince, whom the Lord hath set up to be your governor.  
And as you have since that, 
The traitorous murdering of the Lord james Regent of Scotland Martyr.  now of late disturbed the quiet and peaceable state of Scotland, in murdering most traitorously the gentle and godly Regent of Scotland (who in sparing the Queen's life there when he had her in his hands, hath now therefore lost his own) so with like fury, as by your rebellion appeareth, would disturb the golden quiet and tranquility of this Realm of England, if ye might have your wills▪ Which the merciful grace of almighty, for Christ his sons sake our Lord, forfend and utterly disappoint. Amen.  
Wherefore these premises considered, my question is to ask of you & know, what just or reasonable cause ye have of these your unreasonable doings, 
The chief cause of all these latter persecution▪ in the Church is only the private quarrel of the Bishop of Rome.  of this your so mortal and deadly hatred, fury and malice you bear against these your evenchristened, of these your tumults, conjurations, gaping and hoping, rebellions, mutteringes, & murders, wherewith you trouble and disquiet the whole world. Of all which mischiefs, if the true cause were well known, the truth would be found doubtless to be none other but only the private cause of the Bishop of Rome, that he is not received, and the dignity of his Church exalted.  
Touching which cause how unreasonable and unjust it is, more shallbe said (the Lord willing) in reply, according as I shall see their answer, if it shall so please them, or any of them to answer this question. In the mean time this for a brief note shall suffice: that it standeth not with the scripture, but contrary to the scripture that the Bishop of Rome should so revenge his own private cause. If his title & plantation be good & of God, why doth he not refer it unto god? And no doubt, 
The plantation of the Pope's supremacy proved not to be of God. john. 8. Luke. 18.  but if it be so, God will maintain it, though the whole world said no. If it be otherwise, it will fall & be rooted out, though all the world said yea, yea the greatest argument to prove this plantation of the Pope's supremacy not to be of God, is, that the Pope fight in his own private cause, by outward & worldly force seeketh his own glory▪ Christ our saviour being here refused himself, yet neither revenged his cause, nor sought his own glory, but only the glory & will of his father, thus speaking of himself: Si ego glorifico meipsum, gloria mea nihil est, pater meus est, qui glorificat me▪ etc. joan. 8. i. If I glorify myself, my glory is nothing, my father is he that glorifyeth me. etc. Even so I say with scripture, that if the Pope's proceedings were planted of God, he would not so wrestle for his glory, as ●e doth. But forsomuch as he seeketh by such cruelty and bloodshed to exalt himself, we may well argue his proceed not to be of God, and that he shallbe brought low. etc. Luke. 18.   


The 3. question.  ¶ The third Question.  
MY third question I take of the 13. chap. of the book of Revelation. Which book as it containeth a Prophetical history of the Church: 
Apocal. 13. The two beasts in the book of Revelation described. The second beast with the horns like a Lamb.  so likewise it requireth by histories to be opened. In this chapter mention is made first of a certain beast coming out of the Sea, having seven. heads & x. horns, with x. diadems of blasphemy. Unto the which beast the dragon, the devil, gave his strength, and great power to fight against the Saints▪ & to overcome them, & to make xlij. months: of the which beast, one of his heads was wounded at length to death, etc.  
After this immediately in the same chap. mention followeth of an other beast, rising out of the land, having 2. horns like a lamb, & spoke like a dragon, & did all the power of the former beast before his face, and caused all dwellers of the earth to worship the beast: whose head was wounded, and lived. Who also had power to give spirit & life to the said former beast, to make the Image of the beast to speak, & to cause all men from the highest to the lowest, to take the mark of the beast in their hands and foreheads, & whosoever worshipped not the Image of the beast should be killed. etc.  
Upon this description of these two beasts riseth my question, wherein I desire all papists, from the highest to the lowest, either to answer or to consider with themselves, what the spirit of the prophecy meaneth by the said 2. beasts. Neither is the mystery of this prophecy so obscure, but being historical, by histories it may be explained & easily expounded. Writing therefore to the Papists, as men expert in histories, my question is this: that seeing the prophecy of these 2. beasts must needs prefigure some people or dominion in the world, of some high estate & power: they will now declare unto us, what people or domination this should be. Which if they will do plainly and truly, according to the marks & properties of the said ij. beasts here set forth, they must needs be driven of force inevitable to grant and confess, the same only to agree to the City & Empire of Rome, & to no other: Which by these reasons following of necessity must needs be concluded.  

The mystery of the first beast rising out of the Sea applied.  First, the beast which came out of the sea, having the strength, the seat, and power of the great Dragon (the Devil, called the Prince of this world, committed to him, who also had power given over all tribes, nations, languages, people and countries in the earth) must needs be an Empire or Monarchy of great force, passing all other Monarchies in the world besides, and this must needs argue the Empire of Rome and none other.  


The Image of the beast resembled to the Monarchy of Rome. Apocall. 13.  
Of these 42. months, and the exposition thereof, read. page. 101.  
The wounded head of the beast in the revelation what it meaneth. The second beast rising out of the land pretending the horns of a Lamb what it meaneth.   Secondly, in that the best had seven. heads & x. horns, with x. diadems full of blasphemy upon them: those seven. heads being expounded in the said book, cap. 17. for seven. hills, notoriously importeth the City of Rome, wherein were 7. hills contained. The like also may be thought of the x. horns being there expounded for x. kings (signifying belike the x. provinces or Kingdoms of the world subdued to the Roman Empire) with x. crowns of blasphemy upon their heads: all which conveniently agree to the City of Rome.  
Thirdly, where the said beast had power to make 42. months and to fight against the Saints, and to overcome them, etc. thereby most manifestly is declared the Empire of Rome, with the heathen persecuting Emperors, which had power given the space of so many months, (that is, from Tiberius to Licinius. 294. years) to persecute Christ's Church as in the Table of the primitive Church hereafter following is discoursed more at large.  
Fourthly, where the prophet speaketh of the one of the heads of the beast to be wounded to the death, & the wound afterward to be cured again, by that ye have to understand the decay and subversion of the City of Rome & of Italy, which being one of the heads of the Roman Monarchy, was subdued by the Gottes, Uandals, & Lombard's, and the City of Rome, thrice sacked and taken between the reign of Honorius Emperor of Rome, and the time of justinian Emperor of Constantinople, & so remained this head of Rome wounded a long time under the dominion of the Lombard's, till at length this wound was cured again, as the sequel of this prophesy declareth: For so it followeth in the foresaid chap. of the Revelation: And after this I saw (saith he) an other beast rising out of the land, having two horns like the lamb, and spoke like the Dragon. Who practi●ed all the power of the first beast before his face, and caused all the inhabitants of the earth to worship the first beast whose head was wounded and cured again etc. And to him it was given to give life to the Image of the beast, and to make it speak: and also to make all them that will not worship the image of the beast, to be slain, and caused all from the most to the least, both rich and poor, free men and bondmen, to take the mark of the beast in their right hand and in their foreheads, so that none should buy and sell unless he had the beasts mark about him▪ etc.  
The description of this second beast being well viewed: it cannot be avoided, but needs must be applied to the bishop of Rome and to none other: 
Apocall. 13. The Mystery of the 13. chapter of the Revelations expounded.  as by the history and order of times is evident to be proved. For who else representeth the horns of the lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world, but only he? who speaketh with the voice of the Dragon so proudly, as he? The voice of the Dragon spoke once to Christ: That all the glory of the world was his to give to whom he would, & that he would give it. etc. And doth not this fal●e horned lamb speaking in the same voice of the Dragon, say by the mouth of Pope Gregory 7. that all the kingdoms of the earth were his, and that he had power in earth to lose, and take away empires, Kingdoms, Dukedoms, and what else soever mortal men may have, 
Ex platina in vita Grego●ij. 7. The Image of the old Monarchy revived by the Bishop of Rome.  and to give them where he would? etc. Ex platina in Vit. Gregorij. 7.  
Furthermore, at what time the declining state of Rome began to decay, and Italy was brought under subjection of the lombards, than the Pope stirred up Pipinus and Carol●s Magnus, to take his part against the lombards, and to restore again, the old glory of the Monarchy to his former state. And therefore who cured the wounded head of this beast again, but only he? who gave life and speech to the Image of the beast but he? who after that by help of the French kings, had subdued those lombards with other aliens, and had gotten the possession of Rome, into his own hands, he so repaired & advanced the fame and name of Rome, that since that time all persons from the highest, to the lowest, both rich & poor have been glad to send & seek to Rome, yea Kings, Emperors, Queens, & Dukes have been glad to kiss the Bishop's feet▪ and to lead his horse by the bridle: So that the Majesty of Rome in the old heathen Emperor's days was never more terrible, nor glorious, nor never had more power to persecute & overcome gods Saints then these lambelyke Bishops of Rome have had, 
Power to do the works of the beast before his sight. Apocal. 13.  and have exercised these 500 years in Christendom. And therefore who else in all the world hath so much power to do the works of the first beast, before his face, as he? or who but he alone? which forceth both high and low, rich and poor, free and bond to receive the seal, and to become loyal to the City and sea of Rome: so that whosever hath not the mark whereby to be known to hold of the Church of Rome, shall have no place, to buy and sell nor to occupy in all Christendom.  
Now if any Papist whatsoever, in answering to this my question can apply this prophetical mystery of these 2. beasts otherwise then thus, I would heartily desire him, to take so much pains to satisfy this doubt at his good pleasure & leisure. In the mean season let this stand for a Corolarium, that the bishop of Rome by this description must be that second beast prophesied to come in the latter time of the Church under a false pretenced lamb, to restore again the old persecutions of Rome, and to disturb the whole Church of Christ, as this day to truly is come to pass.   

¶ The fourth Question.  
AS touching my fourth question, although I could urge you with an other like prophetical place of scripture no less evident against the bishop of Rome, 
The 4. question. 2. Thess. 2.  taken out of the second Epistle of S. Paul to the The●la. where mention is made of the son of perdition, sitting in the Temple of God, as god, & advancing himself above all that is called god etc. which place ye can by no reasonable evasion avoid: yet notwithstanding to let this pass, I turn my question to ask this of you, whether the religion of Christ be mere spiritual, or else corporal. If ye affirm it to be corporal as was the old religion of the jews consisting in outward rites, sacrifices, ceremonies of the law: them show if ye can, what any one outward action or observation is required in christian religion by the scripture, as necessary in a christian man, for remission of sins & salvation, 
Religion of Christ spiritual, and not corporal.  save only the two Sacramental ceremonies of outward Baptism, & of the lords Supper? Howbeit neither these also as they are corporal, that is to say neither the outward action of the one, nor of the other conferreth remission of sins, nor salvation, but only are visible shows of invisible & spiritual benefits. And furthermore if our god, whom we serve, be spiritual, how can his religion & service be corporal as we are taught by the mouth of our saviour, saying: God is a spirit and therefore they that worship him, must worship in spirit & verity. etc. joan. 4.  
Now if ye grant (as ye must needs) this our christian religion to be spiritual, & not a corporal religion, them show if ye can, any one point of all these things which ye strive for so much with us, to be spiritual, but altogether corporal, & extern matters & ceremonial observations, 
The Pope turneth the spiritual religion of Christ to a corporal religion.  nothing conducing to any spiritual purpose, as your outward succession of bishops, garments, vestures, gestures, co●lors, choice of meats, difference of days, times & places, hearing, seeing, saying, touching, tasting, numbering of beads, gilding & worshipping Images, building monasteries, rising at midnight, silence in cloisters, abstaining from flesh & white meat, fasting in Lent, keeping Imberdayes hearing mass & divine service, seeing & adoring the body in form of bread, receiving holy water, & holy bread, creeping to the cross, carrying palms, taking ashes, bearing candles, pilgrimage going, sensing, kneeling, knocking, altars, superaltars, candlesticks, pardons: In orders crossing, anointing, shaving, forswering marriage: In baptism, crossing, salting, spatling, 
The whole sum of the Pope's Catholic religion set forth in parts.  exorcising, washing of hands: At Easter ear● confession, penance doing, satisfaction: And in receiving with beards new shaven, to imagine a body, where they see no body: & though he were there present to be seen, yet the outward seeing & touching of him, of itself, without faith, conduceth no more, than it did to the jews. At Rogation days, to carry banners, to follow the cross, to walk about the fields. After Pentecost, to go about with Corpus Christi play. At halowmas to watch in the church, to say a dirige & commendations, & to ring for all souls to pay tithes truly, to give to the high altar. And if a man will be a Priest, to say Mass & Matins, to serve the Saint of that day, and to lift well over his head. etc. In sickness to be aneled, to take his rites, after his death to have funerals, & obites said for him, and to be rung for at his funeral, month mind, and yearemind. etc. Add moreover to these the outward sacrifi●● of the Mass, with opus operatum sine bono motu utentis. etc.  
All which things above recited, 

A man may be Catholic by the Pope's religion without any working of the holy ghost. The nature of true Christian Religion described.  
Salvation of man, standeth only in faith of Christ.  
faith in Christ, no light matter to flesh and blood.  
Many things incident to salvation besides faith: but not as causes thereof.   as they contain the whole summary & effect of all the pope's catholic religion: so are they all corporal exercises, consisting in the extern operation of man. Which if they can make a perfect right catholic christian, than it may be said, that men may be made perfect christians by flesh and blood, without any inward working of faith, or of the holy ghost. For what is in all these, but the flesh & blood, of his strength is able to accomplish, though no inward strength or motion of the holy Ghost did work.  
But now the order of our religion, & way of salvation consisteth not in such corporal or outward things as these, but in other more higher & more spiritual gifts, which far exceed the capacity of flesh & blood: of the which gifts the chiefest & only mean cause that saveth man, & remitteth sins, is his faith in Christ. Which faith I thus define, for a man to believe by the bloodshedding of jesus the son of god, his sins to be forgiven, God's wrath to be pacified, & himself to be justified perfectly from all accusations that can be laid unto him. etc. And though the Papists make a light matter of this, to believe in Christ, and when they hear us say, that faith only justifieth, they object to us again and make it a small matter to be saved, if faith only justify us. Yet notwithstanding, this faith, if it be well examined, is such a thing that flesh and blood is not able to attain thereto, unless Gods holy spirit from above do draw him.  
Moreover besides this faith, many other things are incident also to the doctrine of our salvation. Albeit as no causes thereof, but either as Sacraments and seals of faith, or as declarations thereof, or else as fruits, & effects following the same. So Baptism, and the Supper of the Lord be as testimonies and profess: that by our faith only in Christ we are justified, that as our bodies are washed by water, and our life nourished by bread and wine: so by the blood of Christ, our sins be purged, and the hunger of our souls relieved by the death of his body.  
Upon the same faith riseth also outward profession by mouth, as a declaration thereof. Other things also as fruits and effects do follow after faith, as peace of conscience, joy in the holy Ghost, invocation, patience, charity, mercy, judgement, & sanctification. For God for our faith in Christ his son, therefore giveth into our hearts his holy spirit of comfort, of peace, and sanctification, whereby man's hart is moved to a godly disposition to fear God, to seek him, 
Works of sanctification, how they come and follow faith. Esay. 58. Math. 25.  to call upon him, to trust unto him, to stick to him in all adversities and persecutions, to love him: & for his sake also to love our brethren, to have mercy and compassion upon them, to visit them if they be in prison, to break bread to them, if they be hungry: and if they be burdened, to ease them: to cloth them if they be naked, and to harbour them if they be houseles. Mat. 25. with such other spiritual exercises of piety and sanctification as these. which therefore I call spiritual, because they proceed of the holy spirit and law of God which is spiritual.  
And thus have ye a Catholic Christian defined, first after the rules of Rome, and also after the rule of the Gospel. Now confer these Antitheses together, and see whether of these is the truer christian, the ceremonial man after the Church of Rome, or the spiritual man with his faith and other spiritual fruits of piety following after the same. And if ye say that ye mixed them both together, spiritual things with your corporal ceremonies, to that I answer again, that as touching the end of remission of sins, and salvation, they ought in no case to be joined together, because the mean cause of all our salvation and remission, is only spiritual, and consisteth in faith, and in no other.  
And therefore upon the same cause I come to my question again, as I began, to ask whether the Religion of Christ be a mere spiritual religion: and whether in the Religion of Rome: as it is now, is any thing but only mere corporal things required, to make a catholic man. And thus I leave you to your answer.  
IN turning over the first leaf of this book, which is pag. 2. col. 1. and in the latter end of the same column, thou shalt find gentle Reader, the argument of Pighius & Hosius, wherein thus they argue: That forsomuch as Christ must needs have a catholic Church ever continuing here in earth, which all men may see & whereunto all men ought to resort: and seeing no other church hath endured continually from the Apostles, visible here in earth, but only the church of Rome: they conclude therefore the Church only of Rome to be the right Catholic Church of Christ. etc.  
In answering whereunto this is to be said: that forsomuch as the medius terminus of this argument, both in the Mayor and Minor, consisteth only in the word (visible and unknown) if they mean by this word (visible) in the Mayor that Christ's Church must be seen here to all the world, that all men may resort to it, it is false: Likewise if they mean by the same word (visible in the Minor: that no other Church hath been seen and known to any, but only the Church of Rome, they are likewise deceived. For the true Church of Christ neither is so visible, that all the world can see it, but only they which have spiritual eyes: and be members thereof: nor yet so invisible again, but such as be Gods elect, and members thereof, do see it and have seen it, though the worldly eyes of the most multitude cannot so do. etc. Whereof read more in the protestation above prefixed to the church of England.    

Four considerations given out to Christian Protestants professors of the Gospel with a brief exhortation inducing to reformation of life.  

¶ The first consideration.  
AS in the page before, four questions were moved to the Catholic Papists to answer them at their leisure: so have I here to the Christian Gospelers four considerations likewise for them to muse upon, with speed convenient.  
THe first consideration is this every good man well to weigh with himself the long tranquility, the great plenty, the peaceable liberty, which the Lord of his mercy hath bestowed upon this land during all the reign hitherto of this our Sovereign and most happy Queen ELIZABETH, in such sort as the like example of God's abundant mercies are not to be seen in any nation about us, so as we may well sing with the Psalm in the Church. Non fecit taliter omni nation's, & opes gloria suae non manifestavit eye▪ first in having the true light of God's gospel so shining among us, so publicly received, so freely preached, with such liberty of conscience without danger professed, having withal a Prince so virtuous, a Queen so gracious given unto us, of our own native country, bred and borne amongst us▪ so quietly governing us, so long lent unto us in such peace defending us, against such as would else divoure us: briefly what could we have more at God's hand, if we would wish? or what else could we wish in this world, that we have not▪ if this one thing lacked not grace to use that well, which we have.   

¶ The second consideration.  
AS these things first are to be considered concerning ourselves: so secondly let us consider likewise, the state and times of other our countrymen, and blessed Martyrs afore past: what storms of persecutions they sustained, what little rest they had, with what enemies they were matched▪ with what crosses pressed, under what Princes, under what Prelates they lived, or rather died in the days of King Henry the 4. king Henry 5. King Henry 7. King Henry 8. Queen Mary. etc. under Bo●er Bishop of London, Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, Cholmley, Story, Bishop Arundel, Stokesley, Courtney, Warham. At what time children were caused to set fire to their fathers: The father adjured to accuse the son, the wife to accuse the husband, the husband the wife, brother the sister, sister the brother, examples whereof are plenty in this book to be seen, pag. 774.   

¶ The third consideration.  
THirdly let us call to mind, considering thus with ourselves: These good men and worthy Martyrs in those dangerous days, tasting as they did, the heavy hand of God's sharp correction, beginning commonly with his own house first if they were alive now in these Altion days, under the protection of such a peaceable prince, O what thanks would they give to God, how happy would they count themselves having but half of that we have, with freedom only of conscience, and safety of life. Or if in case we ourselves had been in those times of theirs so troubled and distressed as they were, spoiled of goods, hated of the world, cited in consistories, pinched in prisons, sequestered from wife, house and children, looking for nothing but death, What would we say? what would we think? what would we do? Much otherwise doubtless, than we do now, God grant we may do better, for worse I think we cannot if we would. joh Wickliff, W. Swinderby, Thorpe, Sawtrie, with a number of godly men more, being them glad in fries gowns going barefoot, to preach where they could. If they were now alive, how glad would they be of these days, what pains would they take, yea what pains would they▪ not take in preaching the gospel, not for lucre, nor for money, nor passing for promotions or dignities of the church? Sir I. Oldcastle L. Cobham, sir Rog. Acton, with divers worshipful gentlemen a great number, If they being in our state might enjoy with us their houses and lands, with the good favour of their Prince (as then they could not) how gladly would they have contented themselves though they never raised their rents and fines to the undoing of their poor tenants? Likewise in the time of joh. Hus and Jerome of prague, the Nobility and gentlemen of Bohemia, if they might have had half this tranquility which we have, to enjoy the liberty of God's word, and true use of the sacraments without molestation of Romish prelate's, what would they have cared how simply they walked in their attire, without any such monstrous pomp in pranking up themselves, as we Englishmen in these reformed days walk now, more like players in a stage, than gods children in his Church.   

¶ The fourth consideration.  
Wherefore, well-beloved, these things being so, let us call ourselves to mind, considering the times that have been, the times that be, and times that may come, how we stand, and by whom we stand. If it be the favour of God only, that doth support us in the midst of so many enemies, let us beware, in no wise we provoke his indignation. If it be his truth and Gospel that we profess, let us walk in the light of his truth, and keep ourselves within the compass of his Gospel: what the Gospel requireth, and what it abhorreth, who knoweth not? And yet who followeth that he knoweth? If S. Paul willeth every one to departed from iniquity▪ which nameth the Lord jesus: And if the Lord jesus himself testifieth plainly, his kingdom not to be of this world, how will then the nature of that kingdom so spiritual, and our conditions so worldly match well together? To rip up all our deformities in particular, I mind not here, neither need I, the same being so evident to all men's eyes, that who cannot see our excessive outrage in pompous apparel, our carnal desires and unchaste demeanours, without fear of God, our careless security with out conscience, as though there were no judgement to come, our studies so upon this world, as though there were no other heaven: what pride and idleness of life, double dissembling in word & deed with out simplicity, avarice unsatiable, little regard to hear God's word, less to read it, least of all to follow it, every man aspiring to worldly wealth and promotion, little or no mercy to the poor, racking of rents & fines, bribing and taking unmeasurable. What should I speak of the contentions and unbrotherly division amongst us most lamentable to see, 
Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 1.  but more lamentable, if all were seen which may or is like to follow upon the same. Such were the times once of the Church before the horrible persecution of Dioclesian, for so we read, such hatred and disdain, through much peace and prosperity of the Church, to creep in amongst the Church men. Read pag. 77.  
Wherefore let us be exhorted (dearly beloved) to reclaim ourselves, while time doth serve. If we find the Lord so gracious in sparing us▪ as he doth, let that not make us worse, but better. It is a lewd child, which will not learn without beating. A well minding man will be good, not forced by coaction, but of voluntary office induced. As adversity if it come, ought not to dismay us: 
Plat. de rep. 8. Hypocrates.  so neither prosperity now present ought not to puff us up in security, considering what commonly is wont to follow. As Plato well writeth: Summae atque effrenatae libertatis servitutem plaerumque affeclam esse. Of immoderate liberty, and to much security, followeth most commonly extreme servitude. And as Hypocrates saith: dispositions of bodies when the are come to the highest perfection of health, then are they most subject to danger of sickness. etc. Let us therefore having light given us, walk like children of light. Otherwise if we walk like children of disobedience, God hath his rods to scourge us, if we will needs be Rebels, he hath his pharao's and Nabuchodonosors to plague us. Or if we will be so unordinate, and (with reverence be it spoken, without offence to God or man) so doggish and currish, one to another, the Lord lacketh not his Doggestrikers to whip us. And would God our lives were such, that the destruction and ruin here of late seen amongst us, may portend nothing against us, as I trust there is no cause for us to fear, but rather to fear the Lord and walk in his obedience & amend that is amiss amongst us. Amen.  
¶ The Grace of our Lord jesus bless thee gentle reader, that long mayst thou read and much mayst thou profit. Amen.  
¶ Pax Pradicantibus. Gratia Audientibus. Gloriae jesus Christo. 
Constantinus.  Amen.    


In Martyrologium joan. Foxi, Laurentius Humfredus.  
TRistes Iliadas docti miramur Homeri:  
Quas scite studuit texere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Deflentur tragico multorum fata cothurno,  
Haec madidis spectant maesta theatra genis.  
Multa dolenda quidem, sed vatum somnia multa,  
Fictis intexunt vera probata nothis.  
Sunt quos delectant vanae commenta Legendae,  
Quam stabulum Augeae rite vocare queas.  
Dum vitam & mortem Sanctorum naerrat, ut errat?  
Vt pingit, fingit, Plumbeus ille liber?  
Aurea nunc tandem prodit, nova, vera Legenda:  
Egregium Chronicon, lugubris historia.  
Authorem commendat opus, sic rursus adornat  
Author opus: simul haec utraque fell carent.  
Authorem specta: pius est, & tersus, & amplus,  
judicio clarus, dexteritate, fide.  
Si rem consideras, casus, caedesque bonorum  
Tractat, & immeritae stigmata saeva crucis.  
Illudant alij, carpant, at Zoilus olim  
Dum perijt, quid sit rodere iam docuit.  
Hic discas Lector, quam sit furiosa tyrannis  
Romanae caulae cornigerique gregis:  
Vt lupus innocuos semper grassetur in agnos:  
Vt fremat, atque avidis faucibus ossa voret.  
Nonne satis fuerat Christi pia membra cremare?  
Et vivos flammis perdere, nonne satis?  
Nonne satis damnasse senes, puerosque, virosque,  
Faemellas, omni ex ordine, nonne satis?  
Cur juuat, heu, Manesscriptis lacerare iacentes,  
Et Divos Foxi dicere stercoreos?  
Ah miser, ah Christi teneros compungis ocellos,  
Pupillam tangis, quisquis es, ergo saepe.  
Haec est progenies cuius stolalota cruore  
Agni, per Christum candida tota nitet.  
Illa sub altari querulatur, Christ quousque?  
Christ veni propere, Christ quousque feres?  
Extra tela tua est, & praedicat illa Tonantem:  
Mors pretiosa fuit, vita perennis erit.  
Quid furis ô rabiose Satan? quid spicula torques?  
Quid reges acuis? quid laniásque pios?  
Frustra carnifices, carcer tormenta, facesque.  
In Coelo regnant membra caputque simul.  
Corpora sanctorum mundus consumpsit, in altum  
Migrarunt avimae, nomina Foxus habet.  
Nomina Foxus habet totum celebranda per orbem,  
Nomina iam nullo contumulanda die.  
Nam cum Martyribus Foxus, cum numine vivent  
Nomina, cumque suo stirps generosa deo.  
Monstra, Christ, tuis portum, compescito fluctus  
jactatae navi sit sua, Christ, quies.  
Sanguine Fraterno posthaec ne terra madescat:  
Ne pergat Foxus scribere Martyria.  
Perdita decurtes sceleratae tempora vitae,  
Tandem mortiferus transeat iste calix.  
Sit finis, veniatque tuum, pater optime, regnum:  
Sit tibi sit Christo, Spirituique decus.   

In Sanct. Martyrum historiam, Abrah. Hartwelus.  
ELoquio, venerande, tuo non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ipsi  
Sed nos: non Coelum, Foxe, sed orbis eget.  
Illorum crevisse malis laethoque putatum est  
Quos nunc ipse vides degenerare greges.  
Illorum, crede, historia velut ignibus antè  
Calsiet quod nunc friget evangelium.  
Certabitque aetas veniens millesima, quorum  
Fortia facta leget, fortia facta sequi.  
Et calamo seruata tuo tot flagra, tot ignes,  
Funera tot, lacrymas, damna, pericla, neces,  
Nulla dies tollet, non qui malus intulit hostis:  
Non quamuis omni cum Phlegetone velit.  
Non renuente deo, quondam qui saevijt hostis,  
Non, renuente deo, bis violentus erit.  
Bis fremat: innocuo rapietur cum grege pastor,  
Grex cadet & pastor, spesque futura gregis.  
Nullus restabit laceris in ovilibus agnus,  
Nulla, deus, recta simplicitate pecus.  
Omnia victa malis bona cedent omnibus: alma  
Simplicitas fuco, perfidiaeque fides:  
Iniusto, falso, scelerato, sanguineoque  
Virtutum sacer Euangeliumque chorus.  
Quid facient disce exfactis: ventura probantur  
praeteritis.  
Ni tua de coelo veniat Clementia, cuius  
tolluntur digito parva, superba cadunt.  
Et venias aeterne, potens, inuicte, triumphans:  
Sic, ut in Aegypto vel babylon, veni.  
Non tanti Babylone Draco Belusque fuere,  
Cultusque insani, & foeda superstitio.  
Et licet Aegypti crudelia facta legentur,  
Aegyptus non tam saeva minaxque fuit.  
utraque, nec satis est, monstrum concrevit in unum.  
Et si qua ambabus tetrior hydra fuit.  
Quid contra fidus praeco, styliue magister?  
Doctae quid poterunt veriparaeque scholae?  
Quid mitis toto laniatus corpore Martyr?  
martyr quid plenus sanguifluusque liber?  
Qui truculenta liber, qui vivos undique testes,  
Factores vivos, & modò gesta canit?  
Scilicet ut monstret sanctorum Ecclesia qualis,  
Collecti quales ex Acheronte lupi.  
Vt doceat, firmet, soletur cordapiorum:  
Dedoceat, vincat, excrucietue malos.  
Vt tibi parta, deus, stet semper gloria, nati  
Vt possit teoum gloria stare tui:  
Sanguinis ut sacri, non occultanda trophaea.  
utraque posteritas, sancta, maligna, sciat.  
Haec, venerande, tibi tanto quaesita labore,  
Tot votis optata, & tot vigilata modis,  
Noctibus exant lata tot, & sudata diebus,  
Tota placitura bonis, obruitura malos.  
Christi, non hominum, laudes sparsuraper orbem  
Factaque (credo) aetas qualiarara feret:  
Haec, oro, tibi Summipotens nobisque secundet,  
Numinis in laudem perpetuumque decus.  
Inuideat Sathanas, & Zoilus iliarumpat,  
Obtrectet mendax cum grege Roma suo.   

In idem argumentum. Rob. R.  
EN iterum in magnos nova commentaria vates:  
Auctius & plus est, quàm fuit antè decus.  
Sanctorum historias, & nostri perfida secli  
Tempora, lector habes, terrificumque scelus.  
Dignum certè opus est, quamuis sit grand volumen,  
Quod pia turba legat posteritasque probet.  
Surgit opus (fateor) maius: numerosa sophorum est  
Littera, sed similis pondere & arte stylus.  
Crede mihi historiam hanc quondam lectura vetustase  
Suspiciet genium (Foxe diserte) tuum.  
Non tamen insani sinit haec dementia vulgi,  
Hei mihi nec doctos fert patitur ve viros.  
Histrio, scurra dicax, parasitus, hypocrita, mimus,  
Vappamage arrident, leno, papista placent.  
Nescis adulari, nec verum (Foxe) silere:  
Scriptaque miraris non placuisse tua?   

Eiusdem.  
QVisque bonus te (Foxe) colit, tua scripta celebrat,  
Dant decus hoc studij tot Monumenta tui.  
Te pia vita ornat, doctorum concio laudat,  
unde ergo in libros invidia ista tuos?  
unde Papizantis subita haec conversio sectae:  
Nunc audire pudet, quod facere haud puduit.  
unde tot Harpyae, nempe Hardyngique Copique.  
unde haec Lovanij garrula turba scholae?  
Causa patet: furiae Musas, nec sacra Papismus,  
Nec Christi athletas rasafarina probat.  
Nec te adeò oderunt puto, sed verumque fidemque,  
Heu bene nulla potest lingua maligna loqui.   

In Acta Martyrum, Carmen, Thom. Drant.  
ERgone sic Papae potuit vox improba jussu  
Tam dirum mandare nefas? tot corpora tantis  
Contumulasse rogis, cineres sine honore sepulchri?  
Quod genus hoc hominum? quaeve hunc tam barbara morem  
Permittit gens ulla, pios sine lege necari,  
Totque simul mactare viros meretricis ob iram?  
Papa refer, qu● te rapuit rabiesque furorque  
Corpora tam diris sanctorum addicere flammis,  
Funera tot miscere hominum, tot plectere cives,  
Vastare & toto divisos orb Britannos?  
Dic quid nostrates in te committere tantum?  
Illi quid potuere, quibus tot maxima passis  
Vix pars ulla manet terrae qui panditur orbis?  
An tua quod nobis taxata est frausque dolusque,  
Et 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & amor sceleratus habendi?  
An tua quod nobis vox non hominem sonat: ergo  
Rite putabamus papam cacadaemone natum?  
An quod cum Christo nos conspirare delebas?  
Quod te cum Christo non conspirare videmus?  
Quòd te Romanam crebris cum cornibus hydram  
Prodimus, ut sceleris magni, vitijque ministrum?  
Hinc illud quod se versat dirisque minisque,  
Hinc illud quòd & hos facibus fumantibus assit.  

erus.  Sis miser & nulli cuiquam miserabilis Huius  
Tu cladis tantae pars magna Bonere fuisti:  
Mactator pecudum Christi, dispersor ovilis,  
Triste malum stabulis, & nil nisi pessima clades.  
Vos quoque vos omnes Ihovae tetigisse prophetas,  
Et calcasse pios, numen sprevisse benignum  
Quêis ioculare fuit, crudeles ponite mentes.  
jam satis est (proh) plus satis est, resipiscite sero,  
Sir animis non ulla dies, nunc discite tandem,  
Discite vel tandem moniti non temnere Christum. 
Ad Martyres.   
Oscula libetis gnato, ne saeviat ultor,  
Et male vos spersos deturbet tramite vitae  
At vos qui laeti quidujs superastis acerbum,  
Coelicolae, quibus aeternum licet esse beatis,  
Dulce decusque Dei, Christum quia morte decora  
Ornastis, clari superi, coetusque triumphans.  
Non caro, non mundus, non vos turcae, papa, daemon,  
Non phoebe pernox vexabit, sol uè diurnus.  
Et vos ô cuncti, scanso qui culmine coeli,  
Vaditis ad patrem, terrena mole relicta:  
Quid carcer, colaphi, compes: tormenta, cachinni,  
Vultus quid nocuere truces? quid tale? quid ignes?  
Scilicet ut fuluum spectatur in ignibus aurum:  
Sic vos mactarunt spectata holocaumata Christo.  
Interitus vester Domini, preciosus ocellis,  
Horum (Foxe) pijs, dum tu sic nomina scriptis.  
Et mortem, & mores longum diffundis in aeuum,  
Omnia dum vera repetens ab origine pandis,  
Es bonus, & merito multum memorabilis ipso.  
Ergo tu doctis pergis palles●ere chartis  
Nocturna versando manu, versando diurna,  
Athlas clarorum gnaws, gnarusque laborum  
Et studijs, dum magna cohors sua commoda captans  
(Auspice non Christo) mundi venatur honores.  
Vel tu Romano, vel tu sermone Britanno  
Scribito, praeteriti vel produc temporis acta,  
Patre Deo monstrante viam, data fata secutus:  
Omne feres punctum, simisces utile dulci.  
Magne Deus, Coelique sator, mundique monarcha,  
Quem nos terrarum tempestatumque potentem 
Ad deum de inundantibus bellorum procellis.   
Credimus, & solum scimus venerabile numen,  
Aspicis insano vexari cuncta tumultu,  
Et penitus mundum pacis de cardine volui?  
Parce gregiparuo, pacem te poscimus omnes.  
Sis bonus (ô) Foelixque tuis, vel parcito Christo,  
Cuius membra nimis ia● mundus laedit & odit.  
per tibi dilectam sponsam promissaque pacta,  
per passum Christum, per dulcia pignora passi,  
per te, te petimus, dentes confringe malorum.   

Contra Papistas incendiarios.  
SIfas caedendo coelestia scandere cuique est,  
Papicolis coeli maxima porta patet.  
I. F.   

¶ In idem argumentum Aegidius Fletcher Cantabrigiensis.  
I Am tua ter magnum spatijs emensalaborem  
Aequora lustravit puppis, ter littor a vidit, Foxe.  
Dumque fugas, ensesque canis, consumptaque flammis  
Corpora, consumptum corpus tibi, pallida languent  
Membra, sed utilior nobis tibi noxia soli  
Indefessamanet virtus. Quin otia carpis  
Mollia, iam solare tuos (divine) labores.  
Non potes, & semper mentem tibi numinis ingens  
Ardor agit, reparatque novas inpectore vires.  
Ergo age quandoquidem nobis memoranda piorum  
Facta canis sacro properans indulge labori.  
jam veniet magni seriem dum colligit aevi  
Posteritas, quam longa tenet custodia famae,  
Dumque tui monumenta legit (venerande) laboris,  
Magnanimósque duces, mediosque petita per ignes  
Sydera, te ventura simul mirabitur aetas,  
Et veterum sacras imitabitur aemula laudes.  
Scilicet aethereas ardentia pectora flammas,  
Non ignes alij, non ipsa potentia Regum,  
Nec vis ulla domat ferri, non tela, nec enses.  
Qualis ubi Aurora veniens è montibus Alice  
Exequiale refert munus, cinerésque paternos,  
Dúmque rogum, flammásque parat sibi, maior ab igne  
Egreditur, quaque illa novis volitaverit alis,  
Indigenae volucres laeto clamore sequuntur:  
Foelices animae vobis super alta beatis  
Sydera calcatur quicquid mortalia tangit  
Pectora, nec iam noster honor, nec praemia curae:  
Nec quid agat tantis virtutibus invida tellus.  
Ecce tamen, quales poterit, persoluet honores  
Posteritas, dum facta legens ingentia, vires  
Miratur, plausuque fidem super astra sequetur  
Victricem. (Hoc siquid debent mortalibus) ipsi  
Sanctorum cineres tibi se debere fatentur, Foxe.  
Tempus erit, cum tu post fata, piósque labores,  
Aucturus superos foelix super alta videbis  
Sydera, iam quorum transcribis nomina famae,  
Insignes heroas, & ipse videberis illis.  
jamque patres superans mundo labente sequetur  
Progenies, Coelo se clarior exeret alto  
Relligio, humani generis decus, optima custos  
Imperij, quam sancta fides comitatur euntem,  
Et circum laetis crescet pax aurea terris,  
Tum quoque divini passim monumenta laboris,  
Et sacrum florebitopus, fructúque beabit,  
Et populum, & populi per secula longa nepotes.   

In idem argumentum Tho. Ridley Cantabrigiensis.  
COrpora quae quondam justo caruere sepulchro  
Ossáque per campos undique sparsapia  
Collegit magna cum sedulitate peritus  
Foxus, & in unum conglomeravit opus.  
At cum gens mendax atque importuna Papistae,  
Frustra tam sanctum persequerentur opus.  
Auxit, & ex uno, idem bina volumina fecit,  
Obstruxítque suis hostibus ora pius.  
Nec sic contentus, rursus limavit & ●uctum  
Arctavit, populi commoditate sui:  
Nequaquam veritus stolidae convitia linguae,  
Dum vestra ô sancti fortia facta sonet.  
O vos foelices animae, quae sanguine vestro  
Coelestes nobis testificastis opes.  
Et tu qui tali decorasti funere sanctas  
Relliquias, peragens triste ministerium:  
Sed tibi praeclarum, nobisque nec inutile, ut istu  
Exemplis fortes possumus esse fide.   

M. M. S.  
PErlege, quae fastis signata fidelibus acta  
Pandimus Angligeûm & feruida fata virúm.  
Admiranda tibi gemini spectacula coetus,  
Pugnantésque suo dispare mart greges.  
Hinc quibus incumbus saevo ferus impete Satan  
Tartarus as praefert in suaregnafaces.  
Illinc Rex superûm, trans flammas, transque cruentas  
mill neces, Christus sternit ad astra viam.  
Illinc arma, preces, lacrymae, i●iunia templis  
jussus honos summi iussáque sacra patris.  
Concilium hoc Cyclopum rabies, fera corda fatigant  
Eumenides, tristi pectora senta situ.  
Missa volat flammis, & sanguinis ebria riui●  
Ante, gradum retrò Roma maligna premit.  
Talia dum memorat Foxus certamina longi  
Temporis, & libro tot monumenta legit.  
Intereà veri vis stat sata tempore virgo  
Ardua calcato iam Phlegetonte super.  
Post alios foetus, alios post deinde labores  
Haec extrema subit vindicis ira manus,  
Tertiaque ista patri suspendimus arma Quirino  
parva prius iam nunc qualia, quanta, vides.  
Qualia fatalis iam tum miracula saxi  
Prodidit Assyriaregius exul humo.  
Exiguus lapis hic, sed qui se attollcre in auras  
jussus Atlantaeos aequiparare sinus.  
Nunc quoque qui implevit sinuoso fragmine m●ndum  
Aetherioque ingens occupat ire polo.  
Hoc pater ipse to●ans flagranti distulit axe  
Imperia, & vertit Regna superba solo.  
Saeva Silex quià nam flammantibus incita fundis  
Vrbium & elatis perviciosaminis.  
Coctilibus muris Romana Semiramis audax  
Prospice, iam Bobylon iam ruit illatua.  
Saxeaiam rupes quantas dabit acta ruinas?  
Quas strages miseris horrida Romulidis  
Vltimus hic labor est montis rapientis avari  
Puppicolasque papas papicolasque popas.  
At vos foelices animae, quibus aurea cordi  
Saecla, pias puro funditis ore preces.  
Aligeraeque ac●es, cives stellantis Olympi:  
Plaudite: Roma fuit Babela, papa fuit.   

In sanguisugas Papistas, Philippus Stubbes.  
QVi sacrum Christi satagit convellere verbum,  
Vulnificum contrà calcitrat hic stimulum.  
Florida quae nimio compressa est pondere palma,  
Fortius exurgit viribus aucta suis.  
Auricomansque crocus quo calcatur magis, ex●●  
Hoc magis, excrescit, floret, eoque magis.  
Sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quantumuis turba papalis  
Conspuat, exurat, crescit ubique tamen.   
FINIS.   

Acts and Monuments of Christian Martyrs, and matters Ecclesiastical, passed in the Church of Christ from the Primitive beginning, to these our days, as well in other countries, as namely, in this Realm of England, and also of Scotland, discoursed at large.  

Math. 16.  CHRIST our Saviour in the Gospel of S. Matthew, Cap. 16. hearing the confession of Simon Peter, who first of all other openly acknowledged him to be the son of God, and perceiving the secret had of his father therein, answered again and alluding to his name, called him a Rock, upon which Rock he would build his Church so strong, that the gates of Hell should not prevail against it. 
Three things noted in Christ's words.  etc. In which words three things are to be noted: First that Christ will have a Church in this world. Secondly that the same Church should mightily be impugned, not only by the world, but also by the uttermost strength & powers of all hell. And thirdly, that the same Church notwithstanding the uttermost of the devil & all his malice should continue. Which prophesy of Christ, we see wonderfully to be verified. In somuch that the whole course of the Church to this day, may seem nothing else but a verifying of the said prophesy. First that Christ hath set up a Church needeth no declaration. Secondly, what force, what sides and sorts of men, of Princes, Kings, monarchs, Governors, and rulers of this world, with their subjects publicly & privately, with all their strength & cunning have bend themselves against this Church. And thirdly, how the said Church all this notwithstanding hath yet endured & holden his own. What storms & tempests it hath overpast, wondrous it is to behold. For the more evident declaration whereof, I have addressed this present history, intending, by the favourable aid of Christ our Lord, not so much to delight the ears of my country in reading of news, as most especially to profit the hearts of the godly in perusing antiquities of ancient times, to the end, that the wonderful works of God first in his Church might appear to his glory. Also that the continuance and proceed of the Church from time to time being set forth in these Acts and Monuments, more knowledge and experience may redound thereby to the profit of the Reader, and edification of Christian faith.  
For the better accomplishyng whereof, so to prosecute the matter, 
The order of the disposition of this history.  as may best serve to the profit of the Reader, I have thought good first, beginning from the time of the primitive Church, & so continuing (by the lords grace) to these latter years, to run over the whole state and course of the Church in general, in such order as digesting the whole tractation of this history, into five sundry diversities of times:  

1 The suffering time of the church.  First, I will entreat of the suffering time of the Church which continued from the Apostles age about .300. years.  
Secondly, of the flourishing time of the Church, which lasted other 300. years. 
2 The flourishing time of the Church.   
Thirdly, of the declining or backeslidyng time of the Church, which comprehendeth other 300. years, until the losing out of Satan, which was about the thousand year after the ceasing of persecution. During which space of time, 
3 The declining time of the church.  the Church, although in ambition & pride, it was much altered from the simple sincerity of the Primitive time, yet in outward profession of doctrine and religion, it was something tolerable, & had some face of a Church: notwithstanding some corruption of doctrine, 
4 The time of Antichrist in the Church.  with superstition and hypocrisy was then also crept in. And yet in comparison of that as followed after, it might seem (as I said) something sufferable.  
Fourthly, followeth the time of Antichrist, and losing of Satan, or desolation of the Church, whose full swing containeth the space of 400. years. In which time, both doctrine and sincerity of life, was utterly almost extinguished, namely, in the chief heads and rulers of this West church, through the means of the Roman Bishops, especially counting from Gregory the seven. called Hildebrand, Innocentius the iij. and Friars which with him crept in, till the time of john Wickliff, & john Husse, during 400. years.  
Fiftly and lastly, 
5 The reformation of the Church.  after this time of Antichrist, reigning in the Church of God by violence and tyranny, followeth the reformation & purging of the church of God, wherein Antichrist beginneth to be revealed, and to appear in his colours, and his Antichristian doctrine to be detected, the number of his Church decreasing, and the number of the true Church increasing. The durance of which time hath continued hitherto about the space of 280. years, and how long shall continue more, the Lord and governor of all times, he only knoweth. For in these five diversities & alterations of times, I suppose the whole course of the Church may well be comprised. The which Church, because it is universal, and sparsedly through all countries dilated, therefore in this history standing upon such a general argument I shall not be bound to any one certain nation, more than an other: yet notwithstanding keeping mine argument aforesaid, I have purposed principally to tarry upon such historical acts and records, as most appertain to this my country of England and Scotland. 
Church of Rome.   
And for somuch as the Church of Rome, in all these ages above specified, hath challenged to itself the supreme title, and ringleading of the whole universal Church on earth, by whose direction all other Churches have been governed, in writing therefore of the Church of Christ, I can not but partly also intermeddle with the acts and proceedings of the same Church, for somuch as the doings & orderyng of all other Churches from time to time, as well here in England, as in other nations, have this long season, chief depended upon the same. Wherefore, as it is much needful and requisite to have the doings & orderyng of the said Church to be made manifest to all Christian congregations: so have I framed this history, according to the same purpose. First in a general description briefly to declare as in a summary Table, the misguiding of that Church, comparing the former primitive state of the forenamed Church of Rome, with these later times of the same. Which done, then after in a more special tractation, to prosecute more at large all the particulars thereof, so farforth as shall seem not unprofitable for the public instruction of all other Christian Churches, to behold and consider the manner & dealing of this one. 
Four things to be considered in the Church of Rome. 

1. Title.  
2. jurisdiction.  
3. Life.  
4. Doctrine.    In the which one church of Rome four things, as most special points, seem to me chief to be considered. To wit, Title, jurisdiction, Life, and Doctrine, wherein I have here to declare, first concerning the title or primacy of the Church, how it first began, and upon what occasion. Secondly, concerning the jurisdiction and authority thereof, what it was, and how far it did extend. Thirdly, touching the misorder of life and conversation, how inordinate it is. And four, the form of doctrine, how superstitious & Idolatrous of late it hath been. Of the which four the first was prejudicial to all Bishops, the second derogatory to Kings and Emperors. The third detestable to all men. The fourth injurious against Christ.  
For first, 
The title of the Pope.  the title and stile of that church was such, that it overwent all other churches, being called the holy universal mother Church, which could not err, and the Bishop thereof holy father the Pope, Bishop universal, prince of Priests, 
The jurisdiction of the Pope.  supreme head of the universal Church, and Vicar of Christ here in earth, which must not be judged, having all knowledge of Scripture and all laws contained with in the chest of his breast.  
Secondly the jurisdiction of that Bishop was such, that challenging to himself both the sword, 
The jurisdiction of the Pope.  that is, both the keys of the spirituality, and the sceptre of the laity: not only he subdued all Bishops under him, but also extended himself above Kings and Emperors, causing some of them to lie under his feet, some to hold his stirrup, Kings to lead his horse by the bridle, some to kiss his feet, placing and displacing Emperors, Kings, Dukes and Earls, whom and when he listed, taking upon him to translate the Empire at his pleasure. First from Grece to France, from France to Germany, preferring and deposing whom he pleased, confirming them which were elected. Also being Emperor himself seed vacant, pretending authority or power to invest Bishops, to give benefices, to spoil Churches, to give authority to bind and lose, to call general Counsels to judge over the same, to set up religions, to canonize Saints, to take appeals, to bind consciences, to make laws, to dispense with the law and word of God, to deliver from Purgatory, to command Angels. etc.  
Thirdly, what was the life and conversation of the court of Rome, 
The properties of life in the Romish Clergy.  hereafter in the process of this history followeth to be seen and observed.  
Fourthly, such was his doctrine in like manner, tedious to Students, pernicious to men's consciences, injurious to Christ jesus, & contrary to itself. In laws more divers, 
The doctrine of the Pope.  in volume more large, in diligence & study more applied, in vantage & preferment more gainful, then ever was the study and learning of the holy Scripture of God.  
All which four points well considered and advised in this present history set forth, I trust it may minister to the indifferent Christian Reader, sufficient instruction to judge, what is of this sea and Church of Rome to be esteemed.  
But here by the way is to be noted, that all these deformities above touched of vain title, of pretenced jurisdiction, of heretical doctrine, of schismatical life, came not into the Church of Rome all at one time, nor sprang with the beginning of the same Church, but with long working, and continuance of time by little and little crept up, through occasion, & came not to full perfection, till the time partly of Pope Silvester, partly of pope Gregory the seven. an. 1170. partly of Innocentius the third, 
Pope siluester the second.  and finally of Pope Boniface the viij. an. 1300. Of the which four Popes, the first brought in the title. an. 670. which was never in such ample wise before publicly exacted & received publicly in the said Church of Rome. 
Pope Gregory, 7. called Hildebrand.  The second brought in jurisdiction. The third, which was Pope Innocent with his rabble of Monks and Friars, (as Thomas Aquine, Petrus Lombardus, johannes Scotus;) and with such other Bishops as succeeded in the same sea after him, 
Pope innocentius the third.  corrupted and obscured the sincerity of Christ's doctrine and manners also. And lastly, Pope Bonifacius the viij. and after him Pope Clement the fift, over and besides the jurisdiction, sufficiently advanced before by Pope Hildebrand, 
Pope Bonifatius the eight.  added moreover the temporal sword to be carried before them. And that no Emperor (were he never so well elected) should be sufficient and lawful, without the Pope's admission. an. 1300. whereby the Pope's power was brought now to his full pride and perfection. And thus came up the corruption of the Romish Church in continuance of years by degrees, and not all together, nor at one time, as is declared, and hereafter more particularly (Christ willing) shallbe expressed.  
Wherefore, whosoever shall have hereafter to do with any adversaries, about the antiquity or authority of the Church of Rome, let him here well consider when, & how the title, jurisdiction, & corruption of doctrine first begun in the Pope's sea. And so shall he see, that the church of Rome, as it is now governed with this manner of title, jurisdiction, & institution of doctrine, never descended from the primitive age of the Apostles, 

Equinocé. That is in name only and not in very deed.  
Vutuocè That is both in ●ame and also in definition and effect agreeing with the name.   or from their succession, nisi tantum aquinocè, & non univocè: Like as Sancta Maria picta, non est sancta Maria, & homo pictus est non homo, as the schools do say: that is as the picture of the holy virgin, is not the holy virgin, and as a man painted on the wall, is not a man: so it is to be said of the Church of Rome, (the institution and doctrine of the Church of Rome I mean) that although it have the name of the Church Apostolical, & doth bring forth a long Genealogy of outward succession from the Apostles, as the Phariseis did in Christ's time bring their descent from Abraham their father: yet all this is (as I said) but only aequivocè, 
The Church of Rome as now it is, is not Apostolical but only aequivocè.  that is, in name only, and not in effect or matter, which maketh the Apostolical Church in deed, for as much as the definition of the Apostolical Church, neither agreeth now with this present Church of Rome, nor yet the manner, form, & institution of the said Romish Church, as it now standeth with this title, jurisdiction, and doctrine, had ever any succession or offspring from the primitive Church of the Apostles. But as Christ said by the Phariseis, that they were the children not of Abraham, but of the devil: in semblable wise may be answered, that this Church of Rome now present, with this title, jurisdiction, and doctrine now used, can not be fathered upon the Apostles, neither Petrus, nor Linus, but of an other author, whom here I will not name. 
The argument of Pighius, Hosius, and Eckius for the authority of the Church of Rome.   
And here now cometh in the Argument of Pighius, Hosius, and Eccius, to be answered unto, who arguing for the antiquity and authority of the Church of Rome, reason on this manner.  
Da That for somuch as an ordinary & a known Church visible must here be known continually on earth, during from the time of the Apostles, to the which church all other Churches must have recourse.  
xi. And seeing then there is no other Church visible, orderly known to have endured from the Apostles time, but only the Church of Rome.  
j They conclude therefore that the Church of Rome, is that Church whereunto all other Churches must have their recourse. etc.  
To the which Paralogism I answer thus: 
Answer▪ Fallacia aquivoci.  that this word Durans Ecclesia, the during Church in the Minor, hath fallaciam aequivoci. For although the name of the Church and outward succession of Bishops have had their durance from time of the Apostles, yet the definition and matter which maketh a true Apostolical church in deed, and univocè, neither is now in the church of Rome, 
The minor examined.  nor yet the form & institution of the church now used in Rome was ever from the Apostles, which Apostles were never Authors or fathers of this title, jurisdiction, and doctrine now taught in Rome, but rather were enemies ever to the same.  
Again to the Mayor which standeth upon two parts, 
The mayor examined.  I answer, first although the necessity of the church during from the Apostles, may and must be granted, yet the same necessity was not bound to any certain place, or person, but only to faith, so that wheresoever, that is to say, in whatsoever congregation true faith was, there was the church of Christ: And because the true faith of Christ must needs ever remain in earth, therefore the Church also must needs remain in earth. And God forbidden that the said true faith of Christ should only remain in one city in the world, and not in other as well. And therefore to the second part of the Mayor is to be said, that as this true and sincere faith of Christ is not so given, to remain fixely in one place or city alone: so neither is there any one church in the world so ordained & appointed of God, that all other Churches should have their recourse unto it, for determination of their causes and controversies incident. etc. And thus much to the Argument of Pighius and Hosius, etc.  
Now as touching the authorities & allegations of the ancient Doctors, and holy fathers in the commendation of the Church of Rome, here cometh in also to be noted, that whosoever will understand rightly their authorities and answer to the same, must first learn to make a difference and distinction of the said Church of Rome, from that it was, to that it is, for as much as the Church of Rome is not the same Church now, 

A distinction.  
The church of Rome distincted into a double consideration of times.   which it was then, but only aequivocè: otherwise as touching the very property and definition of a Church▪ it is an other Church, and nothing agreeing to that was then, save only in outward name and place, therefore by this distinction made, I answer the place of Irenaeus, Cyprianus, and other famous Doctors, commending the Church of Rome as Catholic and Apostolical, and say that these Doctors speaking of the Church of Rome which then was, said not untrue, calling it Catholic & Apostolical, 
The 〈◊〉 of Rome, how it was commended of the 〈◊〉 Doctors.  for that the same Church took their ordinary succession of Bishops, joined with the ordinary doctrine and institution from the Apostles: but speaking of the Church of Rome, which now is, we say the said places of the Doctors are not true, neither do appertain to the same, all which Doctors neither knew the Church of Rome that now is, neither if they had, would ever have judged any thing therein worthy such commendation.  
Over and besides, 
The principal objection of the Papists, against the Protestants.  our adversaries yet more object against us, who heaving and shoving for the antiquity of the Romish Church for lack of other sufficient reason to prove, are driven to fall in scanning the times and years. What, say they, where was this Church of yours, before these fifty years? To whom briefly to answer, first we demand what they mean by this, which they call our Church? If they mean the ordinance and institution of doctrine and Sacraments, 
Answer to the objection.  now received of us, and differing from the Church of Rome, we affirm and say, that our church was, when this church of theirs was not yet hatched out of the shell, nor did yet ever see any light: that is, in the time of the Apostles, in the primitive age, in the time of Gregory the first, & the old Roman church, when as yet no universal pope was received publicly, but repelled in Rome, nor this fullness of plenary power yet known, nor this doctrine, and abuse of Sacraments yet heard of. In witness whereof we have the old acts and histories of ancient time to give testimony with us, wherein sufficient matter we have for us, to declare the same form, usage, and institution of this our church reform now, not to be the beginning of any new church of our own, 
The church of Rome revolted from the Church of Rome.  but to be the renewing of the old ancient church of Christ: nor to be any swerving from the church of Rome, but rather a reducing to the church of Rome, Whereas contrary the church of Rome which now is, is nothing but a swerving from the church of Rome, as partly is declared, and more shall appear (Christ willing) hereafter. 
another objection of the papists.   
And where the said our adversaries do moreover charge us with the faith of our fathers and Godfathers, wherein we were baptized, accusing and condemnyng us, for that we are now revolted from them & their faith, 
An answer to the objection.  wherein we were first Christened: To this we answer, that we being first baptized by our fathers & Godfathers, in water, in the name of the Father, of the Son, & of the holy Ghost, the same faith wherein we were Christened then, we do retain, & because our Godfathers were themselves also in the same faith, 
No man bound to follow the opinions of his Godfathers in all points unless they be consonant in all things.  therefore they can not say that we have forsaken the faith of our Godfathers. etc. As for other points of Ecclesiastical uses & circumstances considered, besides the principal substance of faith and baptism, if they held any thing which receaded from the doctrine and rule of Christ, therein we now remove ourselves not because we would differ from them, but because we would not with them remove from the rule of Christ's doctrine. Neither doth the Sacrament of our baptism bind us in all points to the opinions of them that baptised us, but to the faith of him, in whose name we were baptized. For as if a man were christened of an heretic, the Baptism of him notwithstanding were good, although the Baptiser were nought: so if our Godfathers or fathers, which Christened us, were taught any thing, not consonant to Christian doctrine in all points, neither is our Baptism worse for that, nor yet we bond to follow them in all things, wherein they themselves did not follow the true church of Christ.  
Wherefore as it is false, that we have renounced the faith of our Godfathers wherein we were first baptized, so is it not true that we are removed from the church of Rome. But rather say, 
The church of Rome distincted from the Church of Rome.  and (by the leave of Christ) will prove that the Church of Rome hath utterly departed from the church of Rome, according to my distinction afore touched. Which thing the more evidently to declare, I will here compare the church of Rome, with the church of Rome: And in a general description set forth (by Godsgrace (the difference of both the churches, that is of both the times of the church of Rome: 
Two times of the Church of Rome considered and examined.  to the intent it may beseen, whether we or the church of Rome have more Apostated from the church of Rome.  
And here first I divide the church of Rome in a double consideration of time, first of those first .600. years which were immediately after Christ: and secondly of the other .600. years, which now have been in these our latter days. And so in comparing these two together, will search out what discrepance is between them both. Of the which two age and states of the Roman church, the first I call the primitive church of Rome. The other I call the latter church of Rome, counting this latter church from the thousand years expired after the binding up of Satan, to the time of his losing again according to the prophesy of the xx. chap. of S. john's Revelation, counting these .1000. years from the ceasing of persecution, under Constantinus Magnus, to the beginning of persecution of the church again under Innocentius 3. and Ottomannus the first Turcian Emperor. And thus have ye the church of Rome parted into two churches, in double respect and consideration of two sundry states and times. Now in setting and matching the one state with the other, let us see whether the church of Rome hath swerved from the church of Rome more than we, 
The first point.  or no.  
ANd to begin first with the order and qualities of life: I ask here of this Roman Clergy, where was this Church of theirs which now is, in the old ancient time of the primitive Church of Rome, with this pomp and pride, with this riches & superfluity, with this gloria mundi, and name of Cardinals, with this praunsing dissoluteness and whoring of the Courtesans, with this extortion, bribing, buying and selling of spiritual dignities, these Annates, reformations, procurations, exactions, and other practices for money, this avarice insatiable, ambition, intolerable, fleshly filthiness most detestable, barbarousness and negligence in preaching, 
The enormities of life in the latter Church of Rome described.  promise breaking saythlesse, poisoning and supplanting one another, with such schisms & divisions, which never were more seen then in the elections and Court of Rome these 700. years, with such extreme cruelty, malice and tyranny in burning and persecuting their poorebrethrens to death. 
Policies and practices of Rome to get money.   
It were to long, and a thing infinite, to stand particularly upon these above rehearsed. And if a man should prosecute at large all the schisms that have been in the Church of Rome since the time of Damasus the first, which are counted to the number of xviij. schisms. What a volume would it require? Or if here should be recorded all that this Sea hath burned and put to death since losing out of Satan, who were able to number them? Or if all their sleights to get money should be described as process of matter would require, who were able to recite them all? Of which all notwithstanding, the most principal grounds are reckoned at least to xiv. or xv. sleights.  
First for Annates, 
XV. Practices of the new Church of Rome to get money.  or vacanties of Archbyshoprikes, bishoprics, Abbaties, Priories conventual, and other benefices elective.  
Secondly, for the holding and retaining of all other spiritual living whatsoever, besides this which now the incumbent payeth for, or which he may hold hereafter.  
Thirdly, new annates for all the same are required again, toties quoties, any one of all his spiritual livings be, or are feigned to be not orderly come by, whereby it hath chanced divers times three or four Annates to be paid for one benefice.  
Fourthly, for giving out preventions of benefits before they fall, and many times some one prevention to be given to divers and sundry persons, by the office for money sake.  
Fiftly, for resignations upon favour, which in many cases the Pope challengeth to be reserved to himself.  
Sixtly, for commendams.  
Seuently, for compounding with such as be absent from their charge, and give attendance about the Court.  
Eightly, for infinite dispensations, as to dispense with age, with order, with benefices incompatible, as if the number be full, if the house be of such or such an order. Item dispensation for irregularity, for whoredom & adultery, for times of marriage, for marrying in degrees forbidden, or in affinity canonical, for Gossips to marry, for the which it hath been seen in France a thousand crowns to be paid to Rome at one time, for dispensing with this canonical affinity of Gossippes, as we call it, the same being yet not true, but feigned. Item dispensing for caring meats in times prohibited.  
Ninthly, for innumerable privileges, exemptions, graces for not visiting, or visiting by a Proctor, for confirmations of privileges, for transactions made upon special favour of the Pope, for permutations of benefices with dispensation annexed, or making of pensions, with such like.  
Tenthly, for mandates granted by the Pope, to Ordinaries, whereof every Ordinary, if he have the collation or presentation of x. may receive one mandate, if he have fifty, he may receive ij. mandates, & for every mandate cometh to the Pope about xx. ducats. And yet notwithstanding so many are sold, as will come buyers to pay for them.  
eleventhly, for the Pope's penitentiary, for absolution of cases reserved to the Pope, for breaking & changing of vows for translation from one monastery to another, also from one order to an other, for licence to enter into certain Monasteries, to carry about altars, with many other things of like devise, pertaining to the office of the Pope's penitentiary.  
Twelfly, for giving & granting of innumerable Pardons and Indulgences, to be read not only in public temples, but also to be bought in private houses, and of private persons, in divers and sundry respects.  
Thirtenthly, for making Notaries, and Protonotories, and other offices of the Court of Rome.  
Fourtenthly, for granting out Bulls and Commissions of new foundations, or for changing of the old, for reducing regular Monasteries, to a secular state, or for restoring again into the old, & for other infinite rescriptes & writes, about matters depending in controversy, & otherwise might and ought by the Ordinary to be decided.  
Fiftenthly, for giving the pall to Archbyshops newly elected, by reason of all which devices (besides the first of the Annates) it hath been accounted out of the kings records in France, in the time of Ludovic the ix. (as testifieth Molineus) to the number of CC. thousand crowns, only out of France paid & transported to Rome. Which sum since that time hath been doubled & tripled, besides Annates and Palles, which all together are thought to make the total sum, yearly going out of France to the Pope's coffers ●f late years x. myriads, or Millions, every Myriad mounting to x. thousand crowns. 
Summa totalis.  Now what hath risen besides in other Realms and Nations, let other men conjecture.  
Wherefore if the Gospel send us to the fruits to know the tree, I pray you what is to be thought of the Church of Rome, with these fruits of life? Or if we will seek the Church in length and number of years, where was this Church of Rome with these qualities then, at what time the Church of Rome was a persecuted Church, not a persecuting Church? And when the Bishops thereof did not make Martyrs, as these do now, but were made Martyrs themselves, to the number of xxv. in order one after an other? Or when the Bishops thereof were elected & exalted, not by factions conspiring, not by power or parts taking, not by money or friends making, as they be now, but by the free voices of the people & of the Clergy, with the consent of the Emperor joined with all, and not by a few conspired Cardinals, closed up in a corner, as they be now etc.  

The jurisdiction and power of this new church of Rome examined.  ANd yet if there were no other difference in the matter, but only corruption of life, all that we would tolerate, or else impute to the common fragility of man, and charge them no further therein, than we might charge ourselves. Now over and beside this deformity of life, wherein they are clean gone from the former steps of the true Church of Rome, we have moreover to charge them in greater points, more nearly touching the substauntiall ground of the Church, 
This ●ewe Church of Rome in three points challenged.  as in their jurisdiction presumptuously usurped, in their title falsely grounded, and in their doctrine heretically corrupted. In all which three points, this latter pretenced Church of Rome, hath utter sequestered itself from the Image and nature of the ancient and true Church of Rome, and have erected to themselves, a new Church of their own making, as first usurping a jurisdiction never known before to their ancient predecessors. For although the Church of Rome in the old primitive time had his due authority and place due unto that sea, among other patriarchal Churches, over and upon such Churches as were within his precinct, & bordering near unto it, 
Nicen. Con. Cap. 6.  as appeareth by the Acts of Nicene Council: yet the universal fullness and plenitude of power in both the regiments, spiritual & temporal, in deposing & dispensing matters of the Church, not to him belonging, in taking Appeals, in giving elections, investing in benefices, in exempting himself from obedience & subjection of his ordinary power & Magistrate, with his coactive power newly erected in the church of Rome, was never received nor used in the old Roman church, from which they disagree in all their doings. 

Victor stopped from his excommunication by Ireneus.  
Boniface the first falsefieth the Council of Nice.   For although Victor then bishop of Rome. an. 200. went about to excommunicate the East Churches, for the observation of Easter day: yet neither did he proceed therein, neither was permitted by Irenaeus so to do. And although Boniface the first likewise, writing to the Bishops of Carthage, required of them to send up their appellations unto the Church of Rome, alleging moreover the decree of Nicene Council for his authority: The Bishops & Clergy of Carthage assembling together in a general Council (called the vj. Council of Carthage) to the number of .217. Bishops, 
The 6. Council of Carthage.  after they had perused the decrees in the authentic copies of the foresaid Nicene Council, & found no such matter, by the said Bonifacius alleged, made therefore a public decree, that none out of that country should make any appeal over the sea. etc. And what marvel if appeals were forbidden them to be made to Rome, 
Appellations to Rome forbidden in England.  when as both here in England the kings of this land would not permit any to Appeal from them to Rome, before king Henry the ij. because of the murder of Thomas Becket, being thereunto compelled by Pope Alexander the iij. And also in France the like prohibitions were expressly made by Ludovicus Pius, an. 1268. which did forbid by a public instrument, 
Appellations to Rome forbidden in France.  called Pragmatica sanctio, all exactions of the Pope's court within his Realm. Also by king Philip named Le bell, an. 1296. the like was done, which not only restrained all sending or going up of his subjects to Rome, but also that no money, armour, nor subsidy, should be transported out of his Realm. The like also after him did king Charles the v. 
Ex Annonio de gestis Francorum Lib 5. Cap. 33.  surnamed the Wise, and his son likewise after him Charles the vj. who also punished as traitors, certain seditious persons for appealing to Rome. The like resistance moreover was in the said country of France, 
The Pope's jurisdiction resisted in France.  against the Pope's reservations, preventions, & other like practices of his usurped jurisdiction in the days of pope Martin the v. an. 1418. Item, when king Henry the vj. in England, and king Charles the 7. in France, did both accord with the Pope, in investing & in collation of benefices, yet notwithstanding the high Court of Parliament in France did not admit the same, but still maintained the old liberty & customs of the French Church. In so much that the Duke of Be●hfort came with the kings letters patent to have the Pope's procurations & reservations admitted, yet the court of Parliament would not agree to the same, but the kings Procurator general was fain to go betwixt them, as is to be seen in their Registers. an. 1425. the fift day of March. In the days of the which king Charles the seven. was setforth in France, 
Pragmatica sanctio.  Pragmatica san●tio, as they call it, against the Annates, reservations, expectatives, and such other proceedings of the Pope's pretenced jurisdiction. an. 1438. Wherefore what marvel if this jurisdiction of the Pope's Court in excommunicating, in taking Appeals, and giving of benefices, was not used in the old Church of Rome, when as in these latter days it hath been so much resisted?  
And what should I speak of the form and manner of elections, 
The Pope's jurisdiction concerning elections examined.  now used in the Church of Rome, clean converted from the manner of the old Church of their predecessors? For first in those ancient days, when as yet the Church remained in the Apostles only, & a few other Disciples, the Apostles then with prayer and imposition of hands, elected Bishops & Ministers, as by the Apostles james was made Bishop of Jerusalem. Paul in Creta elected Titus, and Timothe in Ephesus. Also Peter ordained Linus and Clement in Rome. etc. After which time of the Apostles, when the Church began more to multiply, the election of Bishops and Ministers stood by the Clergy & the people, with the consent of the chief Magistrate of the place, and so continued during all the time of the Primitive Church, 
Platina. Sabel. Enead. 8. lib. 6.  till the time, and after the time of Constantine the 4. Emperor, which Emperor (as writeth Platina and Sabellic. Enead. 8. lib. 6.) published a law concerning the election of the Roman Bishop, that he should be taken for true Bishop, whom the Clergy and people of Rome did choose & elect, without any tarrying for any authority of the Emperor of Constantinople, or the Deputy of Italy: so as the custom and fashion had ever been before that day, an. 685. And here the Bishops began first to writhe out their elections and their necks a little from the emperors subjection, 

Constantine the 4. Emperor of Constantinople.  
The Popes bibliothe carry suspected.  
The constitution of Constantine the 4. Emperor of Constantinople examined.   if it be so as the said Platina and Sabellicus after him reporteth. But many conjectures there be, not unprobable, rather to think this constitution of Constantine to be forged and untrue. First, for that it is taken out of the Pope's Bibliothecarie, a suspected place and collected by the keeper and master of the Pope's Library, a suspected author, who whatsoever feigned writings or apocrypha he could find in the Pope's chests of Records, making any thing on his masters side: that he compiled together, and thereof both Platina, Sabellicus, & Gratianus take most part of their reports, & therefore may the more be suspected. etc.  
Secondly, where Platina and Sabellicus say that Constantine moved with the holiness of Pope Benedict the first made that constitution, how seemeth that to stand with truth, when both the Emperor was so far of from him being at Constantinople, & also for that the said Pope reigned but x. months? which was but a small time to make his holiness known to the Emperor so far of. And give he were so holy, yet that holiness might rather be an occasion for the Emperor so to confirm and maintain the old received manner of his institution, then to alter it.  
The third conjecture is this, for that the said constitution was not observed, but shortly after by the said Benedict was broken in the election of Pope Conon. And yet notwithstanding albeit the constitution were true, yet the election there by was not taken away from the people, and limited to the Clergy only, and much less might be taken away from the Clergy, and be limited only to the Cardinals, without the consent of their Prince and ruler, according to their own Rubrice in their Decrees, where the Rubrice saith: 
Rubrica de ordinatione Episcopi. ex Caelestino Papa dist. 63. Cap. Cleri. Dist. 63. Cap. Sacrorum.  De ordinatione Episcopi: Nullus invitis detur Episcopus, cleri, plebis, & ordinis consensus & desiderium requiratur, etc. That is: Let no Bishop be given to any people against their wills: but let the consent & desire both of the Clergy and of the people, and of the order, be also required. etc. And in the same Dist. also, cap. Sacrorun, we read the same liberty & interest to be granted by Carolus Magnus, and Ludovicus his son, not to a few Cardinals only, but to the order as well of the Clergy, as of the people, to choose not only the Bishop of Rome, but any other Bishop within their own Diocese whatsoever, and to the Monks likewise, to choose their own Abbot, setting aside all respect of persons and gifts, only for the worthiness of life, and gift of wisdom, so as might be most profitable for doctrine, and example unto the flock. etc. And this continued till the time of the foresaid Carolus Magnus, and Ludovicus his son, 

Liberty granted to the Clergy, and to the people to choose their Bishop.  
Carolus Magnus. Ludovicus P●us.  
The decree, Ego Ludocus, dist. 63. suspected.   an. 810. of the which two, Carolus the father received expressly of Pope Ad●●● ●he first, full jurisdiction and power to elect & ordain the Bishop of Rome, like as pope Leo the ix. did also to Ottho ●he first german Emperor, an. 961. The other, that is, Ludovicus, son to the foresaid Charles, is said to renounce again, and surrender from himself and his successors, unto pope Paschalis and the Romans, the right and interest of choosing the Roman Bishop, and moreover to give and grant to the said Paschalis the full possession of the City of Rome, & the whole territory to the same belonging. An. 821. as appeareth by the decree, Ego Ludovicus Dist. 63. But admit that feigned decree to be unfeignedly true (as it may well be suspected for many causes, as proceeding out of the same fountain, with the constitution of Constantine afore mentioned, that is, from the master of the Pope's Library, of whom both Gratianus & Volateran, 

Gratianus & Vol●teranus, what ground they have of their records.  
Dist. 63. ca Ego Ludovicus.  
Election of the Bishop of Rome standeth upon the consent of the Clergy, and the people of Rome.   by their own confession take their ground) yet the same decree doth not so give away the freedom of that election, that he limiteth it only to the Cardinals, but also requireth the whole consent of the Romans, neither doth he simplely & absolutely give the same, but with condition, so that, Omnes Romani uno consilio, & una concordia sine aliqua promissione ad pontificatus ordinem eligerent: that is, whom as all the Romans with one counsel, & with one accord, without any promise of their voices granted before, shall choose to be Bishop of Rome. And moreover in the same Decree is required, that at the consecration of the same Bishop, messengers should be directed incontinent to the French king concerning the same.  
Furthermore, neither yet did the same decree (albeit it were true) long continue. For although Pope Stephen the fourth, and pope Paschalis the first, in Ludovicus time were impapaced through discord without election of the Emperor, yet they were fain by message to send their purgation to him of their election. And after that, in the time of Eugenius the ij. which succeeded next to Paschalis, Lotharius son of Ludovicus, 
The decree Ego Ludovicus, proved false.  and Emperor with his father, came to Rome, and there appointed laws & magistrates over the City. Whereby may appear the donation of Ludovic, in giving away the City of Rome to the Pope, to be feigned. And after Eugenius, pope Gregory the iiij. who following within a year after Eugenius, durst not take his election without the consent and confirmation of the said Emperor Ludovicus. And so in like manner his successors pope Sergius the ij: Pope Leo, the iiij. pope Nicolas the first, and so orderly in a long tract of time, from the foresaid Nicolas the first, to Pope Nicolas the ij. an. 1061. (which Nicolas in his Decree beginning, 
Dist. 23. ca In Nomine Domini.  In nomine Domini Dist. 23. ordained also the same) so that in the election of the Bishops of Rome, commonly the consent of the Emperor and the people with the Clergy of Rome, was not lacking. After which Nicolas came Alexander the 2. and wicked Hildebrand, which Alexander being first elected without the Emperors will and consent, afterward repenting the same, openly in his preaching to the people declared that he would no longer sit in the apostolic sea, unless he were by the emperor confirmed. Wherefore he was greatly rebuked, and cast into prison by Hildebrand, and so deposed. Then Hildebrand and his followers so ordered the matter of this election, that first the Emperor, than the lay people, after that the Clergy also began to be excluded. And so the election by little & little was reduced into the hands of a few Cardinals, contrary to all ancient order, where ever since it hath remained.  

The judiciary power of the Pope examined.  And like as in elections, so also in power judiciary, in deciding and determining of causes of faith, and of Ecclesiastical discipline, the state of the Church of Rome, now being, hath no conformity with the old Roman Church heretofore. For than Bishops debated all causes of faith only by the Scriptures, and other questions of Ecclesiastical discipline they determined by the Canons, not of the Pope, but of the Church, such as were decreed by the ancient Counsels, 

Georg. Turonens in Francorum hist. lib. 10. ca 18.  
The Pope's jurisdiction usurped in giving and disposing ecclesiastical promotions.   as writeth Greg. Turonensis in Francorum historia. Where as now both the rule of scripture, & sanctions of the old Counsels set aside, all things for the most part are decided by certain new decretal or rather extradecr●tall & extravagant constitutions, in the Pope's Canon law compiled, and in his Consistories practised.  
And where as the old ordinance and disposition, as well of the common law, as of the sacred Counsels, and institution of ancient fathers have given to Bishops & other prelate's, also to patrons and donors of Ecclesiastical benefices every one within his own precinct and dominion, also to cathedral Churches and other: to have their free elections & to prosecute the same in full effect: ordering and disposing promotions, collations, provisions & dispositions of prelacies, dignities, and all other Ecclesiastical benefices whatsoever, after their own arbitrement, as appeareth by the first general Council of France. 
16. q. 7. cap. emnes Basilicae. The Council of Nice. cap ●. The general Council of Antioch. cap. 9 9 q. 3. cap. per singulas, Pragmatica sanctio sancti Ludovici.  16. q 7. cap. Omnes Basilicae, by the first general Council of Nice, cap 6. Also by the general Council of Antioch. cap. 9 and is to be seen in the Pope's Decrees. 9 q. 3. Per singulas. And also beside these ancient decrees, the same is confirmed again in more latter years by Ludovicus the ninth French king in his constitution called Pragmatica sanctio, made and provided by full Parliament against the pope's exactions. An. 1228. in these words as follow. Item exaction●s & onera gravissima pecuniarum, per curiam Romanam Ecclesiae regni nostri impositas vel imposita (quibus regnum miserabiliter de pauperatum existit) sive etiam imponendas vel imponenda levari aut colligi nullatenus volumus: nisi duntaxat pro rationabili, pia & urgentissima causa, vel inevitabili necessitate, ac etiam de expresso, & spontaneo jussu nostro, & ipsius Ecclesiae regni nostri. etc. that is. Item all exactions & importable burdens of money, which the Court of Rome hath laid upon the Church of our kingdom (whereby the said our kingdom hath been miserably hitherto impoverished) or hereafter shall impose or lay upon us, we utterly discharge and forbid to be levied or collected hereafter for any manner of cause, unless there come some reasonable, godly, & most urgent, & inevitable necessity, & that also not to be done without the express & voluntary commandment of us, & of the Church of the same our foresaid kingdom. etc. Now contrary and against to these so manifest & express decrementes of general Counsels, & constitutions synodal, this latter Church of Rome of late presumption, degenerating from all the steps of their elders, have taken upon them a singular jurisdiction by themselves, & for their own advantage, to intermeddle in disposing & transposing Churches, 
Impropriations and first finites of benefices.  Colleges, Monasteries, with the collations, exemptions, elections, goods & lands to the same belonging, by reason and example whereof have come in these impropriations, first fruits, & reservations of benefices to the miserable despoiling of Parishes, & horrible decay of Christian faith, which things among the old Roman elders were never known. For so much than did it lack, that due necessities were plucked from the Church, that Emperors, Kings, & Princes plucking from their own, rather did cumulate the Church with superfluities.  
Again, when such goods were given to the Church by those ancestors, they were neither so given, nor yet taken, to serve the private use of certain churchmen taking no pains therein, but rather to serve the public subvention of the needy, as is contained in the canonical institutions by the Emperor Ludovicus Pius set forth. An. 830. The words be these: 
Institutiones canonicae sub Ludovico Pio.  Res Ecclesiae vota sunt fidelium, pretia peccatorum, & patrimonia pauperum, that is: The goods of the church be the vows and bequests of the faithful, prices to ransom such as be in captivity or prison, and patrimonies to secure them with hospitality, that be needy.  
Whereunto agreeth also the testimony of Prosper, 
The words of Prosper.  whose words be these: Viros sanctos ecclesiae non vendicas●e ut proprias, sed ut commendatas pauperibus divisisse: that is, good men took the goods of the church not as their own but distributed them as given & bequeathed to the poor. And saith moreover: Quod habet Ecclesia, cum omnibus nihil habentibus habet common, that is: Whatsoever the church hath, it hath it common, with all such as have nothing. etc.  
Add to these the worthy testimony of S. August. ad Bonif. Si autem privatim, 
Aug. ad Bonifac.  quae nobis sufficiant possidemus, non sunt illa nostra, sed pauperum quorum procurationem quodammodo gerimus, non proprietatem nobis usurpatione damnabili vendicamus, etc.  
Likewise vowsons and pluralities of benefices were things then as much unknown, 
Vowsons' and pluralities of benefices.  as now they are pernicious to the church, taking away all free election of ministers from the flock of Christ.  
All which inconveniences as they first came and crept in chief by the pretenced authority & jurisdiction abused in this latter church of Rome, so it can not be denied, but the said latter church of Rome hath taken and attributed to itself much more, 
Three points wherein the Pope's Church erreth in his jurisdiction.  than either the limits of God's word do give, or standeth with the example of the old Roman church, in these three things especial. Whereof as mention is touched before, so briefly I will recapitulate the same.  
The first is in this, that whatsoever the Scripture giveth and referreth, 
1 Ecclesiastical jurisdiction falsely restrained & impropriate to the Church of Rome, which ought to be generally equal to all Churches Christian.  either to the whole church universally, or to every particular church severally, this church now of Rome doth arrogate to itself absolutely and only, both doing injury to other churches, & also abusing the Scriptures of God. For albeit the Scripture doth give authority to bind and lose, it limitteth it neither to person nor place, that is, neither to the City of Rome only, more them to other Cities, nor to the sea of Peter, more then to other Apostles, but giveth it clearly to the Church, whereof Peter did bear the figure, so that where soever the true Church of Christ is, there is annexed power to bind & lose, given and taken merely as from Christ, and not mediately by the Pope or Bishop of Peter's sea.  
The second point wherein this present Church of Rome abuseth his jurisdiction contrary to Scripture and steps of the old Roman Church, 
2 Ecclesiastical jurisdiction abused and extended in the church of Rome further than the word limiteth.  is this, for that it extendeth his authority farther and more amply, than either the warrant of the word, or example of time will give. For although the Church of Rome hath (as other particular churches have) authority to bind and absolve, yet it hath no such authority to absolve subjects from their oath, subjection, and loyalty to their rulers & Magistrates, to dispense with perjury, to denounce remission, where no earnest repentance is seen before, to number remission by days & years; to dispense with things expressly in the word forbidden, or to restrain that which the word maketh free, to divide Religion into Religions, to bind and burden consciences with constitutions of men, to excommunicate for worldly matters, as for breaking of parks, for not ringing bells at the bishops coming, for not bringing litter for their horse, for not paying their fees and rents, for withholding the church goods, for holding on their prince's side in princely cases, for not going at the Pope's commandment, for not agreeing to the Pope's election in an other prince's Realm, with other such things more & more vain than these. etc. Again, although the Scripture giveth leave and authority to the Bishop and Church of Rome to minister Sacraments, yet it giveth no authority to make Sacraments, much less to worship Sacraments. And though their authority serveth to baptise men, yet it extendeth not to Christian bells: 
Christening of Bels.  neither have they authority by any word of God to add to the word of God, or take from the same, to set up unwritten verities under pain of damnation, to make other articles of belief, to institute strange worship, otherwise than he hath prescribed, which hath told us how he would be worshipped. etc.  

3 The jurisdiction of the Pope abused and usurped in temporal matters where he hath nothing to do.  The third abuse of the Pope's jurisdiction standeth in this, that as in spiritual jurisdiction they have vehemently exceeded the bounds of Scripture, so they have impudently intermeddled themselves in temporal jurisdiction, wherein they have nothing to do. In so much that they have translated the Empire, they have deposed Emperors, Kings, Princes & rulers & Senators of Rome, & set up other, or the same again at their pleasure, they have proclaimed wars, & have warred themselves. And where as Emperors in ancient time have dignified them in titles, have enlarged them with donations, & they receiving their confirmation by the Emperors, have like ingrateful clients to such benefactors, afterward stamped upon their necks, have made them to hold their stirrup, some to hold the bridle of their horse, have caused them to seek their confirmation at their hand, yea have been Emperors themselves: Sede vacant, & in discordia electionis, and also have been Senators of the City. Moreover have extorted into their own hands the plenary fullness of power & jurisdiction of both the sword, especially since the time of Pope Hildebrand: which Hildebrand deposing Henricus the iiij. Emperor, made him give attendance at his City gate. And after him Pope Bonifacius the viij. showed himself unto the people on the first day like a Bishop, with his keys before him, & the next day in his robes Imperial, having a naked sword borne before him, like an Emperor. an. 1298. And for so much as this inordinate jurisdiction hath not only been used of them, but also to this day is maintained in Rome, let us therefore now compare the usage hereof to the old manner in times past, meaning the primitive and first age of the Church of the Romans. Wherein the old Bishops of Rome in those days, as they were then subject to their Emperors, so were other Bishops in like manner of other nations subject every one to his King & Prince, acknowledging them for their Lords, & were ordered by their authority & obeyed their laws, and that not only in causes civil, but also in regiment Ecclesiastical as appeareth Dist. 10. cap. 1. & 2. Dist. 97. cap. De illicita.  
Also 24. q. 3. So was Gregorius surnamed Magnus, subject to Ma●●itius, 
Pope's submitted in the old time to Emperors.  and to Phocas, although a wicked Emperor. So also both Pope & people of Rome took their laws of the Emperors of Constantinople, & were submitted to them, not only in the time of Honorius an hundredth years after Constantine the great, but also in the time of Martianus▪ 
Ex cap. 1. de iuramentis calumniat.  an. 1451. & so further unto the time of justinian & of Carolus Magnus, and also after the days of them. In all which continuance of time, it is manifest, that the Imperial law of Martiane did rule & bind in Rome, both in the days of justinian, an 150. years after, till the time of the Empire being translated from Grece unto France. Whereby it may appear false▪ that the City of Rome was given by Constantine the first unto the bishop of Rome to govern, for that Pope 〈◊〉 the first writing to the Emperor Honorius, c●●●eth in the same place Rome the emperors City. Dist. 97. cap. 1. And Lotharius, also Emperor appointed Magistrates and laws in Rome, 
Dist. 97. cap. 1.  as is above mentioned. Moreover, for further probation hereof, that both the Bishop of Rome & all other Ecclesiastical persons were in former time, and aught to be subject to their Emperors and lawful Magistrates, in causes as well spiritual as civil, 

Plat. in vita Euge. 2. Evidences proving ecclesiastical persons to have been subject to their Magistrates in causes both Ecclesiastical & temporal.  
Evidences out of the Scripture. David.  
1. Par. cap. 30.31. Ezechias. 4. Reg. 18. The order of Abias' was the eight order among the Priests.  
1. Par. 24. Solomon. judas Machabeus.   by many evidences may appear, taken out both of God's law, and man's law. And first by God's law we have example of godly king David, who numbered all the Priests and Levites, & disposed them into xxiv. orders or courses, appointing them continually to serve in the ministry every one in his proper order & turn, as came about: which institution of the Clergy, also good king Ezechias afterward renewed, of whom it is written: he did that was right in the sight of the Lord, according to all things as his father David had done before, he took away the high groves, and broke down Images. etc. 4. Reg. 8. The said Ezechias also reduced the Priests & Levites into their orders, prescribed by David before, to serve every one in his office of ministration .2. Paralip. 30.31. And this order from David still continued till the time of Zachary at the coming of Christ our Lord, being of Abias' course, which was the viij. order of the Priests appointed to serve in the tabernacle. Luc. 1. To pass over other lighter offices translated from the Priests to the kings authority, as concerning the ordering of oblations in the Temple, and reparations of the lords house, king Solomon displaced Abiathar the high Priest, by his kingly power, and placed Sadoch in his stead. 3. Reg. cap. 6▪ Also dedicating the temple of the Lord with all the people, blessed the whole congregation of Israel. 3. Reg. 8. judas Machabeus also elected Priests, such as being without spot had a zeal to the law of the Lord, to purge the Temple, which the Idolatrous Gentiles had before profaned. 1. Machab. 4.  
Also king Alexander writing to jonathas, appointed him chief Priest in his country. 
1. Mac. 10. 1. Mac. 14. josaphat.  1. Mac. 10. Demetrius ordained Simon & Alchinus in the like office of Priesthood. josaphat likewise as in the whole land did set judges, so also in Jerusalem he appointed Levites & Priests, and heads of families to have the hearing of causes, and to minister judgement over the people. 
2. Par. 19  2 Paral. 19 By these & many other is to be seen, the Kings & Princes in the old time as well, when Priests were borne Priests, as when they were made by election, had the dealing also in Ecclesiastical matters, as in calling the people to God's service, in cutting down groves, in destroying images, in gathering tithes into the Lords house, in dedicating the temple, in blessing the people, in casting down the brazen Serpent within the temple, in correcting & deposing Priests, in constituting the order & offices of Priests, in commanding such things as pertained to the service & worship of God, & in punishing the contrary. etc. And in the new Testament what meaneth the example of Christ himself both giving & teaching tribute to be given to Caesar? to Caesar I say, & not to the high Priest. 
john. 19  What meaneth his words to Pilate not denying power to be given to him from above?  
And again declaring the kings of nations to have dominion over them, & willing his Disciples not so to do, giving us to understand the difference between the regiment of his spiritual kingdom, & of the kingdom of this world, willing all worldly states to be subject under the superior rulers & Magistrates, in whose regiment is dominion and subjection, & not in the other. Whereunto accordeth also the doctrine of S. Paul, 
Rom. 13.  where it is written: let every soul be subject to the higher powers, under whose obedience neither Pope, Cardinal, Patriarch, Bishop, Priest, friar nor Monk is excepted, 
Theophilactus.  nor exempted, as Theophilactus expounding the same place declareth, & saith: Vniversos erudit, sive sacerdos sit ille, sive monachus, sive Apostolus, ut se principibus subdant: that is, he teacheth all sorts, whether he be Priest, or Monk, or else Apostle, that they should submit themselves under their Princes. etc. And S. Augustine writing ad Bonifacium, saith in much like sort: Quicunque autem legibus imperatoris, 
Aug. ad Bonifacium.  quae, pro Dei veritate feruntur, obtemperare non vult, acquirit grand supplicium, that is, whosoever refuseth to obey the laws of the Emperor, which make for the verity of God, incurreth the danger of great punishment. etc. Also in an other place, writing con●ra Cresconium, 
Aug. contra Cresconium. li. 3. cap. 5.  hath these words: In hoc enim reges sicut eis diuini●us praecipitur, Deo serviunt, in quantum reges, si in suo regno bona iubeant, mala prohibeant, non solùm quae pertinent ad humanam s●cietarem, verumetiam quae ad divinam religioné etc. that is, Kings according as it is enjoined them of God, do serve God in that they are kings, if they in their kingdom command those things that be good, & forbid things that be evil, such as appertain not only to humane society, but also to God's Religion. etc. And yet to come more near to the Popes own Doctors, Thomas Aquine not much discrepant from the injunction of the Apostle above alleged, 
Thomas de regim. princip. li. ●. cap. 32.  thus describeth the office of a king: Hoc inquit, officium rex se suscepisse cognoscat, ut sit in regno, sicut in corpore anima, & sicut Deus in mundo, etc. Let a king (saith he) understand, that he hath taken this office upon him, to be as the soul within the body, and as God in the world. In like agreement with the holy Apostle S. Paul, joineth also S. Peter: 
1. Pet. 2.  be you subject (saith he) to every humane creature, whether it be to the king, as most pre-eminent, or to other set over you. etc. Where the common Gloze addeth thereto, to obey the same, whether they be good or evil. These places rightly pondered, let any man now judge whether the Pope hath done open wrong to the Emperor, in surprising above the jurisdiction of his lawful Prince and Magistrate, notwithstanding whatsoever his own Canon law saith to the contrary.  
And as it is sufficiently hitherto proved by God's law, that all Ecclesiastical persons own their due subjection to their lawful Princes, in matters as well temporal, as spiritual: so no less evidences may also be inferred out of man's law, and examples of the oldest fathers, to prove the same. And first to begin with the example of Gregory the great, who in his Epistle to Mauritius writeth thus: Dominus meus fuisti, 
Gregor. ad Maurit. Aug. lib. 3. epist. 61.  quando adhuc Dominus omnium non eras: Ecce per me servum ultimum suum, & vestrum respondebit Christus, etc. that is: You were then my Lord, when you were not the Lord of the whole Empire, behold Christ himself shall make you answer by me, which am his most simplest servant and yours, etc. And before him Eleutherius his predecessor Bishop of Rome, writing to Lucius, king of this Realm, 
The Pope calleth king Lucius Christ's Vicar.  calleth him by the name of Christ's Vicar: But what needeth much confirmation of this matter, when the Pope's decrees & Canons be full of records hereof, testifying how the ancient Church of Rome not only received, but also required of the Emperors, laws & constitutions to be made, touching not only such causes, but also such persons as were Ecclesiastical. And here to omit by the way the chap. Principes seculi, also cap. Administratores, 23. q. 5. with divers other beside, I will recite out of the Epistle of Boniface the 1. to the Emperor Honorius, 
23. q. cap. 5. principes, cap. Administratores. Dist. 97. ca ecclesiae, cap. Victor.  so much as serveth for our purpose, written dist 92. cap. Ecclesiae, cap. Victor. Where it is mentioned that the said Bonifacius Bishop of Rome sent an humble supplication to the forenamed Emperor, desiring him by his authority to provide some remedy against the ambitious contentions of the clergy, concerning the bishopric of Rome. Which Emperor Honorius incontinent at his request, directed & established a law, that none should be made Bishop of Rome through ambition, charging all Ecclesiastical Ministers to surcease from ambition, appointing moreover, that if two were elected together, neither of them both should be taken, but the election to proceed further to an other to be chosen by a full consent of voices, 
Dist. 79. ca Si duo.  as is expressed. Dist. 79. cap. Si duo.  
To this I adjoin also the law & constitution of justinian the Emperor, ratified and renewed afterward in the counsel of Paris, in time of king Ludovicus Pius. Where all Bishops & Priests be expressly forbidden not to excommunicate any man, before his cause was known & proved to be such, as for the which the ancient Canons of the Church would him to be excommunicate. And if any should otherwise proceed contrary to the same, then the excommunicate person to be absolved by the authority of an higher degree, & the excommunicate to be sequestered from the communion, so long as should seem convenient to him that had the execution thereof, as is expressed. 24. q. 3. De illicita. The same justinian moreover in his laws & constitutions, 
24. q. 3. cap. De illicita.  how many things did he dispose & ordain in Church matters, as to have a determinate number of Churchmen or Clerks in Churches. const. 3. Also concerning Monasteries & Monks. const. 5. how Bishops & Priests should be ordained. const. 6. concerning removing of Ecclesiastical persons from one Church to an other. 
Ex Novel. 5. justinian.  Also concerning the constitution of the Churches in Africa. And that the holy mysteries should not be done in private houses, so that whosoever should attempt the contrary, should be deprived. const. 57 Moreover concerning Clerks leaving their Churches. const. 58. Also concerning the order & manner of funerals. const. 59 And that Bishops should not keep from their flock. const. 67. The same justinian granted to the Clergy of Constantinople the privilege of the secular court, in cases only civil, and such as touched not the disturbance of the Bishop, otherwise in all criminal causes he left them to the judgement of the secular court. const. 83. He giveth also laws & decrees for breach of matrimony. const. 117. & in divers other places. And in his const. 123. after the doctrine of S. Paul, he commandeth all Bishops & Priests to sound out their service, 
Divine service used in the vulgar tongue.  & to celebrate the mysteries, not after a secret manner, but with a loud voice, so as they might not only be heard, but also be understand of the faithful people, what was said & done, Whereby it is to be gathered, that divine prayers and service then, was in the vulgar tongue.  
And as the said justinian, & other Emperors in those days had the jurisdiction and government over spiritual matters & persons, the like examples also may be brought of other kings, in other lands, who had no less authority in their Realms, 
Clodoveus.  than Emperors had in their Empire. As in France, Clodoveus the first Christened king at Orleans caused a Council of 33. Bishops, where .33. Canons were instituted concerning the government of the Church, 

Concilium Aureliense.  
Carolus Magnus.   within .200. years after Christ. Ex primo Tomo Concil. Carolus Magnus, beside his other laws and edicts political, called v. Synods, one at Mentz, the second at Rome, the third at Rheims, the fourth at Cabilone, the fift at Ar●late, where sundry rites & ordinances were given to the Clergy, about .810. years after Christ. The same Carolus also decreed that only the Canonical books of Scripture should be read in the Church, 

Canonical Scripture only to be read in Churches.  
Conc. Cartha. 3. cap. 47.   & none other. Which before also was decreed. an. 4.17. in the third general Council of Carthage. Item he exhorteth and chargeth Bishops and Priests to preach the word, with a godly injunction: Episcopi verò ut sive per se, sive per vicarios, pabulum verbi divini sedulò populis annuncient. Quia ut ait beatus Gregorius: Iram contra se occulti judicis excitat Sacerdos si sine praedicationis sonitu incedit. Et ut ipsi clerum sibi commissum in sobrietate & castitate nutriant. Superstitiones quas quibusdam in locis in exequijs mortuorum nonnulli faciunt, 
Bishops and Priests charged to p●each with diligence.  eradicent, that is: That bishops either by themselves, or their deputies shall show forth the food of God's word to the people with all diligence. For as Gregory saith, the Priest procureth against him the wrath of the secret judge, which goeth without the sound of preaching. And also that they bring up their Clergy to them committed in soberness & chastity. 

Superstition in Funerals forbidden.  
Ex. Ansegiso Abbate, lib. 1. cap. 76.   The superstition which in certain places is used of some, about the Funerals of the dead, let them exterminate & pluck up by the roots, etc.  
Moreover, instructing & informing the said Bishops & Priests in the office of preaching, willeth them, not to suffer any to fayne or preach to the people any new doctrine of their own invention, & not agreeing to the word of God, but that they themselves both will preach such things as lead to eternal life, and also that they set up other to do the same, & joineth with all a godly exhortation. Ideo, dilectissimi, toto cord praeparemus nos in scientia veritatis, & mox: ut divina donante gratia verbum Dei currat & crescat, & multiplicetur, in profectum Ecclesiae Dei sanctae, & salutem animarum nostrarum, & laudem, & gloriam nominis Domini nostri jesu Christi Pax praedicantibus, gratia obedientibus, gloria Domino nostro jesu Christo, Amen. Furthermore, the said Carolus in his constitutions divideth the goods given to the Church so, that in the more wealthy places, two parts should go to the use of the poor, the third to the stipend of the Clergy. Otherwise in poorer places an equal division to be made between the poverty & the Clergy, unless the gift had some special exception. Ex Ansegiso. lib. 1. cap. 80. And in the same book a little after, cap. 83. the author declareth by the said Carolus to be decreed, that no Ecclesiastical person or persons from thenceforth should presume to take of any person, any such gift or donation, whereby the children or kinsfolks of the said Donor should be defeated of their inheritance duly to them belonging. Ludovicus Pius king of France, & after Emperor, was son to the foresaid Charles who being joined together with the said Charles his father in the Empire, 
Ludovicus Pius.  ordained also with his father sundry acts & observances touching the government of the Church, as in the author before alleged may appear. As first, that no entry should be made into the Church by Simony: 
Ex Ans. lib. 1. cap. 20.  Again, that Bishops should be ordained by the free election of the Clergy & of the people, without all respect of person or reward, only for the merit of life, and gift of heavenly wisdom.  
Also the said Kings & Emperors forbade that any free man or Citizen should enter the profession of Monkery, without licence asked of the king before, & added a double cause wherefore. First, for that many not for mere devotion, but for idleness and avoiding the kings wars, do give themselves to Religion: again, for that many be craftily circumvented & deluded by subtle covetous persons, seeking to get from them that which they have. Lib. 1. cap. 114. ibidem. Item that no young children or boys should be shaven or enter any profession, without the will of their Parents. And no young maidens should take the veal or profession of a Nun, before she came to sufficient discretion of years to discern & choose what they will follow. That none should be interred or buried thence forth within the Church, which also was decreed by Theodosius & Valentinianus 40. years before them. 
Lib. 2. C de sacr● eccle. justin. in Novel.  Item the said Carolus .22. years before this Emperor, enacted that murderers & such as were guilty of death by the law, should have no sanctuary by flying into the Church. etc. which also was decreed by justinian .300. years before this Carolus. Ex Novel. justinia.  

Ludovicus and Clot●arius.  Moreover the foresaid Ludovicus Pius, with his son Clotharius (or as some call him, Lotharius) joined with him, among other Ecclesiastical Sanctions, ordained a godly law, for laymen to communicate the Sacrament of the body & blood of the Lord in these words: Vt si non frequentius, vel ter, laici homines communicent: nisi fortè gravioribus quibus●am criminibus impediantur. 
Anseg. lib. 2. Cap. 43.  That laymen do communicate at least thrice, if not ofter, except they be let percase by some more heinous grievous offences. Anseg. lib. 2. cap. 43. Item they enacted that no goods of the Church should be alienated under the pain Leoninae constitutionis. Unto this Lotharius French king and Emperor, Pope Leo the 4. writeth that Romana lex, 
Clodovicus. 11.  that is, the Roman law (meaning the law of the French Emperors) as it hath hitherto stood in force: Ita & nunc suum robur propriúmque vigorem obtineat, that is: so now it may continue still in his vigour and strength. 

Ex Inon Carnotensis, lib. 11. decretorum.  
The Pope pleadeth his cause at the bar before the Emperor. 2. quaest. 7. cap. Hos si incontinenter.  
Ludovicus. 9   Ino Carnotensis. lib. 11. Decretorum, about the year of the Lord .848. After this Lotharius succeeded his son Ludovicus the second in the kingdom & Empire of France, before whom the foresaid Pope Leo was brought into judgement, & pleaded his cause of treason, and there was before the Emperor quite and released. Which declareth that Popes and Bishops all this while were in subjection under their Kings and Emperors.  
Moreover descending yet to lower times. an. 1228. Ludovicus 9 called holy Ludovic, made a law against the pestiferous simony in the Church, also for the maintenance of the liberty of the Church of France, established a law or decree, against the new inventions, reservations, preventions, & exactions of the court of Rome, called Pragmatica sanctio, S. Ludovici, 

Pragmatica sanctio, S. Ludovici.  
Arestum Senatus Parisien. ex Molinao. Philippus Pulcher.  
Carolus Sapiens.   the which Sanction was also practised long after in the kingdom of France against the pope's collectors & undercollectors, as appeareth by the Arestum of the counsel of Paris. an. 1463. ex Molinaeo in Commentarijs. Furthermore king Philip le Bel. 1303. set forth a law, called Philippina, wherein was forbid any exaction of new tithes and first fruits, & other uncustomed collections, to be put upon the Church of France. Carolus the v. named Sapiens. an. 1369. by a law commanded, that no Bishops nor Prelates, or their Officials within his kingdom of France should execute any censure of suspense, or excommunication, at the Pope's commandment, over or upon the Cities, or towns, corporations, or commons of his Realm, ex regist, antiquarum const. chart. 62. 
Carolu●. 6.  Item Carolus vi. an. 1388. against the Cardinals & other Officials, & collectors of the Pope, revoking again the power which he had given to them before, provided by a law, that the fruits & rents of benefices, with other pensions, & Bishops goods that departed, should no more be exported by the Cardinals & the Pope's collectors unto Rome, but should be brought to the king, and so restored to them to whom they rightly did appertain.  
The like also may be inferred & proved by the stories & examples of our kings here in England, as king Offa, king Egbertus, Edgarus, Aluredus, Athelwoldus, Canutus, Edwardus. William Conqueror, Wilhel. Rufus, Henricus the first, Henricus the second, till the time of king john and after. Whose dealing as well in Ecclesiastical cases, as in temporal, is a sufficient demonstration to prove what injury the Popes, in these latter days, have done unto the Emperors their lawful governors & Magistrates: in usurping such fullness of power & jurisdiction over them, to whom properly they own subjection, contrary to the steps & example of the old Roman Bishops their ancestors, & therefore have incurred the danger of a Praemunire, worthy to be deprived. Although it is not to be denied, but that Ecclesiastical ministers and servitures have their power also committed unto them, after their sort, of the Lord: yet it becometh every man to know his own place & standing, & there to keep him, wherein his own precinct doth pale him & not rashly to break out into other men's walks. As it is not lawful for a civil Magistrate to intermeddle with a Bishops or a Preachers function: so unseemly & unorderly it is again that Boniface the viij. should have borne before him the temporal male, & the naked sword of the Emperor, or that any Pope should bear a triple crown, or take upon him like a Lord and King. Wherefore let every man consider the compass & limitation of his charge, & exceed no farther. The office of a Bishop or serviture Ecclesiastical, was in the old law to offer sacrifice, 
The office of the Ecclesiastical minister.  to burn incense, to pray for the people, to expound the law, to minister in the tabernacle, with which office it was not lawful for any Prince or man else to intermeddle, as we read how Ozias was punished for offering incense, & an other for touching the Ark: so now the office of Christian Ministers is to preach the word, to minister Sacraments, to pray, to bind and lose, where cause urgently requireth, to judge in spiritual cases, to publish & denounce free reconciliation, & remission in the name of Christ, to erect & comfort troubled consciences with the rich grace of the Gospel, to teach the people the true difference betwixt the law and the Gospel, whereof the one belongeth to such as be not in Christ, and come not to him: the other pertaineth to the true believers in the son of God, to admonish also the Magistrates erring or transgressing in their office. etc.  
And as these properly belong to the function of the Ecclesiastical sort: 
The office of civil rulers & magistrates.  so hath the civil governor or Magistrate again his proper charge & office to him assigned, which is, to see the administration of justice & judgement, to defend with power the right of the weak that suffer wrong, to defend from oppression the poor oppressed, to minister with equality, that which is right and equal to every man: to provide laws good & godly, to see the execution of the same as cause moveth: especially to see the law of God maintained, to promote Christ's glory & Gospel, in setting up & sending out good Preachers, in maintaining the same, in providing Bishops to be elected that be faithful, in removing or else correcting the same being faulty or negligent, in congregating the Clergy when need is of any counsel or election, to hear their learning in causes propounded, & according to the truth learned, to direct his judgement, in disposing such rites & ordinances for the church, as make to edification not to the destruction thereof, in conserving the discipline of the Church, and setting all things in a congrue order. Briefly, the office of the civil ruler & Magistrate extendeth to minister justice and judgement in all Courts as well temporal, as Ecclesiastical: to have correction over all transgressors, whether they be laymen or persons Ecclesiastical. And finally all such things as belong to the moving of the sword, whatsoever, that is to say, all outward punishment, is referred to the jurisdiction of the secular Magistrate, under whose subjection the ordinance of God hath subjecteth all orders and states of men.  
Here we have the witness also of Hormisda Bishop of Rome, which being well weighed, maketh the matter plain, that Princes have to deal in spiritual causes also, not only in temporal: where the said Hormisda writeth to Epiphanius, patriarch of Constant. in this sort: Clara coelestis misericordiae demonstratio procedit, quando regés seculi causas de fide, cum gubernatione politiae coniungunt. etc. ex Act. v. univers council. Constantini secundi. an. 528. And thus much, and to much peradventure concerning the matter of jurisdiction, in which point this new Church of Rome hath swerved from the ancient Church of Rome, which was, as is sufficiently proved.  
THe third point wherein the church of Rome hath broken and is departed from the Church of Rome, 
The 3. point wherein the Church of Rome is altered from the Church of Rome. The titles & stile of the Bishop of Rome.  is the form of stile & title annexed to the Bishop of that Sea. As where he is called Pope, most holy father, vicar general, & vicar of Christ, successor of Peter, universal Bishop, Prince of Priests. head of the Church universal Summus orbis pontifex, Stupor mundi, head Bishop of the world, the admiration of the world, neither God nor man, but a thing between both. etc. for all these terms be given him in Popish books. Albeit the name Pope, being a Greek name, derived of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which soundeth as much as Father, in the Syracusane speech, may peradventure seem more tolerable, as which hath been used in the old time among Bishops, for so Austen was called of the Council of afric, Jerome, 
24 q. 1. cap. Loquitur. Dist. 50. ca De eo tamen. Papa, a common name in the old time to all Bishops of higher knowledge & virtue. Hierony. ad Chromatium, Epist. Idem ad Eustachium & Fabiolam.  of Boniface & other. Also Cyprian Bishop of Carthage, was called Papa. 24. q. 1. cap. loquitur & dist. 50. cap. De eo tamen. Item Clodovaeus or (as Rheanus calleth him) Ludovicus, first Christian king of France, calleth a certain simpler Bishop, Papam. Jerome also in his Epistle to Chromatius calleth Valerianus, by the name of Pope: & likewise writing to Eustachium, and Fabiola, he calleth Epiphanius beatum Papam. In the Apologies of Athanasius, we read oft times that he was called Papa, and Archiepiscopus. Ruffinus also Lib. 2. cap. 26. calleth him. Pontificem maximum: Also Aurelius Precedent in the vi. Council of Carthage was called of the said Council, Papa, ex cap. 4. vi. Concil. Carthag. And before this Eleutherius Bishop of Rome, writing to king Lucius the first Christian king in this land, calleth him in his Epistle, the vicar of Christ. etc. But that any of these terms were so peculiarly applied to the Bishop of Rome, that other bishops were excluded from the same, or that any one bishop above the rest, had the name of Ecumenical, or universal, or head, to the derogation of other bishops, or with such glory as is now annexed to the same: that is not to be found neither in histories of the old time, nor in any example of the primitive Church, nor in the testimonies of ancient approved Doctors. First before the Council of Nice, 
Ex Epist. Pij. secundi. 103.  it is evident by Pope Pius the ij. that there was no respect had to the church of Rome, but every church than was ruled by his own governance, till the year of our Lord, 340. Then followed the Council of Nice, wherein was decreed, that throughout the whole university of Christ's Church, which was now far spread over all the world, certain Provinces or precincts to the number of four were appointed, every one to have his head church, and chief bishop, called then Metropolitan or Patriarch, to have the oversight of such churches as did lie about him. 
The four patriarchs appointed by the Council of Nice. Ex Concil. Nicen. Ex Concil. Constantinop. cap. 36.  In the number of which patriarchs or metropolitans, the Bishop of Rome had the first place, The Bishop of Alexandria was the second. The Bishop of Antioch the third. The Bishop of Jerusalem was the fourth Patriarch. Afterward in the number of these patriarchs, came in also the Bishop of Constantinople in the room of the bishop of Antioch. So these four or five metropolitans or patriarchs, had their peculiar circuits and precincts to them peculiarly appointed, in such sort, as one of them should not deal within an others precinct, & also that there should be among them equality of honour, whereupon we read so oft in the decrees of the old Counsels, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Ex Concil. Constan. 2. Cap. 36.  that is, equal degree of thrones, and of honour among priests and ministers. Again, speaking of the said patriarchs or Primates, we read in the 2. and 3. chap. of the Council of Constant. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Ex Concil. Const. cap. 2.3.  that is, That bishops should not invade the Diocese of other bishops without their borders, nor confound together churches, etc. Moreover, the old Doctors for the most and best part, do accord in one sentence, that all bishops placed wheresoever, in the church of God, be eiusdem meriti & honoris, & successores Apostolorum, that is, to be of one merit, of like honour, and all to be successors together of the Apostles. Also, he that is the Author of the book called Dionysius Areopagita, calleth all the Bishop's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, of equal order, and of like honour, etc. All this while the Bishop of Rome was a Patriarch, and a Metropolitan or bishop called of the first sea, but no Ecumenical Bishop, nor head of the universal Church, nor any such matter. In so much, that he, with all other Bishops, was debarred from that, by a plain decree of the Council of Carthage, Can. 39 in these words: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Ex Concil. Carthag. Can. 39  that is, That the bishop of the first seat shall not be called the Prince of priests, or the high priest, or any such thing.  
And lest any here should take occasion of cavilling, to hear him called bishop of the first sea, here is to be expounded, what is meant by the first sea, and wherefore he was so called, not for any dignity of the person, either of him which succeedeth, or of him whom he is said to succeed, but only of the place wherein he sitteth. This is plainly proved by the council of Calcedone, cap. 28. Wherein is manifestly declared the cause why the sea of Rome among all other patriarchal seas is numbered for the first sea by the ancient fathers. 
Ex Concil. Chalcedon. cap. 28.  For why, saith the Council, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, for that our forefathers did worthily attribute the chief degree of honour to the sea of old Rome, because the principal reign or Empery was in that City, etc. The same also is confirmed by Eusebius Caesariensis, declaring, quòd excellentia Romani Imperij extulit papatum Rom. Pontificis supra alias Ecclesias. That the excellency of the Roman Empery did advance the Popedom of the Roman bishop above other churches, etc. Ex Gab. Biel. Moreover, 
Ex Gabri. Biel. lect. 25.  saith the said Caesariensis: Nicena synodus hoc contulit privilegium Rom. pontifici, ut sicut Romanorum rex Augustus prae caeteris appellatur: ita Rom. pontifex prae caeteris Episcopis Papa vocaretur. That is, The Council (saith he) of Nice gave this Privilege to the Bishop of Rome, that like as the king of the Romans is named Emperor above all other kings, so the bishop of the same city of Rome should be called Pope above other bishops etc. By these places hitherto alleged (and such other, many more than be here alleged) it appeareth that though these titles of superiority had been attributed to the Bishop of Rome, yet it remaineth certain, that the said Bishop received that preferment jure non divino, sed humano, by man's law, not by the law of God. And so is the distinction of the Popes proved false, 
The Pope's decree proved false.  where is said: Romanam Ecclesiam non a concilio aliquo, sed a divina voce primatum accepisse, that the church of Rome, took not his primacy by any Council, but only by the voice of God. And this is to be said although it were true, that these titles & terms were so given to the bishop of Rome in the old time, yet how and by whom they were given, ye s●e. Now to try this matter, as joining an issue with our adversaries, whether those foresaid titles of sovereignty, were applied in the old time of the Primitive church, to the Bishop of Rome, as to be called the vicar general of Christ, the head of the whole church, and universal bishop, remaineth to be proved. Whereunto this in my mind is to be answered, that albeit the bishops of Rome (of some peradventure) were so called by the names of higher pre-eminence of that city, of some going about to please them, or to crave some help at their hands, yet that calling 1. First, was used then but of a few. 2. Secondly, neither was given to many. 3. Thirdly, was rather given, then sought for, of the most. 4. Fourthly, was not so given that it maketh or can make any general necessity of law, why every one is so bound to call them, as the bishop of Rome now seeketh to be taken and called, 
Bonifa● ●. Extraua● de maiorita● & obedient Cap. unam.  and that by necessity of salvation, as the decree of Pope Boniface 8. witnesseth, where is said, quòd sit de necessitate salutis, ut credatur Primatus Ecclesiae Rom. & ei subesse. That it standeth upon necessity of salvation, to believe the Primacy of the church of Rome, and to be subject to the same, etc.  
As touching therefore these titles and terms of pre-eminence aforesaid, orderly to set forth and declare what histories of times do say in that matter, by the grace of Christ. First we will see what be the titles, the Bishop of Rome doth take and challenge to himself, and what is the meaning of them. 2. When the first came in, whether in the primitive time or not, and by whom. 3. How they were first given to the Roman Bishops, that is, whether of necessary duty, or voluntary devotion, whether commonly of the whole, or particularly of a few, and whether in respect of Peter, or in respect of the City, or else of the worthiness of the Bishop which there sat. 4. And if the foresaid names were then given of certain Bishops, unto the bishop of Rome: whether all the said names were given, or but certain, or what they were. 5. Or whether they were then received of all Bishops of Rome, to whom they were given, or else refused of some. 6. And finally whether they ought to have been refused being given, or not. Touching the discourse of which matters, although it appertain to the profession, rather of Divines, than hystoritians, and would require a long and large debating: yet for so much as both in these, & divers other weighty controversies of Divinity, the knowledge of times and histories, must needs help Divines disputing about the same so much as the grace of Christ shall assist me therein, I will join to the seeking out of truth, such help as I may.  
And first to begin with the names and titles, 

What names and titles be attributed to the Bishop of Rome.  
Ex 6. decret. Lib. 1. de elect. & electi potestate▪ tit. 6. in ca 17. in procmio. glosa.  
The form of the Pope's regality to his titles appertaining.   now claimed and attributed to the sea and Bishop of Rome: and what they be, is sufficiently declared above, that is, the chief Priest of the world, the Prince of the Church, Bishop Apostolical, the universal head of the Church, the head and Bishop of the universal Church, the successor of Peter, most holy Pope, the vicar of God on earth, neither God nor man, but a mixed thing between both: the patriarch or Metropolitan of the Church of Rome, the Bishop of the first sea. etc. Unto the which titles or stile is annexed a triple crown, a triple cross, two crossed keys, a naked sword, seavenfold seals, in token of the seavenfolde gifts of the holy Ghost, he being carried pickbacke upon men's shoulders, after the manner of heathen kings, having all the Empire, and the Emperor under his dominion: & that it is not convenient for any terrene Prince to reign there, where he sitteth, having the plenary fullness of power, as well of temporal things as spiritual things in his hands, that all things are his, and that all such Princes as have given him any thing, have given him but his own, having at his will and pleasure to preach indulgencies, and the cross against Christian Princes whatsoever: 
Regalia Sancta Patri.  And that the Emperor, & certain other Princes, aught to make to him confession of subjection at their coronation: having authority to depose, and that he de facto, hath deposed Emperors and the king of France: Also to absolve the subjects from their allegiance to their Princes, whom kings have served for footmen to lead his horse, and the Emperor to hold his stirrup, that he may and doth give power to Bishops upon the bodies of men, and hath granted them to have prisons, 
Ex frat Barth. & alijs.  without whose authority no general Council hath any force. And to whom appellations in all manner of causes may and aught to be made. That his decrees be equal with the decrees of Nicen Council, and are to be observed and taken in no less force, then if they had been confirmed with the heavenly voice of Saint Peter himself ex fra. Barth. & alijs. Item that the said Bishop of Rome hath the heavenly disposition of things and therefore may alter and change the nature of things, by applying the substance of one thing to an other. 
Cap. quando. de. transl. &. Episc. tit. 7.  cap. Quando de transl. Epis. tit. 7. Item that he can of nothing make something, and cause the sentence, which before was none to stand in effect, and may dispense above the law, and of injustice make justice, in correcting and changing laws, for he hath the fullness of power. 
Dist. 40. cap. Si. papa.  And again. dist. 40. cap. Si Papa. If the Pope do lead with him innumerable souls ●● flocks into hell, yet no man must presume to rebuke his faults in this world. Item that it standeth upon necessity of salvation to believe the Primacy of the sea of Rome, and to be subject to the same. etc.  
These things thus declared, now let us see whether these names and titles, with the form and manner of this authority and regality above rehearsed: were ever attributed of any in the primitive time to the bishop of Rome. For all these, he doth challenge and claim unto him by old possession from the time of S. Peter. And here a question is to be asked of our adversaries the Papists, whether they will avouch all these aforesaid titles, together with the whole form and tenor of regality, to the same belonging as is afore touched, or not? if they will, let them come forth with their allegations, which they never have done yet, nor ever shallbe able: if they will not, or can not avouch them all together in manner as is specified, then why doth the bishop claim them altogether so stoutly, usurp them so falsely, and obtrud them upon us so straightly. Moreover if the said our adversaries, being convicted by plain evidence of history, and example of time, will yield unto us (as they must needs) in part, and not in the whole, let us come then to the particulars, and see what part of this regality they will defend, and derive from the ancient custom of the Primitive Church (that is from the first five hundred years, 
Ex Concil. Nice. Cano.  I mean after Christ) First, in the Cooncell of nice, which was the year of our Lord. 340. and in the uj Canon of the said Council, we find it so decreed: that in every province or precinct of some one Church, 
6 Dist. 65. cap. Mos antiquus.  and Bishop of the same, was appointed and set up to have the inspection and regiment of other churches about him. Secundum morem antiquum, that is, after the ancient custom, as the words of the Council do purport, so that the Bishop of Alexandria should have power of Lybia, & Pentapolis in Egypt, for as much as the Bishop of the City of Rome, hath the like or same manner. And in like sort also in Antioch, & in other countries, let every Church have his due honour, & consequently that the Bishop of jerusalem have also his due honour to him reserved, so that such order be kept, that the Metropolitan Cities be not defrauded of their dignity which to them is due and proper. etc. In this Council and in the same Canon. vj. and seven. where the Bishops of Alexandria, of Rome, and of Antioch, are joined together in on like manner of dignity, first there appeareth no difference of honour to be meant therein. secondly for somuch as in the said two Canons after mention made of them, immediately followeth, that no Bishops should be made without consent of their metropolitans, yea and that the City also of Jerusalem should be under his Metropolitan, 
Ex. council. Nice. Cant.  and that the Metropolitan should have the full power to confirm every Bishop made in his province: Therefore it may be well suspected that the third Epistle decretal of Pope Anacletus, and of Pope Stephanus, with other more are forged, wherein these Bishops, and especially the Bishop of Rome is exempted and descevered from the name of a Metropolitan or an Archbishop, to the name of a Patriarch or Primate: 
Dist. 12. cap. Sacrosancta.  as appeareth in the decrees. dist. 22. cap. Sacro sancta. wherefore as we must needs grant the Bishop of Rome to be called a Metropolitan or an Archbishop by the Council of Nice: 

The Bishop of Rome called Metropolitan, Archbishop, Patriarch, Primate.  
The 6. Counsel of Carthage.   so we will not greatly stick in this also, to have him numbered with patriarchs or primates. which title seemeth in the old time to be common to more Cities then to Rome, both by the Epistle of Anacletus, of Pope Stephanus, of Pope, julius, and Leo, etc.  
After this followed a general Council in africa, called the vj. Council of Carthage, an. 420. where were congregated. 217. Bishops among whom was also, Augustinus, Prosper, Orosius, with divers other famous persons. This Council continued the space of v. years, wherein was great contention about the supremacy, and jurisdiction of Rome. The Bishop whereof then was Zosimus. This Zosimus the Roman Bishop had received the same time into the communion of the church without any examination, one that came to complain to him out of Aprike, 
Ex Conciliorum. Tom. 1. in Sexta Synod. Carthage.  named Apiarius, a Priest whom Aurelius the Metropolitan with the Council of afric had worthily excommunicated for his detestable conditions before. Upon this Zosimus after that he had received and showed such favour to Apiarius, for that he did appeal to him, sendeth to the Council his messengers, to wit Fastinus Bishop of Potentine and two Priests of the Church of Rome named Philippus and Asellus, with these four requests: first that Apiarius whom he had absolved might be received of them again, and that it might be lawful for Bishops or Priests to appeal from the sentence of their Metropolites, & also of the Counsel, to the sea of Rome.  
Secondly, that Bishops should not sail over importunely add comitatum. Thirdly, that if any Priest or Deacon were wrongfully excommunicate by the Bishops of their own province, it should be lawful for them to remove the hearing and judging of their cause to their neighbour bishops. fourth, 
Vrbanus. Episcopus Siccensis. The Popes of Rome taken with the manner in falsefiing the decrees of Nicene Council.  that Vrbanus there Bishop, either should be excommunicated, or else sent up to Rome, unless he would correct those things that were to be corrected. etc. For the approbation whereof, the said Zosimus alleged for him the words (as he pretended) taken out of Nicene Council. The Council of Carthage hearing this, and remembering no such thing in the Council of Nice to be decred, & yet not suspecting the Bishop of Rome to dare wrongfully to falsify the words of that Council: writeth again to Zosimus, declaring that they never read to their remembrance, in their common Latin exemplare of Nicene Council any such Canon, yet notwithstanding for quietness sake, they would observe the same till time they might procure the original copies of that council to be sent to them from Constantinople, Alexandria, and from Antioch. In like effect afterward they wrote to Pope Boniface, which then succeeded Zosimus.  
And thirdly also to Celestinus, which shortly after succeeded Boniface. In the mean time this foresaid Council sent their Legates, Marcellus and Innocentius to Atticus patriarch of Constantinople, and to Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria, for the authentic copies in Greek of Nicene Council, which being sent unto them, & they finding in the true originals no such Canon, 

The Bishop of Rome called Dominus frater. that is brother Bishop.  
Bishops of Rome proved falsefiers of Nicen Conuncell.   as the Bishop of Rome had falsely forged, they wrote a sharp & an handsome letter to Celestinus Bishop of Rome, calling him in the said letter by the way: Domine frater: declaring to him, how they had perused all the copies of the Council of Nice could find no such Canon: as he and his predecessors had falsely alleged, and therewithal reciting the vj. Canon afore mentioned, declared how the decrees of Nicene Council had committed all and singular persons Ecclesiastical, as well Bishops, as other, unto the charge of their metropolitans. Moreover expounding the same decree, they showed the reasons thereof.  
1. For that (said they) the fathers of that council did well foresee, 
Five reasons why matters of controversy ought not to be had out of other countries unto Rome.  to be most just and convenient, that all controversies there be ended (in ijsdem locis) where they begin.  
2. For that it is not to be supposed contrary, but that the grace of God will be as priest and ready in one province as in other, to instruct his ministers both prudently to understand judgement, and constantly to maintain the same.  
3. For that there is no need to seek further to any outlandish help, because especially that the party whosoever is not contented with the determination of his judges or commissioners, may lawfully appeal either to the provincial or to any general counsel.  
4. That way to be better, then to run to any forranine judge, it must needs be granted, because it is not like that our God will inspire his justice and truth of examining, unto one Bishop, and deny it to a multitude congregated in a whole Council.  
5. Neither can it be, that any such outlandish judgement in hearing and determining causes, 
Every country to appeal first to his own Metropolitan, secondly to a provincial or general Council.  can stand perfect and upright, for that the necessary persons of witnesses, either for infirmity of sex of age, of sickness, or some other impeachment, are not able to be present, by whom the truth of the sentence, should be directed. Wherefore as by these & other reasons they thought it not convenient from them to bring their matters over unto Rome: so neither was it to be found, said they, by any council of the old father's decred, that any Legates should be sent from Rome to them, for deciding of their matters. And therefore exhorted they the said bishop of Rome, that he would not induce fumosum typum, (or rather as I may call it) typhos seculi, in Ecclesiam Christi, 
Fumosum typhos seculi.  quae lucem simplicitatis & humilitatis prefaert ijs qui Deum Diligunt, that is, that he would not induce the swelling pride of the world into the Church of Christ, which church showeth and giveth the light of simplicity & of humility to such as love to see God, etc. In these foresaid letters moreover, 
Summary notes gathered out of the Council of Carthage against the Pope.  is signified how the forenamed malefactor Apiarius, whom the bishop of Rome before had absolved & received to the communion of the church, was afterward found culpable, and therefore the council proceeded against him, brought him to open confession of his faults, & so enjoined him due penance for his demerits, notwithstanding the absolution and inconsiderate clearing of the Bishop of Rome before proceeding.  
In sum, out of this Council of Carthage these are to be noted. First, how glad the Bishops of Rome were to receive such as came to them for succour.  
2. What pride they took by the occasion thereof, thinking and seeking thereby to have all under their subjection.  
3. To the intent to allure other to seek to them, how ready they were to release and quit this Apiarius as guiltless, which after was tried culpable by his own confession.  
4. How contrary to the acts and doings of the Romish bishop, this Council condemned him, whom the said bishop of Rome before had absolved, little respecting the proceed of the Romish church.  
5. How the bishops of old time have been falsifiers of ancient Counsels and writings, whereby it may be suspected, that they which shamed not to falsify & corrupt the Council of Nice, much less would they stick to abuse and falsify the decretal Epistles and writings of particular Bishops & Doctors, for their own advantage, as no doubt they have done many one.  
6. In this foresaid Council, whereat Augustine himself was present, & where Aurelius Precedent of the same, was called Papa, the bishop of Rome was called expressly in their letters, but bishop of the city of Rome, and Dominus frater, that is, brother Bishop.  
7. seventhly, the dominion of this Roman Patriarch, in the said Council of Carthage. was cut so short, that neither it was permitted to them of Africa to appeal over the sea to him, nor for him to send over his Legates to them for ending their controversies. Whereby it may sufficiently appear, that the Bishop of Rome in those days, was not fully admitted to be the chief of all other Bishops, nor the head of the universal church of Christ in earth, etc.  
8. We hear in this Council, five causes or reasons given, why it is not necessary nor yet convenient for all foreign causes to be brought to one universal head or judge, as is before recited.  
9 Lastly, by the said Council of Carthage, we hear a virtuous exhortation to be given to the bishop of Rome, that he would not induce into the meek & humble church of Christ, the fuming and swelling pride of the world, as is before declared, etc. In this, or in some other Council of Carthage, it was moreover provided by express law, and also specified in the Pope's decrees, 
Di●t. 99 Cap. sedis Episc.  that no Bishop of the first sea, should be called the Prince of Priests, or the chief priest, or any such like thing but only the bishop of the first seat, as followeth more in the said decree, universalis autem, nec etiam Rom. pontifex appelletur, 

The highest title belonging to a Bishop is to be called the Bishop of the first seat.  
The Bishop of Rome forbidden to be called universal Bishop. Sinodus Milevitana. No Bishop to appeal over the sea Bishop of the first seat what it meaneth. Concil. Car. Cano. 23.   that is, Be it enacted, that no bishop, no not the Bishop of Rome be called universal bishop, etc. And thus much concerning this foresaid Council of Carthage.  
Not long before this Council, was celebrate in Africa an other Council, called Synodus Milevitana, about the year of our Lord, 442. at the which Council also S. Augustine was present, where it was decreed under pain of excommunication, that no minister or bishop should appeal over the sea to the bishop of Rome, whereby it may appear that the bishop of Rome all this space was not universally called by the term of Ecumenical or universal bishop, but Bishop of the first sea: so that if there were any preferment therein, it was in the reverence of the place, and not in the authority of the person. And yet it was not so in the place, that the place importeth the City of Rome only, but the first seat than was called Metropolitan Church, as by the words of Nicene Council, and other constitutions more, is to be seen where the four patriarchs were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as namely, by the words of the Council of Carthage may appear, which be these: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, except he have some special licence or exception, by the consent of the first seat of the proper bishop in every country, that is, of him that is the Primate in the said country, 
Concil. Car. Cano. 39  etc. Also the words of the can. 39 of the Council of Carthage, before touched be these, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That is, that the bishop of the first sea, be not called Prince of Priests, or head Priest, or else any such like. Again Anicetus the x. bishop of Rome, and Pope Stephen & Pope Felix making a difference between Primate & Metropolitan, 
Ex Epist. de●r●●● Anicet. Step. Felici●.  writeth thus. Let no Archbishops be called Primates, but only such as have the first seat, etc. Thus it is made plain, how the bishop of the first seat, or first bishop, or Primate is none other, but he which was called Patriarch, and belonged not only to the church of Rome, but to all such cities & places, where as before among the Gentiles were primi flamines, etc. dist. 80. cap. urbes & loca, & in illis. 
Dist. 80. cap. Vrbis & loca. ibid. ca in illis.  Where, by the way is to be noted the repugnance or contrariety of such as craftily, but falsely have counterfeited the Pope's decretal epistles, which besides other great and many conjectures also hereby may be gathered. For where Clement, Anacletus, epist. 12. Anicetus and other, joining together the office of Patriarches & Primates, 
The Papiste● in their decrees contrary to themselves.  do divide the same from the order of metropolitans or Archbishops, alleging therein the constitution of the Apostles and their successors, that is, to be found false by the Canons of the Apostles, by the Council of Nice, and by the council of Antioch with other more. For in the Canons of the Apostles, where in every Canon almost, mention is made of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, no word is there touched, 
Cano. Apo. 34.  neither of any order above the Bishop, or lower than the Deacon, save only in the 33. Canon, setting an order among bishops, the Canon willeth the Bishops of every nation to know their first or chief bishop, & him to be taken for the head of them: he saith not the head of the church, or head of the world, but the head of those bishops. And where? 
Cano. 〈…〉  not in Rome only, but plainly and expressly in every nation, for so the words purport, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is, the bishops of every nation ought to know the first or chief 〈◊〉 them, etc. Moreover, the Council of Antioch reciting 〈◊〉 foresaid Canon word for word, expoundeth the 〈◊〉 plainly, 
 in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, writing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Which is as much to say, as Metropolitan: and in the end of the said Canon, calleth him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Id est, Metropolitanum, 6. q 3. per singulas. Whereby it is concluded, that to be false, that Clement and Anacletus, and Anicetus be reported (but falsedly) to put a difference between Primates or Patriarches, 
Dist. ●●. cap. Anacletus.  and metropolitans or Archbishops. Whereas by sufficient authority it is to be proved, that in the old church both Primates, first bishops bishops of the first seat, Patriarches, metropolitans, bishops of the Mother city, and Archbishops were all one. First, that Primates and metropolitans were both one, is before declared by the Canons of the Apostles, 
Novella justinia. cap. 23.  & by the Council of Antioch aforesaid. Again, that patriarchs and Archbishops were all one, it is evident Ex Novella justiniani. cap. 23. where the said constitution reciting the 4. patriarchs (above mentioned) calleth them by the name of Archbishops. And a little after calleth the Patriarch of Constantinople, Archbishop, by these words: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That is, which be under the Archbishop and Patriarch of Constantinople. And after speaking more plainly in the matter, setteth an other order, divers from that of Clement, Anacletus and Anicetus, in placing these foresaid persons, first beginning with bishops, 
Ex Novel. justin. ibi.  then over them setteth the Metropolitan, and over him again, the Archbishop, and there stayeth, making no further mention of any other above him: whose words be these, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is, if a Bishop be accused, the Metropolitan to have the examination of these things that are brought against him, if the Metropolitaine be accused, than the Archbishop to have the hearing thereof, under whom he dwelleth & pertaineth, etc.  
And in the same constitution moreover, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. If any suit or supplicaton be brought against a Bishop by a minister, 
Archbishop and Metropolitan not to be both one.  first the Metropolitan to have the deciding of the matter, and if any default shall be found in the judgement thereof, than the hearing and ending of the case to be brought before the Archbishop, etc.  
In this constitution of justinian, although the Metropolitan be placed above the Bishop, 
An item against the forged Epistles decretal.  and the Archbishop above the Metropolitan: yet notwithstanding by this is sufficiently confuted the forged constitution of Clement Anacletus, Anicetus, Stephanus, & Felix: who in their Epistles decretal, do join together in one form and order, both Archbishop and Metropolitan, 
Clement Epist. 1. Anaclet. Epist. 2 art. 4. Aniceti. Epist. art 2. Distinct. 39 Cap. Nulli Ar●●●episcopi. Stepha. Epist. art. 5.  and above them both do place the Patriarch, and above the Patriarch, the Apostolical sea to wit the Bishop of Rome, as may appear in reading the first Epistle of Clement. In illis autem civitatibus etc. the second Epistle of Anacletus. Art. 4. provinciae. dist. 99 province multo, and the Epistle of Anicetus art. 23. dist. 99 cap. Nulli Archiepiscopi. Also the Epistle of Pope Stephen the first, Art. 5. (where note by the way, that Gratianus referreth this place of the Epistle to Pope Lucius.) Item the Epistle of Pope Felix the second, Art. 12. in which all foresaid Epistles, this order and difference of degrees is taken, that the first and principal place is given to primates or patriarchs, the second to metrapolitans or Archbyshops, the third to Bishops, and finally above all these is extolled the Apostolical sea of the Bishop of Rome, 
repugnance between the constitutions of justinian: and the Epistles decretal.  contrary to all that which before hath been alleged out of justinian, the Council of Nice & of Antioch, etc. Whereby it may appear that either justinian in preferring Archbishops above metropolitans, did not read these Epistles decretal, if they were unfeigned, or if they were forged, they which forged the said Epistles in their names, did not well advise that justinian had written in this matter before.  

Bishop Metropolitan Bishop of the first sea. Primate, patriarch, Archbishop. Chief Bishop terms used in the primitive time of the Church. High Priest or high Priesthood.  Thus than these titles above recited, as Bishop, Metropolitan, Bishop of the first seat, Primate, patriarch, archbishop, that is to mean, chiefebyshop, or headbishop to other bishops of his province, we deny not but were in the old time applied, and might be applied to the bishop of Rome like as the same also were applied to other patriarchs in other chief Cities and provinces.  
As touching the name likewise of the high Priest, or hyghpriesthood, neither do I deny but that it hath been found in old monuments and records of ancient times, but in such wise and sort, as it hath been common to Bishops indifferently, and not singularly attributed to any one bishop or sea. Whereof testimony we have out of the vij general Council. dist 38. cap. Omnes, where the bishops office is called Summum sacerdotium, 
Dist. 83. cap. omnes Summus sacerdos, Summum sacerdotium.  the high Priesthood, in these words: Substantia summi sacerdotii nostri sunt eloquia divinitus tradita i vera divinarum Scripturarum disciplina. etc. That is, the substance (say they) of our high Priesthood is the word of discipline of holy scriptures given us from above. etc.  
And likewise the Council of Agatha, maketh relation De pontificibus in summo sacerdotio constitutis, of Bishops set in the high Priesthood, 
Ex concilio Agathensi. 12. q. 3. cap. Pontifices.  meaning not of any one, but indiffynitly & indifferently of whomsoever. 12. q. 3. cap. Pontifices. Also Fabianus Bishop of Rome, an. 240. writing in general to his brethren, and to all bishops and Ministers Ecclesiastical doth attribute to them the same title of Summum sacerdotium, in these words, Deus ergo, fratres, qui praeordinavit vos, 
3. q. 1. cap. Deus. ergo.  & omnes qui Summo sacerdotio funguntur. etc. God which hath preordained you brethren, and all them which bear the office of high priesthood. 3. q. 1. cap. Deus ergo. With like phrase of speech, Anacletus also in his second Epistle, 
Ex Anaclet. Epist. 2.2. q. 7. cap. Accusatio. Bishops called the successors of the Apostles.  speaking of Bishops in general, calleth them Summos sacerdotes: unde, inquit, liquit quod summi sacerdotes. i. Episcopi a Deo sunt judicandi. etc. The high priests, that is, bishops, saith he. And moreover in the same place calleth them Apostles, and successors of the Apostles. etc., So doth Innocentius the first, an. 405. as appeareth. dist. 61. cap. Miserum. Item Zosimus Bishop of the said City of Rome, an. 420, as witnesseth. dist. 59 cap. 1. who speaketh de summo sacerdotio, 
Dist. 61. c. miserum. Dist. 59 cap. 1.  that is, of high priesthood, not only of the church of Rome, but of all other churches. Vrbanus the first was Bishop of Rome, an. 226. who in his writings alleged by Gratian, referreth the name & place Summi pontificis, of the high Bishop, not only to the seat of Rome, but uniformly to every Bishop, as appeareth in the words of the dist. 51. cap. Si officia. etc.  

Ex Vrba 1. Dist. 59 cap. Si officia.  And thus much as touching the name or title of high Priest, or supreme Bishop. Which title as I do not deny to have been used in manner & form aforesaid: so do I deny this title and style of Summus orbis pontifex, as it is now used in Rome, to have been used, or usually received during all the primitive time of the Church, 
Summus orbis pontifex.  that is v. hundred years after Christ, after the manner and sort I mean of that authority and glory, which in these days now is used and is given to the same, until the time of Phocas, the wicked Emperor, which was after the year of the Lord 608. The which title as it is to glorious for any one Bishop in the church of Christ to use: so is it not to be found in any of the approved and most ancient writers of the church namely these, as Cyprianus, Basilius, Fulgentius, Chrysostomus Hieronymus, Ambrose, Augustinus, Tertullianus, but rather writeth against the same, especially of the last. And therefore not with out cause it is written and testified of Erasmus, 
Ex Eras●●. Epist. lib. 3. Epist. 1. art. 73.  who speaking of the said name, of Summus orbis pontifex, denieth plainly the same to be heard of among the old writers, whose words be these: Certe nomen hoc nondum illis temporibus erat auditum, quantum ex veterum omnium scriptis licet colligere. etc. lib. Epist. 3. Epist. 1. art. 37. etc. as whosoever readeth the same authors shall find to be true.  
The like is to be affirmed also of other presumptuous titles of like ambition, 
Vniuersali● pontifex. Caput universalis Ecclesia. Christi on terris vicarius. Princeps sacerdotum. &▪  as the head of the universal church, the vicar of Christ in earth, Prince of Priests, with such like, which all be new found terms, strange to the cares of the old primitive writers and Counsels, and not received openly and commonly before the time of Boniface the third, and Phocas the aforesaid.  
Now remaineth the name of the Pope, which of his nature, and by his first origine, being a word of the Syracusane speech called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Papa.  and signifieth as much as Pater, Father, was then used and frequented of them in the old time, not so as proper only to the Bishop of Rome, but common and indifferent to all other Bishops or personages, whosoever were of worthy excellence, as is partly before declared. But now contrarily, the generality of this name is so restrained and abused, that not only it is appropriate to the Bishop of Rome, but also distincteth and discevereth the authority and preminence of that Bishop alone from all other bishops, for which cause it is now worthily come into contempt and execration. No less is to be rejected also the name of universalis, or oecumenicus, pontifex, Summus orbis Episcopus, Caput universalis Ecclesiae, Christi in terris, Princeps vicarius sacerdotum, etc. All which terms and vocables, tending to the derogation of other Bishops & patriarchs, as they were never received nor allowed in Rome (if we believe Gregory) during the time of the primative church, so now are worthily of us refused.  
Although it cannot be denied, 
How they began first at Constantinople, to take the name of universal Bishop. Ex quinta synodo universali. Actione prima. cap. post. consulatum. Ibid. cap. dom. nostro.  but certain were in the primative time, which began privately to pretend that proud and wicked title of universal Bishop, as Menna, and especially joannes patriarch of Constantinople, who calling a Counsel at Constantinople, went about to 'stablish and ratify and to dignify his throne by the consent of the Council, and the Emperor of Constantinople, and obtained the same as appeareth in the v. general Council of Constantinople the 2. where both Menna is named Oichumenicus Patriarcharum and also joannes in the said Council is titled Oicumenicus Patriarcha: ex Concil. general. 5. cap. Domino. Concerning the which title although it was then used to Constantinople through the sufferance of the Emperors, being then willing to have their imperial City advanced: yet notwithstanding this foresaid title, all this while was not in the City of Rome. And in Constantinople it stood not then in force: jure aliquo divino, but only by man's law. And thirdly it was then but only, verbalis titulus: having no true domination upon all other Churches, or any real subjection belonging to the same. Forasmuch as neither the Bishop of Rome, nor any of the West churches were subject or did acknowledge service unto them but rather did repugn the same: namely Pelagius the 2. & Gregorius the 1. both Bishops at that time of Rome, which Pelagius writing to all Bishops, saith plainly in these words: 
Ex Pelagi. 20. dist. cap. ●9. Nullus.  that no Patriarch should take the name of universality at any time, because that if any be called universal, the name of Patriarch is derogate from all other. But let this be far, saith he, from all faithful men, to will to take that thing to him, whereby the honour of his brethren is diminished. Wherefore the said Pelagius chargeth all such Bishops, that none of them in their letters will name any patriarch to be universal, lest he take from himself the honour due to him, while they give that which is not due to another. 
Gregory against the universality of the Bishop of Constantinople.  What can be more evident than these words of Pelagius, who was Bishop of Rome next before Gregory. an. 583? In like manner or more plainly, and more earnestly writeth also Gregory of this matter in his register, proving and disputing that no man ought to be called universal Bishop. Moreover with sharp words and rebukes detesteth the same title, calling it new, foolish, proud, perverse, wicked, profane, and such, as to consent unto it, is as much, as to deny the faith. He addeth further and saith, that whosoever goeth about to extol himself above other Bishops, in so doing followeth the fact of Satan, to whom it was not sufficient to be counted equal or like unto other angels. In his Epistles how oft doth he repeat, and declare the same to repugn directly against the Gospel, and ancient decrees of Counsels? affirming that none of his predecessors did ever usurp to himself that style or title, and concludeth that whosoever so doth, declareth himself to be a forerunner of Antichrist. etc. With this judgement of Gregory well well agreeth also the words of S. Augustine, Lib. 3▪ cap. 3. De Baptismo, 
August. lib. 3 cap. 3. de Baptism, contra Donat.  where reciting the words of Cyprian thus saith: Neque enim quisquam nostrum se Episcopum Episcoporum constituit, aut tyrannicomore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suns a●igit, etc. That is, for none of us doth ever set himself to be Bishop of Bishops, or after a tyrannical manner doth subdue and bring under his fellows unto the necessity of his obedience, 
To be Bishops of bishops forbidden, by Cyrpian, and Austen. Ex pro secundo. Epist. 301.  etc. By these words of Cyprian and Augustine, it is manifest, that in their time was no supremacy, or universal title among Bishops received, nor that any greater respect was had to the bishop of Rome (as Pius the 2. saith, Epist. 301.) before the Council of Nice. And after in that Council the said Bishop of Rome had no further authority to him limited, then only over his province, and places suburbane, bordering about the City of Rome. Against whose primacy divers cities also did resist long after that, 
The Pope's premacy resisted.  as the Church of Ravenna, Mediolanensis, and Aquilegiensis. Also the Greek Churches long resisted the same, so did the churches of Asia, Rutenicae, Moscoviticae, Valachicae, and other more.  
But to return again to Gregory, who confirming the sentence of Pelagius his predecessor above mentioned, had no small conflicts about this title matter, both with the patriarch, and with the Emperor of Constantinople▪ as witnesseth Antonius, 
Ex Antonino titl. 12. cap. 3.  & other. etc. The history is thus: After that john being made of a Monk, patriarch of Constantinople, by his flattery & hypocrisy, had obtained of Mauritius the Emperor, to be extolled above other Bishops with the name of universal patriarch, and that he would write to Gregory bishop then of Rome, for his consent concerning the same: Gregory abiding still in his constancy, did set himself stoutly against that Antichristian title, and would give no place. At the same time the Lombard's had invaded the country of Italy, and the City of Rome, the Emperor keeping then at Constantinople, and setting in Italy an overseer called Exarchus, to rule in Ravenna▪ Gregory perceiving the Emperor Mauritius to be displeased with him about the matter afore touched, writeth to Constantina the Empress, arguing and declaring in his letters, that presumption and pride of him to be universal Patriarch, was both against the rule of the gospel, and decrees of the Canons, namely, the vj. Canon of Nicene Council, and the novelty of that newfound title to declare nothing else, but that the time of Antichrist was near. Upon this, Mauritius the Emperor taking displeasure with him, calleth home his soldiers again from Italy, and inciteth the lombards against the Romans: who with their king Agilulphus, therupon contrary to their league made before, set upon the city of Rome, and besieged it a whole year together, Gregory yet notwithstanding still remaining in his former constancy. After these afflictions thus overpast, Eulogius Patriarch of Alexandria, writeth to the said Gregory in his letters, naming him universal Pope, unto whom Gregory refusing the same, answereth again as followeth.  
The letter of Gregory, to the Patriarch of Alexandria.  

The answer of Gregory to Eulogiu● patriarch of Alexandria.  BEhold in the Preface of your Epistle directed to me, ye have used a word of a proud name, calling me universal Pope, which I pray your holiness you will cease hereafter to do, for that is derogated from you, whatsoever is attributed to an other more than right and reason requireth. As for me I seek not mine advancement in words, but in manners: neither do I account that any honour, wherein the honour of my brethren I see to be hindered: 
Dist 99 cap. Ecce. Gregory refuseth the name of universal Pope.  For my honour I take to be the honour of the universal Church: my honour is the whole and perfect vigour of my brethren. Then am I honoured when to no man is denied the due honour which to him belongeth. For if your holiness call me universal Pope, in so doing you deny yourself to be that, which ye affirm me to be universal. But that God forbidden, let these words therefore go, which do nothing but puff up vanity, and wound charity, etc.  
It were too long here to infer all such letters and Epistles of his, concerning this matter, written to the Emperor Mauritius, and Constantina the Empress, but that shall more largely appear hereafter (Christ willing) in the body of the history, when we come to the year and time of Gregory, which was well nigh about vj. hundred year after Christ. In the mean season this is sufficient to declare how the church of Rome with the form and manner of their title of universal supremacy now used & maintained, hath utterly swerved from the ancient steps of the primitive church of Rome.  
Now let us see what the adversary side hath to object again for the title of their universality, or rather singularity. And first here cometh in a blind cavillation of a certain Sophister, 
A sophistical cavillation upon the words of Pelagius and Gregory answered.  who glozing upon the words of Pelagius above recited, laboureth to colour the plain text with a subtle meaning, as though the sense of the Canon were this, not to deny there the state of supremacy: Sed negari ibi aliquem posse esse universalem Episcopum, sub eo sensu duntaxat, quòd esset cuiusque Ecclesiae proprius rector, ita quòd nullus alius esset Episcopus, etc. That is, but to deny there, that any may be universal bishop after this sense and meaning only, so that he should be the proper Pastor of every Church alone, and that there should be no other bishop beside himself, etc. Thus goeth this Sophister about to dash out this text, but he cannot so discharge the matter. For neither did john the Patriarch then seek any such thing, to be bishop and proper Pastor of every church alone, nor if he had the Council of Chalcedon, and the Emperor justinian, would never have agreed thereunto. Neither is it true, that this Gloser denieth Pelagius, here to forbid the primacy or supremacy of that Patriarch, which in deed is the only intent of Pelagius in that Canon, witnessing as well other Historiographers, as namely, Anton. tit. 12. cap. 3. par. 13. & also the gloze ordinary upon the same Canon, etc. 
An objection of a certain late English writer refuted.   
Out of the same fountain springeth the like or very same reason of late renewed by a certain new start English Clerk in these our days, who answering to the places of Gregory touching the said matter, laboureth to avoid the clear authority of him, by a like blind cavillation, saying, that john bishop of Constantinople, by this title of universal bishop, understood himself only to be a bishop, and none else. And that Gregory in resisting him, had none other meaning but the same. And to prove this to be the very meaning of Gregory, he reciteth the words of Gregory written to the said john Archbishop of Constantinople as followeth: 
A place of Gregory examined.  Qui enim indignum te esse fatebaris, ut Episcopus dici debuisses, ad hoc quandoque perductus os, ut despectis fratribus Episcopus appetas solus vocari. That is to say, For thou (john bishop of Constantinople) which sometime didst grant thyself unworthy the name of a bishop, art now come to this, that thou dost seek to be called a bishop alone, etc. Upon this word Episcopus solus, this gloser would ground a surmise▪ that Gregory did find fault with the Archbishop, not for any primacy which he sought for above other Bishops, but only, for that he coveted to be bishop and Pastor alone in every Church, in such sort, as there should be no other Bishop nor Pastor else but himself only. But as is said, that was never the Archbishop's seeking, nor the matter of Gregory's reprehension. For the said Archbishop of Constantinople, went not about to be Bishop alone, (which was to much absurd, and also impossible) but to be universal alone: nor to take away the office from other, but the honour from other: not to depose them, but to despise them. And therefore saith Gregory, ut despectis fratribus, not depositis fratribus, so that this word solus, here noteth a despising of other, not a deposing of other, & importeth a singularity in condition above other, and not the office or substance of ministration without other, that is, to be universal among many, and not to be one alone without any, nor to diminish the number of them, but only to increase the honour to himself. For the more evident probation whereof (although the thing of itself is so evident, that it needeth no proof) what can be more plain, than the words themselves of Pelagius and Gregory wherewith they charge him for running before his brethren, for challenging superiority above them, for diminishing their honour, by taking more honour than to him was due, for following the angel of pride in exalting himself, in admitting that to him, which the bishops of Rome and their predecessors had refused, being offered to them before, etc. All which declare that he sought not to thrust out all other bishops out of their churches, and to be bishop himself alone. For that was never offered to the Bishops of Rome by the Council of Chalcedon, that they should be bishops alone, and none other. Neither did Lucifer seek to have no more angels in all heaven, but himself, but he to be above all other alone.  
Likewise the word praecurrere, that is, to run before other in the Epistle of Pelagius, 
Pelagq. ●. Epist. 1.  declareth that john sought not to be bishop alone, but Bishop universal. We say not that a man runneth before another, when he runneth alone, and no man followeth him, that is not properly praecurrere, but solus currere. Moreover, in seeking to be superior to other bishops, he seeketh not to take away other Bishops, but to make other bishops inferior to him. For where no inferior is, there can be no superior, forasmuch as these together are correlatives, & infer necessary respect mutually. And if it were true as this Gloser saith, that he had sought to be bishop alone, how would that Council either have granted that unto him, or have offered it to the Bishop of Rome before? or if they had, how could it be possible for him alone to serve all Churches, without any fellow Bishop to help him? And where this foresaid clerk standeth so much upon the words of S. Gregory: Solus Episcopus Gregory therefore shall expound Gregory, and one Solus shall declare another. Wherefore if this divine (whatsoever he be Doctor or Bachelor) either knoweth not, or would learn, what (only Bishop) meaneth in this place: an other place of the said Gregory may instruct him, where Gregory writing to Eulogius, 
Ex. Epist. Greg. 36. Lib. 4.  Patriarch of Alexandria, giveth this reason, why he refused the same title offered to him (which then was offered to the said john patriarch of Constantinople) saying: Quia videlicet si unus Patriarcha universalis dicitur, Patriarcharum nomen coeteris derogatur, sed absit hoc. etc. That is to say: For if one alone would be called Patriarch universal, then should the name of patriarchs be derogated from all other. etc. Whereby two things are to be noted: First what thing it was which the patriarch of Constantinople did seek, for Gregory here findeth no other fault, but with the same which was given to john, which was to be called patriarch universal. The second thing to be noted, is the cause why Gregory did rebuke this title, both given to john, and offered to him, because (sayeth he) if one take upon him the name of universal Patriarch, then is the name patriarch taken from the rest. As who would say: if I should take upon me to be named universal Patriarch, then should there be no other Patriarches but I should be Bishop patriarch alone. And here cometh in your Solus Episcopus. etc.  

Ex Epist. Greg. 38. Lib. 4.  Furthermore, the same Gregory speaking of the said Solus, in an other place by, seemeth to declare there what he meaneth by this Solus here, in these words as follow: ut & nulli subesse, & solus omnibus praeesse videretur That is to say: so that he would be subject to none, and would be chieftain to all other alone. etc. And so by this place, may the other place be expounded, ut solus Episcopus sit is, qui solus inter Episcopos praeesse appetat. That is, he that seeketh to be as bishop alone, who alone seeketh to be extolled above other bishops. But to be short in a matter that needeth not many words: he that thus cavilleth upon this place Solus Episcopus in Gregory, must be desired here not to take Solus alone, but join with all the word going before, which is, despectis fratribus, by the which might seem sufficiently declared, what Gregory meant by Solus Episcopus, meaning, that to despise other bishops, & to diminish their honour, to set up his own, & to be subject to none, but to prefer himself inequally before all other, is as much as to be counted bishop alone. And thus much touching this objection.  

another objection resolved.  another objection of our adversaries is this: although (say they) no Bishop of Rome was ever called, or would be called by the name of universal Bishop: yet it followeth not therefore, that they be not, or ought not to be heads of the universal Church. Their reason is this:  
As S. Peter had the charge of the whole Church (by the testimony of Gregory) committed unto him, although he were not called universal Apostle:  
So no more absurd it is, for the Pope to be called the head of the whole Church, 

A double untruth in one Popish argument.  
Peter how he had charge and not charge of the Church. The first untruth in this argument.  
The dignity of the Church above the Apostles.   and to have the charge thereof, although he be not called universal Bishop. etc.  
Wherein is a double untruth to be noted. First in that they pretend Peter to be the head, & to have the charge of the whole Church: if we take here (charge or head) for dominion or mastership upon or above the Church, in all cases judiciary, both spiritual & temporal: for the words of the Scripture be plain. Non dominantes in clerum 1. Pet. Vos autem non sic. Luke. 22. That is. Not as masters over the Clergy. etc. but you not so. etc. Again that the Church is greater, or rather the head of Peter it is clear: 1. Corrin. 3. All things are yours, whether it be Paul, or Apollo, or Cephas: either the world, death, or life, you be Christ's, Christ is Gods. etc. In which words the dignity of the Church no doubt is preferred above the Apostles, and above Cephas also. Moreover as the dignity of the wife is above the servant, so must needs the honour and worthiness of the Church (being the spouse of Christ) surmount the state of Peter or other Apostles, which be but servants to Christ and to the Church, yea and though they were Princes of the Church, 
Vide Baldum consi. 169. lib. 3 Secundum novam impressionem. Et secund. vete consi. 359. lib. 1. Proofs and reasons that there was no inequalliti● of pre-eminence among the Apostles.  yet after the mind of Baldus: Magis attenditur persona intellectualis, quàm organica. Otherwise if by this word (charge) he meant only the office and diligence of teaching: to that I answer: The same Lord that said to Peter, feed my sheep, said also to the other, go & preach this Gospel to all nations. And he that said to Peter: what soever thou losest, said also to the other: whatsoever ye remit in the earth. Moreover if the matter go by preaching, Paul the Apostle laboured more therein, then ever did Peter by his own confession: Plus laboravi, also suffered more for the same, Plus sustinui, neither was his doctrine less sound. Yea and in one point he went before Peter, & was teacher and schoolmaster unto Peter, whereas Peter was by him justly corrected. Gal. 2. Furthermore, teaching is not always nor in all things a point of mastership, but sometime a point of service. 
Office of teaching giveth no dominion, farther than in his book.  As if a Frenchman should be put to an Englishman to teach him French, although he excelleth him in that kind of faculty, yet it followeth not therefore, that he hath fullness of power upon him, to appoint his diet, to rule his household, to prescribe his laws, to stint his lands, and such other. Wherefore seeing in travail in teaching, in pains of preaching, in gifts of tongs, in largeness of commission, in operation of miracles, in grace of vocation, in receiving the holy Ghost, in vehemency of torments and death for Christ's name, the other Apostles were nothing inferior to Peter: 
Peter in no point excelleth the rest of the Apostles.  Why Peter then should claim any special prerogative above the rest, I understand no cause. As in deed he never claimed any, but the patrons of the Apostolical sea do claim it for him, which he never claimed himself, neither if he were here, would no less abhor it with soul and conscience, than we do now: & yet our abhorring now is not for any malice of person, or any vantage to ourselves, but only the vehemency of truth, & zeal to Christ and to his congregation. Moreover, if these men would needs have Peter to be the Curate and overseer of the whole universal Church (which was too much for one man to take charge upon) and to be Prince of all other Apostles, than would I feign learn of them, what meaneth (Dextrae societatis) the right hand of society between Peter, 
Dextra societatis.  Paul, & Barnaby, mentioned, Gal. 2. What taking of hands is there between subjects & their Prince, in way of fellowship? Or where fellowship is, what mastership is there? Or again, what state of mastership is it like, that Christ would give to Peter, who being in deed master of all, took such little mastership upon himself, and that not only in inward affection, but also in outward fact. Although I am not ignorant that Peter in places of the Gospel hath his commendation, neither do I deny Peter to be worthy of the same. But yet these words of commendation, give to him no state of superiority, or jurisdiction upon all other, to have all under his subjection. As if a Schoolmaster should have more special charge to some one of his scholars for his riper towardness: yet this giveth him no fullness of authority, or power coactive upon the rest, unless by special admission he be deputed thereunto. Whereof, nothing can be gathered of Peter, for if it be true that S. Augustine saith, that such things as were spoken to Peter, 
August. in praefat. psal. 103.  have no lightsome understanding, except they be referred to the church, whereof Peter did bear a figure: them hath the person of Peter nothing to claim by these words, but all redoundeth to the church, which being meant by Peter, hath power by this reason, both over the person of Peter, and all other persons in the Lord.  
But here stumbleth in an argument of our adversary again, 
Answer to an invincicible argument proving by Chrisostō● the whole Church to be committed to S. Peter.  which he in the margin of his book calleth an invincible argument drawn out of the bowels of S. john chrysostom. Lib. 2. De Sacerd. Whereby he supposeth to have given a shrewd blow to the Protestants, and to have gotten Hector's victory upon a certain English prisoner taken in plain field, and of all such as take his part. The text only of chrysostom he reciteth, but maketh no argument albeit he maketh mention of an invincible argument in the margin. But because he either witted not, or list not to show his cunning therein, I will form that in argument for him which he would have done, but did not: and so will form it (the Lord willing) as he himself must of necessity be driven to do, if the matter ever come to the trial of act, and not to the trifling of words. First, he taketh his text out of chrysostom, 
Chrisost. Lib. 2. de sacred.  as followeth: for what cause, I pray you, did Christ shed his blood? Truly, to redeem those sheep, whose charge he committeth to Peter, and to Peter's successors. Upon this place of chrysostom. this Clerk taketh his medium, Christ's suffering. His conclusion is, that all which Christ died for, were committed to Peter, Wherefore the form of the argument must needs stand thus in the third figure.  
Christ suffered for all men.  
Christ suffered for them whom he committed to Peter. 
A Popish perilous paralogism▪   
Ergo, All that Christ died for, were committed to Peter.  
If this be the form of his insoluble argument, as it seemeth to be, by the order of his reasoning, & also must needs be, taking that medium, and making that conclusion as he doth, (for else in the first figure, and first mood, the text of chrysostom will not serve him) then must the form and violence of this inexpugnable argument be denied, for that it breaketh the rules of Logic, making his conclusion universal, which in that figure must needs be particular, either affirmative or negative. And so this argument invincible, falleth into one of these two straits, either concluding thus, the form will not serve him, or concluding in another figure, the words of chrysostom will not answer to his purpose, to prove that all the world was committed to Peter. Which proposition as it is strange in scripture: so neither is it the proposition of chrysostom. And though it were, yet both without inconvenience might be granted of us, and being granted, serveth his purpose nothing, so long as the proposition is not exceptive, excluding other Apostles. For the words of Chrysostom do not so sound, that the whole world was committed to Peter only and to none other. Likewise then as it may be well affirmed of us, that the world was committed to Peter, so can it not be denied of them, that the world was also committed to john, 

The world was committed as well to other Apostles as to Peter.  
A place of chrysostom examined by S. Paul.   james, Bartholomew, Paul, Barnaby, and other all and singular Apostles. For he that said to Peter, Feed my sheep, said also to all and singular his Apostles: Go into all the world & preach, etc. Math. vlt. Moreover, for as much as this man collecteth out of chrysostom, that the whole world was committed to Peter, how shall we then join this meaning of chrysostom with S. Paul, which saith that the Gospel was committed to Peter ever the circumcision, as was Paul over the uncircumcision? And here an answer to this doughty argument, both to the form, & to the matter thereof, albeit concerning the matter, here lacketh much to be said more of Peter's successors in the text of chrysostom. 
The successors of Peter.  By the which successors is not meant the bishop of Rome only (as the Papists would bear us in hand) but all such true and faithful Pastors, whom the lords calling sendeth, and setteth over his flock, where so ever, or whatsoever they be. For as Peter beareth a representation of the church, by the testimony of August. in joan. tract 124. Praefat. in Psal. 108. so the successors of Peter be all faithful Pastors and overseers of Christ's Church, 
August. in joan. tract. 124.  to whom Christ our Lord hath committed the charge of his flock. Wherefore they are not a little deceived, which looking upon the rock only of the person, and not the rock of confession (contrary to the rule of Hilary, 
Hilarius. lib. 6.  De trinit. lib. 6.) do tie the Apostleship or rock of Peter, to one only Bishop, and the succession of Peter to one only sea of Rome: where as this being a spiritual office, and not carnal, hath no such carnal race or descent after any worldly or local understanding: but hath a more mystical meaning, after a spiritual sense of succession, 
Hierony. Epist. ad Enagrium.  such as Jerome speaketh of, epist. ad Euagrium. Omnes, inquit, Apostolorum successores sunt etc. That is, All, saith he (speaking of Bishops) be successors of the Apostles, etc.  
Of like force and fashion, and out of the same figure, the same Author patcheth moreover another argument, proving that the Bishop of Rome was tituled the head of Christ's church, in the primitive time of the old ancestors, before the age of Gregory. His argument proceedeth thus, in the third figure.  

An argument of the Papists.  S. Peter was called by the ancient fathers, head of Christ's church.  
S. Peter was bishop of Rome:  
Ergo, the bishop of Rome was called head of the Church in the old ancient tyme.  
This argument expository, being clouted up in the third figure, 
Answer to the argument.  and concluding singularly, hath rather a show of an argument, then maketh any necessary conclusion, standing upon no mood in the said figure, if the Author thereof were put to his trial. Albeit to leave the form, and to come to the matter of the argument. First, how well he will dispatch himself of the Mayor, & prove us that S. Peter, although he were at Rome, and taught at Rome, and suffered at Rome: yet that he was bishop and proper ordinary of that city and special sea of Rome? As touching the allegation of Abdias, Orosius, Ado, Tertullian, Cyprian, Jerome, Optatius, and Augustine, brought forth for his most advantage, 
Osorius. Tertul lib. de prescript adver haere. Cypri. lib. 1. Epist. 3. Hier. in cattle. & Epist. 42.  to prove his Mayor: thus I answer concerning Orosius, Tertullian, Cyprian, Jerome, and Augustine, that where they speak of S. Peter's chair, or planting the faith at Rome, straightway this man argueth there upon, that Peter was Bishop of Rome. But that doth not clarkly follow. For the office of the Apostles was to plant the faith in all places, and in every region, yet were they not bishops in every region. And as for the chair, as it is no difference essential that maketh a bishop (for so much as a Doctor may have a chair, and yet be no bishop) so cannot he conclude by the chair of Peter, that S. Peter was Bishop of Rome. For all this proveth no farther, but that Peter was at Rome, and there taught the faith of Christ, as Paul did also, and peradventure in a chair likewise: yet we say not that Paul was therefore Bishop of Rome. But that he was there as an Apostle of Christ, whether he taught there standing on his feet, or sitting in a chair. In the Scripture commonly the Chair signifieth doctrine or judgement, as sitting also declareth such as teach or judge, whether they sit in the chair of Moses, or in the chair of pestilence. Planting likewise is a word Apostolical, and signifieth not only the office of a Bishop. Wherefore it is no good consequent, he sat, he taught, he planted at Rome his chair and seat was at Rome: Ergo, he was Bishop of Rome. And thus much touching Orosius, Tertullian, Cyprian, Augustine.  
As for Abdias, Ado, Optatus, and such other, although we should have much wrong offered, and never should make an end, if we should be priest with the authority of every one that could or did move pen, in all the whole first age of the church, to be our judges in every ecclesiastical matter: and much more wrong should have, if the authors either corrupted, or countersaited, should be laid unto us, speaking not in the same sense, or in the same tongue, or in the same time wherein they wrote: yet to help and to feign the authorities of these authors so much as we may, I answer to their allegations, with this distinction of a bishop, which is to be taken either generally or specially. After the first, 
A double taking of the word Bishop.  a bishop is he to whom so ever the public cure and charge of souls is committed, without any limitation of place. And so the name of Bishop is concident with the office of Apostle, or any public Pastor, Doctor, or Curator of the universal flock of Christ. And thus may Paul, Peter, or any other of the Apostles be called Bishops. So also is Christ himself by express word called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Christ himself a Bishop.  that is, Bishop and Pastor, 1. Peter. 2. And thus may Peter well be named a bishop of these foresaid authors after this manner of taking. But this public and general charge universally over the whole, without limitation, ceased after Christ and the Apostles. For than were bishops by places and provinces appointed, to have special oversight of some particular flock or province, and so to be resident and attendant only upon the same.  
The other diversity of this name bishop, is to be taken after a more special sort, which is, when any person orderly called, is assigned, namely & specially to some one certain place, city, or province, whereunto he is only bound to employ his office & charge, and no where else, according to the old Canons of the Apostles, and of the Council of Nice. And this Bishop differing from the other, 

Canon. Apost. 23.14.34. Con. Nice. cap. 15. Concil. Antioch. cap. 3 13  
Peter's being a● Rome.   is called Episcopus intitulatus, having his name of his city or Diocese. And thus we deny that Peter the Apostle was ever Bishop elected, installed, or entitled to the City of Rome, neither doth Optatus, Abdias, Ado, or Jerome affirm the same. And if Ado say that Peter was bishop of Rome 25. years, until the last year of Nero, that is easily refuted both by the Scriptures and Histories: for so we understand by the declaration of Saint Paul, Gal. 1.2. that 14. years after his conversion, Saint Paul had Peter by the hand at Jerusalem.  
Moreover, the said Paul in the foresaid Epistle, witnesseth, that the charge Apostolical was committed unto Peter over the Circumcised, and so was he entitled. Also S. Paul writing to the Romans, in his manifold salutations to them in Rome, maketh no mention there, of S. Peter, which doubtless should not have been unremembered, if he had been then in Rome. Again S. Peter dating his Epistle from Babylon, was not then belike at Rome.  
Furthermore, histories do record, that Peter was at Pontus v. years, and at Antioch. 7. years. How could he then be 25. years at Rome? Finally, where our adversary alleging out of Ado, saith, that S. Peter was there 25 years, until the last year of Nero: how can that stand, when S. Paul suffering under Nero, was put to death the same day twelvemonth, that is, a whole year after Peter, etc. But especially how agreeth this with Scripture, that Christ should make Peter an Apostle universal to walk in all the world: Item per universum orbem. Item, Etitis mihi testes usque ad fines terrae. etc. And our Papists would needs make him a sitting Bishop, and entitle him to Rome. How accord these: Apostolus and Episcopus ire and sedere. Omnes gentes, and Roma together?  
And thus have I resolved the first untruth of that Popish demonstration above rehearsed, Pag. 14. wherein they think to prove that as Peter, although he was not called universal Apostle, yet was the head of the whole Church: so the Pope might and hath had after him the charge of the whole Church, although he was not called universal Bishop in the old tyme. etc.  
Now followeth the second untruth to be touched in the same argument, which is, that because Peter was the head of the church: 
The second untruth of the argument above mentioned.  so therefore the Pope must also be the head of the church, and was, albeit he was not called universal bishop a long time. But this we do deny, yea the matter denieth itself, by their own position, for being granted by them, that the title of universal bishop was not received at Rome, but refused to the time of Gregory: then m●st it necessarily be granted, that the Bishops of Rome before S Gregory, had not the charge of the whole church, neither could be admitted by that reason to be heads of the church. For so much as there can be no head, but which is universal to the whole body, neither can any have charge of the whole, but he must needs be universal to all and singular parts of that, whereof he hath the charge. As in sciences, whosoever hath knowledge & cunning in all the seven liberal sciences, & all the parts thereof pertaining to liberal knowledge, is said to be an universal learned man: so in office, to whomsoever the public charge of all Churches doth appertain, how is he not to be called bishop universal? 
What is an universal Bishop.  Now if before S. Gregory's time the name of universal bishop, was repealed in Rome: how then can the name be refused, & the definition of the name be admitted? Or else let our adversaries tell us how they define an universal Bishop, seeing this word bishop is properly the name of office whereto is annexed charge. Wherefore, if a Bishop be he which hath the charge of all souls in his Diocese committed to him, & must render account for them all: than whose charge extendeth to all & singular churches, & must render account for every christian soul within the whole world, to him can not be denied the name of an universal bishop, having the office of an universal bishop. Or if he be not an universal bishop, he cannot then have the charge of the whole that is, of all and singular churches of Christ. For such is the rule of true definition. 
Regula definitionis.  Cui convenit definitio, convenit & definitum, & contra. Cui adimitur definitio, eidem & definitum adimitur. Although this word universal, in the Greek writers, signifieth that, which we in our vulgar English tongue call catholic: 
Cui convenit definitio & definitum.  yet I suppose our adversaries here will not take universal in that sense. For after that meaning, as we do not deny that the bishops of Rome may be universal Bishops, so neither can they deny but other bishops also may be as universal, that is, as catholic as they. But such as more distinctly & schoolelike discuss this matter, 
Universal defined by three things, time, place, and person.  define universal or catholic by three things: to wit, by time, place, and person. So that whatsoever extendeth itself to times, all places, & to all persons that is properly universal or catholic. And contrariwise, what thing is to be called universal or catholic, reacheth to all those three aforesaid, comprehending all places, times, & persons, & extendeth itself of his own nature to the same, 
Three things commonly called catholic or universal.  or else it is not to be called properly universal or catholic. And thus iij. things there be, which most commonly we call catholic or universal: that is, the church which is called the catholic church: Faith, which is called the catholic faith: A man, whom also we call a man catholic, because these iij. of their own nature & disposition (no contrary obstacle letting) extend themselves so to all, that no time, place, nor person is excluded. Which iij. conditions, 
To have universal charge to be head of the universal Church, and to be universal Bishop are all concident together.  if they altogether concur in the charge of the bishop of Rome, then is it an universal, charge, and he an universal bishop: if not, then is his charge neither universal, nor he the head of the Church, nor yet universal bishop. For how these three can be separated, I can not see, except the adversary part do prove it more evidently, then yet they have done.  
And thus much to the objection of our adversaries, arguing thus: that as S. Peter being not called universal Apostle, yet was the head of the universal church: So the Pope although he was not first called universal Bishop, had, and might have the charge of the whole Church, and was the universal head of the same. The which objection containing (as is said) a double untruth, our adversaries yet notwithstanding do busy themselves greatly to fortify by sunory testimonies and allegations, patched out of old and ancient Doctors, 

Irenaeus. Lib. 3. Cap. 3. Amb. de doct. gent. lib. 2. ca 6. August. Epict. 162.  
An argument of the Papists.   but specially out of Theodoritus, Irenaeus, Ambrose, & Augustine, proving by them, that the sea of Rome having the pre-eminence and principality, hath been honoured above all other churches. Whereupon the said adversary before minded, groundeth this consequent.  
Irenaeus, Ambrose, Augustine and Theodoritus affirm that the church of Rome is the chief of all other churches.  
Ergo, the Bishop and head of that church is chief and head over all other bishops, & head of all other churches.  
But this consequent is to be denied, for that the excellency of the church or place doth not always argue the excellency of the minister or bishop, 
Answer.  nor yet necessarily doth cause the same. For in matters of the church which are spiritual, all pre-eminence standeth upon spiritual & inward gifts, 
Pre-eminence of a Church esteemed after a double consideration.  (spiritualia enim spiritualibus comparantur) as faith, piety, learning and godly knowledge, zeal and fervency in the holy ghost, unity of doctrine, etc. which gifts many times may excel in a church, where the minister or bishop is inferior to bishops or ministers of other churches. As the most famous school in a realm hath not always the most famous schoolmaster, neither doth make him thereby most excellent in learning above of all other: So if our adversaries do mean by this pre-eminence of the church of Rome, such inward gifts of doctrine, faith, unity and peace of religion: then say I, the excellency hereof doth not infer or argue the excellency of the Bishop. And thus concerning the principality of the Church of Rome, commended at that time of the Doctors, it may be true, & so well expounded one way. And thus do I grant the antecedent of this argument, and deny the consequent. But here will our adversaries peradventure reply again and say, 
Objection. Outward pre-eminence belongeth to outward kingdoms not to the Church of Christ.  that the principality of the church of Rome which is commended by the Doctors, is not meant here so much by inward gifts and induments belonging to a christian church, as by outward authority and domination over other churches, whereto is to be answered. First, what necessity is there, or where did our Papists learn, to bring into the spiritual church of Christ, this outward form of civil regiment and policy? that as the Roman Emperors in time passed governed over all the world, 

The 1. answer to the objection.  
Non sie, saith Christ.  
Quod sic, saith the Pope.  
Objection. Answer. Superiority in the Church.  
Distinction of degrees in the church.  
Diversity of dignities in degrees. Orders kept in the Church, and what true order is.   so the Roman bishop must have his monarchy upon the universal Clergy, to make all other churches to stoop under his subjection. And where then be the words of our Saviour: Vos autem non sic, If they hold their affirmative, quòd sic where then is Christ's negative, non sic? if they say, there must needs be distinction of degrees in the church, and in this distinction of degrees, superiority must necessarily be granted for the outward discipline of the church, for directing matters, for quieting of schisms, for setting orders, for commencing of Convocations and Counsels, as need shall require, etc. Against this superiority we stand not, & therefore we yield to our superior power, kings, and princes, our due obedience, and to our lawful governors under God of both regiments, Ecclesiastical and Temporal. Also in the Ecclesiastical state, we take not away the distinction of ordinary degrees, such as by the Scripture be appointed, or by the primative church allowed. As Patriarches, or Archbishops, Bishops, Ministers and Deacons, for of these four, we especially read as chief. In which four degrees as we grant diversity of office, so we admit in the same also, diversity of dignity: neither denying that which is due to each degree, neither yet maintaining the ambition of any singular person. For as we give to the minister place above the Deacon, to the bishop above the minister, to the Archbishop above the Bishop: 
Aug. de civit. Dei. lib. 91. cap. Order defined.  so we see no cause of inequality why one minister should be above an other minister: One bishop in his degree above an other bishop to deal in his Diocese: or one Archbishop above another Archbishop. And this is to keep an order duly & truly in the church, according to the true nature and definition of order by the authority of August. lib. De civit. Dei. Where he thus defineth that which we call order: Ordo, est parium dispariumque rerum sua cuique loca tribuens dispositio. Orders) saith he) is a discretion or disposition given to all things, according as they are matches, or not matches, proportionally to every one his own right and proper place.  
This definition of S. Augustine, standing with the things before premised, now here joineth the question between us and the Papists, whether the Metropolitan Church of Rome, with the Archbishop of the same, aught to be preferred before other Metropolitan churches & Archbishyps, through universal Christendom or not? To the answer whereof, if the voice of order might here be heard, it would say: give to things that be matches & like, like honour, to things unlike, unlike honour, etc. Wherefore, seeing the sea of Rome is a patriarchal sea appointed by the Primitive Church, and the Bishop thereof an Archbishop limited within his own bordering churches, which the Council of Nice calleth suburbicas Ecclesias, as other Archbishops be: he ought therefore orderly to have the honour of an Archbishop (ordering himself thereafter) & such outward pre-eminence as to other Archbishops is due. More if he do require, he breaketh the rule of right order, he falleth into presumption, and doth wrong unto his fellows, and they also do wrong unto themselves, whosoever they be, which feeding his humour of ambition, give more unto him than the foresaid rule of order doth require. For so much as they yield to him more than is his right, so much they take from themselves, which is due to them. And the same is the cause, why both Gregory and Pelagius his predecessor reprehendeth them, which gave to the Archbishop of Constantinople, that, 
Ex Registro Orig. lib 4. Episto. 3●.  which now the bishop of Rome clauneth to himself charging them with the breach of order in these words: Nedum privatim aliquod daretur uni, honore debito sacerdotes privarentur universi, that is, lest that while any singular thing is given to due person, 
Ex Epist. 2. Pelagij. 2. Dist. 99 ca Nullus.  all other Priests be deprived of their due honour. And for the like case Pelagius exhorteth that no Priest do give to any one Archbishop, the name of universal bishop, ne sibi debitum subtrahat cum alteri honorem offert indebitum. That is, lest (saith he) in so doing, he take from himself his due honour, while he yieldeth that; which is not due to another. And also in the same Epistle: Quia si summus Patriarcha universalis dicitur, Patriarcharum nomen caeteris derogatur. For (saith he) if he be called the chief universal Patriarch, then is the name of Patriarches derogated from other. etc. Wherefore as is said, seeing the bishop of Rome is an Archbishop, as other be. Order giveth that he should have the dignity, which to Archbishops is due, whatsoever is added more, is derogation to the rest. And thus much concerning distinction of degrees, and order in giving to every degree, his place and honour.  
The second reason or answer to the objection before moved, pag. 16. is this: 
The second answer to the objection before moved.  that being granted to the Papists, that the Doctors aforesaid, speaking of the principality of the church of Rome, do mean not only of the inward virtues of that church, but also of the outward authority and jurisdiction of the same, above other churches: yet the cause wherefore they did attribute so much to the church, is to be expended, which was this, as before was alleged out of the Council of Chalcedon, cap. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, 
Ex Concil. Calced. cap. 28.  for the title and empery which that city of Rome had then above other cities, which cause being outward & carnal, was neither then cause sufficient, and now ceasing, importeth not to us the like effect, according as they say: Sublata causa, tollitur effectus. So that by the reason thereof, the foresaid principality of the church of Rome, did not hold then iure divino, sed humano. And as it holdeth by man's law, so by man's law may be repealed again.  
Wherefore, be it admitted that both the Pope sitteth and succeedeth in the chair of Peter, and also that he is the Bishop of the greatest city in the world: yet it followeth not thereby that he should have rule and lordship over all other bishops and churches of the world. For first touching the succession of Peter, many things are to be considered.  

Certain demands for the Papists to answer unto.  First, whether Peter sat, and had his chair in Rome, or not?  
Secondly, whether he sat there as an Apostle, or as a Bishop?  
Thirdly, whether the sitting in the outward seat of Peter, maketh successor of Peter?  
Fourthly, whether he sitteth in the chair & seat of Peter, which sitteth not in the doctrine of Peter?  
Fiftly, whether the succession of Peter maketh rather an Apostle than a Bishop, & so should we call the Pope, the Apostle of Rome, and not the bishop of Rome?  
Sixtly, whether Ecclesiastical functions ought to be esteemed by ordinary succession of place, or by God's secret calling or sending?  
seventhly and lastly, whether it stand by Scripture, any succession at all to be pointed in Christ's Church, or why more from Peter, then from other Apostles?  
All which Interrogatories being well discussed (which would ask a long process) it should well appear what little hold the Pope hath to take this state upon him, above all other Churches as he doth. In the mean time, this one argument by the way may suffice in stead of many, for our adversaries to answer to at their convenient leisure. Which argument thus I form and frame in Camestres.  

An argument proving the Popes of this latter Church of Rome not to be successors of Peter.  Ca- All the true successors of Peter, sit in the chair of the doctrine of Peter, and other Apostles uniformly.  
me- No Popes of this latter Church of Rome, sit in the chair of Saint peter's and other Apostles doctrine uniformly.  
stres. Ergo, no Popes of this latter church of Rome, be the true successors of Peter.  
And when they have well perused the Minor of this argument, and have well conferred together the doctrine taught them of S. Peter, with the doctrine taught now by the Popes, of justification of a Christian man, of the office of the law, of the strength and largeness of sin, of men's merits, of free will, of works of supererogation, of setting up images, of seven. Sacraments, of auricular confession, of satisfaction, of sacrifice of the Mass, of communicating under one kind, of elevating and adoring the Sacramental elements, of Latin service, of invocation, of prohibition of meats and marriage, of vowing chastity, of sects & rules of divers religions, of indulgences and pardons: also with their doctrine taught now of magistrates, of the fullness of power, and regality of the sea of Rome, with many other like to these, etc. then will I be glad to hear what they will say to the premises.  
Secondly, if they would prove by the allegation of the Doctors, Irenaeus, Ambrose, Augustine, Theodoritus aforesaid, the Bishop of Rome to be the chief of all Bishops, therefore, because the city whereof he is bishop, is the chief and principal above all other Churches, that consequent is to be denied. For it followeth not (taking as I said, the principality of that church to stand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, upon the principal dominion of that city) no more than this consequent followeth.  
London is the chief City in all England.  
Ergo, the bishop of London is the chiefest of all bishops in the Realm.  
Which argument were derogatory to the bishop both of Canterbury, and of York.  
Yea to grant yet more to but adversaries (which is all they can require) the mind of the foresaid Doctors Irenaeus, Ambrose, Augustine, and Theodoritus, in giving principality unto Rome, to have respect unto the virtue of inscession from Peter, and not unto the greatness of the City: yet notwithstanding, for all this their argument holdeth not, if it be rightly considered, to say.  
The Apostolical Sea of Rome, 
A false consequent of the Papists.  having succession from Peter, with the bishops thereof, was chief then of all other churches, in the primitive time of these Doctors.  
Ergo, the Apostolical sea of Rome, with the Bishops thereof, having succession from Peter, ought now to be chief of all other churches in these our days.  
This consequent might well follow, 
Answer to this consequent.  if the times were like, or if succession which gave them the cause of principality, were the same now, which was then. But now the time and succession is not correspondent, for then succession in the time of these Doctors, was as well in doctrine Apostolical, as in place Apostolical. 
Succession Apostolical double wise to be considered.  Now the succession of doctrine Apostolical hath not long ceased in the sea Apostolical: and nothing remaineth but only place, which is the lest matter of true spiritual and Apostolical succession. And thus much to the authority and testimony of these forenamed Doctors.  
Besides these objections heretofore recited out of Irenaeus, Ambrose, Augustine, and Theodoritus, our adversaries yet object and heap up against us: moreover, examples of the primitive time of the church, testimonies of general Counsels, and opinions of ancient writers, taken out of the book of Counsels, & Epistles decretal, whereby their intent is to prove, the foresaid terms (of the head of the church, ruler of the church, chief of all other Priests) to be applied not only to Peter, but also to the Bishop of Rome within the compass of the primitive time. And here cometh in the testimony cited of Vincentius Lirinensis. 
Testimonies alleged for the principality of the Pope.  Of the Epistle of Paschasius and his fellows, writing to Leo from the Council of Chalcedon. The testimony also of justinian the Emperor in his Codex: where joannes then Pope was called caput omnium Ecclesiarum Epist. inter claras cap. De summa Trinit & fide Cath. The testimony also of Athanasius, with his fellow bishops of Egypt, of Thebaida, and Libya, in their Epistles to Pope Marcius, Liberius & Felix. Likewise the testimony of Jerome, In praef. in 4. evang. Item Epist. 42. Tom. 1. Item Epist. 41. Tom. 2. Of S. Ambrose, 1. Tim 3. Of S. Augustina to Boniface. Ad Bonifac. contra duas Epist. Pelagian. Lib. 1. cap. 1. Item, Lib. 2. De Baptism. cap. 1. Of Theodoritus in his Epistle to Pope Leo. Epist Commentar. in Pauli Epist. praefixa. Of chrysostom, Epist ad Innocentium, Tom. 5. etc. By which testimonies our adversaries would prove S. Peter, and after him the Bishop of Rome to be called and taken for head of the church, chief bishop, prince and ruler of the whole Clergy. To all which objections fully and exactly to answer in order, would require a whole volume by itself. In the mean time, leaving the rest unto them unto whom it doth more properly appertain, briefly with this one short distinction. 
Answer by a distinction.  I answer these & all such other like places, where S. Peter with his successors are called: head of the church, chief of Bishops, Prince of the Apostles, etc. In which places, this word head, chief, and Prince of the Apostles, may be taken two manner of ways: to note, either dominion, or else commendation. For so we read sometime Caput, 
Caput and Princeps, have a double understanding.  and princeps, to be words not of authority, but of excellency, whereby is declared the chiefest and worthiest part among many parts, and not possessor and governor of the whole. Like as in the person of man, the head is the principal part of the whole body, being endued with reason, & furnished with most excellent senses, by the which the whole body of man is directed, so thereof is derived by a metaphor, to what man or thing soever nature or condition hath given the greatest excellency, of gifts and properties above other parts or members, the same society to be called of the said parties, Caput, or Princeps, head or Prince. And yet the same head or Prince so called, hath not always dominion or jurisdiction of the rest. So we call in our vulgar speech the head or chief men of the parish, who for their riches, wisdom, or place, are most specially noted: After like phrase of speech we call the head man of the Inquest, him that hath the first place. And yet neither they nor these have any dominion or jurisdiction upon the residue. In a school the chiefest Scholar in learning, is not therefore the master or governor of his fellows. 
How Peter is Princeps Apostolorum. Princeps eloquentiae Cicero. Princeps Philosophorum Cratippus.  Neither hath M. Cicero any title thereby to claim subjection and service of all other Orators, because he is named Princeps eloquentiae, and goeth before them in that kind of phrase. The same Cicero. Lib. 1. office calleth Cratippun principem huius aetatis Philosophorum: as Homerus also may be called Poetarum Princeps: And yet neither Philosophers to Cratippus, nor poets to Homer, own any thing else, but only fame and praise.  
And what if S. Peter the blessed Apostle be called and counted of the old ancient Doctors, as head and Prince of the Apostles, 
Petrus Princeps & Coryphaeus Apostolorum.  which is as much as Coryphaeus Apostolorum, for his excellent faith, for his divine confession & singular affection to the Lord jesus: yet what Interest or charge either hath he to challenge over the Apostles, or the Pope after him over all other bishops & the whole church of Christ, although the Pope have the like excellency of Christ's faith which Peter had, as would God he had? As concerning these allegations therefore out of the Doctors, two things are to be observed: First, that neither these names and titles though they be given to Peter, do give him any state or dominion above other Apostles: nor yet the succession of him doth further any whit this celsitude and regality of the Pope to advance him above his fellow Archbishops, as he now doth.  
And if our adversaries would needs provoke us to the numbering of testimonies, & dividing the house (speaking of the writers and Counsels of the Primitive age) for these aforesaid testimonies alleged on their side, I could on the contrary part recite out of the witness of Doctors, out of the examples of Counsels, & practices of Emperors, no less than 60. voices, much more repugnant against their assertion, than there is for the Pope. The tractation whereof for this present I do refer, either to them that have more laisure at this time to discourse them, or else omit it to an other time, if the good pleasure of the Lord shall be, to grant me further laisure in an other Book to entreat thereof at large, in such order, as (if the Lord so grant) shall appear sufficient matter, to prove by the Doctors, general Counsels, examples and histories of time, that the Bishops of Rome during the first 500 years after Christ, although for the greatness of the Empire, were somewhat more magnified than the other, and therefore were sought of many, and were flattered of some, and they themselves divers, did set forth themselves more than they should: yet by the common consent of churches, were stopped of their purpose, so that by the consension of the most part, within the compass of that age the Bishops of Rome had not this regal state of title, jurisdiction, and fullness of power, which now they usurp, but were taken as Archbishops, of equal honour, of equal merit with other Archbishops & rulers of the church. And if any preferment was given unto them some thing above the rest, yet neither was it so given of all, nor of the most part: 
Causes 13. of advancing the sea of Rome.  secondly, neither was it so given of them for any such necessity of God's word, aut iure aliquo divino, as which did so bind them thereunto, nor yet so much for the respect of Peter, & his succession: as for certain other causes and respects, as may be gathered to the number of 13.  
Of which, the first is the greatness of the city and Monarchy of Rome.  
The second, is the authority of the Emperor Constantine the great, first of the Emperors converted to the faith, and ruling in the same city, by whom the universal liberty of the church was first promooted, and the causes of the bishops being then at variance, were committed partly to the bishop of Rome, partly to other bishops near by, to be decided, as appeareth Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5.  
The third, was the Council of Nice, which confirmed the pre-eminence of that church to have the oversight of the churches bordering about it.  
The fourth cause of advancing the church of Rome, was the unquiet state of the Greek church, much troubled in those days with sects, factions, and dissensions, whereof we may read, Socrat. lib. 2. cap 15. Sozom. lib. 3. cap. 8.  
The fift, when Synods were called by other metropolitans, then if it chanced the bishops of Rome to be absent, and their sentence being absent to be required, by the occasion thereof, they began at length to take their sentence for a Canon or rule Ecclesiastical, & thereby to refuse other Synods, where their decree or sentence was not required.  
another cause was, that when any common matter was in hand in other places, whatsoever was done, commonly the manner was to write to the Roman bishop for his approbation in the same, for public unity and consent to be had in Christ's church, as appeareth Lib. 10. Epist. 78. Ambrosij ad Theophilum.  
Item, for that the testimony sometimes of the Roman bishop was wont in those days also to be desired, for admitting teachers and bishops in other churches, whereof we have example in Socrat lib. 4. cap. 37.  
Moreover, this was a great setting up of that church, when as their sentence not only was required, but also received divers times of other bishops. And when Bishops of other provinces were at any dissension among themselves they of their own accord appealed to the bishop of Rome, desiring him to cite up both parties, and to have the hearing and deciding of the cause, as did Macarius and Hesychius send to julius then bishop of Rome, etc.  
Item, in that certain of the Arrians returning from their Arrianisme, offered up and exhibited unto the bishops of Rome their libels of repentance, and were of them received again, as Vrsatius and Valens did to julius. Socra. lib. 2. cap 24.  
The x. cause was also, for that Gratianus the Emperor made a law, that all men should retain that religion which Damasus bishop of Rome, and Peter bishop of Alexandria did hold. Sozom lib. 7. cap. 4.  
And also, if it happened the bishop of Rome to disallow the ordering of any minister or ministers, the Pope's perceiving how diligent and ready they were to seek their favour, and to send up their messengers to Rome for their purgation, took thereby no little manner of exaltation. Theodoret. lib. 5. cap. 23.  
Besides these aforesaid, the bishops of Rome had also an other artificial practice, that in sending out their letters abroad, as they did to many, in all their Epistles (if the Epistles be theirs, and not forged) ever they were harping of the greatness of their name, and of their apostolic sea, and of the primacy of S. Peter, their predecessor and prince of all the Apostles, etc. And this they used in every letter, when so ever they wrote to any, as appeareth in all their letters decretal, namely, in the letters of Miltiades, Marcellus, and Marcus, etc.  
Again, if any of the East church directed any writing to them, wherein any signification was contained of never so little reverence given unto them (as learned men commonly use for modesty's sake) that was taken by & by and construed for plain subjection, and due obedience, as declareth the letter of Damasus, written to the bishops of the East Church, beginning thus: Quod debita reverentia, etc. in English thus: but that your charity yieldeth due reverence to the Apostolical sea, you in so doing (dear children) do much for yourselves, etc. Theodoret. Lib. 5. cap. 9 where as the Bishops of the East Church notwithstanding had showed little or no reverence in their Epistle to Pope Damasus before.  
Thus have ye the first and original grounds, by the means whereof, the Archbishops of the Romish Sea have achieved to this their great kingdom and celsitude over Christ's church, first beginning the mystery of their iniquity, by that which was modestly and voluntarily given them. Afterward by use and custom claiming it ambitiously unto them, of duty & service, & lastly holding fast (as we see) that which once they had gotten into their possession, so that now in no case they can abide the birds to call home their feathers again, which they so long have usurped.  
And thus much concerning the life, 
This latter Church of Rome differing from the first Church of Rome, in form of government.  jurisdiction, & title of the Roman bishops: In all which (as is declared) they and not we, have fallen from the church of Rome. To these I might also join the manner of government, wherein the said Romish Bishops have no less altered both from the rule of Scripture, and from the steps of the true church of Rome, which government as it hath been, and aught to be only spiritual: so hath the bishop of Rome used it of late years no otherwise, them hath an earthly king or prince governed his realm & dominions, with riches, glory, power, terror, outward strength, force, prison, death, execution, laws policies, promoting his friends to dignities, revenging his affections, punishing and correcting faults against his person more than other offences against God committed, using and abusing in all these things the word of God for his pretext & cloak to work his worldly purpose withal: whereas indeed the word of God ministereth no such power to spiritual persons, but such as is spiritual: according to the saying of the Apostle. Arma militiae nostrae non sunt carnalia, sed spiritualia. etc. The armour and artillery, saith S. Paul, of our warfaire is not carnal, but spiritual: such as serve not against flesh and blood, nor against the weak person of man: but against Satan, against the gates of hell, and the profundities of the wicked power. etc.  

How the Church of Christ ought to be governed.  Which armour as it is all spiritual, so ought they, which have the dealing thereof, to be likewise spiritual, well furnished with all such gifts and graces of the holy Ghost, mere for the governance of his spiritual Church: as with wisdom and knowledge in the Scripture, to instruct the ignorant: with inward intelligence & foresight of the crafty cogitations and operations of Satan, with power of the spirit to resist the same: with practice and experience of temptations, to comfort such as be afflicted and oppressed of Satan: with heavenly discretion to discern spirits, and truth from untruth: with judgement and knowledge of tongues and learning to convict error: with zeal of God's glory, with fervency of prayer, with patience in persecution: with a mind contented with all cases and states incident, with tears and compassion on other men's grieves: with stoutness and courage against proud and stout oppressors: with humility toward the poor and miserable: with the counsel of the Lord jesus, by his word and spirit to direct him in all things to be done with strength against sin: with hatred of this world: with gift of faith: power of the keys in spiritual causes, as to minister the word, the Sacraments and excommunication when the word biddeth, that the spirit may be saved, and to reconcile again, as case requireth. etc. These and such like are the matters wherein consisteth the sinews and strength of the church, and the true governance of the same. But contrary to these aforesaid both the Bishop & clergy of this latter Church of Rome, proceeding in their administration and governance, as who under the name and pretence of Christ and his word, have exercised of long time nothing else but a worldly dominion, seeking indeed their own glory, 
Preposterous government of the Church by the pope.  not the glory of Christ: riches of the world, not the lucre of souls: not feeding the flock, but filling the purse: revenging their own wrongs, but neglecting gods glory: striving against man only, and killing him, but not killing the vice, nor confuting the error of man: strong against flesh and blood, but weak against the Devil, stout against the simple, but meek against the mighty: briefly, doing almost all things preposterously, more like to secular Princes, then spiritual Pastors of Christ's flock, with outward forcement, and fear of punishment, with prysoning, famishing, hanging, racking, drowning, heading, slaying, murdering, and burning, and warring also: on the other side with his riches and treasures, with his guard and guardiance, with strength of men, with Court and Cardinals: with pomp and pride about them, with their triple crown, with the naked sword: with their ordinary succession: with their laws, and executions: their promotions and preferments: their bid and commanding: threatenings and revenginge. etc.  

A comparison between the kingdom of this world and the kingdom of the Pope.  In fine, to compare therefore the Images of a worldly kingdom, with this kingdom of the Pope, there is no difference, save only that this kingdom of the Pope, under hypocrisy maketh a face of the spiritual word, which is the word of God: but in very deed doth all things with the temporal sword, that is with outward forcement and coaction: differing nothing from civil and secular regiment in all properties and conditions, if it be well considered. For as in an earthly kingdom first there is a Prince or some chief Magistrate appointed, having dominion over his nobles and commons, containing all his subjects under his statutes and laws, with the which laws notwithstanding he dispenseth at his pleasure: under whom all other inferior Magistrates have their order and place to them appointed to rule over the subjects, and yet to be subject under him: So if the state and form of the Pope be well advised, we shall see it altereth nothing from the same, but only in the names of the persons. In civil government, all subjection is referred to one head ruler, whose authority surmounteth all the rest, and keepeth them under obedience: In like manner the government of the Popish Church is committed to one man, who as chief steward, overseer and ruler of Christ's household in his absence, hath supreme power over all Churches, to moderate and direct all the affairs thereof. But here standeth the difference, in civil policy he is called a King or Prince: here he is called a Pope.  
The King hath next unto him his Dukes & Earls▪ The Popes nobility standeth in his Cardinals, 
Secular Nobility compared with ecclesiastical Nob●l●tie.  and Legates, who though they be no Dukes in name, yet in pomp and pride will not only give check to them, but also mate to Kings themselves, it they might be suffered, as did Theodorus, Lancfrancus, Ancelmus, Thomas Becket, and so would Thomas Woulsey have done, had not the King given him a neck to his mate betime. 
Civil Magistrates compared with Ecclesiastical.  In civil policy next to Dukes & Earls followeth the order of Lords, Barons, Knights esquires, Gentlemen, with Mayors, Sheriffs, Constables, Bailiffs, Wardens. etc. The like race is to be seen also, although under other names, in the Pope's policy: of Primates, Bishops, suffragans, provosts, Deans Canons, Vicars, Archdeacon's, Priests, Deacons, Subdeacons, Acolites, Exorcists, Lectors, doorkeepers, Singsters, with other Clerks. And as in the other under wardens cometh the order of Scavingers: so neither doth the Pope's Monarchy lack his kaynilrakers, to whom may well be compared the rabblement of Abbots, Provincials, Priors, Monks, Friars, with their Coventes and nunneries.  
Moreover from justices, 
Officers of the temporal court compared with the officers of the spiritual Court.  judges, lawyers, Sergeants, attorneys, which be necessary offices in the common wealth, what differeth the Pope's Inquisitors, canonists, Doctors and Bachelors of the Pope's law, Comissaries, Officials, Proctors, Promoters, with such other, which serve no less in spiritual Court, & in the consistory, than the other aforesaid do in temporal Court, or in the Yeldhall. Now who so list to compare the glory and magnificence of the one, with the glory of the other: 
Glory compared. Power compared Rich●s compared.  also the power and strength of the one regiment, with the power of the other: and so the riches of the one, with the riches of the other, I suppose he shall see no great odds between them both, taking the Pope's kingdom as it hath stood in his full ruff, & yet doth stand, where Churches are not reform. 
Subtlety compared.  As for subtlety and politic practice, there is no man that doubteth, that is indifferent, nor that seethe not, that hath his eyes, but that the Pope's hierarchy in holding up their state, far excelleth all the kingdoms of worldly Princes, of whom all other may take example to learn.  
Thus in comparing the Pope's regiment with civil governance as they do little or nothing disagree asunder: 
The difference between the Pope's regiment and the order of the primitive Church.  So in comparing again the same with the order of scriptures, or with the regiment that was in the old ancient Church of Rome, we shall see no resemblance between them. As we read in the Apostles time, all the armour of Christ's ministers was spiritual and full of godly power against the spiritual enemies of our salvation, 
2. Cor. 10. Ephes. 6. 1. Tim. 1.  governing the Church then with peace, patience, humility, true knowledge of God, the sword of the spirit, the shield of faith, the breastplate of righteousness, hearty charity, sincere faith, and good conscience: so after the Apostles in the time of Ambrose, 
The armour proper to Churchmen.  by his own testimony is to be understand, that the armour of Churchmen was then, preces & lachrymae, prayers and tears: where now the armour of the pope's Priesthood is nothing else but ignis & ferrum, i. fire and sword, wherewith they keep all things under their subjection. 
Horrible abuse of excommunication in the Pope's Church.  And here cometh the enorm and horrible abuse of excommunication, suspension, and interdiction in cases frivolous, or worldly, and for such, as for which the civil magistrate will not commit any Citizens to the stocks, the Pope's censure will not stick to commit a Christian to the devil: 
The Pope's governing in matters to them not pertaining.  not to speak of their other usurped dealings and doings in matters, that belong to the civil sword, & be to them impertinent. As in punishing whoredom and adultery, in administration and probates of testaments, in bearing civil office, as pope's to be Senators of Rome and Emperor also seed vacant. Cardinal's to be Captains in war, and rulers of regions: bishops to be Presidents or Chauncelours, Priests to be stewards in great men's houses, or masters of minutes, or Clerks of the market, or gardiner's to Gentlemen. etc. All which here I overpass referring them to the deeper consideration of such as have more leisure to mark the order of their doings, & so to judge of the same with indifferency, according to the rule of truth, touched with God's word, and public examples of the ancient Church of Christ in the primitive tyme.  
Thus having discoursed, sufficiently so much as concerneth the manner of life, 
The corrupt doctrine of the Pope's Church examined and detected.  title, jurisdiction, and government of the Pope's sea (in all which points is to be seen how this latter Church of Rome hath receded from the true ancient Church of Rome) now remaineth, according to my promise, and order prefixed, consequently to proceed to the fourth and last point, which is of doctrine: wherein consisteth the chiefest matter that maketh with us and against them, in such sort as (their doctrine standing as it doth) neither they are to be reputed for true Catholics being altered so far from them: nor we otherwise then heretics if we should now join with these. For the more trial whereof, 
The false image of the Pope's Church.  let us examine the doctrine & rites of the said Church of Rome now used, and compare the same with the teaching of the ancient Catholics, to the intent that such simple souls as have been hitherto, and yet seduced by the false viso and image of this pretenced and bastardly church, perceiving what lieth within it, may be warned by time, either to eschew the peril, if they list to be instructed: or if not, to blame none but themselves for their own wilful destruction. And albeit I could here charge the new-fangled Church of the Pope with seven. or viij. heinous crimes, as blasphemy, Idolatry, heresy, superstition, absurdity, vanity, cruelty, and contrariety (as which neither agreeth with the old learning of their forelders, nor yet with themselves in sundry points) yet after a more temperate sort to pass this matter with them, these ij. things, I will & dare boldly affirm, that in this doctrine of the Pope now taught in the Church of Rome, is neither any consolation of conscience, nor salvation of man's soul. 
No comfort nor salvation in the Pope's doctrine now taught.  For seeing there is no life nor soul health but only in Christ, nor any promise of salvation or comfort made, but only by faith in the son of God, what assurance then can there be of perfect peace, life, or salvation where that which only maketh all, is least made of, and other things which make least are most esteemed? For to say the simple truth, what else is the whole course and body of the pope's law now set forth, 
The scope and sum of the Pope doctrine whether it tendeth.  but a doctrine of laws, a heap of ceremonies, a teaching of traditions, a meditation of merits, a foundation of new Religions: all which confer not one jot to the justification of our souls before the terrible judgement of God.  
And therefore (as it may be truly said) this doctrine of the Pope to be void of all true comfort and salvation: so likewise it seemeth that these which addict themselves so devoutly to the pope's learning, were never earnestly afflicted in conscience, never humbled in spirit nor broken in hart, never entered into any serious feeling of God's judgement, nor ever felt the strength of the law & of death. For if they had, 
Papists never lightly afflicted in conscience deeply.  they should soon have seen their own weakness and be driven to Christ: then should they have seen what a horrible thing it is to appear before GOD the father, or once to think on him (as Luther saith) without christ. And on the contrary side, then should they know what a glory, 
An horrible thing to think of God without Christ. Luther.  what a kingdom, what liberty and life it were to be in Christ jesus by faith, holding their inheritance, not with the bondsonne of Agar, but with the free son of Sara: by promise and not by the law: by grace, and not by works: by gift and not by deserving, that god only might be praised and not man.  

The right faith of the old Romans.  And thus were the old Romans first taughty by S. Paul writing to the Romans. The same did Cornelius the Roman, and first that was baptized of all the Gentiles, learn of S. Peter when he received the holy Ghost, 
Cornelius a Roman first baptized of all the Gentiles.  not by the deeds of the law, but only by hearing the faith of jesus preached. And in the same doctrine the said Church of the Romans many years continued, so long as they were in affliction. And in the same doctrine, the bishop of Rome with his Romans now also should still remain, if they were such ancient Catholics as they pretend, and would follow the old mother Church of Rome, 
The church of Rome hath lost the liquor wherewith it was first seasoned.  and hold the first liquor wherewith they were first seasoned. But the sweet verdor and sent of that liquor and pleasant must is now clean put out through other unsavoury infusions of the Pope's thrusting in, so that almost no taste nor piece remaineth of all that primitive doctrine which S. Paul and other Apostles first planted among the Gentiles. And what marvel if the Romans now in so long tract of time have lost their first sap, 
The Galathians almost gone from faith in Saint Paul's time.  seeing the Church of the Galathians then in the very time of S. Paul their Schoolmaster, he being amongst them, had not so soon turned his back a little, but they were all turned almost from the doctrine of faith, and had much a do to be recovered again.  
Of this defection and falling from faith. S. Paul expressly foretelleth us in his letters both to the Thessalonians, and also to Timothe, where he showeth: that a defection shall come, and that certain shall departed from the faith, 
1. Tim. 4.  attending to spirits of error. etc. 1. Tim. 4. And to know what errors these shall be, the circumstance plainly leadeth us to understand in the same place, where the said Apostle, speaketh of marked consciences, forbidding men to marry, and to eat meats ordained of God to be taken with thanks giving, for man's sustenance, most evidently as with his finger, pointeth out unto us the church of Rome, which not in these points only but also in all other conditions, almost is utterly revolted from the pure original sincerity of that doctrine which Saint Paul planted in the Church of the Romans, and of all other Gentiles.  

¶ The Sum of S. Paul's doctrine delivered to the Gentiles.  
1. FIrst, 
A brief sum of S. Paul's doctrine delivered to the Gentiles.  the doctrine of S. Paul ascribeth all our justification freely & merely to faith only in Christ as to the only means and cause immediate, whereby the merits of Christ's passion be applied unto us, without any other respect of work or works of the law, whatsoever? and in this doctrine the Church of the Romans was first planted.  
2. Secondly, 
Salvation by mercy only and not by merits.  the same doctrine of S. Paul cutting of and excluding all glory of man's deserving, stayeth only upon God's promise and upon grace, not man's merits, upon mercy, not man's labouring or running: upon election and calling, not man's willing. etc.  
3. Thirdly, 
All flesh concluded under sin.  the same doctrine casting down the strength of man and his integra naturalia (as the schools do term them) concludeth all flesh under sin, and maketh the same destitute of the glory of God.  
4. Item, 
Difference between the law and the gospel.  it maketh manifest difference between the law and the Gospel, declaring the use and end of them to be divers: the one to kill, the other to quicken, the one to condemn, the other to justify: the one to have an end and a time, the other to be perpetual. etc.  
5. Item, 
justicia dei. justicia propria.  the same doctrine of S. Paul, as it showeth a difference between the law and the Gospel: so it maketh no less difference between justicia Dei, and justicia propria, that is, the righteousness of God and the righteousness of man, abhorring the one, that is, mans own righteousness, coming by the law and works: and embracing the other which God imputeth freely and graciously to us for Christ his sons sake, 
The righteousness of God, and the righteousness of man how they differ in Scripture.  in whom we believe.  
6. Item, it wipeth away all traditions, and constitutions of men whatsoever, especially from binding of conscience, calling them beggarly elements of this world.  
7. Likewise it rejecteth and wipeth away all curious subtleties, and superfluous speculations, & knoweth nothing else but Christ only Crucified, which is only the object whereunto our faith looketh.  
8. Furthermore, as the same doctrine of S. Paul defineth all men to be transgressors by disobedience of one Adam, 
A true christian knoweth nothing but Christ crucified. All men condemned by one: All men saved by one. Original sin, original justice.  though they never touched the Apple, coming of his stock by nature: so doth it prove all men to be justified by the obedience of one, though they did not his obedience, being likewise borne of him by spiritual regeneration and faith.  
9 And therefore as all men coming of Adam be condemned originally, before they grow up to commit any sin against the law, so all men be saved originally being regenerated by faith in Christ, before they begin to do any good work of charity, or any other good deed.  
10. Item, the doctrine of S. Paul perpending the high glory of a Christian man's state in Christ jesus by faith, first setteth him in a perfect peace with almighty God. 
Rom. 5.  Rom. 5. Secondly exempteth him from all condemnation. Rom. 8. Thirdly it matcheth him with angels, it equalleth him with Saints and fellow citizens of heaven, it numbereth him with the household of God, 
Ephes. 2. Itaque iam non es servus sed filius.  and inheriteth him with jesus Christ himself. Ephes. 2. Fourthly it adopteth him from the state of a servant, to the state of the son of God, crying Abba father. Gal. 4. Fiftly, it openeth to him a bold access and entrance to the high majesty and throne of grace, 
Gal. 4. Heb. 4.  Ephes. 2. Heb. 4. sixthly, it subiecteth all things under him: as ministers, yea, the Apostles themselves in their highest office, death, life, things present, things to come, with the whole world besides, and assigneth him no spiritual head, but only Christ, saying. And you are Christ's, 
1. Cor. 3. The glorious state of Christian liberty, and spiritual freedom in Christ Iesu.  and Christ is Gods. 1. Cor. 3. seventhly, it advanceth and setteth him in a spiritual liberty or freedom, above all terrors of spirit, rising either of God's law or man's law, above all dreadful fears of sin, damnation, malediction, rejection, death, hell, or purgatory: above all servile bondage of ceremonies, men's precepts, traditions, superstitious uses, yokes, customs, or what else soever oppresseth and entangleth the spiritual freedom of a conscience with Christ hath set at liberty: And requireth moreover that we walk and stand stout in that liberty with the free son of Sara, whereto we are brought, and not suffer ourselves any more to be clogged with any such servile bondage: that is to mean, although we must be content to subject our bodies to all service & to all men, yet that we yield not our spiritual consciences and souls as slaves and servants to be subject to the fear or bondage of any terrene thing in this world, forasmuch as we are in that part made Lords and Princes over all things whatsoever can harm or bind, or terrify us. Ga. 4. Colloss. 2.  


Gal. 4. Colos. 2.  
Days and times indifferent.  
Meats indifferent with thanksgiving.  
Marriage lawful for all men.  
One sacrifice for sin & no more.  
Heb. 9 The use of the holy communion in ancient time of the primitive church.   11. Item, the right vain of S. Paul's doctrine putteth no difference nor observation in days and times. Gal. 4. Col. 2.  
12. Item, it leaveth all meats to be indifferent, with thanks giving, to serve the necessity of the body, and not the body to serve them. Col. 2. 1. Tim. 4.  
13. Item, it permitteth marriage without restraint or exception, lawful and also expedient for all men, having need thereof. 1. Cor. 7.  
14. Item, it admitteth no sacrifice for sin but the sacrifice of Christ alone, and that done once for all with blood. For without blood there is no remission of sin which only is applied to us by faith, & by nothing else. Heb. 9  
15. Item, as touching the holy Communion, by the letters of S. Paul to the Cor. 11. we understand, that the use then amongst them was, to have the participation of the bread called the lords body, and of the cup called the lords blood, administered not at an altar, but at a plain board or table, the congregation there meeting together after the time of their supper, where not the minister alone did receive and the other looked on, but the whole congregation together did communicate with reverence & thanks giving, not lifting over the priests head, nor worshipping, nor kneeling, nor knocking their breasts, but either sitting at the supper, or standing after the supper. According to which form the Muscovites yet to this day following the old rite of the Country (although being drowned otherwise in much superstition) use to receive it after they be risen from their dinner standing. Experience whereof was seen here at London the first day of October. 1569.  


No more Sacraments mentioned in S. Paul, but the lords supper and baptism.  
The authority and office of the civil Magistrates.   16. Item, the said Apostle, besides the sacramental supper maketh mention of Baptism, or washing of regeneration, although he himself baptized but few. 1. Cor. 1. of the other sacraments he maketh no mention.  
17. Item, by the same doctrine of S. Paul no tongue is to be used in the congregation which is not known and doth not edify. 1. Cor, 14.  
18. Item, the rule of S. Paul's doctrine subiecteth every creature under the obedience of Kings and Princes and ordinary Magistrates ordained of God to have the sword and authority of public regiment to order and dispose in all things not contrary to God, whatsoever pertaineth to the maintenance of the good, or to the correction of the evil: from whose jurisdiction there is no exemption of vocations of persons, whether they be Ecclesiastical or political. And therefore to this office appertaineth to preserve peace, to set things in lawful order, to conserve Christian discipline in the Church of Christ, to remove offences, to bridle the disobedient, to provide and procure wholesome and faithful teachers over the people, to maintain learning and set up schools, to have oversight not only of the people, but also of all Ecclesiastical ministers to see to every one to do his duty, & to remove or punish such as be negligent: also to call Counsels and Synods, & to provide the Church goods to be faithfully dispensed by the hands of true dealers, to the sustentation of the Church, of true teachers, & to the public necessity of the poor, etc.  

The office and authority of Bishops how far it doth extend.  19 Furthermore, by S. Paul's doctrine, the Ministers and superintendentes of Christ's Church have their authority and armour likewise to them limited, which armour is only spiritual, and not carnal, whereby they fight not against flesh & blood, but against the power of darkness, error, and sin against the spiritual seduction and crastines in heavenly things, against the works and proceed of Satan the Prince of this world, in comforting weak consciences against the terrors of the devil, and desperation, and finally against every cogitation lifted up against Christ, to subdue every celsitude to the subjection and power of Christ jesus the son of God.   

another brief recapitulation of the same  
BRiefly and in a compendious sum to reduce the whole doctrine of S. Paul, 
another brief recapitulation of S. Paul's doctrine reduced to five points. john. 3.  in these five points chiefly it consisteth.  
1. First, in setting forth the grace, great love and goodwill, and free promises of God the Father in Christ jesus his son to mankind, which so loved the world, that he hath given his own son for the redemption thereof. john 3. which gave his son to die for us being his enemies. Rom. 5. which hath quickened us being dead in sin Ephes. 2. which so mercifully hath reconciled the world to himself by his son, 
The great mercy of God in Christ.  and also by his ambassadors desireth us to be reconciled unto him, 2. Cor. 5. who hath given his own son to be sin for us. 2. Cor. 5. to be accursed for us. Gal. 3. which by firm promise hath assured us of our inheritance. 
Rom. 5. 2. Cor. 5. Ephes. 2. Rom. 4.  Rom. 4. which not by the works of righteousness that we have done, but of his own mercy hath saved us by the washing of regeneration. Tit. 3. etc.  
2. The second point consisteth in preaching and expressing the glorious and triumphant Majesty of Christ jesus the son of God, 
Tit. 3. The glory and Majesty of Christ jesus set forth in Saint Paul. Ephes. 4.  and the excellency of his glory, who being once dead in the infirmity of flesh rose again with power, ascending up with majesty, hath led away captivity captive, Eph. 4. sitteth and reigneth in glory on the right hand of God in heavenly things, above all principates and potestates, powers and dominations, & above every name that is named, not only in this world, but also in the world to come, Ephe. 1. In whose name every knee hath to bend both in heaven and in earth, and under the earth, and every tongue to confess our Lord Christ jesus to be of the glory of God the Fathee. 
Phil. 2.  Phil. 2. In whom and by whom all things are made both in heaven and in earth, things visible & invisible, whether they be thrones or dominations, or principates, or potestats, all are by him and for him created, and he is before all, & all things consist in him, who is the head of his body the Church, the beginning and first borne from the dead, in whom dwelleth all fullness. 
Colos. 1.  Col. 1. To whom the Father hath given all judgement, and judgeth no man himself any more. joh. 5. To whom the Father hath given all things to his hands john. 13. 
john. 5. john. 13. john. 17. Math. vlt.  To whom the father hath given power of all flesh. john. 17. To whom all power is given in heaven and in earth. Math. vlt. In whom be all the promises of God. Est. &. Amen. 2. Cor. 1.  
3. Thirdly, 

2. Cor. 1. The 3. branch. The virtue and effect of Christ's death and what exceeding benefits proceed thereof.  
Ephes. 1. Esay. 53. Collos. 1. Rom. 5. 2. Timo. 1. Heb. 2. Rom. 5. Gal. 3. Ephes. 2.   he declareth the virtue of his Cross & Passion, and that what exceeding benefits proceed to us by the same. By whose blood we have redemption & remission of our sins. Ephes. 1. By whose stripes we are made whole. Eay. 53. By whose Cross all things are pacified, both in heaven and in earth. Col. 1. By whose death we are reconciled. Ro. 5. Who hath destroyed death, & brought life to light. 1. Timot. 1. Who by death hath destroyed him which had the power of death, that is the devil, and hath delivered them which lived under fear of death all their life in bondage. Heb. 2. By whose obedience we are made just: by whose righteousness we are justified to life. Rom. 5. By whose curse we are blessed, and delivered from the malediction of the law. Gala. 8. By whose blood we that once were far of, are made near unto God. Ephes. 5. Who in one body hath reconciled both jews & Gentiles unto God. Eph. 2. Who by his flesh hath taken away the division and separation between God and us, abolishing the law which was set against us in precepts & decrees. Ephes. 2. 
1. john. 2.  Who is our peace, our advocate, and propitiation for the sins of the whole world. 1. john. 2. Who was made accursed, 
2. Cor. 5.  & sin for us, that we might be the righteousness of God in him. 2. Cor. 5. Who is made of God for us, 
1. Cor. 1.  our wisdom and righteousness, & sanctification, and redemption. 1. Cor 1. By whom we have boldness, and entrance with all confidence through faith in him. 
Ephes 3.  Ephes. 3. Who forgiveth all our sins, and hath torn a pieces the obligation or handwriting, which was against us in the law of commandments, and hath crucified it upon the Cross, 
Collos. 2. Rom. 4. Colos. 2.  & utterly hath dispatched and abolished the same, and hath spoled principates and potestates, as in an open show of conquest, triumphing over them openly in himself. Col. 2. Who justifieth the wicked by faith. Ro. 4. In whom we are made full and complete. Col. 2. etc.  
4. The fourth branch is, 
The fourth branch.  to teach and inform us (to whom these benefits of Christ's Passion and victory do appertain) by what means the same is applied & redoundeth unto us: which means is only one, that is only faith, in Christ jesus, 
faith only the mean cause of salvation and nothing else.  and no other thing. Which faith it pleaseth almighty God, to accept for righteousness. And this righteousness it is, which only standeth before God and none other, as we are plainly taught by the Scriptures, and especially by the doctrine of S. Paul. Which righteousness thus rising of faith in Christ. S. Paul calleth the righteousness of God, where he speaketh of himself, utterly refuseth the other righteousness which is of the law, that the might be found in him, not having his own righteousness which is of the law, but the righteousness of Christ, which is of faith. Phil. 3. 
Phil. 3. The righteousness of the law.  Again, the said Apostle writing of the jews, which sought for righteousness and found it not: and also of the Gentiles which sought not for it, and yet found it, showeth the reason why: because (saith he) the one sought it as by works and the law, and came not to it, who not knowing the righteousness of God, and seeking to set up their own righteousness, 
The righteousness of the gospel. Rom. 9  did not submit themselves to the righteousness which is of God: The other, which were the Gentiles, and sought not for it, obtained righteousness, that righteousness, which is of faith. etc. Ro. 9 Also in an other place, Saint Paul in the same Epistle writing of this righteousness which cometh of faith, calleth it the righteousness of God, in these words. Whom God (saith he) hath set up for a propitiation by faith in his blood, 
The places of S. Paul. Rom. 3. expounded. Rom. 3.  whereby to make manifest the righteousness, which is of himself in tolerating our sins. etc. Rom. 3. By the which righteousness it is evident that S. Paul meaneth the righteousness of faith, 
The righteousness of faith, why it is called God's righteousness. Rom. 3.  which almighty God now revealeth & maketh manifest by preaching of the Gospel. Wilt thou see yet more plainly this righteousness of God how it is taken in S. Paul, for the righteousness of faith, & therefore is called the righteousness of God, because it is imputed only of God to faith, and not deserved of man? In the same Epistle to the Romans and in the 3. chap. aforesaid, his words be manifest: The righteousness of God (saith he) is by faith of jesus Christ, 
A lesson out of S. Paul's doctrine, of all Christians to be observed.  in all, and upon all that do believe. etc.  
Wherefore whosoever studieth to be accepted with God and to be found righteous in his light, let him learn diligently by the doctrine of S. Paul to make a difference & a separation, as far as from heaven and earth, between these two, that is between the righteousness of works, & righteousness of faith: & in any wise beware he bring no other means for his justification, or remission of his sins, but only faith apprehending the body or person of Christ jesus crucified. For as there is no way into the house but by the door, so is there no coming to God but by Christ alone, which is by faith. And as the mortal body, without bodily sustenance of bread & drink can not but perish so the spiritual soul of man hath no other refreshing but only by faith in the body and blood of Christ, 
Rom. 9  whereby to be saved. 
Act. 10. Salvation cometh only by faith. Math. 16.  With this faith the Idolatrous Gentiles apprehended jesus Christ, and received thereby righteousness. Cornelius (the first baptized Ramane) so sooone as he heard Peter preach Christ, received straightway the holy Ghost, Peter himself confessed, and for his confession, had the keys of heaven. Math. 16. Zacheus received the person of Christ into his house, 
Luke. 19  and withal received salvation both to him and his whole household. Luc. 19 What a sinner was Mary, 
Luc. 7.  which had no less in her then seven. devils, & yet because she set her hart and affection upon that person, many sins were forgiven her. Luc. 7. The right hand thief, 
Luc. 23.  how far was he from all works of the law, & yet by faith entered he justified into Paradise the same day with christ. Luc. 23. In like manner, although the poor Publican came to the Church with less holiness after the law, yet went he home to his house more justified than the pharisee with all his works, 
Luc. 28. That which is lost by the law, is recovered by faith.  and all by reason of faith. Luc. 18, The parable of the prodigal son which was lost yet revived again: Also of the lost groat, and of the lost sheep which went astray and was found again, what do these declare but that which is lost by the law, to be recovered by faith and grace? And how oft do we read in the Gospels: 
Luc. 18. Math. 9 john. 14. john. 14. john. 15. john. 6.  Thy faith hath saved thee. etc. jesus seeing their belief etc. He that believeth in me I will raise him up in the last day. etc. Believe also in me etc. He that believeth in me hath everlasting life. etc. Without me ye can do nothing. etc. He that is in me. etc. He that loveth me. etc. He that heareth me. etc. He that abideth in me. etc. He that receiveth me. etc. Unless ye eat my flesh: and drink my blood. 
Act. 26. Act. 10. Mat. vlt. john 14.  etc. That they may receive remission of sins by their faith in me. etc. Act. 26. To him all the Prophets give witness, to have remission of sins, whosoever believeth in his name etc. Act. 10. He that believeth & is baptized. Mat. vlt. He that believeth in me shall do the works that I do, & greater than these. etc.  
And likewise in the writings of S. Paul, how often do we hear the name of Christ, almost in every third or fourth line, 

The writings of S. Paul, full of the name of Christ jesus. Belief only in Christ saveth. Act. 16.  
The personal cause of salvation.  
The instrumental cause.   where he still repeateth: In Christo jesu per Christum jesum, Per jesum Christum Dominum nostrum. etc. Qui credunt in ipso. etc. Omnes qui credunt in eo. etc. Credentes illo, in eum credentes illi, in nomen eius, in nomine Domini nostri jesu Christi, etc. Believe, (saith S Paul to the jailor) in the Lord jesus, and thou shalt be saved and thy whole house, etc. Acts. 16.  
Thus than thou seest as the passion of Christ is only the efficient or personal cause immediate of our salvation: so is faith only the instrumental or mean cause that maketh the merits of Christ to us available. For as the Passion of Christ serveth to none but such as do believe: so neither doth faith (as it is only a bare quality or action in man's mind) itself justify, 
How faith justifieth.  unless it be directed to the body of Christ crucified, as to his object, of whom it receiveth all his virtue. 
Christ the only object of faith  And therefore these ij. must always jointly concur together, faith, and Christ jesus crucified. As for example, when the children of Israel were bid of Moses to look up to the brazen Serpent, 
which justifieth. Example of the brazen Serpent.  neither could the Serpent have helped them, except they had looked up, nor yet their looking upward have profited them, unless they had directed their eyes upon the said Serpent, as the only object set up to the same purpose for them to behold. So our faith in like case directed to the body of jesus our Saviour is only the means whereby Christ's merits are applied unto us, and we now justified before God, according to the doctrine of S. Paul, who in express words, defining to us what this faith is, and how it justifieth, saith: If thou shalt confess with thy mouth the Lord jesus, 
What faith is by Saint Paul.  and believe with thy hart, that God raised him from death, thou shalt be saved. etc. Rom, 10. Besides this, what action or quality soever is in man, 
Rom. 10.  either, hope, charity, or any other kind of faith and believing, be it never so true except it apprehend this object (which is) the body of Christ, the son of God it serveth not to justification. And that is the cause why we add this particle Only, 
Faith only.  to faith, and say that faith, Only, in Christ justifieth us, to exclude all other actions, qualities, gifts, or works of man, from that cause of justifying for so much as there is no other knowledge nor gift given of God to man, be it never so excellent, that can stand before the judgement of God to justification, or whereunto any promise of salvation is annexed: but only this faith looking up to the brazen Serpent, that is to the body of Christ jesus for us crucified.  
As for example, 
divers sorts of believing. The Turks faith.  when the Turk saith, that he believeth in one living God that made heaven & earth, his belief therein is true, yet it justifieth him not, because it lacketh the right object, which is Christ. So when the jew saith that he believeth in one God maker of heaven and earth, 
The jews faith.  and believeth also the same God to be omnipotent, merciful, just, and true of promise, and that he hath elected the seed of Abraham: true it is that he believeth, and yet all this serveth him not, because Christ the son of God is not joined to all. 
Every truth may be believed but the believing of every truth saveth not. The Papists faith. Only. Hope and charity be no parts of our justification, nor causes to make the merits of Christ ours. The causes of our salvation distincted.  And though the said jew should be never so devout in his prayers, or charitable in almose, or precise in keeping the law, & believed never so steadfastly that he is elect to be saved: yet he is never the nearer to salvation for all this, so long as his faith is not grounded upon the head cornerstone, which is the person and body of Christ jesus the true Saviour. After like sort, it may be said of the Papist, when he saith that he is baptized, and believeth in the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost, three persons and one God, and also confesseth jesus Christ to be the son of God, which died for our sins, and rose again for our righteousness. etc. his belief therein is true, & indeed would save him, if he did stay his salvation in this faith, and upon Christ his Saviour, Only. according to the promise and grace of God, and go no farther. But that he doth not: for neither doth he admit Christ only to be his perfect Saviour without the help of the patrons, heads, advocates, and mediators, nor yet permitteth his faith in Christ, Only to be the means of his justification, but setteth up other by means, as hope, charity, sacrifice of the Mass, confession, penance, satisfaction, merits, and pardons, supposing thereby to work his justification before God, contrary to the word of promise, to the Gospel of grace, & to the doctrine of S. Paul whereof we shall see more (the Lord willing) hereafter,  
And thus much of the true causes of our justification after the doctrine of S. Paul. 
The causes of our salvation. distincted.  Concerning which causes this distinction furthermore by the way is to be added, that as touching the original causes of our salvation, which be divers and sundry, some are external, & without us: some are internal, 
Grace and mercy. Election. Vocation. Christ's passion. Christian faith.  and within us. Of the external causes which are without us, the first and principal is the mercy & grace of god. Of this followeth predestination and election. Then cometh vocation. The last and next cause to us is the death and bloodshed of christ whereby we are redeemed, & all these be external causes, because they are without us. Of internal causes that be in man through the gift of God, there is but one, & no more in scripture appointed, that is, out faith in Christ, which is the gift of God in us. Beside this there is no gift of God given to man, virtue, work, merit, nor any thing else, that is any part or cause of salvation, but only this gift of faith, 
The meaning and cause why faith only justifieth.  to believe in Christ Iesu. And this is the cause why we hold that faith only justifieth, meaning, that amongst all the works, deeds, actions, labours, and operations, whatsoever man doth, or can do, there is nothing in that man that worketh salvation but only his faith given to him of God to believe in Christ his son, following therein the trade of S. Paul's teaching: who in precise words so ascribeth justification to faith, that he excludeth all other actions of man, & works of the law: And therefore in the same epistle to the Romans, S. Paul reasoning of the glory of justifying, asketh this question how this glory is excluded: whether by the law of works? and concludeth no: ascribing only the glory thereof to the law of faith, 
All works of man excluded from the glory of justifying.  And consequently upon the same he inferreth: Colligimus enim justificari hominem per fidem sine operibus legis. We hold that a man is justified by faith. without the deeds of the law.  
And how then can that he accounted for any part of our justification, which S. Paul utterly debarreth and excludeth in that behalf? of which like exclusives and negatives the whole course of S. Paul's doctrine is full, where he still concludeth: Sine operibus, absque operibus legis, non exoperibus, Dei donum est, 
Ephes. 2. Tit. 3.  non ex operibus ne quis sed secundum misericordiam glorietur, Ephe 2. Non ex operibus justitiae quae fecimus nos sed secundum propositsi suum & grati●m etc. Titi. 3. Non secundum opera nostra. 
2. Timot. 1  etc. Timot 1. That is to say, It is the gift of God, not of works, that no man should glory. etc. Not of the works of righteousness, which we have done, but of his own mercy. etc. Not after our works, but after his own purpose, & grace which is given to us, 
Gal. 2.  etc., Again Gal 2. Non iustificatur homo ex operibus. etc. That is, A man is not justified by works etc. Item, 
Rom. 4.  Ei qui non operatur credenti autem in eum qui justificat impium fides imputatur ad justitiam etc. Rom. 4. To him that worketh not, but believeth in him which justifieth the wicked, his faith is imputed to righteousness. 
The exclusives, and negatives of S. Paul to be marked.  etc. By these exclusives, and negatives in Saint Paul's doctrine what doth he else mean, but utterly to seclude all kind of man's merits, and works of the law from the office & dignity of justifying? And although he expresseth not the word, Only, yet upon his exclusives and negatives, this exceptive must needs be inferred. For in all Logic the connsequent is necessary and formal, as one man is suffered, to come into the house: and no person else is suffered but one Ergo, one man only is suffered to enter into the housé. And thus much concerning faith in Christ, proved to be the only mean, or instrumental, or conditional cause of our salvation, and no other besides the same alone, by the doctrine of S. Paul taught to the ancient Romans.  

The fift branch.  5. The fift branch, which I note in S. Paul's doctrine, is this: that after he hath thus established us in certainty of our salvation through faith in Christ, then after that, 
The true use and end of good works.  he exhorteth us vehemently and with all instance of good works, showing the true use and end of good works: which is, first to show our obedience, and dutiful service (as we may) unto God, who hath done so great things for us. Secondly to relieve our neighbours with our charity and kinds, as God hath been kind to us his enemies. Thirdly, to stir up other by our example, to praise God, to embrace the same Religion, & to do the like. For requisite it is, that as God hath been so merciful to us and gracious in eternal gifts, we should be merciful likewise to other in temporal commodities. And seeing it hath pleased him of his fatherly goodness (of our parts so little deserved) to call us to so high a vocation, to give the blood of his son for us, to forgive us all our sins, to deliver us from this present wicked world, to make us Citizens of heaven, yea his children, more than servants: little then can we do, and well may we think those benefits ill bestowed, if we forgive not our neighbours, and show some thing again worthy that holy calling wherewith he hath called us, in mortifying our worldly lusts here, & studying after heavenly things: and finally if we being provoked with such love & kindness, reder not again some love for love, some kindness for kindness, seeking how to walk in the steps which he hath prepared for us to walk in, serving him (so much as we may) in holiness & righteousness all the days of our life. And though our obedience shall always be imperfect, do the best we can: yet reason would that some obedience we should show as loving children to such a loving father.  

Good works justify not, but follow the justified.  And this is the cause why S. Paul is so vehement & urgent to call upon good works, not that works should justify, but that we being justified so mercifully & tenderly through his grace, should not abuse his grace in vain, but endeavour ourselves to our uttermost to render our service again to him, in such conversation of life as may most make to his glory, and profit of our neighbour. And though the words of our saviour seem in some places to attribute to our obedience and charity here in earth, great rewards in heaven, that is of his own free grace & goodness so to impute small matters for great deserts, and not for us to claim any meed thereby or thank at his hand, as by any worthiness of our doings, no more than the servant when he cometh from the plough and serving the cattle in the field, serveth first his master at home and waiteth upon his table: the master is not bound (saith Christ) to thank his servant therefore, 
Luke. 17.  and bid him sit down: So you (saith he) when you have done that is commanmanded you, say ye are unprofitable servants: ye have done but what your bond duty was to do. Luc. 17.  
Again, here also is to be understand, that where such rewards be ascribed unto men's deeds, it is not for the worthiness of the deed itself, but for the faith of the doer, which faith maketh the work to be good in God's sight: for else if an infidel should do the same work that the christian doth, it were nothing but mere sin before god. In that therefore the christian man's work is accepted be it never so small (as to give a cup of cold water) the same is only for his faith sake that doth it, 
Faith justifieth three manner of ways.  and not for the work which is done. Whereby again we may learn how faith only doth justify a man, and that three manner of ways.  
First it justifieth the person in making him accepted, and the child of God by regeneration, before he begin to do any good work.  
Secondly, it justifieth a man from sin, in procuring remission and forgiveness of the same.  
Thirdly, it iusti●ieth the good deeds and works of man, not only in bringing forth good fruits, but also in making the same works to be good and acceptable in the sight of God, 
The office of faith, and the office of the law compared together.  which otherwise were impure and execrable in his sight.  
The office therefore of faith and works is divers, and must not be confounded. Faith first goeth before, and regenerateth a man to God, & justifieth him in the sight of god, both in covering his ill deeds, and in making his good deeds acceptable to God, climbing up to heaven, & there wrestling with God and his judgement for righteousness, for salvation, and for everlastins life. Works and charity, follow faith, and are exercised here upon the earth, & glorieth only before man, 
The works of man be imparfect and therefore have nothing to do with justification.  but not before God, in showing forth obedience both to God & to man. Further than this our good works do not reach, nor have any thing to do in the judgement of God touching salvation. I speak of our good works (as S. Paul speaketh Rom. 7.) as they be ours & imperfect. For else if our works could be perfect according to the perfection of the law, as Christ wrought them in the perfection of his flesh, that is if we could perfect them, as it is said: Qui fecerit ea vivet in eyes. But now seeing the imbecility of our flesh cannot attain thereto it followeth thereof that all glory of justifying is taken from works, and transferred only to faith.  
And thus much concerning the principal contents of S. Paul's doctrine. Wherein the Church of the ancient Romans first was grounded & planted, and so continued in the same, or at least did not much alter, during the primitive state of the Church. Likewise the same form of doctrine the latter Romans also that followed should have maintained, 
Gal. 2.  and not have fallen away for any man's preaching, but hold him accursed, yea if he were any Apostle or an Angel from heaven, 
Deffection of faith in the Church of Rome.  teaching any other doctrine besides that institution which they have received. Gal. 1, for so were they warned before by the Apostle S Paul, to do. And yet notwithstanding all this forewarning & diligent instruction of this blessed Apostle of the Gentiles, what a defection of faith is fallen among the Gentiles, especially among the Romans, whereof the said Apostle also foretold them so long before, forepropheciing: That the day of the Lord shall not come, 
A view of the Pope's Catholic Church.  except there come a defection before, and that the man of sin should be revealed, the proud adversary of God. etc. They. 2, meaning (no doubt) by this defection, a departing and a falling from that faith which the holy ghost had then planted by his ministry, among the Gentiles. As we see it now come to pass in the Church of Rome. Which Church is so gone from the faith that S. Paul taught, that if he were now alive, and saw these decrees and decretals of the Bishop of Rome, these heaps of ceremonies & traditions, these mass books, these Portuses, these Festivals and Legends, these Processionals, Dims and Sequences, these Beads and Graduals, & the manner of their invocation, their Canons, Censures, & latter Counsels, such swarms of superstitious Monks and Friars, such sects of so many divers religions, the Testament of S. Frances, the rule of S. Benedict, of S Brigit, of S. Anthony. etc. the intricate subtleties & labyrynthes of the schoolmen, the infinite cases and distinctions of the canonists▪ 
The Church of Rome degenerated again almost to new paganism.  the Sermons in Churches, the assertions in schools, the glory of the Pope, the pride of the clergy, the cruelty of persecuting Prelates with their officials and promoters: he would say this were not a defection, but rather a plain destruction and ruin of faith: neither that this were any true Church of Christ, but a new found Religion, or paganism rather, brought in under the shadow of Christianity, wherein remaineth almost no" thing else but the name only of Christ, and the outward form of his religion, the true vain, and effect whereof is utterly decayed, as to them which list to examine all the parts of this new Romish religion, may some appear.  
For save only that they pretend the solemn form and words of the Crede, and are baptized confessing the name of the father the son & holy ghost: As touching all other points and true sincerity of the Christian faith which they outwardly profess, they are utterly degenerated from that which S. Paul & the word of God first had taught them,  
First, they confess the father in word, but his will in his word expresed they renounce, 
The Pope's Church only in words Catholic, in deed heathenish.  his grace they acknowledge not, his benefits and promises given unto us in his son they receive not, the vigour of his law they feel not, the terror of his judgements earnestly they fear not, his commandments they observe by the traditions and commandments of their own.  
Likewise the name of Christ his son in word they confess, but his office indeed they deface and diminish: his glory they seek not, but under his name they do seek their own: the power of his blood and passion they know not or else dissemble it, who neither they admit to be the head of his Church alone, nor saviour alone, nor only to be our patron & advocate; but match with him our Lady, and other patrons, so that every Parish almost in christendom hath his peculiar patron besides Christ to hold by.  
In like manner they confess the name of the holy Ghost, But God himself knoweth how far they are from the comfort, knowledge, and taste of the holy ghost, as well may appear by their counsels, by their expounding of Scripture, by their superstitious ceremonies, by their outward worshipping and Idolatrous invocation to stocks and stones and dead creatures, 
The Religion of the Pope's Church proceedeth contrary to the working of the holy Ghost.  by their scrupulous observation of days, tunes, places, numbers & gestures: And no less also by their doctrine, which defraudeth the poor hearts of simple Christians, of their due consolation, joy and liberty in the holy Ghost, & keepeth them still in a servile bondage, and a doubtful incertainty of their salvation, contrary to the working of the holy spirit of God.  
And thus the Church of Rome pretending only the name of Christ and of his Religion, 
The Church of Rome pretentendeth a fair face of Religion but is void of the effect thereof  is so far altered from the truth of that which it pretendeth, that under the name of Christ, it persecuteth both Christ & his Religion: working more harm to the Church of Christ, then ever did the open tyrants and persecuting Emperors among the heathen: not much unlike herein to the old synagogue of the Scribes and pharisees, who under the name of God, crucified the son of God, 
The old Phariseis, and the latter Church of Romans compared together.  and under pretence of the law, fought against the Gospel, and under the title of Abraham's children, persecuted the children of Abraham. And as they bragging so highly of the Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord, did in deed destroy the true Temple of the Lord: right so these pretenced Catholics in these days, after they have raised up a Catholic Church of their own, 
The Pope's Church under the name of the Catholic Church, persecuteth the true Catholic Church of Christ.  and have armed the same with laws, and have gathered unto them a power of Priests, Prelates, abbots, Priors, of religious men, of Cardinals, and also of secular Princes to take their part, now under the name of the Catholic Church, they persecute the true Catholic church, and coloring their proceedings still with In nomine Domini, most cruelly they put to death, which die pro nomine Domini, condemning them for heretics, schismatics, and rebels, not which deny any part of the creed, which they themselves profess, nor such whom they can convince by any Scripture, but only such which will not join with their errors and heresies contrary to the honour of God and truth of his word.  
And lest any should think this that we here protest against the corrupt errors & manifold deformities of this latter Church of Rome, to proceed of any raucor or affection, rather than grounded of necessary causes, and demonstrations evident, my purpose is (by the Lords leave) to take herein some little pain, that as I have collected a little before, the sum & contents of S. Paul's doctrine, where with the old Church of Rome was first seasoned and acquainted, so now as in a like summary table, to descry the particular branches and contents of the Pope's doctrine now set forth, to the intent that all true Christian readers comparing the one with the other may discern what great alteration there is between the church of Rome that now is, and the church of Rome that then was, planted by the Apostles in the primitive time. And to the end to open to the simple reader some way whereby he may the better judge in such matters of doctrine, & not be deceived in discerning truth from error, first we will propound certain principles or general positions, as infallible rules or truths of the Scripture, whereby all other doctrines & opinions of men being tried and examined as in the touchstone, may the more easily be judged whether they be true or contrary, & whether they make against the scripture, or no.  

¶ Certain Principles or general verities grounded upon the truth of God's word.  ¶ The first principle. 
1. AS sin and death came originally by the disobedience of one to all men of his generation by nature: 
Contain general principles and rules gathered of the scriptures.  so righteousness and life come originally by the obedience of one to all men regenerated of him by faith & Baptism, Rom. 5.  ¶ The 2. Principle. 
2. The promise of God, was freely given to our first parents without their deserving, that the seed of a woman should break the Serpent's head. Gen. 3.  ¶ The 3. Principles. 
3. 
Gene 3.  Promise was given freely to Abraham before he deserved any thing, that in his seed all nations should be blessed. Gen. 12.  ¶ The 4. Principle. 
4. To the word of God neither must we add, nor take from it. 
Gen. 12. Deut. 4.  Deut. 4.  ¶ The 5. Principle. 
5. He that doth the works of the law, shall live therein. levit. 18. Gal. 3. 
levit. 18. Gal. 3. Deut. 27. Gal. 3. Deut. 6. Luc. 4.   ¶ The 6. Principle. 
6. Accursed is he, which abideth not in every thing that is written in the book of the law. Deut. 27. Gal. 3.  ¶ The 7. Principle. 
7. God only is to be worshipped. Deut. 6. Luc. 4.  ¶ The 8. Principle. 
8. 
Esay. 64.  All our righteousness is like a defiled cloth of a woman Esay. 64.  ¶ The 9 Principle. 
9 In all my holy hill, they shall not kill, nor slay saith the Lord. Esay. 11.65. 
Esay. 11.65.   ¶ The 10. Principle. 
10. God loveth mercy and obedience, more than sacrifice. 
Osee. 6. 1. Reg. 15.  Osee. 6.1. Reg. 15.  ¶ The 11. Principle. 
11. The law worketh anger, 
Rom. 3.  condemneth, and openeth sin. Rom. 3.  ¶ The 12. Principle. 
12. The end of the law is Christ, to righteousness to every one that believeth, Rom. 10. 
Rom. 10.   ¶ The 13. Principle. 
13. Whosoever believeth and is baptized, shall be saved. Mat. vlt. 
Math. vlt.   ¶ The 14. Principle. 
14. A man is justified by faith without works freely by grace, not of ourselves. Gal. 2. Ephes. 2. 
Gal. 2. Ephes. 2.   ¶ The 15. Principle. 
15. There is no remission of sins without blood. 
Heb. 9  Heb. 9  ¶ The 16. Principle. 
16. Whatsoever is not of faith is sin. Rom. 14. without faith it is impossible to please God. 
Rom. 14. Heb. 11.  Heb. 11.  ¶ The 17. Principle. 
17. One Mediator between God & man Christ jesus. 1. Tim. 2. & he is the propitiation for our sins. 
1. Tim. 1. 1. john. 2.  1. john. 2.  ¶ The 18. Principle. 
18. Who soever seeketh in the law to be justified, is fallen from grace. 
Gal. 5.   ¶ The 19 Principle. 
19 In Christ be all the promises of God, 
2. Cor. 1.  Est & Amen. 2. Cor. 1.  ¶ The 20. Principle. 
20. Let every soul be subject to superior powers, giving to Caesar that which is Caesar's, 
Rom. 13.  & to God that which is Gods. Rom. 13.   
These principles and infallible rules of the Scripture, as no man can deny, so if they be granted, the doctrine then of the Pope's Church must needs be found not to be Catholic, but rather full of errors and heresies, as in the sequel following remaineth more expressly and particularly by the grace of Christ to be convinced.   

¶ Here followeth a Summary collection of the errors, heresies, and absurdities contained in the pope's doctrine, contrary to the rules of God's word, and the first institution of the Church of Rome.  
Of Faith and justification.  
FIrst, 
The errors heresies, and  as touching the only means and instrumental cause of our justification, whereby the merits of Christ's Passion be applied to us & made ours, 
absurdities in the pope's doctrine.  ye heard before how S. Paul only ascribeth the same to faith: as appeareth by all his letters, especially to the Romans. Where he excluding all kind of works, ascribeth all our salvation, justification, righteousness, reconciliation, and peace with god only to faith in Christ. Contrary to which doctrine the Pope and his church hath set up divers and sundry other means of their own devising, 
The means of applying Christ's merits unto us by the Pope's doctrine.  whereby the merits of Christ's passion (they say) are applied to us and made ours, to the putting away of sins, and for our justification, as hope, charity, sacrifice of the Mass, auricular confession, satisfation, merits of Saints, and holy orders, the Pope's pardons, etc. So that Christ's sacrifice, stripes, and suffering, by this teaching doth not heal us, nor is not beneficial to us, though we believe never so well, unless we add also these works and merits above recited. Which if it be true, then is it false that Esay the prophet doth promise: 
The taking away of this Article of faith only to justify, is the root of great inconvenience in Christ's Church.  chap. 53. In his stripes all we are made hole. etc. This error and heresy of the Church of Rome, though it serve at first sight to the natural reason of man to be out of small importance yet if it be earnestly considered, it is in very deed the most pernicious heresy that ever almost crept into the Church, upon the which as the only foundation, all, or the most part of all the errors, absurdities, and inconveniences of the Pope's Church are grounded. For this being once admitted, that a man is not justified by his faith in Christ alone, but that other means must be sought by our own working and merits to apply the merits of Christ's Passion unto us, then is there neither any certainty left, of our salvation, nor end in setting up new means and merits of our own devising, 
No heresy to be compared to the heresy of Papists.  for remission of sins. Neither hath there been any heresy that either hath rebelled more presumptuously against the high Majesty of God the Father, nor more perniciously hath injuried the souls of the simple, than this doctrine.  

The first inconvenience.  First of all it subverteth the will and testament of God. For where almighty God of mercy hath given us his son to die for us, and with him hath given out his full promise, that whosoever believeth upon him should be saved by their faith, & assigneth none other condition either of the law or any works, 

No condition limited of God to man for salvation but one.  
Hieroni. in Epist. ad Gal. cap. 1.   but only of faith, to be the means between his son and us: these men take upon them to alter this testament that God hath set, and adjoin other conditions, which the Lord in his word never appointed nor knew. To whom the words of Jerome may be well applied upon the Epistle to the Gal. speaking of such. Qui de evangelio Christi faciunt hominis evangelium, vel quod peius est, Diaboli, etc. That is, Which make of the Gospel of Christ, the Gospel of men, or rather the Gospel of the devil etc.  

The 2. inconvenience. What hurt cometh into the Church, by taking away the Article of justification.  Secondly, whereas the Christian reader in the Gospel, reading of the great grace and sweet promises of god given to mankind in Christ his son, might thereby take much comfort of soul, and be at rest and peace with the Lord his God: cometh in the pestiferous doctrine of these heretics, wherewith they obscure this free grace of God, to choke the sweet comforts of man in the holy Ghost, and oppress Christian liberty, and bring our spiritual into bondage.  
Thirdly, as in this their impious doctrine they show themselves manifest enemies to God's grace: 
The third inconvenience.  so are they no less injurious to Christian men, whom they leave in a doubtful distrust of God's favour and of their salvation, contrary to the word and will of God, and right institution of the Apostolic doctrine. 
Objection of the Papists answered.  And whereas our new schoolmen of late, to maintain the said wicked point of doctrine, do object unto us that we rather leave men's consciences uncertain, for so much as, if life (say they) were not a due reward, it were uncertain. And now for somuch as due debt is certain, and mercy or favour is uncertain, 
The Papists do teach the mercy of God to be uncertain.  therefore (say they) we leaving men's consciences to the mercy of God, do leave them in a doubtful uncertainty of their salvation. To this I answer that due debt, if it be proved by the law duly deserved, it must be certain. But if the law shall prove it unperfect or unsufficiently due, then is it not certain, neither can there be any thing duly claimed. Now as touching mercy, so long as it remaineth secret in the Princes will, and not known to his subjects, so long it is uncertain, But when this mercy shall be openly published by proclamation, ratified by promise, conferred by will and Testament, 
Mercy of God made certain by his own promises.  established in blood, and sealed with Sacraments, than this mercy remaineth no more doubtful, but ought firmly to be believed of every true faithful subject. And therefore Saint Paul, to establish our hearts in this assurance, and so answer to this doubt, in his Epistle to the Romans doth teach us, saying: And therefore of faith, that after grace the promise might be firm & sure to the whole seed of Abraham. etc. Rom. 4. Meaning hereby, that works have nothing to do in this case of justifying, 
Salvation standeth sure and certain by God's promise.  and noteth the reason why. For than our salvation should stand in a doubtful wavering, because in working we are never certain whether our deserts be perfect and sufficient in God's judgement or no. And therefore (sayeth Saint Paul) to the intent our salvation should be out of all doubt, 
The place of S. Paul. Rom. 4. expounded.  and certain, it standeth not of works, in deserving, but of faith in apprehending, and of God's free grace in promising.  
Fourthly, 
The 4. inconvenience.  as in this their sinister doctrine they break this principle of Christian Religion, which saith that a man is justified by faith without works, so again it breaketh an other principle above rehearsed. For this rule being granted that nothing is to be added to god's word nor taken from it: then have these men done wickedly in adding (as they do) to God's word. 
The 4. principle above recited broken.  For where the word of god lymiteth to our justification no condition but faith: Believe (saith he) in the Lord jesus and thou shalt be saved, and thy whole house, etc. Act. 16. these justiciaries do add thereto divers and sundry other conditions besides, and such as the word also precisely excludeth, as hope, charity, the sacrifice of their Mass, the work of the Priest Ex opere operato, auricular confession, satisfaction, meritorious deeds. etc. And thus much concerning the doctrine of faith and justification. Whereby it may appear to what horrible blindness and blasphemy, the Church of Rome is now fallen: where this kind of doctrine is not only suffered, but also publicly professed, which speaking against faith, thus blasphemously dare say: Fides illa qua quis firmiter credit, 
Ex Lindano in Epitome doctrinae evangelicae.  & certo statuit propter Christum sibi remissa esse peccata, seseque possessurum vitam aeternam, non sides est, sed temeritas: non spiritus sancti persuasio, sed humanae audaciae presumptio. That is, That faith wherewith a man firmly believeth and certainly assureth himself, that for Christ's sake his sins be forgiven him, and that he shall possess eternal life, is not faith but rashness: not the persuasion of the holy Ghost, but presumption of a man's boldness.  

¶ Of works, and the law.  
AS touching the doctrine of good works and the law, 
The first error of the Papists touching good works.  what the teaching of Saint Paul was to the Romans, ye heard before. Who although he excludeth good works from the office of justifying, yet excludeth he them not from the practice and c●●uersation of Christian life, but most earnestly calleth upon all faithful believers in Christ, to walk worthy their vocation, to lay down their old conversation, to give their members servants of righteousness, to offer their bodies up to God a lively Sacrifice, etc. The like example of whose teaching, if the Churches now reform do not follow, let their Sermons, their preachings, writings, exhortynge, and lives also bear record. who although they can not say with Christ. Which of you can blame me of sin, yet they may say to the adversaries, whosoever of you is without fault, cast the first stone of reproach against us. 
Hosius in 2. tom. confessionis. Cap. 1.  Wherefore Hosius, Pighius, with their fellows, do them open wrong, and slanderously belie them in comparing them in this behalf to Aetius Eunominus, and other heretics called Anomaei, who taking the good sentences of S. Paul, did abuse the same to filthy licence of the flesh, and corruption of wicked life, etc.  
But to let these slanders pass, now what the errors be of the Church of Rome, touching this part of doctrine, remaineth to be declared. Whose error first standeth in this, that they mysunderstanding the definition of good works, do call good works, not such as properly are commanded by the law of God, but such as are agreeable to the Pope's law: As building of abbeys and churches, giving to the high altar, founding of trentales, finding of chantries, gylding of Images, hearing of Masses, going on pilgrimage, fighting for the holy cross, keeping of vows, entering to orders, fasting of vigiles, creeping to the Cross, praying to Saints, etc. All which are not only reputed for good works, but so preferred also before all other works, that to these is given pardon from the Pope, double and triplefolde more, then to any other good work of charity commanded in the law of almighty God. 
The second error of the Papists in the doctrine of good works.   
another error also may be noted in the Papists, touching the efficient or formal cause of good works. For albeit they all confess in their books, that Gratia dei gratis data, is the chief principal cause thereof, and worketh in us justitiam primam (as they call it) yet the good works after regeneration, 
faith the root and cause of good works.  they refer to other subordinate causes under God, as to free will, or to habitum virtutis, or ad integra naturalia, & nothing at all to faith, when as faith only next under God, is the root and fountain of all well doing: as in the fruits of a good tree, albeit the planter or the husbandman be the principal agent thereof, and some cause also may be in the good ground, yet the next and immediate cause is the root that maketh the tree fruitful. In like manner the grace of God, in a soft & repentant mollified hart planteth the gift of faith. faith as a good root can not lie dead or unoccupied, but springeth forth and maketh both the tree fruitful, and also the tree thereof to be good. 
Works are not to be called good but by reason of faith.  which otherwise had no acceptation nor goodness in them, were it not for the goodness of the root from whence they spring. So Paul although he had certain works in him such as they were, before his conversion, yet had he no good works before the grace of Christ had rooted faith in him. So Mary Magdelene the sinner, and Zacheus the Publican. So all the nations of the Gentiles began to bring forth fruit, and especially good fruit, when they began to be engrafted in Christ, 
The office of faith to justify.  and to receive the root of his faith, whose fruits before that were all damnable and unsavoury. As touching the cause therefore of good works, 
The effect of faith to bring forth good works.  there is no other in man but faith, whose office as it is to justify us in heaven so the nature of it is here in earth to work by love, as the root worketh by the sap. For as a man seethe and feeleth by faith, the love and grace of God toward him in Christ his son: 
Fides per dilectionem operans. Gal. 5.  so beginneth he to love again both God and man, and to do for his neighbour as God hath done to him. And hereof properly springeth the running fountain of all good works and deeds of charity.  

The 3. error of the Papists touching the end of the law & good works. The end of the law and good works perverted.  Thirdly, as they err in the cause of good works, so do they err much more in the end of the law, and of good works: for where Saint Paul teacheth the law to be given to this use and end, to convict our transgressions, to prove us sinners, to show and condemn our infirmity, and to drive us to Christ: they take and apply no other end to the law, but to make us perfect, to keep us from wrath, and to make us just before God. And likewise where Saint Paul proveth all our good works to be unperfect, and utterly secludeth them from the end of justifying, they contrariwise do teach, as though the end of good works were to merit remission of sins, to satisfy unto God, to deserve grace, to redeem souls from Purgatory, 
Thom. Aquinas. Hosius in 2. tom. conses. Cap. 1.  and that by them the person of the regenerate man doth please God, and is made just before God. For so they teach most wickedly and horribly, saying. That christ suffered for original sin, or sins going before Baptism, but the actual sins, which follow after Baptism, must be done away by men's merits. And so they assign to Christ the beginning of salvation, or obtaining of the first grace (as they call it) but the perfection or consummation of grace, they give to works & our own strength. Neither can they in any case abide, that we be justified freely by the mercy of God through faith only apprehending the merits of Christ. Howbeit neither do all Papists in this their errove agree in one. For some make distinction and say: 
The divers opinions of their Catholic Papists, how faith justifieth.  that we are justified by Christ principaliter i principally: & minus principaliter i less principally, by the dignity of our own deeds, contrary to the eight principle before mentioned, page. 24. Other hold that we are made righteous before God, not by works that go before faith: but by our virtues that follow after. Some again do thus expound the saying of Saint Paul: We are justified by faith: that is (say they) by faith, preparing us or setting us in a good way to be justified. 
The Pope's doctrine against the principles of Scripture.  Other expound by it the figure Synecdoche, that is, by faith conjoined together with other virtues. Other thus: by faith, that is, being form with charity, etc. Thus all these do derogate from the benefit of Christ, and attribute unto works a great or the greatest part of our justification, directly against the true vein of Saint Paul's doctrine and first institution of the ancient Church of Rome, and against all the principles of holy Scripture.  

The 4. error of the Papists touching the imperfection of man in satisfying the perfection of the law.  Furthermore, as touching the said doctrine of the law and good works, they err in misunderstanding the nature of the law and works. For where Saint Paul disputeth that the law is spiritual, and requireth of us perfect obedience of the whole power of man, which we being carnal are never able to accomplish: they affirm otherwise that the law doth require but only outward obedience of man, and therewith is contented: And this obedience they say, man is not only able to perform, but also to do more and greater things than the law requireth. Whereof riseth the works of supererogation, 
Against the principles of Scripture.  contrary to the 6. and 8. principles above specified, page. 24. Also there be say they, among other certain works of the law, which pertain not to all men, but are consilia, counsels, left for perfect men, 
Precepts and Counsels.  as matter for them to merit by, and these they call opera perfectionis, or opera indebita, adding also to these new devices to serve God after their own traditions besides the word of God, as Monastical vows, wilful poverty, 

Works of supererogation.  
men's traditions preferred before the works of God's law.   difference of meats and garments, pilgrimage to relics and Saints, worshipping of the dead, superstitious ceremonies, rosaries, etc. With such like, and these they call works of perfection, which they prefer before the other commanded in the law of God. In so much that in comparison of these, the other necessary duties commanded and commended by the word of God (as to bear office in the common wealth, to live in the godly state of matrimony, to sustain the office of a servant in a house) is contemned, 
Against the principle of Scripture.  and accounted as profane in comparison of these, contrary to the 10. principle above mentioned. pag. 24.   

* Of Sinne.  
OF Sin likewise they teach not rightly, 
Erroneous doctrine of the latter Church of Rome concerning 〈◊〉.  nor after the institution of the Apostles, and the ancient Church of Rome, while the consider not the deepness and largeness of sin, supposing still to be nothing else but inward actions with consent of will, or outward, such as are against will: whereas the strength of sin extendeth not only to these, but also comprehendeth the blindness and ignorance of the mind, lack of knowledge and true fear of God, the untowardness of man's mind to Godward, the privy rebellion of the hart against the law of God, the undeliting will of man to God and his word. The sense of flesh S. Paul also calleth an enemy against God, and feeleth in himself, that is, in his flesh nothing dwelling but sin.  
As touching also original sin, 
Original sin 〈◊〉 it is.  wherein we are borne which is the destruction of original justice, and of god's Image in us (remaining in us and bringing forth in us wicked cogitations, affections, and motions of naughtiness, against the law of God, and never ceaseth so long as man liveth) this original sin the Pope's doctrine doth not deny, but yet doth much extenuate the same and holdeth that this inward concupiscence & vicious affections not brasting out in us with consent of will, 
Foams peccati. Concupiscentia.  are no mortal nor damnable sin, but only foams peccati: And say moreover, that this concupiscentia in us, is no depravation of the higher, but only of the lower parts of man, being as a thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, indifferent, and no less natural in us than is the appetite to eat and drink, 
Original sin ●●●nuated.  and that the same is left to remain in the Saints after Baptism, to be to them occasion of more meriting, etc.   

* Of Penance, or Repentance.  
OF Penance, 
False doctrine of the latter Church of Rome, touching penance.  this latter Latterane Church of Rome, of late hath made a Sacrament (contrary to the fourth principle before pag. 24.) which penance say they, standeth of three parts. Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction canonical. Contrition (as they teach) may be had by strength of free will, without the law, and the holy Ghost per actus elicitos, through man's own action and endeavour. 
Contrition.  Which contrition first must be sufficient, and so it meriteth remission of sin. In confession, they require a full rehearsal of all sins, 
Confession▪  whereby the Priest knowing the crimes, may minister satisfaction accordingly. And this rehearsing of sins, ex opero operato deserveth remission, contrary y● to 14. principle before, pag. 24. Satisfactions they call opera indebita, 
Satisfaction.  enjoined by the ghostly father. And this satisfaction (say they) taketh away, and changeth eternal punishment, into temporal pains, which pains also it doth mitigate. And again, these satisfactions may be taken away by the Pope's indulgence. etc.  
This unsavoury and heathenish doctrine of penance far differeth from the true teaching of holy Scripture. 

True doctrine of repentance by the scripture.  
Parts of repentance.  

1. Contrition.  
2. faith.  
3. New obedience.    By the which teaching repentance properly containeth these three parts, contrition, faith, and new life. Contrition is called in Scripture the sorrow of hart, rising upon the consideration of sin committed and of the anger of God provoked, which sorrow driveth a man to Christ for secure: whereupon riseth faith. Faith bringeth, afterward amendment or newenes of life, which we call new obedience, working fruits worthy of repentance.   

¶ Difference between the law and the Gospel.  
AS there is nothing more necessary and comfortable for troubled consciences, 

The blind ignorance of the pope's Church in not distincting the law from the Gospel. A Babylonical confusion in the Pope's doctrine.  
What difference the Papists put between Moses and Christ. Papists make the Gospel a new law.  
Papists divide the law, into the law of nature, the law of Moses, and the law of Christ.  
The Pope's Church, blind in the office of Christ.  
The time of the law, and time of the gospel distincted.   then to be well instructed in the difference between the law and the Gospel: so is the Church of Rome much to blame in this behalf, because it confoundeth together those two, being in nature so divers & contrary one from another: as threatenings and promises, things temporal with things eternal, sorrowful things with glad tidings, death with life, bondage with freedom, etc. Teaching the people, that whatsoever the law saith the Gospel confirmeth, and whatsoever the Gospel saith the same is agreeable to the law, and so make they no difference between Moses and Christ, save only that Moses (they say) was the giver of the old law, Christ is the giver of the new and a more perfect law. And thus imagine they the gospel to be nothing else but a new law given by Christ, binding to the promises thereof, the condition of our doings and deservings, no otherwise then to the old law. And so denied they the whole law after this distinction, into three parts, to wit, the law of Nature, the law of Moses, and the law of Christ. And as for the Gospel (they say) it is revealed for no other cause, but to show to the world more perfect precepts and counsels, than were in the old law: to the fulfilling whereof they attribute justification, and so leave the poor consciences of men in perpetual doubt, and induce other many fold errors: bringing the people into a false opinion of Christ, as though he were not a remedy against the law, but came as an other Moses, to give a new law to the world.  
Furthermore, as they make no difference between the nature of the law and nature of the Gospel, confounding Moses and Christ together: so neither do they distinct or discern the time of the law, and the time of the Gospel a sunder. For where S. Paul, bringeth in the law, to be a schoolmaster, & limiteth him his tune unto Christ: & saith that Christ is the end of the law, that is, whereas the law ceaseth, there Christ beginneth, & where christ beginneth there the law endeth, they contrary make the law to have no end nor ceasing, 

Malediction of the law ceaseth in Christ.  
The use of the law remaineth. Christ and the law can not reign together. Ephes. 4. The power of the law is for a time The power of Christ is eternal. Rom. 8. Colos. 2. The malediction of the law giveth place to Christ. The curse of the law is crucified and shall never rise again.   but give to it immortal life & kingdom equal with Christ, so that Christ and the law together do reign over the soul and conscience of man. Which is untrue. For either Christ must give place, and the law stand: Or else the law (the condemnation and malediction of the law I mean) must end, and Christ reign. For both these, Christ and the law, grace and malediction, can not reign and govern together. But Christ the Son of God which once died, can die no more, but must reign for ever. Wherefore the law with his strength sting, and curse, must needs cease and have an end. And this is it that S. Paul speaking of the triumph of Christ, saith, that he ascending up led away captivity captive, & hath set man at liberty, not at liberty to live as flesh listeth, neither hath freed him from the use & exercise of the law, but from the dominion and power of the law, so that there is now no condemnation to them that be in Christ jesus, which walk not after the flesh, etc. Romans, 8, And in an other place Saint Paul speaking of the same power and dominion of the law, saith, that Christ hath taken the oblygation written against us in decrees, and hath nailed it upon the Cross, triumphing over all, etc. so that as the kingdom of Christ first began upon the Cross, even so upon the same Cross, and at the same time the kingdom of the law expired, and the malediction of the law was so crucified upon the Cross, that it shall never rise again, to have any power against them that be in Christ Iesu. For like as if a woman be discharged from her first husband being dead, & hath married an other man, the first husband hath no more power over her: 
Rom. 7. Rom. 6.  even so we now being espoused unto Christ our second husband, are discharged utterly from our first husband the law: (& as S. Paul in an other place saith) are no more under the law, that is, under the dominion & malediction of the law, but under grace, 
To be under the law, and under grace expounded.  that is, under perpetual remission of all sins, committed not only before our Baptism, but as well also after Baptism, and during all our life long. For therein properly consisteth the grace of God, in not imputing sin unto us, so often as the repenting sinner rising up by faith flieth unto Christ, 

What is to be under grace.  
Psal. 31. Act. 10. One remedy for remission of sins and no more.  
Auricular confession no remedy for remission of sins.   and apprehendeth God's mercy and remission promised in him, according to the testimony both of the Psalm: Blessed is the man to whom the Lord imputeth no sin. etc. & also of all the Prophets, which (as Saint Peter saith) give record to him that through his name all that believe in him shall receive remission of their sins, etc. Acts. 10. Which being so, as it can not be denied, than what needeth these private and extraordinary remissions to be brought into the Church by ear confession, by meritorious deeds, and by the Pope's pardons? for if there be no condemnation but by the law: and if this law itself be captived, crucified, abolished, and departed, which was the first husband, what condemnation then can there be to them that be in Christ jesus, or by whom should it come? If there be no condemnation, but a free and general deliverance for all men, once gotten by the victory of Christ, from the penalty of the law: what needeth them any particular remission of sins, 
Remission of sins standeth upon a general cause, and not particular.  at sundry times to be sought at the priests hands or the Pope's pardons? He that hath a general pardon needeth no particular. If remedy for sin be general and perpetual once gotten for ever, to all them that be in Christ jesus, what needeth any other remedy by auricular confession? If it be not general and perpetual, how then, is it true that Saint Paul saith: the law is crucified, and condemnation abolished? or how standeth redemption perpetual and general, 
The law crucifie● by Christ. 〈◊〉 meaneth.  if remission be not general? For what is redemption else, but remission of sins, or sins bought out? or what is else to kill the law, but to discharge us from condemnation for ever? He that delivereth his friend for a time out of his enemies hand, doth him a pleasure: but he that killeth the enemy once out of the way giveth perpetual safety. So if remission of sins by Christ were for some sins and not for all, the law than must needs live still. But now the killing and crucifying of the law importeth full remission to be absolute, 
Objection.  and our safety to be perpetual. But here percase will be objected of some: how standeth remission of sins certain and perpetual, seeing new offences being daily committed, do daily require new remission? 
Answer.  Hereto I answer? albeit sins do daily grow, whereby we have need daily to desire God to forgive us our trespasses (etc. yet notwithstanding the cause of our remission standeth ever one and perpetual, 
The cause of remission eue● one and perpetual.  neither is the same to be repeated any more, nor any other cause to be sought besides that alone. This cause is the sacrificed body of Christ once upon the Cross for all sins that either have or shall be committed. Beside this cause, there is no other, neither confession, nor men's pardons that remitteth sins. 
The promise of remission ever perpetual.   
Furthermore, as the cause is one and ever perpetual, which worketh remission of sins unto us: so is the promise of God ever one, once made and standeth perpetual that offereth the same to the faith of the repenting sinner. And because the said promise of God is always sure and can not fail, 
Remission of sins freely promised without limitation of time or number.  which offereth remission to all them that believe in Christ, being limited neither to time nor number, therefore we may boldly conclude, that what time soever a repenting sinner believeth, and by faith applieth to him the sacrifice of Christ, he hath by Gods own promise remission of his sins, whether they were done before, or after Baptism.  
And moreover, 
The means whereby remission is promised is only faith.  for so much as the said promise of God offereth remission to the repentant sinner, by no other means nor condition. but only one, that is, by faith in Christ: therefore excluding all other means and conditions of man's working, we say, that what repenting sinner soever believeth in Christ, hath already in himself (and needeth not to seek to any Priest) perpetual assurance of remission, 
The words of promise free and absolute.  not for this time or that time only, but for ever and a day. For the promise faith not, he that believeth in Christ shall be pardoned this time, so he sin no more: neither doth it say, that the law is stayed, or the sentence reprieved, but saith plainly, that the law with her condemnation and sentence herself is condemned and hanged up, and shall never rise again to them that be in Christ jesus: and promiseth indeterminately, without limitation, 
Act. 10.  remission of sins, to all that believe in his name. etc., Acts. 10. and likewise in an other place the Scripture speaking absolutely, saith, Sin shall not prevail over you, & addeth the reason why: saying: Because ye are not under the law but under grace. Rom. 6. Adding this lesson withal, (as it followeth in the same place) not that sinners should sin more therefore, because they are under grace, but only that weak infirmities might be relieved, 

Man's infirmity impaireth not the grace of Christ, but augmenteth it. 2. Cor. 12. Rom. 5.  
Four things concur in remission of sins.   broken consciences comforted, and repenting sinners helped from desperation, to the praise of God's glory. For as God forgiveth not sinners because they should sin: so neither doth infirmity of falling diminish the grace of Christ, but rather doth illustrate the same, as it is written: My strength is made perfect in infirmity. 2. Cor. 12. and again: Where sin aboundeth, there superaboundeth also grace.  
In remission of sins therefore, these four things must concur together: the cause that worketh (which is the sacrifice of Christ's body) 2. the promise that offereth, 3. faith that apprehendeth. 4. the repenting sinner that receiveth. And although sins daily do grow, which daily provoke us to crave remission, yet as touching the cause that worketh remission of our daily sins: & the means which apprehendeth and apply the said cause unto us, they remain always one & perpetual: besides which no other cause nor means is to be sought of man. So that to them that be repenting sinners & be in Christ jesus there is no law to condemn them, though they have deserved condemnation: but they are under a perpetual kingdom and a heaven full of grace and remission to cover their sins and not to impute their iniquities, through the promise of God in Christ jesus our Lord.  

The Pope's errors touching remission of sins detected.  And therefore wicked and impious is the doctrine of them, first which seek any other cause of remission, then only the blood of our Saviour. Secondly, which assign any other means to apply the bloudsheding of Christ unto us, besides only faith. Thirdly and especially, which so limit and restrain the eternal privilege of Christ's passion, as though it served but only for sins done without and before faith: and that the rest after Baptism committed must be done away by confession, pardons, and satisfactory deeds. And all this riseth, because the true nature of the law, 
What inconvenience riseth for Jack of distinction between the law and the Gospel.  & of the Gospel is not known, nor the difference rightly considered between the times of the one, and of the other. Neither again do they make any distinction between the malediction of the law, and use of the law. And therefore whensoever they hear us speak of the law (meaning the malediction of the law) to be abolished, thereupon they maliciously slander us, as though we speak against the good exercises of the law, and give liberty of flesh to carnal men to live as they list. Whereof more shallbe said (by the lords grace) as place and time shall hereafter require.   

Of free will.  
COncerning free will, as it may peradventure in some case be admitted that men without the grace may do some outward functions of the law, and keep some outward observances or traditions: so as touching things spiritual & appertaining to salvation, the strength of man being not regenerate by grace, is so infirm and impotent that he can perform nothing, 
Erroneous doctrine of the papists concerning free will.  neither in doing well nor willing well. Who after he be regenerated by grace may work and do well, but yet in such sort, that still remaineth notwithstanding a great imperfection of flesh, & a perpetual repugnance between the flesh and spirit. And thus was the original Church of the ancient Romans first instructed. From whom see now how far this latter Church of Rome hath degenerated, which holdeth and affirmeth, that men without grace may perform the obedience of the law, 
Meritum de congruo.  & prepare themselves to receive grace by working, so that those works may be meritorious, and of congruity obtain grace. Which grace once obtained, than men may (say they) perfectly perform the full obedience of the law, and accomplish those spiritual actions, and works which God requireth, 
Meritum de incongruo.  and so those works, of condignity, deserve everlasting life. As for the infirmity which still remaineth in nature, that they nothing regard nor once speak of.   

Of Invocation, and Adoration.  


False doctrine concerning invocation.  
Mediator of intercession. Mediator of salvation.  
Christ a continual Mediator, by the doctrine of S. Paul. Rom. 8.  
Christ only being our Mediator of salvation, what needeth any other Mediation of Saints?  
Salvation falsely attributed to the blessed Virgin.  
Idolatrous adoration of Relics and Sacraments. Profanation of the lords Supper.   Over and besides these uncatholic and almost unchristian absurdities and defections from the Apostolical faith above specified, let us consider the manner of their Invocation, not to God alone, as they should, but to dead men saying: that saints are to be called upon tanquam mediatores intercessionis: as Mediators of intercession: Christum vero tanquam mediatorem Salutis, and Christ as the Mediator of Salvation. And affirm moreover, that Christ was a mediator only in time of his Passion. Which is repugnant to the words of S. Paul writing to the old Romans chap. 8. where he speaking of the intercession of Christ: Which is (saith he) on the right hand of God, who also maketh intercession for us, etc. And if Christ be a Mediator of salvation, what needeth then any other intercession of the Saints for other suits? for salvation being once had what can we require more? or what lacketh he more to be obtained of the Saints, which is sure to be saved only by Christ? And yet in their Catholic devotions: why do they teach us thus to pray to the blessed virgin: salva omnes qui te glorificant, i. Save all them that glorify thee, etc. if salvation only belong to Christ? unless they study of purpose to seem contrary to themselves.  
hitherto also pertaineth the worshipping of relics, and the false adoration of Sacraments, that is, the outward signs of the things signified, contrary to the 7. principle before, page▪ 24. Add to this also the profanation of the lords Supper, contrary to the use for which it was ordained, 
False m●lting by Masses.  in reserving it after the Communion ministered, in setting it to sale for money, and falsely persuading both themselves and other, that the Priest doth merit both to himself that saith, and to him that heareth, Ex opere operato, sine bono motu utentis, etc. That is, Only by the mere doing of the work, though the party that useth the same, hath no good motion in him. etc.   

* Of Sacraments, Baptism and the lords Supper.  
AS touching Sacraments, their doctrine likewise is corrupt and erroneus. 
False doctrine touching Sacraments.   
1. First they err falsely in the number. For where the institution of Christ ordaineth but two, they (contrary to the fourth principle above prefixed) have added to the prescription of the Lords word, fine other Sacraments.  
2. Secondly, in the cause final they err. For where the word hath ordained those Sacraments to excite our faith, and to give us admonitions of spiritual things: they contrariwise do teach that the Sacraments do not only stir up faith, but also that they avail and are effectual without faith, Ex opere operato, sine bono motu utentis etc. as is to be found in Thom. Aquine, Scotus, Catharinus, and other more.  
3. Thirdly, 
The number, Ca●●e final, The operation. The application of Sacrament●  in the operation & effect of the Sacraments they fail: where the contrary to the mind of the Scriptures, do say, that they give grace & not only do signify, but also contain and exhibit that which they signify, to wit grace and salvation.  
4. Fourthly, they err also in Application, applying their Sacraments both to the quick and the dead, to them also that be absent, to remission of sins, and releasing of pain. etc.  
In the Sacrament of Baptism they are to be reproved, 
Errors and abuses in Baptism.  not only for adding to the simple words of Christ's institution, divers other newfound rites & fantasies of men: but also where the use of the old Church of Rome was only to baptise men, 
Baptising of Bells.  they Baptizm also Bells, and apply the words of Baptism to water, fire, candles, stocks, and stones. etc.  
But especially in the Supper of the Lord their doctrine most filthily swerveth from the right mind of the Scripture, 
False doctrine of the Pope's Church concerning the lords Supper.  all order, reason, and fashion, most worthy to be exployded out of all Christian Churches. Touching the which Sacrament, the first error is their Idolatrous abuse by worshipping, adoring, sensing, knocking and kneeling unto it, in reserving also and carrying the same about in pomp and procession in towns and fields. secondly also in the substance thereof their teaching is monstruous, 
Idolatry committed to the Sacrament.  leaving there no substance of bread and wine to remain, but only the real body and blood of Christ, putting no difference between calling, and making. Because Christ called bread, his body therefore, say they, he made it his body, and so of a wholesome Sacrament, make a perilous Idol, & that which the old Church of Rome did ever take to be a mystery, 
The Sacrament turned to an Idol.  they turn into a blind mist of mere accidences to blear the people's eyes, making them believe they see that they see not: 

Changing. Worshipping.  
Offering, Eating, Burning the body of Christ in the Sacrament, of the Altar.   & not to see that which they see: & to worship a thing made, for their maker, a creature for their creator: and that was threshed out of a wheaten sheaf they set up in the Church, & worship for a Saviour: and when they have worshipped him, than they offer him to his father: and when they have offered him, than they eat him up, or else close him fast in a pixe. Where if he corrupt & putrify before he be eaten, than they burn him to powder & ashes. And notwithstanding they know well by the scriptures, that the body of christ can never corrupt and putrify, yet for all this corruption, will they needs make it the body of Christ, and burn all them which believe not that, which is against true Christian belief.   

* Of Matrimony.  
WHat order and rule S. Paul hath set for marriage in his Epistle to the Corinthians it is manifest. 
Absurdities and errors of the pope's Church touching Matrimony 1. Cor. 7.  Whereas he preferreth single life in such as have the gift of continence, before the married state, so again in such as have not the gift he preferreth the coupled life before the other: willing every such one to have his wife because of fornication. Furthermore, how the said Apostle alloweth a Bishop to be the husband of one wife (so he exceed not to the manner of the jews, which were permitted to have many) & how vehemently he reproveth them that restrain marriage, 
1. Tim. 3. 1. Tim. 4.  his letters to Timothy do record. Moreover, what degrees be permitted by the law of God to marry, in the book of Leu. is to be seen. cha, 18. Also how children ought not to marry without consent of their parents, 
levit. 18.  by manifest examples of the Scriptures it is notorious.  
Contrary to these ordinances of the Scripture, the new Catholics of the Pope's church, 

Single life be it never so impure preferred before Matrimony. The third part of christendom stopped by the Pope's law to marry the Pope's doctrine against priests marriage, and their Children. The third part of the year exempted from the marriage.  
Marriage within the fift, or sixth degree, by the Pope's law.  
Gossippes inhibited to marry by the Pope's law.  
What inconveniences come by restraining of marriage. The corrupt doctrine of the Pope's Church concerning civil rulers and magistrates. Rom. 13.   first do repute and call marriage a state of imperfection, & prefer single life, be it never so impure, before the same, pretending that where the one replenisheth the earth, the other filleth Heaven. Further, as good as the third part of Christendom, if it be not more both men and women, they keep through coacted vows from marriage, having no respect whethey they have the gift or no. Ministers and Priests, such as are found to have wives, not only they remove out of place, but also pronounce sentence of death upon them & account their children for bastards & illegitimate. Again, as good as the iij. part of the year they exempt & suspend from liberty of marriage. Degrees of copulation forbidden they extend farther than ever did the law of God, even to the fift or sixth degree. Which degree notwithstanding they release again when they list for money. Over and besides all this they have added a new found prohibition of spiritual kindred, that is, that such as have been gossips, or godfathers and godmothers together in christening an other man's child, must not by their law marry together. Briefly and finally in this their doctrine and cases of Matrimony they gain and rake to themselves much money from the people, they augment horrible Sodomitry, they nourish wicked adultery and much fornication. They fill the world with offensions, and bastards, and give great occasion of murdering infants.   

Of Magistrates and civil government.  
YE hard before what rules and lessons S. Paul gave to the old Romans concerning Magistrates, to whose authority he would all humane creatures to be subjecteth and how they are the ministers of God, having the sword given unto them, wherewith they ought to repress false doctrine and idolatry, and maintain that which is true & right. Rom. 13. Now let us survey a little the Pope's proceedings, and mark how far he transgresseth in this, as he doth in all other points almost from true christianity.  
1. First, the Pope with all his clergy exempt themselves from all obedience civil.  
2. They arrogate to themselves authority to ordain and constitute, without all leave or knowledge of the ordinary Magistrate.  
3. Yea, they take upon them to depose, and set up rulers and Magistrates whom they list.   

Of Purgatory.  

The Fantasies and Antiques of the pope's Church concerning Purgatory.  THe Paradoxes, or rather the phantesies of the latter Church of Rome concerning purgatory, be monstruous, neither old nor Apostolical.  
1. First, (say they) there is a Purgatory, where souls do burn in fire after this life.  
2. The pain of Purgatory differeth nothing from the pains of hell, but only that it hath an end, the pains of hell have none.  
3. The painful suffering of this fire fretteth and scoureth away the sins before committed in the body.  

Ex Thom. Mono & alijs.  4. The time of these pains endureth in some longer, in some less, according as their sins deserve.  
5. After which time of their pains being expired, than the mercy of God doth translate them to heavenly bliss, which the body of Christ hath bought for them.  
6. The pains of purgatory be so great, that if all the beggars of the world were seen on the one side, and but one soul of Purgatory on the other side, the whole world would pity more that one, than all the other.  
7. The whole time of punishment in this Purgatory must continue so long, till the fire have clean fretted and scoured away the rusty spots of every sinful soul there burning, unless there come some release.  
8. Helps and releases that may shorten the time of their purgation, be the Pope's pardons and indulgences, sacrifice of the altar, dirges, and trentals, prayer, fasting meritorious deeds out of the treasure house of the Church, alms, and charitable deeds of the living in satisfying gods justice for them, etc.  
9 Lack of belief of Purgatory, bringeth to hell.  
Many other false errors and great deformities, heresies, absurdities, vanities, & follies, besides their blasphemous railings and contumelies, may be noted in the said latter church of Rome, 
Manifest defection of the Pope's Church from the old faith of Rome.  wherein they have made manifest defection from the old faith of Rome, as in depriving the Church of one kind of the Sacrament, in taking from the people the knowledge and reading of God's word, in praying and speaking to the people and administering sacraments in a tongue unknown, in mistaking the authority of the keys, in their unwritten verities, in making the authority of scripture insufficient, in untrue judgement of the Church and the wrong notes of the same, in the supremacy of the sea of Rome, in their wrong opinion of Antichrist.  
But because these with all other parts of doctrine are more copiously and at large comprehended in other books both in Latin and English set forth in these our days, I shall not need further herein to travel, especially seeing the contrariety between the Pope's Church, and the Church of Christ, between the doctrine of the one, and doctrine of the other, is so evident that he is blind that seethe it not, and hath no hands almost, that feeleth it not.  
For (briefly in one note to comprehend, 
Contrariety between the Religion of Christ and of the Pope briefly noted.  which may suffice for all) where as the doctrine of Christ is altogether spiritual, consisting wholly in spirit and verity, and requireth no outward thing to make a true Christian man but only Baptism (which is the outward profession of faith) and receiving the lords supper: 
Christ's doctrine is wholly spiritual.  let us now examine the whole religion of this latter Church of Rome, and we shall find it wholly from top to toe, to consist in nothing else but altogether in outward and ceremonial exercises, as outward confession, absolution at the Priest's hand, outward sacrifice of the Mass, buying of pardons, purchasing of obites, 
No outward thing is required in Christ's doctrine to make a Christian man but only Baptism and the lords Supper.  extern worshipping of Images and relics, pilgrimage of this place or that: building of Churches, founding of Monasteries, outward works of the law, outward gestures, garments, colours, choice of meats, difference of times and places, peculiar rites, and obseruauncies, set prayers and number of prayers prescribed, fasting of vigiles, keeping of holidays, coming to Church, hearing of service, extern succession of Bishops, 
All doctrine of the Pope standeth only in outward things.  and of Peter's sea, extern form and notes of the Church. etc. so that by this religion to make a true Christian and a good Catholic, there is no working of the holy Ghost almost required: As by example to make this matter more demonstrable, let us here define a Christian man after the Pope's making: whereby we may see the better what is to be judged of the scope of his doctrine.   

A Christian man after the Pope's making defined.  
AFter the Pope's Catholic Religion, 
A Christian man defined after the Pope's doctrine.  a true Christian man is thus defined: first to be baptized in the Latin tongue (where the Godfathers profess they can not tell what) then confirmed by the Bishop: the Mother of the child to be purified. After he be grown in years, then to come to the Church, to keep his fasting days, to fast the Lent, to come under benedicite. that is, to be confessed of the Priest, to do his penance, at Easter to take his rites to hear Mass, and divine service, to set up candles before Images to creep to the Cross, to take holy bread and holy water, to go on procession, to carry his palms & candle, and to take ashes, to fast the Ember days, Rogation days, & vigiles, to keep the holy days, to pay his tithes and offering days, to go on pilgrimage, to buy pardons, to worship his maker over the priests head, to receive the Pope for his supreme head and to obey his laws, to receive S. Nicolas Clerks, to have his beads, & to give to the high altar, to take orders, if he will be Priest, to say his Matins, 
Corporal exercise serveth to small profit.  to sing his Mass, to lift up fair, to keep his vow, and not to marry. When he is sick to be anneeld and take the rites of holy Church, to be buried in the church yard, to be rung for, to be song for, to be buried in a friars cowl, to find a soul Priest. etc.  
All which points being observed, who can deny but this is a devout man and a perfect Christian Catholic, and sure to be saved, as a true faithful child of the holy mother Church.  
Now look upon this definition, and tell me (good reader) what faith or spirit, or what working of the holy Ghost in all this doctrine is to be required. The grace of our Lord jesus give the true light of his Gospel to shine in our hearts, Amen.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.     

¶ The first book containing the 300. years next after Christ.  
THese things before premised, having thus hitherto prepared the way unto our story, let us now (by the grace and speed of Christ our Lord) enter into the matter: that as we have heretofore set forth in a general description the whole state as well of the primitive as of the latter times of this Church of Rome: so now consequently to discourse in particular sort the Acts and doings of every age, by itself, in such order as is afore prefixed.  
First, to declare of the suffering time of the Church, which containeth about the time of three hundredth years after Christ.  
Secondly, the flourishing & growing time of the same: containing other 300. years.  
Thirdly the declining time of the Church, and of true Religion, other 300. years.  
Fourthly, of the time of Antichrist, reigning & raging in the Church, since the losing of Satan.  
Lastly, of the reforming time of Christ's Church in these latter 300. years.  
In the tractation of all which things our chief purpose and indenor shallbe (so near as the Lord will give us grace) not so much to intermeddle with outward affairs of Princes, or matters civil,) except sometime for example of life) as specially minding (by the help of the Lord) to prosecute such things, which to the Ecclesiastical state of the Church are appertaining: as first to entreat of the stablishing of Christian faith, then of the persecutions of tyrants, the constancy and patience of God's Saints, the first conversion of Christian Realms to the faith of Christ namely of this Realm of England & Scotland: first beginning with king Lucius, and so forward following the order of our English kings here in this land, to declare the maintenance of true doctrine, the false practice of Prelates, the creeping in of superstition, and hypocrisy, the manifold assaults, wars and tumults of the princes of this world, against the people of God. Wherein may appear the wonderful operation of Christ's mighty hand, ever working in his church, & never ceasing to defend the same against his enemies, according to the verity of his own word, promising to be with his Church while the world shall stand, so as by the process of this story may welbe proved, and be testified in the sequel thereof. 
Two things in this history chief to be noted.   
In the traction of all which things 2. especial points I chief commend to the reader, as most requisite and necessary of every Christian man to observe & to note for his own experience and profit, as first the disposition & nature of this world: secondly the nature & condition of the kingdom of Christ, the vanity of the one, and stablshment of the other: The unprosperous and unquiet state of the one, 
The world.  ruled by man's violence & wisdom: And the happy success of the other ever ruled by God's blessing & providence. The wrath and revenging hand of god in the one and his mercy upon the other. 
The kingdom of Christ in this world.  The world I call all such as be without or against Christ, either by ignorance not knowing him, or by heathenish life not following him, or by violence resisting him. On the otherside the kingdom of Christ in this world I take to be all them which belong to the faith of Christ, & here take his part in this world against the world. The number of whom although it be much smaller than the other and always lightly is hated & molested of the world, 
The visible Church.  yet it is the number, which the Lord peculiarly doth bless and prosper, and ever will. And this number of Christ's subjects is it, 
The Church of Christ divided in two sorts of people.  which we call the visible Church here in earth. Which visible Church having in itself a difference of 2 sorts of people, so is it to be divided in two parts, of which the one standeth of such as be of outward profession only, the other which by election inwardly are joined to Christ, the first in words & lips seemeth to honour Christ, and are in the visible Church only, but not in the Church invisible, & partaketh the outward Sacraments of Christ, but not the inward blessing of Christ: the other are both in the visible & also in the invisible Church of Christ, which not in words only and outward profession, but also in hart do truly serve & honour Christ, partaking not only the Sacraments, but also the heavenly blessings and grace of Christ.  
And many times it happeneth, that as between the world, and the kingdom of Christ there is a continual repugnance: so between these two parts of this visible Church aforesaid, oft times groweth great variance and mortal persecution, insomuch that sometime the true church of Christ hath no greater enemies, than of their own profession and company, as happened not only in the time of Christ, 
Euseb. Lib. 1. cap. 1.  and his Apostles, but also from time to time almost continually, Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 1. But especially in these latter days of the Church under the persecution of Antichrist and his retinue, as by the reading of this volume more manifestly hereafter may appear.  
At the first preaching of Christ, and coming of the Gospel: who should rather have known & received him, than the Phariseis and Scribes of that people, which had his law? 
God's punishment for refusing the Gospel,  And yet who persecuted and rejected him more, than they themselves? What followed▪ They in refusing Christ to be their king, and choosing rather to be subject unto Caesar, were by the said their own Caesar at length destroyed: when as Christ's subjects the same time escaped the danger. Whereby it is to be learned, what a dangerous thing it is to refuse the Gospel of God, when it is so gently offered.  
The like example of God's wrathful punishment is to be noted no less in the Romans also themselves. 
Tiberius Caesar moveth the Senate to have Christ received. Christ refused of the Senate of Rome.  For when Tiberius Caesar, having received by letters from Pontius Pilate, of the doings of christ, of his miracles. Resurrection, and ascension into heaven, & how he was received as God of many, was himself also moved with belief of the same, and did confer thereof with the whole Senate of Rome, to have Christ adored as god: but they not agreeing thereunto refused him, because that contrary to the law of the Romans, he was consecrated, (said they) for God, before the Senate of Rome had so decred & approved him. 

The vain cause why the Senate of Rome refused Christ. Tertul. Apol. cap. 5. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 3.  
The Senate and City of Rome plagued for refusing of Christ.   etc. Tertul. Apol. cap. 5. Thus the vain Senate following rather the law of man, then of God, & which were contented with the Emperor to reign over them, were not contented with the meek king of glory the son of God to be their king. And therefore after much like sort to the Jews were scourged and entrapped for their unjust refusing, by the same way which they themselves did prefer. For as they preferred the Emperor, and rejected Christ, so the just permission of God, did stir up their own Emperors against them in such sort, that both the Senators themselves were almost all devoured, & the whole City most horrible afflicted the space almost of 300. years together. For first the same Tiberius, which for a great part of his reign was a moderate and a tolerable Prince, afterward was to them a sharp and heavy tyrant, who neither favoured his own mother, nor spared his own nenewes, nor the Princes of the City, such as were his own counsellors, of whom to the number of xx, he left not passed two or three alive, 
Ex Suet. in vitae Tiberij.  & so cruel was he to the City, that as the story recordeth: Nullus a paena hominum cessabat dies, ne religiosus quidem ac sacer. Suet. reporteth him to be so stern of nature and tyrannical, that in time of his reign, very many were accused and condemned with their wives & children, Maids also first deflowered, then put to death. In one day he recordeth twenty persons to be drawn to the place of execution. By whom also, through the just punishment of God Pilate under whom Christ was crucified, was apprehended and accused at Rome, deposed, then banished to the town of Lyonce, and at length did slay himself. Neither did Herode and Cayphas long escape, 
Christ suffereth and riseth again.  of whom more followeth hereafter. Agrippa also by him was cast into prison, albeit afterward he was restored. In the reign of Tiberius the Lord jesus the son of God, in the xxxiiij. year of his age, which was the xvij. of this Emperor by the malice of the jews, suffered his blessed passion for the conquering of sin, death, and Satan the Prince of this world, 
An. 34.  and rose again the third day. After whose blessed Passion & resurrertion, this foresaid Tiberius Nero (otherwise called) Liberius Mero, 
Saint Paul. converted.  lived vj. years, during which time no persecution was yet stirring in Rome against the Christians, 
An. 35.  through the commandment of the Emperor.  
In the reign also of this Emperor, and year which was the next after the passion of our Saviour, or somewhat more, 
An. 39 . S. Paul was converted to the faith. After the death of Tiberius: when he had reigned 23. years, succded C. Caesar Caligula, 
Caesar. Caligula.  Claudius Nero, and Domitius Nero: which 3. were likewise such scourges to the Senate and people of Rome that the first not only took other men's wives violently from them, but also deflowered three of his own sisters. and afterward banished them. 
Caligula commanded his image to be set up in the Temple of Jerusalem.  So wicked he was that he commanded himself to be worshipped as God, and temples to be erected in his name, and used to sit in the temple among the Gods, requiring his images to be set up in all temples, and also in the temple of jerusalem which caused great disturbance among the jews, and then began the abomination of desolation to be set up in the holy place, spoken of in the gospel. His cruel condition, or else displeasure was such toward the Romans, 
The abomination of desolation standing in the holy place. Herode miserably died in banishment. Gayphas deposed.  that he wished that all the people of Rome had but one neck, that he at his pleasure might destroy such a multitude. By this said Caligula, Herode the murderer of john Baptist, and condemner of Christ, was condemned to perpetual banishment, where he died miserably. Cayphas also which wickedly sat upon Christ, was the same time removed from the high Priests room, and jonathan set in his place. The raging fierceness of this Caligula incensed against the Romans, had not thus ceased, had not he been cut of by the hands of a Tribune, and other gentle men, which slew him in the 4 year of his reign. After whose death was found in his closet. 2. little libels, one called a sword, the other the dagger. In the which libels were contained the names of those Senators, and noble men of Rome, whom he had purposed to put to death. 
An. 43.  Besides this sword and dagger, there was sound also a coffer, wherein divers kinds of poison were kept in glasses and vessels, for the purpose to destroy a wonderful number of people. Which poisons afterward being thrown into the sea, 
Ex Gotfrido Viterbiensi part. 25  destroyed a great number of fish. Gotfr. Vinterb.  
But that which this Caligula had only conceived, the same did the other two, which came after, bring to pass, Claudius Nero, 
Claudius' Nero.  who reigned xiii. years with no little cruelty. But especially the third of these nero's, called Domitius Nero. 
An. 56.  Which succeeding after Claudius, rained 14. years, with such fury and tyranny, that he slew the most part of the Senates, 
Domitius Nero.  he destroyed the whole order of knighthood in Rome. So prodigious a monster of nature was he, more like a beast, yea rather a devil then a man, that he seemed to be borne to the destruction of man. 
The horrible wickedness and cruelty of Nero.  Such was his monstrous uncleanness, that he abstained not from his own mother, his natural sister, nor from any degree of kindred. Such was his wretched cruelty, that he caused to be put to death his mother, his brother in law, his sister, his wise great with child, also his instructor Seneca and Lucan, with divers more of his own kindred and consanguinity. Moreover, he commanded Rome to be set on fire in seven. places, and so continued it 6. days and 7. nights in burning, while that he to see the example how Troy burned, sang the verses of Homer. And to avoid the infamy thereof, he laid the fault upon the Christian men, & caused them to be persecuted. And so continued this miserable Emperor in his reign 14. years, till at last the Senate proclaiming him a public enemy of mankind, condemned him to be drawn through the city, and to be whipped to death. For the fear whereof, he flying the hands of his enemies, 
Peter and Paul suffered for Christ.  in the night fled to a manor of his servants in the country, where he was forced to slay himself, complaining that he had then neither friend nor enemy left, that would do so much for him. In the latter end of this Domitius Nero, 
An. 69.  Peter also and Paul were put to death for the testimony and faith of Christ. an. 69.  
Thus ye see, which is worthy to be marked, how the just scourge and heavy indignation of God from time to time ever followeth there, and how all things there go to ruin, neither doth any thing well prosper, where Christ jesus the son of god is contemned, and not received, as by these examples may appear, both of Romans which not only were thus consumed and plagued by their own Emperors, but also by civil wars, whereof three were fought in two years at Rome, after the death of Nero, and other casualties (as in Sueton is testified) so that in the days of Tiberius' aforesaid, 5000. Romans were hurt and slain at one time by fall of a Theatre. And also most especially by the destruction of the jews, which about this same time, an. 73. and 40. years after the passion of Christ, and the third year after the suffering of S. Peter and Paul, 
Vespasian Emperor and Titus his son. The destruction of the jews.  were destroyed by Titus & Vespasian his father, (who succeeded after Nero in the Empire, to the number of xi. hundred thousand besides them which Vespasian slew in subduing the country of Galilee, over and beside them also which were sold and sent into Egypt and other provinces, to vile slavery, to the number of 17. thousand, 2000 were brought with Titus in his triumph, 
A note for all Realms to mark.  of which, part he gave to be devoured of the wild beasts, part otherwise most cruelly were slain. By whose case all nations and realms may take example, what it is to reject the visitation of God's verity being sent, and much more to persecute than which be sent of God for their salvation.  

The Romans in contemning Christ, punished by their own Emperors.  And as this wrathful vengeance of God thus hath been showed upon this rebellious people both of the jews and of the Romans, for their contempt of Christ, whom God so punished by their own Emperors, so neither the Emperors themselves, for persecuting Christ in his members escaped without their just reward. For amongst so many Emperors, which put so many christian Martyrs to death, during the space of these first 300. years, few or none of them scaped either not slain themselves, or by some miserable end or other, worthily revenged. First, of the poisoning of Tiberius, & of the slaughter of the other three nero's after him, 
Examples of the 〈◊〉 plague of God upon the Roman Emperors persecuting and resisting Christ till the time of Constantine.  sufficiently is declared before. After Nero, Domitius Galba. within 7. months was slain by Ottho. And so did Ottho afterward slay himself, being overcome by Vitellus. And was not Vitellus shortly after drawn through the city of Rome, and after he was tormented, was thrown into Tiber Titus a good Emperor, is thought to be poisoned of Domitian his brother. The said Domitian after he had been a persecutor of the christians, was slain in his chamber, not without the consent of his wife. Likewise Commodus was murdered of Narcissus. 
Tiberius. 〈…〉 Ne●● Galbe. Ottho. Vitelius. Titus. Domitian. Commedus. Pertinax. julianas'. Severas. Gera. Bassianus. Macrinus. Dead●nerus. Helagab●lus. Alexande. Severus. Maximinus. Maximus. Barbinus. Gordianus. Philippus. Decius. Gallus & Volusianus. Aemilianus. Varelianus. & Galienus.  The like end was of Pertinax and julianus. Moreover, after that Severus was slain here in England, and lieth at York, did not his son Bassianus slay his brother Geta, and he after slain of Martialis▪ Macrinus with his son Diadumenus were both slain, of their own soldiers. After whom Heliagabolus that monstrous bellypanch, was of his own people slain, & drawn through the city, and cast into Tiber. Alexander Severus, that worthy and learned Emperor, which said he would not feed his servants doing nothing, with the bowels of the common wealth, although in life and virtues, was much unlike other Emperors, yet proved the like end, being slain at Mentz, with his godly mother Mammea by Maximinus whom the Emperor before of a Muletor had advanced to great dignities. The which Maximinus also after three years was slain himself of his soldiers. What should I speak of Maximus, and Balbinus, in like sort both slain in Rome? Of Gordian slain by Philip: of Philip the first christened Emperor, slain or rather martyred for the same cause? of wicked Decius, drowned, and his son slain the same time in battle? Of Gallus and Volusianus his son, Emperors after Decius, both slain by conspiracy of Aemilianus, who rose against them both in war, and within three months after was slain himself? Next to Aemilianus succeeded Valerianus and Galianus his son, of whom Valerianus (who was a persecuter of the Christians) was taken prisoner of the Persians, and there made a riding fool of Sapores their king, who used him for a stool to leap up upon his horse, while his son Galienus sleeping at Rome, either would not, or could not once proffer to revenge his father's ignominy. For after the taking of Valerian, so many Emperors rose up as were provinces in the Roman Monarch: At length Galienus also was killed by Aureolus, which warred against him. It were too long here to speak of Aurelianus an other persecuter, 
Aurelianus. Tacitus. Florinus.  slain of his Secretary: Of Tacitus and Florinus his brother, of whom the first reigned 6. months, and was slain at Pontus, the other reigned two months, and was murdered at Tarsis. Of Probus, 
Probus.  who although a good civil Emperor, yet was he destroyed by his soldiers. After whom Carus the next emperor was slain by lightning. Next to Carus followed the impious and wicked persecuter Dioclesian, with his fellows Maximian, 
Carus. Dioclesianus. Maximianus. Galerius. Maximinus. Maxentius. Licinius.  Galerius, Maximinus, Maxentius, and Licinius, under whom all at one time (during the life of Dioclesian) the greatest and most grievous persecution was moved against the Christians x. years together. Of which, Dioclesian and Maximinian deposed themselves from the Empire. Galerius the chiefest minister of the persecution, after his terrible persecutions, fell into a wonderful sickness, having such a sore risen in the neither part of his belly, which consumed his privy members, and so did swarm with worms, that being not curable, neither by Surgery nor Physic, he confessed, that it happened for his cruelty toward the Christians, and so called in his proclamations against them. Notwithstanding, he not able to sustain (as some say) the stench of his sore slew himself. Maximinus in his war being tormented with pain in his guts, there died. Maxentius was vanquished by Constantine, and drowned in Tiber. Licinius likewise being overcome by the said Constantine the great, was deposed from his Empire, and afterward slain of his soldiers. But on the other side, after the time of Constantine, when as the faith of Christ was received into Imperial seat, we read of no Emperor ofter the like sort destroyed or molested, except it were julianus or Basilius which expelled one Zeno, & was afterward expelled himself: or Valende, besides these we read of no Emperor to come to ruin, as the other before mentioned. Ex lib hist. tripart.  
And thus have we in a brief sum collected out of the Chronicles, the unquiet and miserable state of the Emperors of Rome, until the time of Christian Constantine, with the examples no less terrible than manifest, of God's severe justice upon them, for their contemptuous refusing and persecuting the faith and name of Christ their Lord.  
Moreover, in much like sort and condition, if leisure of time, or haste of matter, would suffer me a little to digress unto more lower times, and to come more near home, the like examples I could also infer of this our country of England, concerning the terrible plagues of God against the churlish and unthankful refusing or abusing the benefit of his truth. First, we read how that God stirred up Gildas to preach to the old Britain's, 
Britons. Gildas.  and to exhort them unto repentance and amendment of life, and afore to warn them of plagues to come, if they repented not. What availed it? Gildas was laughed to scorn and taken for a false prophet, and a malicious preacher. the Britain's with lusty courages, whorish faces, and unrepentant hearts, went forth to sin, and to offend the Lord their God. What followed? God sent in their enemies on every side, & destroyed them, and gave the land to other nations. Not many years past, God seeing idolatry, superstition, hypocrisy, and wicked living used in this Realm, raised up that godly learned man john Wickliff, to preach unto our father's repentance, and to exhort them to amend their lives, to forsake their Papistry & Idolatry, 
Wickliefe and his books condemned and brent for an heretic after his death.  their hypocrisy, superstition, and to walk in the fear of God. His exhortations were not regarded. He with his Sermons was despised. His books and he himself after his death were burnt, what followed? they slew their right king, and set up three wrong kings on a row, under whom all the noble blood was slain up, & half the commons thereto, what in France, & with their own sword in fight among themselves for the crown, and the Cities and towns decayed, and the land brought half to a wilderness, in respect of that it was before. O extreme plagues of God's vengeance. Since that time even of late years, God once again having pity of this realm of England, raised up his prophets, namely, William tindal, Thomas Bilney, john Frith, Doctor Barnes, Jerome Garret, Anthony Person, with divers other, which both with their writings and sermons earnestly laboured to call us unto repentance, that by this means the fierce wrath of God might be turned away from us. But how were they entreated? how were their painful labours regarded? they themselves were condemned and burnt as heretics, and their books condemned and burnt as heretical. The time shall come saith Christ, that whosoever killeth you, will think that he doth God high good service. Whether any thing since that time hath so chanced this Realm worthy the name of a plague, let the godly wise judge. If God hath deferred his punishment, or forgiven us these our wicked deeds, as I trust he hath, let us not therefore be proud and high minded, but most humbly thank him for his tender mercies, and beware of the like ungodly enterprises hereafter. Neither is it here any need to speak of these our lower and latter times, 
God's benefits toward England.  which have been in king Henry and king Edward's days, seeing the memory thereof is yet fresh, and cannot be forgotten. But let this pass, of this I am sure, that God yet once again is come on visitation to this church of England, yea and that more lovingly & beneficially then ever he did afore. For in this his visitation he hath redressed many abuses, and cleansed his church of much ungodliness and superstition, and made it a glorious Church, if it be compared to the old form and state. And now how grateful receivers we be, with what hart, study and reverence we embrace that which he hath given, 
A caveat for England.  that I refer either to them that see our fruits, or to the sequel, which peradventure will declare. But this by the way of digression. Now to regress again to the state of the first former times. It remaineth, that as I have set forth the justice of God upon these Roman persecutors: so now we declare their persecutions raised up against the people and servants of Christ, within the space of 300. years after Christ. Which persecutions in number commonly are counted to be ten, besides the persecutions first moved by the jews in Jerusalem and other places against the Apostles. In the which, 
S. Steven the first ring leader of all Christ's Martyrs.  first S. Steven the Deacon was put to death, with divers other more, in the same rage of time either slain, or cast into prison. At the doing whereof, Saul the same time played the doughty pharisee, being not yet converted to the faith of Christ, whereof the history is plain in the Acts of the Apostles set forth at large by S. Luke.  
After the martyrdom of this blessed Steven, suffered next james the holy Apostle of Christ, 
S james the Apostle, brother of john Martyred. Act. 12.  and brother of john. Of which james, mention is made in the Acts of the Apostles the xii. chap. Where is declared, how that not long after the stoning of Stephen, king Herode stretched forth his hand, to take and afflict certain of the congregation: among whom james was one, whom he slew with the sword, etc. Of this james, Eusebius also inferreth mention, alleging Clement, thus writing a memorable story of him. Thus james (saith Clement) when he was brought to the tribunal seat, 
Hist. Eccle. lib. 2. cap. 9 Ex clemente Septimae Hypolyposeon.  he that brought him (& was the cause of his trouble) seeing him to be condemned, and that he should suffer death: as he went to the execution, he being moved therewith in hart and conscience, confessed himself also of his own accord to be a Christian. And so were they both led forth together, where in the way he desired of james to forgive him that he had done. After that james had a little paused with him upon the matter, 
A notable conversion of a wicked accuser, and after a martyr.  turning to him Peace (saith he) be to thee brother, and kissed him, and both were beheaded together, an. 36.  
Dorotheus in his book named Synopsis testifieth, that Nicanor one of the seven. Deacons, with 2000 other, which believed in Christ, suffered also the same day, when as Steven did suffer.  
The faith Dorotheus witnesseth also of Simon, 
Nicanor one of the seven Deacons. with 2000 other martyred. Ex Dorotheo in Synops. Simon a Deacon martyred. S. Thomas the Apostle suffered. Simon zealots crucified. Thaddeus the Apostle slain.  an other of the Deacons, Bishop afterward of Bostrum in Arabia, there to be burned. Parmenias' also an other of the Deacons suffered.  
Thomas preached to the Parthians, Medes, and Persians: Also to the Germans, Hiraconis, Bactris, & Magis. He suffered in Calamina a City of judea, being slain with a dart.  
Simon zealots preached at Mauritania, and in the Country of Africa. And in Britania he was likewise crucified.  
judas brother of james, called also Thaddeus, and Lebeus, preached to the Edessens, and to all Mesopotamia. He was slain under Augarus. king of the Edessens in Berito.  
Simon called Cananeus, which was brother to Jude above mentioned, and to james the younger, which all were the sons of Mary Cleopha, and of Alpheus, was Bishop of Jerusalem after james, and was crucified in a City of Egypt in the time of Traianus Emperor, as Dorotheus recordeth. 
Simon Cananeus crucified.  But Abdias writeth, that he with his brother Jude, were both slain by a tumult of the people in Suanyr a city of Parsidis.  
Mark the Evangelist, 
Mark the Evangelist burned.  and first Bishop of Alexandria, preached the Gospel in Egypt, and there drawn with ropes unto the fire, was burned, and afterward buried in a place called there Bucolus, under the reign of Traianus Emperor.  
Bartholomeus is said also to preach to the Indians, 
Battholomew the Apostle. crucified and beheaded. Ex joan. de Monte Regals. Andrew the Apostle crucified for the Gospel. Ex Hieronemo in Catologo scrip. Eccles. Ex Cypriano. lib. De duplici Martyrio Ex Barnardo serm. 2. de Sanct. Andraa.  and to have converted the Gospel of S. Matthew into their tongue, where he continued a great space doing many miracles. At last in Albania a city of greater Armenia, after divers persecutions, he was beaten down with staves, then crucified, and after being excoriate, he was at length beheaded. joan. De Monte Regali.  
Of Andrew the Apostle and brother to Peter, thus writeth Jerome in his book De catalogo scriptorum Eccles. Andrew the brother of Peter (in the time and reign of Vespasianus, as our ancestors have reported) did preach in the 80. year of our Lord jesus Christ to the Scythians, Sogdians to the Saxons, and in a City which is called Augustia, where the Ethiopians do now inhabit. He was buried in Patris a city of Achaia, being crucified of Egeas the governor of the Edessians: hitherto writeth Jerome Although in the number of years he seemeth a little to miss, for Vespasianus reached not to the year 80. after Christ. But Bernard in his second Sermon, and S. Cyprian in his book De duplici Martyrio, do make mention of the confession and martyrdom of this blessed Apostle, whereof partly out of these, partly out of other credible writers we have collected after this manner: that when as Andrew being conversant in a City of Achaia called Patris, through his diligent preaching had brought many to the faith of Christ: Egeas the governor knowing this, resorted thither to the intent he might constrain as many as did believe Christ to be God, by the whole consent of the Senate, to do sacrifice unto the Idols, and so give divine honour unto them. Andrew thinking good at the beginning to resist the wicked counsel, 
The words of Andrew to the Counsel.  and the doings of Egeas, went unto him, saying in this effect unto him: that it behoved him which was judge of men, first to know his judge which dwelleth in heaven, and then to worship him being known, and so in worshipping the true God, to revoke his mind from false Gods and blind Idols. These words spoke Andrew to the Consul.  
But he greatly therewith discontented, demanded of him whether he was the same Andrew that did overthrow the Temple of the gods, 
The fervency of Andrew against Idolatry.  and persuaded men of that superstitious sect, which the Romans of late had commanded to be abolished and rejected. Andrew did plainly affirm that the Princes of the Romans did not understand the truth, & that the son of God coming from heaven into the world for man's sake, hath taught & declared how these Idols, whom they so honoured as Gods, were not only not gods, but also most cruel Devils, most enemies to mankind, teaching the people nothing else, but that wherewith God is offended, and being offended turneth away and regardeth them not, and so by the wicked service of the Devil do fall headlong into all wickedness, and after their departing, nothing remaineth unto them, but their evil deeds.  
But the Proconsul esteeming these things to be as vain, especially seeing the jews (as he said) had crucified Christ before, therefore charged and commanded Andrew not to teach and preach such things any more, or if he did, that he should be fastened to the cross with all speed.  
Andrew abiding in his former mind very constant, answered thus concerning the punishment which he threatened, he would not have preached the honour and glory of the cross, if he had feared the death of the cross. Whereupon sentence of condemnation was pronounced, that Andrew teaching and enterprising a new sect, and taking away the religion of their gods ought to be crucified. 
The constant faith of Andrew to the end.  Andrew coming to the place, and seeing a far of the cross prepared, did change neither countenance nor colour, as the imbecility of mortal men is wont to do, neither did his blood shrink, neither did he fail in his speech, his body fainted not, neither was his mind molested, his understanding did not fail him, as it is the manner of men to do, but out of the abundance of his hart his mouth did speak. 

The cross here is not taken for the material cross of wood: but for the manner of death upon the Cross which death was to him welcome.  
S. Matthew the Apostle slain with a spear. Euseb lib. 3. Cap. 24. 39  
Irenaus' lib. 3. cap. 1. Hiero. in catalogo script.   And fervent charity did appear in his words as kindled sparkles. He said, O cross most welcome and long looked for with a willing mind, joyfully and desirously I come to thee, being the Scholar of him which did hang on thee: Because I have been always thy lover and have coveted to embrace thee. So being crucified, he yielded up the Ghost and fell on sleep, the day before the kalends of December.  
Matthew otherwise named Levi, first of a Publican made an Apostle, wrote his gospel to the jews in the Hebrew tongue, as recordeth Eusebius, lib. 3.24.39. lib 5. cap. 8. cap. 10. Also Iraeneus, lib 3. cap. 1. Item Hieronymus in Catalogo script. Ecclesiast. concerning the doings and decreementes of this blessed Apostle and Evangelist, divers things be recorded by julius Africanus, under the pretenced name of Abdias. Also of Vincentius, Perionius, and others, but in such sort, as by the contents may greatly be suspected, the matter not to lack some crafty forgery, for the more establishment of latter decretals, and Romish doctrine, as touching merits, consecration of Nuns, the superstitious prescription of Lent fast, not only in abstaining from all fleshmeates, but also from all matrimonial copulation between man and wife, during the said time of holy Lent. Item, the strait prohibition not to taste any bodily sustenance, before the receiving of the lords supper. In ordaining of Mass, and that no Nun must marry after the vow of her profession, with such other like.  

Mathias the Apostle, stoned and headed. Philip the Apostle crucified. Ex Isido. lib. de patribus novi testan. james Bishop of jerusalem.  joan de Monte Regali, testifieth of Mathias, that after he had preached to the jews, at length he was stoned & beheaded. Some other record that he died in Ethiopia.  
Philippus the holy Apostle, after he had much laboured among the barbarous nations in preaching the word of salvation to them, at length he suffered as the other Apostles did, in Hierapolis a city of Phrygia, being there crucified and stoned to death, where also he was buried, & his daughters also with him. Isido.  

* Of james the brother of the Lord, thus we read in the story of Clement and Egesippus.  
AFter that Festus had sent the Apostle Paul unto Rome after his appellation made at Caesaria, & that the jews by the means thereof had lost their hope of performing their malicious vow against him conceived, they fell upon james the brother of our Lord, who was bishop at jerusalem, against whom they being bend with like malice, brought him forth before them, and required him to deny before all the people the faith of Christ. But he otherwise: then they all looked for, freely and with a greater constancy before all the multitude, confessed jesus to be the son of God, our Saviour, and our Lord. Whereupon, they not being able to abide the testimony of this man any longer, because he was thought to be the justest among all, for the highness of divine wisdom, and godliness, which in living he declared, they killed him, finding the more opportunity to accomplish their mischief, because the kingdom the same time was vacant. For Festus being dead in jewrie, the administration of that province was destitute of a ruler, and a deputy. But after what manner james was killed, 
Fx Clement. Ex Egesippo in Commenturro.  the words of Clement do declare, which writeth that he was cast down from the pinnacle of the temple, and being smitten with the instrument of a Fuller was slain, but Egesippus which lived in the time next after the Apostles, describeth this cause diligently, in his fift Commentary, after this manner as followeth.  
james the brother of our Lord, took in hand to govern the Church after the Apostles (being counted of all men from the time of our Lord to be a just and perfect man.) Many and divers other James'S there were beside him, but this was borne holy from his mother's womb, he drunk no wine, nor any strong drink. neither did he eat any living creature, the razor never came upon his head, he was not anointed with oil, neither did he use bathe, to him only was it lawful to enter into the holy place, neither was he clothed with woollen cloth; but with silk; and he only entered into the temple, falling upon his knees, ask remission for the people, so that his knees by oft kneeling, lost the sense of feeling, being benumined & hardened like the knees of a Camel. He was (for worshipping God and craving forgiveness for the people) called just, & for the exceliencie of his just life named Oblias, which (if you do interpret it) is the safeguard, and justice of the people as the Prophets declare of him: therefore when as many of the heretics which were among the people asked him what manner of door jesus should be, he answered that he was the Saviour. Whereof some do believe him to be jesus Christ, but the aforesaid heretics neither believe the resurrection, neither that any shall come, which shall render unto every man according to his works, but as many as believe, they believed for james cause. When as many therefore of the Princes did believe, 
Apoc. 12.  there was a tumult made of the Scribes, jews, and Phariseis, saying: it is dangerous lest that all the people do look for this jesus, as for Christ, therefore they gathered themselves together, & said unto james: We beseech thee restrain the people, for they believe in jesus, as though he were Christ. We pray thee persuade them all which come unto the feast of the passover of jesus, for we are all obedient unto thee, and all the people do testify of thee that thou art just, neither that thou dost accept the person of any man, therefore persuade the people that they be not deceived in jesus, and all the people, and we will obey thee, therefore stand upon the pillar of the temple, that thou mayest be seen from above, and that thy words may be perceived of all the people, for to this passover all the tribes do come with all the country. And thus the forenamed Scribes, and Phariseis did set james upon the battlements of the Church, and they cried unto him and said, thou just man whom all we ought to obey, because this people is led after jesus, which is crucified, tell what is the door of jesus crucified: and he answered with a great voice, what do you ask me of jesus the son of man, seeing that he sitteth on the right hand of God in heaven, and shall come in the clouds of the sky? But whom many were persuaded of this, they glorified God upon the witness of james, and said: Osanna in the highest to the son of David. Then the Scribes and the Phariseis said among themselves, we have done evil that we have caused such a testimony of jesus. But let us go up and let us take him, that they being compelled with fear, may deny that faith. And they cried out, saying: O, O, this just man also is seduced, and they fulfilled that Scripture which is spoken of in Esay. 
Cap. 3.  Let us take away the just man, because he is not profitable for us: Wherefore let them eat the fruits of their works. Therefore they went up to throw down the just man, and said among themselves: let us stone this just man james, & they took him to smite him with stones for he was not yet dead when he was cast down, but he turning, fell down upon his knees, saying: O Lord God, Father, I beseech thee to forgive them, for they know not what they do. 
Luc. 23.  But when they had smitten him with stones one of the priests of the children of Rechas, the son of Charobim, spoke to them the testimony which is in jeremy the Prophet: leave off, what do ye? The just man prayeth for you. And one of those which were present, took a Fuller's instrument, wherewith they did use to beat and purge cloth, and smote the just man on his head, and so he finished his martyrdom, and they buried him in the same place, & his pillar abideth yet by the temple. He was a true testimony to the jews and the Gentiles. And shortly after Vespasianus the Emperor destroying the land of jewrie, brought them into captivity. These things being thus written at large of Egesippus, do well agree to those which Clement did write of him. This james was so notable a man, that for his justice he was had in honour of all men, in so much that the wise men of the jews shortly after his martyrdom did impute the cause of the besieging of jerusalem and other calamities which happened unto than to no other cause, but unto the violence and injury done to this man. 
josephus lib. 20.  Also josephus hath not left this out of his history, where he speaketh of him after this manner: These things so chanced unto the jews for a vengeance because of that just man james which was the brother of jesus, whom they called Christ, for the jews killed him although he was a righteous man.  
The same josephus declareth his death in the same book and chapter, saying: Caesar hearing of the death of Festus, sent Albinus the Lieutenant into jewrie, but Ananus the younger, being bishop, and of the sect of the Saducees, trusting that he had obtained a convenient time, seeing that Festus was dead, and Albinus entered on his journey, he called a Council, and calling many unto him, among whom was james by name the brother of jesus which is called Christ, he stoned them, accusing them as breakers of the law.  

Martyrs.  Whereby it appeareth, that many other besides james also the same time were Martyred and put to death among the jews, for the faith of Christ.   

A description of the X. first persecutions in the Primitive Church.  

The first x. persecutions in the primitive Church.  THese things being thus declared for the martyrdom of the Apostles, and the persecution of the jews. Now let us (by the grace of Christ our Lord) comprehend with like brevity, the persecutions raised by the Romans, against the Christians in the Primitive age of the Church, during the space of 300. years, till the coming of godly Constantine, which persecutions are reckoned of Eusebius, and by the most part of writers, to the number of x. most special.  
Wherein marvelous it is, to see and read the numbers incredible of Christian innocents that were slain and tormented, some one way, some an other. As Rabanus saith, & saith truly. 
The sundry torments of the holy Martyrs in the Primitive Church.  Alij ferro perempti. Alij flammis exusti. Alij flagris verberati. Alij vectibus perforati. Alij cruciati patibulo. Alij demersi pelagi periculo. Alij vivi decoriati. Alij vinculis mancipati. Alij linguis privati. Alij lapidibus obruti. Alij frigore afflicti. Alij fame cruciati. Alij truncatis manibus, aliísue caesis membris spectaculum contumeliae, nudi propter nomen Domini portantes, etc. That is, Some slain with sword. Some burnt with fire. Some with whips scourged. Some stabbed in with forks of iron. Some fastened to the cross or gibbet. Some drowned in the sea. Some their skins plucked of. Some their tongues cut off. Some stoned to death. Some killed with cold. Some starved with hunger. Some their hands cut off or otherwise dismembered, have been so left naked to the open shame of the world, etc. Whereof Augustine also in his book De Civit. 22. cap. 6. thus saith: 
Aug. de Civit. Lib. 22. cap. 6.  Ligabantur, includebantur, caedebantur, torquebantur, urebantur, laniabantur, trucidabantur, multiplicabantur, non pugnantes pro salute, sed salutem contemnentes pro seruatore. Whose kinds of punishments although they were divers, yet the manner of constancy in all these Martyrs was one. And yet notwithstanding the sharpness of these so many and sundry torments, and like cruelness of the tormentors: yet such was the number of these constant Saints that suffered, or rather such was the power of the Lord in his Saints, that as Jerome in his Epistle to Chromatius, 
The number of holy Martyrs in the primitive Church.  and Heliodorus saith: Nullus esset dies qui non ultra quinque millium numerum Martyrum reperiri posset ascriptus excepto die Kalendarum januarij. That is, There is no day in the whole year, unto which the number of fine thousand Martyrs cannot be ascribed, except only the first day of january.  

* The first Persecution.  
THe first of these x. persecutions, was stirred up by Nero Domitius, 
1 The first persecution.  the vj. Emperor before mentioned, about the year of our Lord, 67. The tyrannous rage of which Emperor, was so fierce against the Christians (as Eusebius recordeth) Vsque adeò ut videres repletas humanis corporibus civitates, 
Anno. 67.  iacentes mortuos simul cum paruulis senes: foemi. narúmque absque ulla sexus reverentia nudata in publico, 
Histor. Ecclesi. Lib. 2. Cap. 24.25.26.  reiectáque starent cadavera. That is, In so much that a man might then see cities lie full of men's bodies, the old there lying together with the young, and the dead bodies of women cast out naked, 
Orosius. Lib. 7. Nero thought to be Antichrist.  without all reverence of that sex in the open streets. etc. Likewise Orosius writing of the said Nero, saith, that he was the first which in Rome did raise up persecution against the Christians, and not only in Rome, but also through all the provinces thereof, thinking to abolish and to destroy the whole name of Christians in all places, etc. Whereunto accordeth moreover the testimony of Jerome upon Daniel, saying: thàt many there were of the Christians in those days, which seeing the filthy abominations, and intolerable cruelty of Nero, thought that he should be Antichrist, etc.  
In this persecution, 
S. Peter the Apostle, crucified at Rome.  among many other Saints the blessed Apostle Peter was condemned to death, and crucified as some do write, at Rome, albeit othersome, and not without cause do doubt thereof, concerning whose life and history, because it is sufficiently described in the text of the Gospel, and in the Acts of S. Luke. chap. 4.5. 12. I need not here to make any great repetytion thereof. As touching the cause and manner of his death, divers there be, 
Hieron. lib. Deviriss illustris.  which make relation, as Jerome, Egesippus, Eusebius, Abdias, and other: although they do not all precisely agree in the tyme. The words of Jerome be these: Simon Peter the son of jona, of the province of Galilee, and of the Town of Bethsaida, the brother of Andrew. etc. After he had been Bishop of the Church of Antioch, and had preached to the dispersion of them that believed, of the Circumcision in Pontus, Galacia, Capadocia, Asia, and Bithynia in the second year of Claudius, the Emperor, (which was about the year of our Lord. 44.) came to Rome, to withstand Simon Magus, and there kept the priestly chair, the space of 
This report seemeth neither to come of Jerome not to be true in Peter. Egesippus. Lib. 3. De excidio Hieroso. cap. 2.  25. years, until the last year of the foresaid Nero, which was the 14. year of his reign, of whom he was crucified, his head being down, and his feet upward, himself so requiring, because he was (he said) unworthy to be crucified after the same form and manner, as the Lord was. etc. Egesippus, prosecuting this matter something more at large, and Abdias, also, (if any authority is to be given to his book, who following not only the sense, but also the very form of words of Egesippus in this History, seemeth to be extracted out of him, and of other authors) saith, that Simon Magus being then a great man with Nero, and his precedent and keeper, of his life, was required upon a time to be present at the raising up of a certain noble young man in Rome, 
Abdias. lib. 1. De vitae Patri.  of Nero's kindred, lately departed. Whereas Peter also was desired to come to the reviving of the said parsonage. But when Magus in the presence of Peter could not do it: Then Peter calling upon the name of the Lord jesus, did raise him up, and restored him to his mother, whereby the estimation of Simon Magus, began greatly to decay, and to be detested in Rome. Not long after the said Magus threatened the Romans, that he would leave the City and in their light fly away from them into heaven. So the day being appointed Magus taking his wings in the Mount Capitolinus, began to fly in the air. But Peter by the power of the Lord jesus brought him down with his wings headlong to the ground, by the which fall his legs and joints were broken, and he thereupon died. Then Nero sorrowing for the death of him, sought matter against Peter to put him to death. Which when the people perceived, they entreated Peter with much a do, that he would fly the City. Peter through their importunity at length persuaded, prepared himself to avoid. But coming to the gate he saw the Lord Christ come to meet him, to whom he worshipping said: Lord whether dost thou go? To whom he answered and said, I come again to be crucified. By this Peter perceiving his suffering to be understanded, returned back into the City again. And so was he crucified, in manner as is before declared. And this out of Egesippus.  
Eusebius moreover, writing of the death not only of Peter, 
Euseb. lib. 30 hist. eccle. c. 30.  but also of his wife, affirmeth, that Peter seeing his wife going to her Martyrdom (belike as he was yet hanging upon the cross) was greatly joyous and glad thereof, who crying unto her with a loud voice, 
Peter's wife put to death for Christ. The words of Peter to his wife, going to death. Paul the Apostle.  and calling her by her name, bade her remember the Lord jesus. Such was then (saith Eusebius) the blessed bond of Marriage among the Saints of God. And thus much of Peter.  
Paul the Apostle, which before was called Saul, after his great travail and unspeakable labours in promoting the Gospel of Christ, suffered also in this first persecution under Nero, and was beheaded. Of whom thus writeth Jerome in his Book De viris illustr. Paul, otherwise called Saul, one of the Apostles, yet out of the number of xij. was of the tribe of Benjamin, and of a town of jewrie called Gisealis: 
Ex Hieronimo. Lib. de viris illust.  which town being taken of the Romans, he with his parents fled to Tharsus a town of Cilicia. Afterward was sent up by his parents to Jerusalem, and there brought up in the knowledge of the law, at the feet of Gamaliel, 
Saul brought up under gamaliel. Saul a persecutor. Saul converted.  and was at the death of Stephen a doer. And when he had received letters from the high Priest to persecute the Christians, by the way going to Damascus, was strooken down of the lords glory, and of a persecutor, was made a professor, an Apostle, a Martyr, a witness of the Gospel, and a vessel of election.  
Among his other manifold labours & travails in spreading the doctrine of Christ, he won Sergius Paulus, the Proconsul of Cyprus, to the faith of Christ, whereupon he took his name as some suppose, 
Saulus turned to Paulus. Paul sent to the Gentiles.  turned from Saulus to Paulus. After he had passed through divers places and countries in his laborious peregrinations, he took to him Barnabas, and went up to Jerusalem, to Peter, james, and john, where he was ordained and sent out with Barnabas to preach unto the Gentiles.  
And because it is in the Acts of the Apostles sufficiently comprehended, concerning the admirable conversion, & conversation of this most worthy Apostle, that which remaineth of the rest of his history, I will here add, how the said Apostle Paul, the 25. year after the passion of the lord, in the second year of Nero, what time Festus ruled in jewrie, was sent up in bonds to Rome, 
Act. 28.  where he remaining in his free hosterie two years together, disputed daily against the jews, proving Christ to be come. And here is to be noted, that after his first answer or purgation there made at Rome, the Emperor Nero, not yet fully confirmed in his Empire, & yet not bursting out into those mischiefs, which histories report of him, he was at that time by Nero discharged, and dismissed to preach the Gospel in the West parts and about the coasts of Italy, as he himself writing unto Timothy, afterward in his second apprehension, in his second Epistle witnesseth, 
2. Tim. 4.  saying: In my first purgation, no man stood with me, but did all forsake me, the Lord lay it not to their charge. But the Lord stood with me, & did comfort me, that the preaching of his word might proceed by me, & that all the Gentiles might hear and be taught, and I was delivered out of the Lion's mouth, etc. In which place by the Lion he plainly meaneth Nero. And afterward likewise saith: I was delivered from the mouth of the Lion, etc. And again, the Lord hath delivered me out from all evil works, and hath saved me unto his heavenly kingdom, etc. speaking this, because he perceived them the time of his martyrdom to be near at hand. For in the same Epistle before. he saith: I am now offered up, and the time of my dissolution draweth on.  
Thus then, this worthy preacher and messenger of the Lord, in the 14. year of Nero, and the same day in which Peter was crucified (although not in the same year as some writ, but in the next year following) was beheaded at Rome for the testimony of Christ, and was buried in the way of Ostia. 
The epistles of S. Paul to vi● Churches.  The year after the passion of the Lord 37. He wrote ix. Epistles to seven Churches: to the Romans one, to the Corinthians two, to the Galathians one, to the Ephesians one, to the Philippians one, to the Colossians one, to the Thessalonians two. Moreover, he wrote to his Disciples, to Timothy two, to Titus one, to Philemon one.  
The Epistle which beareth the title to the hebrews, is not thought to be his, for the difference of the stile & phrase, but either judged to be written of Timothy, as Tertullian supposeth, or of S. Luke as other do think: or else of Clement afterward Bishop of Rome, who as they say, was adjoined with Paul, and compiling together his sayings and sentences, did phrase them in his stile and manner. Or else, 
The Epistle to the hebrews.  as some do judge, because S. Paul wrote unto the hebrews, for the odiousness of his name among that people, therefore he dissimuled, and confessed his name in the first entre of his salutation, contrary to his accustomed condition. And as he wrote to the hebrews he being an Hebrew, so he wrote in Hebrew, that is, in his own tongue more eloquently. And that is thought to be the cause why it differeth from his other Epistles, and is after a more eloquent manner translated into the Greek, than his other Epistles be. 
The Epistle to Laodicia  Some also read the Epistle written to Laodicea, but that is explosed of all men. Thus much Jerome.  
As touching the time and order of the death and martyrdom of S. Paul, as Eusebius, Jerome, Maximus and other authors do but briefly pass over: So Abdias (if his book be of any substantial authority) speaking more largely of the same doth say: 
Abdias de viris. lib. 2.  that after the crucifying of Peter, & the ruin of Simon Magus, Paul yet remaining in free custody, was dismissed and delivered at that time from martyrdom by God's permission, that all the Gentiles might be replenished with preaching of the Gospel by him.  
And the same Abdias proceeding in his story, declareth moreover, that as Paul was thus occupied at Rome, he was accused to the Emperor, not only for teaching new doctrine, 
Paul declareth his doctrine to the Emperor.  but also for stirring up sedition against the Empire. For this he being called before Nero, and demanded to show the order and manner of his doctrine, there declared what his doctrine was, to teach all men peace and charity how to love one an other, how to prevent one an other in honour, 
The sum of Paul's doctrine.  rich men not to be puffed in pride, nor to put their trust in their treasures, but in the living God. Mean men to be contented with food and raiment, and with their present state. Poor men to rejoice in their poverty with hope. Father's to bring up their children in the fear of God. Children to obey their parents. husbands to love their wives. Wives to be subject unto their husbands. Citizens and subjects to give their tribute unto Caesar and to be subject to their magistrates. masters to be courteous not currish to their servants. Servants to deal faithfully with their masters. And this to be the sum of his teaching, which his doctrine he received not of men nor by men, but by jesus Christ, and the father of glory, which spoke to him from heaven, the Lord jesus saying to him, that he should go and preach in his name, and that he would be with him, and would be the spirit of life to all that believed in him, and that whatsoever he did or said, he would justify it, etc. After that Paul had thus declared unto the Emperor, shortly after sentence of death was pronounced against him, 
Paul condemned.  that he should be headed. Unto whose execution then Nero sent two of his esquires Ferega, and Parthemius to bring him word of his death. They coming to Paul, instructing then the people, desired him to pray for them that they might believe. Who told them that shortly after they should believe, and be baptized at his Sepulchre (as Abdias writeth. 
Paul suffereth. ) This done, the soldiers came and led him out of the City to the place of execution, where he after his prayers made, gave his neck to the sword. Abdias reporteth, 
A legend miracle.  that as his head was strooken off, in stead of blood issued out white milk, and that at laying down his head he signed himself with the sign of a cross in his forehead, but this being found in no other history, 
The story of Abdias suspected.  Abdias seemeth either to add of his own, or else to borrow out of the Legend as he doth many other things beside, whereof more shallbe said (Christ willing) hereafter. Although the same miracle of milk flowing out of his neck, is referred also unto Ambrose, who in his sermon 68 (if it be not counterfeited) seemeth to affirm the same. Of the time and year when these blessed Apostles did suffer, histories do not all agree. They that follow the common opinion, 
Histories do vary about the time of their martyrdom.  and the Pope's decrees say, that both Peter and Paul suffered both in one day and in one year, which opinion seemeth to be taken out of Dionysius bishop of Corinth. Jerome in his book De viris illustr. affirmeth that they suffered both in one day, but he expresseth not the year. 
If this be true that Prudentius. recordeth of Paul to suffer under Nero, and the year after Peter. then is it false, which Jerome before testifieth, Peter to suffer the 〈◊〉 year of Nero.  So doth Isodorus and Eusebius. Simon Metaphrastes bringeth in the opinion of some, which think that Paul suffered not with Peter, but after Peter. Prudentius in his Peristephanon, noteth that they both were put to death upon the same day, but not in the same year, and saith that Paul followed Peter a year after.  
Abdias above mentioned, recordeth that Paul suffered two years after Peter. Moreover, if it be true which Abdias saith, that after the crucifying of Peter, Paul remained in his fire custody at Rome, mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, which was as Hierom witnesseth the 3. or 4. year of Nero, then must it be x. year betwixt the martyrdom of Peter and of Paul, for as much as it is by all writers confessed, that Paul suffered the 14. year, which was the last year of Nero. And so Abdias seemeth neither to agree with other authors, nor with himself. And thus much of the first persecution.   

The second Persecution.  
THe first Roman persecution beginning under Nero, as is aforesaid, 
The second persecution.  ceased under Vespasianus who gave some rest to the poor Christians. After whose reign was moved not long after the second persecution, 
Anno. 69.  by the Emperor Domitian brother of Titus. Of whom Eusebius and Orosius so write, that he first beginning mildly, afterward did so far outrage in pride intolerable, that he commanded himself to be worshipped as God, and that images of gold and silver in his honour should be set up in Capitolio. 
Ex Orosio. Lib. 7.  The chiefest nobles of the Senators, either upon envy, or for their goods, he caused to be put to death, some openly, and some he sent into banishment, there causing them to be slain privily.  
And as his tyranny was unmeasurable, so the intemperancy of his life was no less. 
The tyranny and intemporaunce of Domitian.  He put to death all the nephews of juda, called the lords brother, and caused to be sought out, and to be slain all that could be found of the stock of David (as Vespasian also did before him) for fear lest he were yet to come of the house of David, 
simeon Bishop of Jerusalem crucified.  which should enjoy the kingdom. In the time of this persecutor, simeon Bishop of Jerusalem, after other torments, was crucified to death, whom justus afterward succeeded in that bishopric.  
In this persecution john the Apostle and Evangelist was exiled by the said Domitianus into Pathmos. 
john the Evangelist.  Of whom divers and sundry memorable acts, be reported in sundry Chronicles. As first how he was put in a vessel of boiling Oil, 
Isidorus de patribus nous Testaments.  by the Proconsul of Ephesus. The Legend and Perionius say, it was done at Rome. Isidorus also writing of him and comprehending many things in few words, declareth that he turned certain pieces of wood into gold, and stones by the seaside into Margarites, to satisfy the desire of two, whom he had before persuaded to renounce their riches: And afterward they repenting that for worldly treasure, they had lost heaven, for their sakes again he changed the same into their former substance. Also, how he raised up a widow and a certain young man from death to life. How he drunk poison, and it hurt him not, raising also to life two which had drunk the same before. These and such other miracles, although they may be true, & are found in Isidorus & other writers more, 
Euseb. Lib. 3. Cap. 10. Histor Eccle.  yet because they are no articles of our Christian belief, I let them pass, and only content myself with that which I read in Eusebius, declaring of him in this wise: That in the 14. year after Nero, in the second persecution, in the days of Domitian, john was banished into Pathmos for the testimony of the word, 
Anno. 97.  an. 97. And after the death of the foresaid Domitian being slain, & his acts repealed by the Senate, 
john banished. john released out of banishment.  john was again released under Pertinax the Emperor, & came to Ephesus, an. 100 Where he continued until the time of Traianus, & there governed the Churches in Asia, where also he wrote his Gospel, and so lived till the year after the Passion of our Lord, 68 which was the year of his age. 99  
Moreover, in the foresaid Ecclesiastical story of Eusebius, we read that john the Apostle and Evangelist, 
Euseb. lib. 3. Cap. 23.  whom the Lord did love, was in Asia, where he being returned out of Pathmos, after the death of Domitian, governed the Churches and congregations. Irenaeus in his second book thus writeth: And of him all the Elders do witness, which were with john the Disciple of the Lord in Asia, that he spoke and wrote these things, etc. for there he continued with them unto the time of Traianus, etc. Also the said Irenaeus, Lib. 3. Hypothes. in like words declareth, 
Iren. Lib. 3. Clemens Alexandrinus.  saying: The Church of the Ephesians being first founded by Paul, afterward being confirmed of john, (who continued in the same City unto the time of Traianus the Emperor) is a true witness of this Apostolical tradition, etc. Clemens Alexandrinus moreover noteth, both the time of this holy Apostle, and also addeth to the same a certain history of him, not unworthy to be remembered of such which delight in things honest and profitable. 
A notable history of john the Evangelist.  Of the which history Sozomenus also in his Commentaries maketh mention. The words of the author setting forth this history, be these: Hear a fable, and not a fable, but a true report which is told us of john the Apostle, delivered and commended to our remembrance. After the death of the tyrant, when john was returned to Ephesus, from the isle of Pathmos: he was desired to resort to the places bordering near unto him, partly to constitute bishops, partly to dispose the causes and matters of the church, partly to ordain and set such, of the Clergy in office, whom the holy ghost should elect. Whereupon, when he was come to a certain city not far of, the name of which also, many do yet remember, and had among other things comforted the brethren, he looking more earnestly upon him which was the chief bishop among them, beheld a young man mighty in body, and of a beautiful countenance, and of a fervent mind. I commend this man (saith he) to thee with great diligence, in the witness here of Christ and of the Church.  
When the Bishop had received of him this charge, and had promised his faithful diligence therein. Again the second time john spoke unto him and desired him in like manner and contestation as before. This done, john returneth again to Ephesus. The Bishop receiving the young man, commended & commicteth to his charge, brought him home, kept him and nourished him, and at length also did illuminate, (that is) he baptized him. And in short time through his diligence, brought him into such order and towardness, that he committed unto him the oversight of a certain cure in the lords behalf. The young man thus having more his liberty, it chanced that certain of his companions & old familiars being idle, dissolute, & accustomed of old time to wickedness, did join in company with him. Who first brought him to sumptuous & riotous banquets. Then enticed him forth with them in the night to rob and steal. 
What wicked company doth.  After that, he was alured by them unto greater mischief and wickedness. Wherein by custom of time by little and little, he being more practised, and being of a good wit, and a stout courage, like unto a wild or an unbroken horse, leaving the right way & running at large without bridle, was carried headlong to the profundity of all misorder and outrage. And thus being past all hope of grace, utterly forgetting and rejecting the wholesome doctrine of salvation, which he had learned before, began to set his mind upon no small matters. And forasmuch as he was entered so far in the way of perdition, he cared not how further he proceeded in the same. And so associating unto him the company of his companions, and fellow thieves, took upon him to be as head and captain among them, in committing all kind of murder and felony.  
In the mean time it chanced, that of necessity john was sent for to those quarters again, and came. The causes being decided, and his business ended, for the which he came, by the way meeting with the Bishop afore specified, requireth of him the pledge, which in the witness of Christ and of the congregation then present, he left in his hands to keep. The bishop something amazed at the words of john, supposing he had meant of some money committed to his custody, which he had not received, and yet durst not mistrust john, nor contrary his words could not tell what to answer. Then john perceiving his doubting, and uttering his mind more plainly: The young man (saith he) and the soul of our brother committed to your custody, I do require. Then the bishop with a loud voice, sorrowing and weeping, said, he is dead: to whom john said, how? And by what death? The other said, he is dead to God: for he is become an evil man, and pernicious, to be brief, a thief: & now he doth frequent this mountain with a company of villains and thieves, 
A notable lesson for all ministers to seek again their lost sheep.  like unto himself against the Church. But the Apostle renting his garments, and with great lamentation, said, I have let a good keeper of my brother's soul. Get me a horse, and let me have a guide with me, which being done, his horse and man procured, hasted from the Church as much as he could, and coming to the same place, was taken of thieves that watched. But he neither flying, nor refusing said: I came for this same cause hither, lead me (said he) to your captain. So he being brought, the captain all armed, fiercely begun to look upon him. And eftsoons coming to the knowledge of him, was strooken with confusion and shame, and began to fly. But the old man followed him as much as he might, forgetting his age and crying: My son, why dost thou fly from thy father? an armed man, from one naked, 
O unspeakable love showed out to a wicked sinner.  a young man, from an old man. Have pity on me my son, and fear not, for there is yet hope of salvation, I will make an answer for thee unto Christ, I will die for thee if need be, as Christ hath died for us. I will give my life for thee, believe me, Christ hath sent me. He hearing these things, first as in a maze stood still, and therewith his courage was abated. After that he cast down his weapons, by and by he trembled, yea and wept bitterly: and coming to the old man, embraced him, and spoke unto him with weeping (as well as he could) being even then baptized a fresh with tears, only his right hand being hid and covered. Then the Apostle, after that he had promised and firmly ascertained him that he should obtain remission of our Saviour, and also prayed falling down upon his knees, & kissed his murdering right hand, which for shame he durst not show before: as now purged through repentance, brought him to the congregation, and when he had prayed for him with continual prayer and daily fastings, and had comforted and confirmed his mind with many sentences, went not from him (as the author reporteth) before he had restored him to the congregation again, and made him a great example and trial of regeneration, and a token of the visible resurrection.  
Moreover, the foresaid Irenaeus in Lib. 3. cap. 3. and Eusebius, Lib. 3. cap 28. and Lib. 4. cap. 14. prosecuting the history of john, declare in these words, saying, that there were certain which heard Policarpus say; that john the disciple of our Lord, 
An example of the godly to fly the company of the wicked.  going into Ephesus to be washed, seeing Corinthus within, he leapt out of the bathe unbathed, because he feared the bathe should have fallen, seeing that Cerinthus an enemy to the truth, was within. Such fear had the Apostles (saith Irenaeus) that they would not communicate a word with them that adulterate the truth.  
And forasmuch as we are here in hand with the story of john the blessed Evangelist, cometh in matter and occasion, not given by him, but taken of other, of a great doubt and difficulty, such as hath occupied all the Catholic, subtle, illuminate, and seraphical Doctors of the Pope's Catholic Church, these 500 years. The difficulty is this: that for so much as auricular confession hath been, 
A Catholic question concerning auricular confession.  & is yet received in the Pope's Catholic Church for an holy and necessary Sacrament, extending universally to all & singular creatures Christian. Here then riseth a question, who was our Lady's confessor, or ghostly father? But that is decreed and confessed with full consent of all the Catholics to be S. john. Whosoever denieth or doubteth of this, 
Solutio. another Catholic question.  is strait ways ipso facto an heretic. This then so determined, ariseth an other question or doubt, that seeing our Lady was without all original sin, and also actual or mortal: what need then had she of any Confessor? or what should she confess unto him? For if she had confessed any sin, when she had none: then had she made herself a liar, 
Solution. Albert. super evangelium. Missus est. another question with the solution.  & so had sinned in deed. Here therefore gentle Reader, in this perplexity, these our illuminate Doctors stand in need of thine aid, to help at a pinch. Magnus Albertus the great divine, denieth not, but that she in deed, although most pure, yet was confessed to her ghostly father, to keep the observances of the law, appointed for such as had that need, which she had not. And therefore (saith he) necessary it was that she should confess with mouth. But then here is to be asked, what did she say in her confession, when she had nothing to confess? To this Albertus answereth again, and telleth us plainly what she said in her confession which was this: 
Albert. ibidem. ca 17.  that she had received that great grace, not ex condigno, that is, not of any dignity of her own, but yet notwithstanding of congruity. And this was it (saith Albert) that she said in her confession. Albert cap. 74. super evang. Missus est, etc.  
Moreover, to help this case out of all doubt, cometh in famous Thomas of Watering, 
S. Thomas par. 3. ques. 37. art. 5.  & thus looseth the knot, much after like effect, saying: that as Christ, although he did owe nothing to the law, yet notwithstanding received he Circumcision, to give to other example of humility and obedience: In like manner would our Lady show herself obedient to the observance of the law, albeit there was no cause, why she had any need thereof. And thus hast thou (gentle Reader) this doubtful question moved and soluted, to the intent I would reveal to thee some part of the deep divinity of our Catholic Masters, that have ruled and governed the Church in these their late Popish days.  

Flavia the daughter of a Consul. banished for the testimony of christ. Ex Euseb. Lib. 3. ca 19 The Emperor maketh inquiry for all that were of David's stock.  But breaking of this matter, to return again where we left, that is, to this foresaid 2. persecution under Domitianus. In which persecution besides these afore mentioned, and many other innumerable godly Martyrs, suffering for the like testimony of the Lord jesus, was Flavia the daughter of Flavius Clemens, one of the Roman Consuls, which Flavia with many other was banished out of Rome into the Isle Pontia, for the testimony of the Lord jesus by the Emperor, Domitianus, Euseb. Lib. 3.  
This Domitianus feared the coming of Christ as Herode did, & therefore commanded them to be killed which were of the stock of David in jewry. There were remaining alive at that time certain of the lords kindred, which were the nephews of Jude, that was called the lords brother after the flesh. These when the Lieutenant of jewry had brought up to Domitian to be slain: 
David's stock feared of the Emperors.  the Emperor demanded of them, whether they were of the stock of David: which when they had granted, he asked again, what possessions, and what substance they had. They answered, that they both had no more between them in all, but xxxix. acres of ground, & how they got their living & sustained their families with the hard labours of their hands showing forth their hands unto the Emperor, 

Two Nephews of Jude the lords brother preserved.  
The kingdom of Christ not of this world.   being hard and roughworne with labours, to witness that to be true which they had spoken. Then the Emperor enquiring of them concerning the kingdom of Christ, what manner of kingdom it was, how and when it should appear: they answered that his kingdom was no worldly nor terren thing, but an heavenly and Aungelicall kingdom, & that it should appear in the consummation & end of the world what time he coming in glory, should judge the quick and the dead, and render to every one according to his deservings. Domitian, the Emperor hearing this (as the saying is) did not condemn them, but despising them as vile persons, let them go, & also stayed the persecution then moved against the Christians. They being thus discharged and dismissed, afterward had the government of Churches, being taken for Martyrs, and as of the Lords stock, and so consumed in good peace till the time of Traianus. 
The causes why the Emperors and Senate of Rome did so rage against the Christians.  Haec Egesip. & Euseb Lib. 3. cap. 20.  
By this story here recited may appear, what were the causes why the Emperors of the Roman Monarchy did so persecute the Christians: which causes were chief these: fear, and hatred: 1. fear, for that the Emperors and Senate of blind ignorance, not knowing the manner of Christ's kingdom, 
The kingdom of Christ feared of the Romans.  feared and misdoubted least the same would subvert their Empery. Like as the Pope thinkeeh now that this Gospel will overthrow his kingdom of majesty. And therefore sought they all means possible, how by death and all kinds of torments utterly to extinguish the name and memory of the christians. 
Lex antiqua Romana contra Christianos. Ex Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 21.  And thereupon seemeth to spring the old law of the Roman Senate: Non debere dimitti Christianos qui semel ad tribunal venissent, nisi propositum mutent. i. That the Christians should not be let go, which were once brought to the judgement seat, except they changed their purpose, etc. Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 21.2. Hatred, partly for that this world of his own natural condition hath ever hated and maliced the people of god, 
The kingdom of Christ hated of Roman Princes.  from the first beginning of the world. Partly again, for that the Christians being of a contrary nature and Religion, serving only the true living God, despised their false gods, spoke against their idolatrous worshippings, and many times stopped the power of Satan, working in their Idols. And therefore Satan the Prince of this world, stirred up the Roman Princes & blind Idolaters to bear the more hatred and spite against them.  
Upon these causes and such like, rose up these malicious slanders, false surmises, infamous lies & slanderous accusations, 
False accusations and slanders against the Christians. Ex Apologiae justini. Marty.  of the Heathen idolaters against the Christian servants of God, which incited the Princes of this world the more to persecute them: for what crimes so ever malice could invent, or rash suspicion could minister, that was imputed to the Christians, as that they were a people incestuous, that in the night in their concourses, putting out their candles, they ran together in all filthy manner, that they killed their own children, that they used to eat man's flesh, that they were seditious and rebellious, that they would not swear by the fortune & prosperity of Caesar, that they would not adore the Image of Caesar in the market place, that they were pernicious to the Empery of Rome. Briefly, whatsoever mishappened to the City or Provinces of Rome, either famine, pestilence, earthquake, wars, wonders, unseasonableness of weather, or what other evils soever happened, it was imputed to the Christians, as justinus recordeth. Over and beside all these, a great occasion that stirred up the Emperors against the Christians came by one Publius Tarqvinius the chief Prelate of the idolatrous sacrifices, 
Publius Tarqvinius. Mamertinus persecutors.  and Mamertinus the chief governor of the City, in the time of Traianus, who partly with money, partly with sinister and pestilent counsa●●e, partly with infamous accusations (as witnesseth Nauclerus) incensed the mind of the Emperor so much against God's people.  
Also among these other causes abovesaid, crept in some piece of covetousness withal (as in all other things it doth) in that the wicked promoters and accusers for sucre sake, to have the possessions of the christians, were the more ready to accuse them to have the spoil of their goods.  
Thus hast thou (Christian reader) first the causes declared of these persecutions. 
Ex Iust. Mart. in. 2. Apolog. The form of inquisition against the Christians in the old tyme.  2. The cruel law of their condemnation. 3. Now hear more what was the form of inquisition, which was (as is witnessed in the second Apology of justinus) to this effect: that they should swear to declare the truth, whether they were in very deed Christians or not: and if they confessed then by the law the sentence of death proceeded. Iust. Apol. 2.  
Neither yet were these tyrants and organs of Satan thus contented with death only, 
The cruelty of tyrants in killing of Christian men.  to bereave the life from the body. The kinds of death were divers, and no less horrible than divers. Whatsoever the cruelness of man's invention could devise for the punishment of man's body, was practised against the Christians (as partly I have mentioned before, and more appeareth by the Epistle sent from the brethren of France, 
Ex Epist fratrum. Viennensium & Lugdunensium, ad fratres per Asiam, & Phrigiam scripta.  hereafter following. Crafty trains, outcries of enemies, imprisonments, stripes and scourgings, drawings, tearings, stonings, plates of iron laid to them burning hot, deep dungeons, racks, strangling in prisons, the teeth of wild beasts, gridirons, gibbets and gallows, tossing upon the horns of Bulls: Moreover, when they were thus killed, their bodies laid in heaps, and dogs there left to keep them, that no man might come to bury them, neither would any prayer obtain them to be interred and buried. Ex Epistola fratrum Viennensium ac Lugdunensium. etc.  
And yet notwithstanding for all these continual persecutions, 
Ex Nicephero. Lib. 3. cap. 22.  and horrible punishments, the church of the christians daily increased, deeply rooted in the doctrine of the Apostles, 
Ex justino. Martyr in Dialogo cum Tripheo,  and of men Apostolical, and watered plenteously with the blood of saints, as saith Nicephorus. Tib. 3.  
Whereof let us hear the worthy testimony of justinus Martyr in his Dialogue with Tripheus: And that none (saith he) can terrify or remove us which believe in jesus, by this it daily appeareth: for when we are slain, crucified, cast to wild beasts, 
The Church increaseth by persecution.  into the fire, or given to other torments, yet we go not from our confession: but contrary, the more cruelty and slaughter is wrought against us, the more they be that come to piety and faith by the name of jesus: no otherwise then if a man cut the vine tree, the better the branches grow. For the vine tree planted by God and Christ our Saviour, is his people. Haec Iust.  
¶ To comprehend the names and number of all the Martyrs that suffered in all these ten persecutions (which are innumerable) as it is unpossible, so it is hard in such variety and diversity of matter, to keep such a perfect order and course of years and times, that either some be not left out, or that every one be reduced into his right place, especially seeing the Authors themselves, whom in this present work we follow, do diversly disagree, both in the times, in the names, and also in the kind of martyrdom of them that suffered. As for example, where the common reading and opinion of the Church, and the Epistles Decretal do take Anacletus to succeed after Clement, 
Disagreement in authors touching the lives and times of Martyrs.  next before evaristus. Contrary Eusebius, Lib. 3. & Lib. 5. cap 6. making no mention of Cletus, but of Anacletus, saith that evaristus succeeded next to Clement. Likewise Ruffinus and Epiphanius, speaking nothing of Anacletus, make mention of Linus and of Cletus, next before Clement, but say nothing of Anacletus, 
Linus Bishop of Rome.  whereby it may appear that Cletus and Anacletus were both one. Sabellicus Aenead. 7. Lib. 2. speaketh of Linus and of Cletus, and saith that they were ordained helpers under Peter, while he laboured in his Apostleship abroad, 
Cletus and Anacletus both one.  and so saith also Marianus Scotus. Contrary Irenaeus Lib. 3. contra Haeres. speaketh of Anacletus, making no mention of Cletus. Whereby it may appear by the way, what credit is to be given to the Decretal Epistles whom all the latter histories of the Pope's Church do follow in this behalf, etc. Moreover, where Antoninus, Vincentius, jacobus in Supplemento, Symoneta, Aloysius, with other, declare of Linus, Cletus, Clemens, Anacletus, evaristus, Alexander, bishops of Rome, that they died Martyrs. Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical history writing of them, maketh thereof no mention.  

Clement Bishop counted a Martyr.  And first as touching Clement (whom Marianus Scotus calleth the first Bishop of Rome after Peter) they say that he was sent out in banishment of Traianus, beyond Ponticus, with 2000 christians, where he opened to them a wellspring, which in the wilderness were condemned to the Mines. Afterward being accused to the Emperor, he was thrown into the sea with a Millstone fastened about his neck, and that not long after his body was cast up & buried (as Platina saith) at the place where the well was made. Some say it was found first in the days of Pope Nicholas the first, Fascicul. tempor. But forasmuch as I find of his martyrdom no firm relation in the ancient authors, but only in such new writers of latter times, 
The lives of Martyrs painted out with feigned miracles.  which are wont to paint out the lives and histories of good men, with feigned additions offorged miracles, therefore I count the same of less credit, as I do also certain Decretal Epistles, untruly (as may seem) ascribed and entitled to his name. Eusebius in his third book, writing of Clemens, giveth no more of him, but thus: After he had governed the Church of Rome ix. years, the said Clement left the succession thereof to evaristus.  
Of which evaristus next Bishop of Rome, thus we find in Irenaeus, 
evaristus bishop of Rome and martyr.  Lib 3. cap. 3. Peter and Paul (saith he) committed the charge of that church to Linus. After whom came Anacletus, then succeeded Clemens, next to Clemens followed evaristus, after whom came Alexander, and then Sixtus the vj. Bishop of Rome after the Apostles. After Sixtus sat Telesphorus, than Higinus, than Pius, than Ani●etus. And when Soter took the place after him, than the xij. Bishop of Rome was Eleutherius. Thus after Clement followed (as is said) evaristus in the second or third year of Traianus as saith Eusebius, or as Nicephorus saith, the fourth year of the said Emperor. But howsoever the count of the years stand, little or nothing remaineth of the Acts and Monuments either of this, or of other Bishops of Rome in those days. Whereby it may appear that no great account was then made of Roman Bishops in those days, whose acts and deeds were then either so lightly reputed, or so slenderly committed to history. Notwithstanding certain Decretal Epistles are remaining, 
The decretal Epistles.  or rather thrust upon us in their names, containing in them little substance of any doctrine, but all together stuffed with laws, injunctions, and stately decrees, little to the purpose, and less savouring of the nature of that time then present. Amongst whom also are numbered the two epistles of this evaristus. And when he had given these orders, & had made vi. Priests, two Deacons, and five Bishops, for sundry places (saith the story,) he suffered martyrdom, but what kind of death, for what cause he suffered, what constancy he showed what was the order or conversation of his life, is nothing touched, and seemeth therefore the more to be doubted that which our new histories do say: because the old ancient writers have no remembrance thereof, which otherwise would not have passed such things over in silence, if they had been true. 
Novel 〈◊〉 Platina. Volateran Anthropo. Lib 22. Euseb. Lib. 3. Cap. 24.  Again, neither do the authors fully agree in the time of his martyrdom, which Nauclerus witnesseth to be in the last year of Traianus: but Platina thinketh rather that he suffered under. Hadrianus: Fascicul temporum, referreth it to the third year of Hadrian, Volateranus, to the beginning of the reign of Hadrian, Contrary, Eusebius, coming near to the simple truth (as seemeth) doth affirm that evaristus succeeded Clement in the third year of Traianus, and so giving to him ix years, it should follow thereby that evaristus deceased the xii. year of Trianus.  
After whom succeeded next Alexander, 
Alexander Bishop of Rome and Martyr.  in the governance of that Church, of whose time & death the like discrepance is among the writers, Marianus Scotus, saith, he was the fourth Bishop from Peter, but that could not be. Some say he was the sixth & some the seven. but they likewise were deceived. 
Authors disagree.  For the most part all do grant Sixtus to be the vi. Damasus affirmeth that he was in the reign of trajan. And how can that be, when the said Damasus affirmed before that evaristus his predecessor suffered in the last year of trajan, and then the Bishopric stood at least a month void, except he mean that the said Alexander succeeded evaristus in the last year of Traianus? But then how can that stand with Bede and Marianus Scotus, which say, that he suffered under Traianus, or with Otto Frisingensis, which saith he suffered the fourth year of Hadrian, when he had been Bishop ten years, by the general consent of most writers?  
They which writ of the deeds and doings of this blessed Bishop, as Bergomensis, Antoninus, Equelinus and such as follow them, declare that he had converted a great part of the Senators to the faith of Christ, amongst whom was Hermes a great man in Rome, whose son being dead, Alexander raised again to life, and likewise restored sight to his maid being blind. Hadrian the Emperor then absent hearing this, sent word to Aurelianus governor of Rome, to apprehend Alexander, with Euentius and Theodulus, 
Alexander. Euentius. Theodulus. Hermes with his household. Quirinus' with his household Martyrs.  otherwise called Theodorus, as Platina saith, his two Deacons, and Hermes, and to commit them to ward with Quirinus the Tribune: which being done as their story recordeth, Alexander enclosed in a divers prison from Hermes. Notwithstanding by the guiding of an Angel through three doors with three locks a piece, was brought with candle light to the lodging of Hermes. And so returning to the prison again: cured the daughter of Quirinus his keeper, named Balbina. by reason whereof the said Quirinus, with his whole household were all Baptised, and suffered also for the faith of Christ.  
Thus then saith the story, about the second year of Hadrian, Aurelianus the ruler took Alexander the Bishop, with Hermes, his wife children, and his whole household, to the number of a M, CC.L and threw them in prison. And not long after the said Alexander with Euentius his Deacon, and Hermes and the rest were burned in a furnace, Theodulus an other Deacon of Alexander, seeing and rebuking the cruelty of the tyrant, suffered also the same martyrdom.  
Quirinus also the same time (as saith Antoninus) having first his tongue cut out, 
Ex Platina in vita Alexandre.  than his hands and feet, afterward was beheaded and cast to the dogs. Equilinus saith that he was beheaded and cast into Tiber in the reign of the Emperor Claudius, but that cannot be. Albeit Platina maketh relation but only of Alexander with his two Deacons aforesaid. 
Saphyra. Sabina, Martyrs. Ex Florilego.  Declaring moreover, that in the time of this Bishop, Saphira of Antioch, and Sabina a Roman suffered martyrdom.  
Florilegus, the Author of Flores Historiarum, affirmeth that Alexander bishop of Rome was beheaded seven miles out of Rome, where he lieth buried, anno. 105. but that agreeth not with the Chronicles above recited. Eusebius recordeth of him no more, but that in the third year of Hadrian, he ended his life and office, after he had been bishop ten years.  
divers miracles are reported of this Alexander, in the Canon Legends, and lives of Saints: which as I deny not but may be true: so because I cannot avouch them by any grave testimony of ancient writers, therefore I dare not affirm them, but dd refer them to the authors & Patrons thereof, where they are found. notwithstanding, whatsoever is to be thought of his miracles. this is to be affirmed and not doubted, but that he was a godly & virtuous Bishop.  

The ordidinaunces of evaristus.  And as I say of his miracles, the like judgement also I have of the ordinances both of him and of evaristus his predecessor testified in the Pope's Decrees, by Gratianus, as 93. Dist. cap. Diaconi, where is said that evaristus divided divers titles in the City of Rome to the Priests, 
Dist. 93. cap. Diaconi.  also ordained in every City seven. Deacons to associate and assist the bishop in his preaching, both for his defence, and for the witness of truth. Notwithstanding, if probable conjectures might stand against the authority of Gratianus and his decrees, here might be doubted whether this absolute ordination of Priests was first forbidden by evaristus, and whether the intitulation of Priests was first by him brought in or not: wherein an instance may be given to the contrary, that this intitulation seemeth to take his first beginning at the Council of Chalcedon, 
Ex Dist. 70. cap. Neminem.  and of Pope Vrbane in the Council of Placent. In the which Council of Chalcedon the words of the Canon (making no mention of evaristus at all) do expressly forbid, that any Ecclesiastical person either Priest or Deacon should be ordained absolutely, otherwise the imposition of hands without some proper title of the party ordained, to stand void and frustrate. etc. And likewise Vrbanus in the counsel of Placentia, 
Ibedem cap. Sanctorum.  doth decree the same, alleging no name of evaristus, but the statutes of former Counsels.  
Moreover in the time of evaristus the Church then being under terrible persecutions, was divided in no peculiar Parishes or Cures, whereby any title might rise, but was scattered rather in corners and deserts, where they could beast hide themselves. And as the Church of Rome, in those days was not divided into several Parrishes or Cures (as I suppose) so neither was than any such open or solemn preaching in Churches, that the assistance or testimony of seven. Deacons either could avail among the multitude of the Heathen, or else needed amongst the christian secret congregations. Again the constitution of seven. Deacons seemeth rather to spring out of the counsel of Neocesaria long after evaristus, 
Ex Dist. 93. cap. Diaconi.  where it was appointed that in every City were it never so small, there should be seven. Deacons after the rule. And this rule the said Council taketh out of the book of the Acts of the Apostles, making no word or mention of evaristus at all Dist. 93. but these (as is said) be but only conjectures, not denying that which is commonly received, but only showing what may be doubted in their Epistles Decretal.  
More unlike it seemeth to be true that is recorded and reported of Alexander, 

The Institutions of Alexander. Holy water first invented.  
De consecrat. Dist 3.   that he should be the first founder and finder of holy water mixed with salt, to purge and sanctify them upon whom it is sprinkled. The words of the Dist. be these: Aquam sale conspersam in populis benedicimus, ut ea cuncti aspersi sanctificentur & purificentur, quod omnibus sacerdotibus faciendum esse mandamus, etc. That is, We bless water mixed with salt among the people, that all men being sprinkled therewith may be sanctified and purified. And this we command all Priests to do, 
The mixting of water with the wine in the chalice.  etc.  
The opinion is also, but how true I have not to affirm, that by him first was ordained, water to be mixed with wine in the chalice.  
Item, that by him was brought in the piece of the Mass Canon, 
Qui predie put in the Mass Canon.  beginning: Qui pridie, etc. And thus much of these foresaid Bishops of Rome, martyred in the days of trajan and Hadrian.   

* The third Persecution.  

The third persecution of the Church.  Between the second Roman persecution and the third, was but one year, under the Emperor Nerua. After whom succeeded Traianus. And after him followed the third persecution. So the second and the third, are noted of some to be both one, 
An. 100  having no more difference but one year between them. This Traianus if we look well upon his politic and civil gavernance, might seem in comparison of other, a right worthy and commendable Prince. Much familiar with inferiors, and so behaving himself toward his subjects, as he himself would have the Prince to be to him, if he himself were a subject. Also he was noted to be a great observer of justice, in so much that when he ordained any praetor, giving to him the sword, he would bid him use the sword against his enemies in just causes, and if he himself did otherwise then justice, to use then his power against him also. 
Plinius secundus. wrote to trajan to stop the persecution.  But for all these virtues, toward christian Religion, he was impious and cruel, who caused the third persecution of the Church. In the which persecution Pliny the second, a man learned and famous, seeing the lamentable slaughter of Christians, and moved therewith to pity, wrote to Traianus of the pitiful persecution: certifying him that there were many thousands of them daily put to death, of which none did any thing contrary to the Roman laws worthy persecution, saving that they used to gather together in the morning before day, and sing Hymns to a certain God, whom they worshipped, called Christ. In all other their ordinances they were godly and honest. Whereby the persecution by commandment of the Emperor, was greatly stayed and diminished. The form and copy of which Epistle of Pliny I thought here not inconvenient to set down as followeth.  
* The Epistle of Pliny an Heathen Philosopher to trajan the Emperor.  
IT is my property and manner (my sovereign, 
The Epistle of Pliny to Traianus. ) to make relation of all those things unto you wherein I doubt. For who can better, either correct my slackness, or instruct mine ignorance than you? I was never yet present myself, at the exaamination and execution of these Christians. And therefore what punishment is to be administered, and how far, or how to proceed in such Inquisitions, I am plain ignorant, not able to resolve in the matter, whether any difference is to be had in age and person, whether the young and tender aught to be with like cruelty entreated as the elder and stronger, whether repentance may have any pardon, or whether it may profit him or not, to deny which hath been a Christian, whether the name only of Christians without other offences, or whether the offences joined with the name of a Christian ought to be punished. In the mean season, as touching such Christians as have been presented unto me, I have kept this order, I have inquired the second and third time of them, whether they were Christians, manacing them with fear of punishment, and such as did persevere, I commanded to execution. For thus I thought, that what so ever their profession was, yet their stubbornness and obstinacy ought to be punished. Whether they were also of the same madness, whom because they were Citizens of Rome, I thought to send them back again to the City. Afterward, in further process & handling of this matter, as the sect did further spread, so the more cases did thereof ensue.  
There was a libel offered to me bearing no name, wherein was contained the names of many which denied themselves to be Christians, contented to do sacrifice with incense, and wine to the Gods and to your Image (which Image I for that purpose caused to be brought) and to blaspheme Christ: whereunto none such as were true Christians in deed could be compelled, and those I did discharge and let go. Other some confessed that they had been Christians, 
The use of Christians in the primitive Church.  but afterward denied the same, etc. Affirming unto me the whole sum of that sect or error, to consist in this, that they were wont at certain times appointed, to convent before day, and to sing certain Hymns to one Christ their God, and to confederate among themselves to abstain from all theft, 
The testimony of the Heathen of the Christians.  murder, and adultery, to keep their faith and to defraud no man: which done, then to depart for that time, and afterward to resort again to take meat in companies together both men and women, one with an other, & yet without any act of evils.  
In the truth whereof to be further certified whether it were so or not, 
Two maidens racked for Christ.  I caused two maidens to be laid on the Rack, and with torments to be examined of the same. But finding no other thing in them, but only lewd and immoderate superstition, I though to surcease of further inquiry, till time that I might be further advertised in the matter from you, for so the matter seemed unto me worthy and needful of advisement, especially, for the great number of those that were in danger of your statute. For very many there were of all ages and states, both men & women which then were & more are like hereafter to incur the same peril of condemnation. For that infection hath crept not only in Cities, but Villages also and Boroughs about, which seemeth that it may be stayed and reform For as much as we see in many places that the Temples of our Gods which were wont to be desolate, begin now again to be frequented, and that they bring sacrifices from every part to be sold, which before very few were found willing to buy them. Whereby it may easily be conjectured, what multitudes of men may be amended, if space and time be given them, wherein they may be reclaimed.  
The Epistle of Traianus to Pliny.  
THe Act and Statute my Secundus, concerning the causes of the Christians which ye ought to follow, 
The answer of trajan to Pliny's letter.  ye have rightly executed. For no such general law can be enacted, wherein all special cases particularly can be comprehended. Let them not be sought for, but if they be brought and convicted, then let them suffer execution: So notwithstanding that whosoever shall deny himself to be a Christian, and that he do it unfeignedly in open audience, and do sacrifice to our Gods, howsoever he hath been suspected before, let him be released upon promise of amendment. Such libels as have no names, suffice not to any just crime or accusation, for that should give both an evil Precedent, neither doth it agree with the example of our tyme.  
Tertullian writing upon this letter of Traianus above prefixed, thus saith: O sentence of a confused necessity: He would not have them to be sought for as men innocent, & yet causeth them to be punished as persons guilty. And thus the rage of that persecution ceased for a time, although notwithstanding many naughty disposed men and cruel officers that were, which upon false pretence to accomplish their wicked minds, ceased not to afflict the Christians in divers provinces. And especially if any occasion were given never so little for the enemies to take hold, or if any commotion were raised in the Provinces abroad, by and by the fault was laid upon the christians. As in Jerusalem after that the emperor Traianus had sent down his commandment, 

The stock of David feared and inquired for of the Roman Emperors. Ex Egesippo. Simeon son of Mary Cleophas.  
A just punishment of God upon the malicious accusers of the Christians.   that whosoever could be found of the stock of David, he should be inquired out and put to death: upon this Egesippus writing, saith, that certain sectaries there were of the jewish nation, that accused Simeon the bishop then of jerusalem and son of Cleophas to come of the stock of David, and that he was a Christian. Of the which his accusers it happened also (saith the said Egesippus) that certain of them likewise were apprehended and taken to be of the stock of David, and so right justly were put to execution themselves, which sought the destruction of other. As concerning Simeon the blessed bishop, the foresaid Egesippus thus writeth: That Simeon the lords nephew, when he was accused to Attalus the Proconsul, by the malicious sect of the jews, 
The age of Simeon. The death and martyrdom of Simeon.  to be of the line of David, & to be a christian, was scourged, during the space of many days together, being of the age of an hundred and twenty years. In which his martyrdom he endured so constant, that both the Consul and all the multitude did marvel to see him of that age so constantly to suffer, and so at last being crucified finished his course in the Lord, for whom he suffered, as partly before also is recorded.  
In this persecution of Traianus above specified, (which Traianus next followed after Nerua) besides the other afore mentioned, 
Phocas. Bishop of Pontus' Martyr.  also suffered Phocas bishop of Pontus, whom Traianus because he would not do sacrifice to Neptunus, caused to be cast into an hot Limekilne: and afterward to be put into a scalding bathe, where the constant godly Martyr, in the testimony of Christ ended his life, or rather entered into l●●e. Anton. Equil. Fascic. temporum.  
In the same persecution suffered also Sulpitius and Seruilianus, two Romans. 

Sulpitius. 〈◊〉 Exphrofina, 〈◊〉 Martyrs.  
Sabina Martyr. Ex. Suppling. Chr. Seraphia. Nereus.  
Achilleus Martyrs.  
Sagaris Martyr.   Whose wives are said to be Euphrosina and Theodora, whom Sabina did convert to the faith of Christ, and after were also Martyred. Of which Sabina jacobus Philippus author of the book called Supplementum, reporteth that in the mount of Aventine in Rome, she was beheaded of Clepidus the governor, in the days of Hadrian. Under whom also suffered Seraphia a virgin of Antioch, as Hermannus witnesseth.  
The forenamed authors Anton. and Equilius make mention moreover of Nereus and Achilleus, who in this persecution of trajan, had the crown of Martyrdom, being put to death at Rome. Eusebius in his iiij. book cap. 26. maketh mention of one Sagaris, who about the same time suffered martyrdom in Asia, Servilius Paulus being then Proconsul in that Province.  

Ignatius Martyr.  In this persecution beside many other, suffered the blessed Martyr of Christ Ignatius, who unto this day is had in famous reverence among very many. 
Anno. 111.  This Ignatius was appointed to the bishopric of Antioch next after Peter in succession. Some do say, that he being sent from Syria to Rome, 
Ex Euse. Lib. 3. Cap. 35.36 Ex Higher In catalogo Scrip.  because he professed Christ, was given to the wild beasts to be devoured. It is also said of him, that when he passed through Asia, being under the most strait custody of his garders, he strengthened and confirmed the parishes through all the cities as he went, both with his exhortations and preaching of the word of God: and admonished them especially and before all other things, to beware and shun those heresies risen up, and sprung newly among them, and that they should cleave and stick fast to the tradition of the Apostles, which he for their better safeguard, being about to denounce or put in writing, thought it a thing very necessary to travail in. And thus when he came to Smyrna, where Polycarpus was, he wrote one epistle to the congregation of Ephesus, 
Eccles. Onesimus Pastor at Ephesus.  wherein he made mention of Onesimus their Pastor, & an other he wrote to the congregation of Magnesia, being at Meandre, wherein also he forgetteth not Dama their Bishop. Also an other he wrote to the congregation of Trallis: the governor of which City at that time he noteth to be one Polybius. Unto which congregation he made an exhortation, lest they refusing martyrdom, should lose the hope that they desired.  
But it shallbe very requisite that I allege somewhat thereof to the declaration of this matter. 
The words of Ignatius. The straig●● handling of Ignatius.  He wrote therefore as the words lie in this sort. From Syria (saith he) even till I came to Rome had I a battle with beasts, as well by sea, as land, both day & night, being bound in the midst of ten cruel Libardes (that is, the company or band of the soldiers) which, the more benefits that they received at my hands, became so much the worse unto me. But I being exercised and now well acquainted with their injuries, am taught every day more and more: but hereby am I not yet justified. And would to God I were once come to the beasts, which are prepared for me. Which also I wish with gaping mouths were ready to come upon me, whom also I will provoke that they without delay may devour me, and forbear me nothing at all, as those whom before they have not touched or hurt for fear. And if they will not unless they be provoked, I will then enforce them against myself. Pardon me I pray you. How much beneficial it is to me, I know. Now begin I to be a scholar I force or esteem no visible things, 
The notable constancy and burning zeal to Christ in this blessed martyr to be marked.  nor yet invisible things, so that I may get or obtain Christ Iesu. Let the fire, the gallows, the devouring of wild beasts, the breaking of bones, the pulling a sunder of my members, the bruising or pressing of my whole body, and the torments of the devil or hell itself come upon me, so that I may win Christ jesus.  
And these things wrote he from the foresaid City, unto the congregations which we have recited. And when he was even now judged to be thrown to the beasts, he spoke for the burning desire that he had to suffer, 
Ignatius devoured of wild beasts▪  what time he heard the lions roaring: I am the wheat or grain (saith he) of Christ, I shall be ground with the teeth of wild beasts, that I may be found pure bread. He suffered in the xj. year of trajan the Emperor. Haec Eusebius, & Hieronym.  
Besides this godly Ignatius, many thousands also were put to death in the same persecution, as appeareth by the letter of Plinius secundus above recited, written unto the Emperor.  
Jerome in his book entitled De viris illustrib, 

Ex Hier. Lib. de viris illust.  
Publius' Bishop of Athens Martyr.   maketh mention of one Publius Bishop of Athens, who for the saith of Christ, the same time during this persecution was put to death and martyred.   

Hadrian Emperor.  
NExt after this Traianus succeeded Hadrian the Emperor, under whom suffered Alexander the Bishop of Rome, with his two Deacons: Euentius and Theodorus: Also Hermes, and Quirinus, with their families, as lately before was declared.  
It is signified moreover in the histories, that in the time of this Hadrian, 
Zenon with 10000 Martyrs slain for Christ. Ex Henr. de Exfordia & alijs.  Zenon a noble man of Rome with ten thousand, two hundredth and three, were slain for Christ. Henr. de Erfordia, and Bergomensis, Lib. 8. make mention of ten thousand, in the days of this Hadrian, to be crucified in the mount Ararath, crowned with crowns of thorn, & thrust into the sides with sharp Darts, after the example of the lords passion. Whose Captains (as Antonin us, & Vincentius in spec. histor. declareth (were Achaicus, Heliades, Theodorus, and Carcerius, etc. Whether this story be the same with the other above of Zenon, 
Achaichus. Heliades. Theodorus. Carcerius with ten thousand Martyrs. Eustachius with his wife and Children Martyred for Christ.  or not, it is doubted. As touching the miracles done, and the speaking of the angel, I refer the certainty thereof to Vincentius and such other like authors where more things seem to be told, then to be true.  
There was one Eustachius a Captain, whom Traianus in time past had sent out to war against the Barbarians. After he had by God's grace valiantly subdued his enemies, and now was returning home with victory: Hadrian for ioymeting him in his journey, to bring him home with triumph, by the way first would do sacrifice to Apollo, for the victory gotten, willing also Eustachius to do the same with him. But when Eustachius could by no means thereto be enforced, being brought to Rome, there with his wife and children suffered martyrdom under the foresaid Hadrian. It were a long process here to recite all the miracles contained or rather suspected in this story of this Eustachius concerning his conversion and death. How the crucifix appeared to him between the horns of an Hart. Of the saving of his wife from the shipmen. Of one of his sons saved from the Lion, the other saved from the wolf. Of their miraculous preservation from the wild beasts, from the torments of fire mentioned in Bergomensis, and Vincentius and other. All which as I find them in no ancient records, so I leave them to their authors and compilers of the Legends. 
Faustinus and jobita. Calocerius. Martrys.   
We read also of Faustinus and jobita, citizens of the City of Brixia, which suffered martyrdom with like grievous torments. At the sight whereof, one Calocerius seeing their so great patience, in so great torments, cried out with these words: Verè Magnus Deus Christianorum. That is, verily great is the God of the Christians. Which words being heard, forthwith he was apprehended, and being brought to the place of their execution, was made partaker of their martyrdom. Ex Ant. Equilin.  

Elutherius. with his mother Anthia Martyrs. Ex Nicephor● & ex Onan. ●ustus and Pastor brethren and Martyrs. Symboris. with her 7. Children martyred.  The history of Nicephorus maketh mention of Anthia a godly woman, who committed her son Eleutherius to Anicetus bishop of Rome, to be brought up in the doctrine of Christian faith, who afterward being Bishop in Apulia, was there beheaded with his foresaid mother Anthia, Onomast.  
justus also and Pastor two brethren, with like martyrdom ended their lives in a city of Spain called Gomplutum, under the said Hadrian the Emperor.  
Likewise Symphorissa the wife of Ge●ulus the Martyr, with her seven. children, is said about the same time to suffer: who first was much, and oft beaten & scourged, afterward was hanged up by the hair of her head. At last having an huge stone fastened unto her, was thrown headlong into the river, & after that her seven children in like manner, with sundry & divers kinds of punishment diversly were martyred by the tyrants.  
The story of M. Hermannus, and Antoninus, and other, report of Sophia, 
Sophia with her 3. children martyred.  with her three children also. also of Serapia and Sabina, to suffer under the said Emperor, about the year of our Lord, 130.  
As concerning Alexander bishop of Rome, with his ij. Deacons, also with Hermes, Quirinus, Saphyra, and Sabina▪ Some writers, as Bede, and Marianus Scotus record that they suffered under Traianus. Others again, as Otto Frisingensis with like more, report that they suffered in the iiij. year of this Emperor Hadrian, but of these Martyrs sufficiently hath been said before.  
While Hadrian the Emperor was at Athens, he purposed to visit the country of Eleusina, 
Quadratus Bishop of Athens, offereth an Apology of Christian doctrine.  and so did: where he sacrificing to the Gentiles Gods, after the manner of the Grecians, had given free leave & liberty, whosoever would to persecute the Christians. Whereupon Quadratus a man of no less zeal excellent, as of famous learning, being then Bishop of Athens, and Disciple of the Apostles, or at least succeeding incontinent the age of the Apostles, and following after Publius (who a little before was martyred for the testimony of Christ) did offer up and exhibit unto Hadrian the Emperor, a learned and excellent Apology in the defence of the Christian Religion. Wherein he declared the Christians without all just cause or desert, to be so cruelly entreated and persecuted, 

Aristides a Philosopher of Athens, defendeth before the Emperor the religion of Christ.  
Serenus Granius a defender of Christian Religion. Euseb. lib.. 4 Cap. 8.   etc. The like also did Aristides an other no less excellent Philosopher in Athens, who for his singular learning and eloquence being notified to the emperor, and coming to his presence, there made before him an eloquent Oration. Moreover, did exhibit unto the said Emperor a memorable Apology for the christians, so full of learning and eloquence, that as Jerome saith, it was a spectacle and admiration to men in his time, that loved to see wit and learning. Over and besides these, there was also an other named Serenus Granius a man of great nobility, who likewise did write very pithy & grave letters to Hadrian the Emperor, showing and declaring therein, to be consonant with no right nor reason, for the blood of innocents so to be given to the rage and fury of the people, and so to be condemned for no fault, only for the name and sect that they followed.  
Thus the goodness of God being moved with the prayers and constant labour of these so excellent men, so turned the hart of the Emperor, that he being better informed concerning the order & profession of the christians, became more favourable unto them. And immediately upon the same directed his letters to Minutius Fundanus (as is partly before mentioned) Proconsul of Asia, 
The Emperor writeth for the Christians.  willing him from henceforth to exercise no more such extremity against the Christians, as to condemn any of them having no other crime objected against them but only their name. The copy of which his letter, because that justine in his Apology doth allege it, I thought therefore to express the same in his own words as followeth.  
The letter of Hadrian the Emperor, to Minutius Fundanus.  
I Have received an Epistle written unto me from Serennius Granianus, our right worthy and well-beloved, whose office you do now execute. 
The letter of Hadrian the Emperor to Fundanus the Proconsul,  Therefore I think it not good to leave this matter without further advisement and circumspection to pass, lest our subjects be molested, and malicious sycophants boldened and supported in their evil: Wherefore if the subjects of our provinces, do bring forth any accusation before the judge against the Christians, and can prove the thing they object against them, let them do the same, and no more, and otherwise for the name only, not to impeach them, nor to cry out against them. For so, more convenient it is, that if any man will be an accuser, you to take the accusation quietly, and judge upon the same. Therefore, if any shall accuse the Christians, and complain of them as malefactors, doing contrary to the law, then give you judgement according to the quality of the crime But notwithstanding who so ever upon spite and maliciousness shall commence or cavil against them, see you correct and punish that man, for his unordinate and malicious dealing.  
Thus by the merciful providence of God, 
Respite from persecution.  some more quiet and rest was given to the Church, although Hermannus thinketh these Alcione days did not very long continue, but that the Emperor changing his Edict, began to renew again persecution against god's people, albeit this soundeth not to be so by the words of Melito in his Apologic to Antoninus hereafter ensuing. 

The second destruction of the jews.  
Jerusalem re-edified & enlarged.  
Some writ that the place where Christ was crucified, was taken into the walls.  
Jerusalem called by a new name. Aeliopolis.   In the mean time this is certain, that in the days of this Hadrian, the jews rebelled again & spoiled the country of Palestina. Against whom the Emperor sent julius Severus, who overthrew in jury, 50. castles, and burnt and destroyed 980. villages and Towns, and slew of the jews 50. thousand, so that with famine, sickness, sword, and fire, juda was almost desolate. But at length Hadrian the Emperor, which otherwise was named Aelius, repaired and enlarged the City again of Jerusalem, which was called after his name Aeliopolis, or Aelia Capitolina, the inhabitance whereof, he granted only to the Gentiles, and to the Christians, forbidding the jews utterly not to enter into the City.  
After the death of Hadrian, who died by bleeding at the nose, succeeded Antoninus Pius, about the year of our Lord, 140. and reigned 23. years. 
Antoninus Pius Emperor.  Who for his clemency and modest behaviour, had the name of Pius, and is for the same in histories commended. His saying was, that he had rather save one Citizen, then destroy a thousand of his adversaries. At the beginning of his reign, 
Anno. 140.  such was the state of the Church, as Hadrian his predecessor had left it, as in which, although there was no Edict set forth to persecute the Christians: yet the tumultuous rage of the Heathen multitude for the causes above specified, did not cease to disquiet and afflict the quiet people of God, imputing and ascribing to the Christians whatsoever misfortune happened contrary to their desires. Moreover, inventing against them all false crimes and contumelies wherein to accuse them. By reason whereof, divers there were in sundry places much molested, and some put to death: albeit, as it is to be supposed, not by the consent of the Emperor, who of nature was so mild and gentle, that either he raised up no persecution against the Christians, or else he soon stayed the same being moved. As well may appear by his letter sent down to the countries of Asia, the tenor whereof here ensueth.  
The Epistle of Antoninus Pius, to the Common of Asia.  
Emperor and Caesar, 
The letter of Antoninus Pius to the common of Asia.  Aurelius, Antoninus, Augustus, Armenicus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribune eleven times, Consul thrice, unto the commons of Asia greeting.  
I am very certain, that the Gods have a care of this, that they which be such, shall be known, and not lie hid. For they do punish them, that will not worship them more than you: which so vex and trouble them, confirming thereby the opinion which they have conceived, and do conceive of you, that is, to be wicked men. For this is their joy and desire, that when they are accused, rather they covet to die for their God, then to live. Whereby they are Victorers, and do overcome you, 
A notable argument of the Emperor to prove the good conscience of Christians, and the false conscience of the Heathen.  giving rather their lives, then to be obedient to you, in doing that which you require of them. And here it shall not be inconvenient to advertise you of the Earthquakes, which have, and do happen among us, that when at the sight of them you tremble and are afraid, then confer your case with them. For they upon a sure confidence of their God, are bold and fearless, much more than you: who in all the time of this your ignorance, both do worship other Gods, and neglect the Religion of immortality, and such Christians as worship him, them you do drive out, and persecute them unto death. Of these and such like matters, many Precedents of our Provinces, did write to our father of famous memory heretofore. To whom he directed his answer again, willing them in no case to molest the Christians, except they were found in some trespass prejudicial against the Empire of Rome. And to me also many there be, which writ, signifying their mind in like manner. 
He meaneth Hadrian which adopted this Antoninus of his son in law, to be his son & heir. O noble edict.  To whom I have answered again, to the same effect and manner as my father did. Wherefore, if any hereafter shall offer any vexation or trouble, to such, having no other cause, but only for that they are such, let him that is appeached, be released and discharged free, yea although he be found to be such, (that is a Christian) and let the accuser sustain the punishment, etc.  
This godly Edict of the Emperor was proclaimed at Ephesus, in the public assembly of all Asia, whereof Melito also Bishop of Sardis, who flourished in the same time, maketh mention in his Apology written in defence of our doctrine to M. Antoninus Verus as hereafter (Christ willing) shall appear. By this means then the tempest of persecution in those days began to be appeased, through the merciful providence of God, which would not have his Church utterly to be overthrown, though hardly yet to grow.   

* The fourth Persecution.  

M. Antoninus Verus Emperor.  AFter the decease of the foresaid quiet and mild Prince Aurelius Antonius Pius (who among all other Emperors of that time made the most quiet end, followed his son M. Antoninus Verus, with Lucius his brother, about the year of our Lord .162. a man of nature more stern and severe. 
Anno. 162.  And although in study of Philosophy, & in civil government no less commendable: yet to ward the Christians sharp and fierce, by whom was moved the fourth persecution after Nero. In whose time a great number of them which truly professed Christ, suffered most cruel torments, and punishments, 
Policarpus, the blessed Martyr Bishop of Smyrna.  both in Asia and in France. In the number of whom was Policarpus, the worthy Bishop of Smyrna. Who in the great rage of this persecution in Asia, among many other most constant saints was also Martyred. Of whose end and martyrdom I thought it here not unexpedient to commit to history, so much as Eusebius declareth to be taken out of a certain letter or Epistle, written by them of his own Church, to the brethren of Pontus the tenor of which Epistle here followeth.  
The congregation which is at Smyrna, to the congregation which is at Philomilium, 
Ex Euseb. hist. Eccles Lib. 4. Cap. 15. Hieron. in Catalogo.  and to all the congregations throughout Pontus, mercy to you, peace, and the love of God our father, and of our Lord jesus Christ, be multiplied, Amen. We have written unto you brethren of those men which have suffered martyrdom, and of blessed Polycarpus which hath ended and appeased this persecution, as it were by the shedding of his own blood. And in the same epistle, before they enter into farther matter of Polycarpus, 
Twelve Martyrs in Asia.  they discourse of other Martyrs, describing what patience they abode and showed in suffering their torments: which was so great and admirable (saith the Epistle) that the lookers on were amazed, 
The cruel and beastly handling of the Christian Martyrs.  seeing and beholding. how they were so scourged and whipped, that the inward veins & arteries appeared, yea even so much that the very entrails of their bodies, their bowels and members were seen, & after that, were set upon sharp shells taken out of the sea, edged, and sharp, 
The singular patience, and constancy of the Christians.  and certain nails and thorns for the Martyrs to go upon, which were sharpened and pointed called Obelisci. Thus suffered they all kind of punishment and torment that might be devised: and lastly, were thrown unto the wild beasts to be devoured. But especially in the foresaid Epistle, mention is made of one Germanicus, how he most worthily persevered and overcame by the grace of God, 
Germanicus a most constant Martyr.  that fear of death which is engraffed in the common nature of all men, whose notable patience & sufferance was so notable, that the whole multitude wondering at this beloved Martyr of God, for this his so bold constancy, and also for the singular strength and virtue proceeding of the whole multitude of the Christians: began suddenly to cry with a loud voice, saying: destroy the wicked men, let Polycarpus be sought for. And whilst a great uproar and tumult began thus to be raised upon those cries: A certain Phrygian named Quintus, 
Quintus a Phrygian to hardy hold.  lately come out of Phrigia, who seeing and abhorring the wild beasts, and the fierce rage of them, of an over light mind betrayed his own safety. For so the same letter of him doth report, that he, not reverently but more malipertly then requisite, was together with others rushed into the judgement place, and so being taken, was made a manifest example to all the beholders, that no man ought rashly and unreverently with such boldness, to thrust in himself, to intermeddle in matters, wherewith he hath not to do.  
But now we will surcease to speak more of them, and return to Polycarpus, of whom the foresaid letter consequently declareth as followeth: How that in the beginning, when he heard of these things, was nothing at all afraid nor disquieted in mind, but purposed to have tarried still in the City, till being persuaded by the entreaty of them that were about him (which desired him instatly that he would convey himself away) hide himself in a grange or village not far of from the City, 
Polycarpus, flieth persecution.  and there abiding with a few more in his company, did nothing else (night nor day) but abode in supplication, wherein he made his humble petition for the obtaining of peace unto all the congregations through out the world. 
Policarpus prayeth for the church.  For that was his accustomed manner so to do. And as he was thus making his prayers three days before he was apprehended, in a vision by night he saw the bed set on fire under his head, and suddenly to be consumed. And when he awaked, 
Policarpus hath a vision of his burning.  he told by and by & expounded unto them that were present, his vision, and told them before what thing should come to pass, that is, how that in the fire he should lose his life for Christ's cause. It is further mentioned. that when they were hard at hand, which so narrowly sought for him, that he was enforced for the affection and love of his brethren, 
Policarpus pursued and taken.  to fleet into an other village, to which place notwithstanding within a little while alter the pursuers came, and when they had taken a couple of children that dwelled thereabouts, they so beat one of them with whips, that by the bewraying or confession of him, they were brought to the Inn where Polycarpus was. And they say that the pursuers making no great haste to enter, found him in the uppermost place of the house, 
Policarpus might escape and would not  from whence he might have escaped into other houses, if he would, but this he would not do, saying: the will of God be done. Furthermore, when he knew that they were come, as the said history showeth: he came down, and spoke unto them with a very cheerful and pleasant countenance, so that it was a wonder to see those which a while agone knew not the man, now beholding & viewing his comely age, and his grave & constant countenance, lamented that they had so much employed their labour, that so aged a man should be apprehended. To conclude, he commanded that straightway without any delay the ●able should be laid for them, and persuaded them that they would eat and di●e well, and required of them boldly, that he might have an hours respite to make his prayers. 
Policarpus falleth to prayer.  Which thing after it was granted, he arose and went to pray, so being replenished which the grace of God, that they which were present, and hearing the prayers that he made, were astonished at it, and now many of them were sorry that so honest and godly an aged man should be put to death.  
After this, the foresaid Epistle or letter, prosecuting the history, addeth more as followeth: After he had made an end of his prayers, & had called to his remembrance all those things which ever happened unto him, and to the universal catholic church throughout all the world (whether they were small or great, glorious or else inglorious) and that the hour was now come in which they ought to set forward, they set him upon an Ass, and brought him to the City upon a solemn feast day. And there met him Irenarchus Herodes, and his father Nicetes, which causing him to come up into the chariot where they sat, persuaded him & said: 
Policarpus refuseth to do sacrifice.  What hurt I pray thee shall come thereof to thee, if thou say (by the way of salutation.) My Lord Caesar, and to do sacrifice, and thus to save thyself? But he at the beginning made them none answer. Till that when they enforced him to speak, he said: I will not do as ye counsel me I should. When that they saw he could not be persuaded, they gave him very rough language, & of purpose molested him, that in going down the chariot from them, he might hurt or break his legs. But he forcing very light of the matter, as though he had felt no hurt, went merrily and diligently forward, making haste unto the place appointed. And when there was such uproar in the place of execution, 
Policarpus comforted by a voice from heaven.  that he could not be heard but of a very few, there came a voice from heaven to Polycarpus, as he was going into the Stage or appointed place of judgement, saying: be of good cheer Polycarpus and play the man. No man there was, which saw him that spoke, but very many of us heard his voice. And when he was brought in, there was a great noise made by them which understood that Polycarpus was apprehended. The Proconsul asked him when that he was come, 
Policarpus alured to change his name would not consent.  whether his name was Polycarpus or not, and when he said, yea it was, he gave him counsel to deny his name, and said unto him, be good unto thyself, and favour thine old age, and many other such like words which they accustom to speak. Swear saith he, by the emperors good fortune, look upon this matter, say thou with us: Destroy these naughty men. Then Polycarpus beholding with constant countenance the whole multitude which was in the place appointed, and giving a great sigh, looked up to heaven, saying: Thou, thou it is that wilt destroy these wicked naughty men. And the Proconsul thus being earnestly in hand with him, said, take thine oath, and I will discharge thee, desye Christ, Policarpus answered: fourscore and six years have I been his servant, 
A faithful servant of Christ his Lord.  yet in all this time hath he not so much as once hurt me: how then may I speak evil of my king & sovereign Lord, which hath thus preserved me: Then the Proconsul again enforced him and said: Swear thou I advise thee by Caesar's prosperity. Policarpus replieth, if thou require of me this fond word of vain boasting, 
Policarpus ready to give reason of his doctrine.  teyning not to know (as thou sayest) who I am, I do thee to wit, that I am a Christian: And if thou desire to know the doctrine of Christianity, appoint a day, & thou shalt hear. Persuade the people to this said the Proconsul: Truly saith Policarpus, I have thought it my part, thus to say unto you, for so much as we are commanded to give unto the governors & powers ordained of God, 
Policarpus obedient to higher powers.  the honour meet & due to them, and not hurtful unto us: but as for those I do judge them unworthy, to purge myself unto them. Hereupon the proconsul stood up, I have, saith he, wild beasts, to whom I will throw thee, unless thou take a better way: Whereunto Policarpus answered let than come: we have determined with our selves that we will not by repentance turn us from the better way, to the worse, but rather convenient it is, that a man turn from the things that be evil, to that which is good and just. 
Policarpus threatened with wild beasts.  Again saith the Proconsul, I will ta'en thee with fire, if that thou set not by the wild beasts, nor yet repent. Then said Policarpus you threaten me with fire which shall burn for the space of an hour, & shallbe within a little while after put out & extinguished, but thou knowest not the fire of the judgement that is to come and of everlasting punishment, which is reserved for the wicked & ungodly. But why make you all these delays, give me what death soever ye lift. These & many other such like things being by him spoken, he was so replenished with joy, and boldness, and his countenance appeared so full of grace & favour, that not only he was not troubled with those things which the Proconsul spoke unto him, but contrarily the Proconsul himself began to be amazed and sent for the crier, which in the middle of the stage was commanded to cry 3. times, Policarpus, hath confessed himself to be a Christian, which words of the crier, were no sooner spoken, but that all the whole multitude both of the Gentiles and jews inhabiting at Smyrna, with a vehement rage and loud voice cried. This is that Doctor or teacher of Asia, the father of the christians, and the destroyer of our gods, which hath instructed a great number that our Gods are not to be worshipped, & after this they crid unto Philip the governor of Asia, and required him that he would let lose the Lion to Policarpus. To whom he made answer that he might not so do, because he had already his pray. Then they cried again altogether with one voice that he would burn Policarpus a live. For it was requisite that that vision which he saw as concerning his pillow or bolster should be fulfilled: which when he had seen burnt, as he was in his prayer, he turned himself unto the faithful sort which were with him, saying by the way of prophecy, it will so come, that I shall be burned a live. And the Proconsul had no sooner spoken, but it was out of hand performed. For why the multitude by and by brought out of their shops, workehouses, and baynes, wood and other dry matter for that purpose and especially the Jews were most serviceable for that matter, after their wont manner. And thus the pile being laid, and that now he had put of his garments & undone his girdle, and was about to pull of his shoes, which he had not done before, for that all the faithful sort amongst themselves strived (as it were) who should first touch his body at their farewell, 
An example of brotherly love.  because for the good conversation of his life, yea, from his younger age, he was had in great estimation of all men. Therefore straightway those instruments which are requisite to such a bonfire, were brought unto him, & when the would have nailed him to the stake with iron hoops, he said, let me alone as I am, for he that hath given me strength to suffer and abide the fire, shall also give power, that without this your provision of nails, I shall abide, & stir not in the midst of this fire or pile of wood. Which thing when they heard, 
The willing mind of Policarpus to suffer.  they did not nail him, but bound him. Therefore when his hands were bound behind him, even as the chiefest Ram taken out of the flock, he was sacrificed as an acceptable burnt offering to God saying: O father of thy well beloved and blessed son jesus Christ, by whom we have attained the knowledge of thee, the God of angels and powers, and of every creature, and of all just men which live before thee, 
His prayer before his death.  I give thee thanks, that thou hast vouchsafed to grant me this day that I may have my part amongst the number of the Martyrs in the cup of Christ unto the resurrection of eternal life both of body & soul, through the operation of the holy spirit, among whom I shallbe this day received into thy sight for an acceptable sacrifice: & as thou hast prepared, and revealed the same before this time, so thou hast accomplished the same. Which canst not lie, O thou most true God. Wherefore In like case for all things praise thee, bless thee, and glorify thee by our everlasting Bishop jesus Christ to whom be glory evermore. 
The thanksgiving of Policarpus  Amen.  
And assoon as he had ended this word Amen, and finished his prayer, the tormentors began to kindle the fire, & as the flame flashed out vehemently: we to whom it was give to discern the same, saw a marvelous matter, which were also to this purpose preserved, that we might show the same to other. 
A miracle showed.  For the fire being made like to ar●●fe or vault of a house, and after the manner of a shipman's ●●yle, filled with wind, compassed about the body of the Martyr as with a certain wall, and he in the middle of the same, not as flesh, that burned, but as gold and silver whe● it is tried in the fire. And surely we smelled a savour so sweet as if Myrrh or some other precious balm had given a scent. At the last when those wicked persons saw the his body could not be consumed by fire, they commanded one of the tormentors to come unto him, & thrust him through with his sword. 
An example of much cruelty.  Which being done, so great a quantity of blood ran out of his body that the fire was quenched therewith, & the whole multitude marveled that there was so much diversity between the infidels and the elect, of whom this Policarpus was one, being a Disciple of the Apostles, and a prophetical instructor of our times, and Bishop of the Catholic Church of Smyrna, for what word soever he spoke both it was and shallbe accomplished. But the subtle and envious adversary, when he saw the worthiness of his martyrdom, & that his conversation even from his younger years could not be reproved, and that he was adorned with the crown of martyrdom, and had now obtained that incomparable benefit, gave in charge, that we should not take & divide his body. For fear least the remnants of the dead corpse should be taken away, & so worshipped of the people. Whereupon divers whispered Niceta the father of Herode, and his brother Dalces in the ear, to admonish the Proconsul, that in no case he should deliver his body, lest (saith he) they leave Christ & begin to worship him. 
The jews enemies always to the Christians.  And this spoke they because the jews had given them secret warning & provoked them thereunto, who also watched us that we should not take him out of the fire. not being ignorant how that we meant, at no time to forsake Christ, which gave his life for the salvation of the whole world, (as many I mean as are elected to salvation by him) neither yet that we could worship any other. For why? him we worship as the son of God, but the Martyrs do we love as disciples of the Lord (& that worthily) for their abundant love towards their king and master, 
Mark that he saith we love them, and worship them not.  of whom we also desire and wish to be companions, & to be made his disciples. When therefore the Centurion saw & perceived the labour of the jews, the corpse being laid abroad, they burned the same, as was their manner to do.  
Thus good Policarpus with xij. other that came from Philadelphia, 
Twelve Martyrs put to death in Smyrna  suffered martyrdom at Smyrna, which Policarpus specially above the rest is had in memory, so that he in all places among the Gentiles is most famous. And this was the end of this worthy disciple of the Apostles. Whose history the brethren of the congregation at Smyrna, have written in this their Epistle as is above recited.  
Iraeneus in his 3. book against heresies, 
Ex Irenaeo. lib. 3. cap. 3. Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 14.  the 3, chap. and Eusaebius in his 4. book, and 14. chap. of his Ecclesiastical history reporteth this worthy saying of Poticarpus: This Policarpus (saith he) meeting at a certain time Martion, the heretic, who said unto him, dost thou not know me? made answer, I know that thou art the first begotten of Satan. So great fear what evil might ensue thereof, had the Disciples of the Apostles, that they would not speak to them whom they knew to be the depravers of the verity, even as Paul saith: The heretic after the first and second admonition, shun, and avoid: Knowing that he which is such one, is perverse or froward, and damneth himself. This most holy confessor and Martyr of Christ Policarpus, 
Anno. 167.  suffered death in the fourth persecution after Nero, when Marcus Antonius, and Lucius Aurelius Commodus reigned, an, Dom. 167. as Vrsperg. affirmeth, an. 170. as Eusebius witnesseth in his Chronicles the 7. before the kalends of February.  
Of Germanicus mention is made above in the story of Policarpus of whom writeth Eusebius Lib. 4. cap. 15. 
Germanicus. Ex. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 15. Histor. eccle.  noting him to be a young man, and most constantly to persevere in the profession of Christ's doctrine, whom when the Proconsul went about to persuade, to remember his age, and to favour himself, being in the flower of his age, he would nor be alured: but constantly and boldly, and of his own accord incited and provoked the wild beast to come upon him, and to devour him, to be delivered more speedily out of this wretched life. Haec Eusebius, an, 170.  

The old age of Policarpus.  Thus have you heard out of the Epistle of the brethren of Smyrna, the whole order and li●e of Policarpus, whereby it may appear that he was a very aged man who had served Christ, lxxxuj. years since the first knowledge of him, and served also in the ministry about the space of 70. years. This Policarpus was the schooler and hearer of john the Evangelist, 
Policarpus the scholar of john.  and was placed by the said john in Smyrna. Of him also Ignatius maketh mention in his Epistle which he wrote in his journey to Rome, going toward his martyrdom, and commended to him the government of his Church at Antioch, whereby it appeareth that Policarpus then was in the ministry. Likewise Iraeneus writeth of the said Policarpus after this manner. 
Irenaeus lib. 3. Cap. 1.  He always taught (said he) those things which he learned of the Apostles, leaving them to the Church, and are only true. Whereunto also at the Churches that be in Asia, and all they which succeeded after Policarpus to this day beareth witness, And the same Irenaeus witnesseth also that the said Policarpus wrote an Epistle to the Phillipians, 
The Epistle of Policarpus to the Philippians.  which whether it be the same that is now extant and read in the name of Policarpus, it is doubted of some: notwithstanding in the said Epistle divers things are found very wholesome and Apostolic: as where he teacheth of Christ, of judgement and of the resurrection. Also he writeth of faith very worthily, thus declaring that by grace we are saved, 
justification by faith.  and not by works, but in the will of God by jesus Christ.  
In Eusebius we read in like manner a part of an Epistle written by Irenaeus to Florinus, 

Ex Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 20.  
Irenaeus conversant with policarpus.   wherein is declared how that the said Irenaeus being yet young, was with Policarpus in Asia: at what time he saw & well remembered, what Policarpus did, and the place where he sat teaching, his who●e order of life and proportion of his body, with the sermons & words which he said to the people. And furthermore, he perfectly remembered how that the said Policarpus often time's reported unto him those things which he learned and heard them speak of the Lord, 
Policarpus conversant with the Apostles.  his doings, power, and doctrine, who heard the word of life with their own ears, all which were more consonant and agreeable to the holy Scripture. Thus with much more hath Irenaeus, concerning Policarpus. 
The authority of Policarpus in the Churches of Asia.   
Jerome also writing of the same Policarpus, hath how he was in great estimation throughout all Asia, for that he was scholar to the Apostles and to them which did see and were conversant with Christ himself, whereby it is to be conjectured his authority to be much not only with them of his own Church, but with all other Churches about him.  


Policarpus came to Rome. Polycarpus conferreth with Anicetus  
The East church and Roman Church differre about Easterday Ex Nicepho. Lib. 4. cap. 39   Over and besides, it is witnessed by the said Irenaeus, that Policarpus came to Rome in the time of Anicetus Bishop of Rome about the year of our Lord. 157. in the reign of Antoninus Pius, whose cause of his coming thither appeareth to be about the controversy of Easterday: wherein the Asians and the Romans something disagreed among themselves. And therefore the said Policarpus in the behalf of the brethren and Church of Asia, took his long journey thither to come and confer with Anicetus. Whereof writeth also Nicephorus Lib. 4. declaring that Policarpus and Anicetus, something varied in opinions and judgement about that matter. And that notwithstanding, yet both friendly communicated either with the other. 
Difference of ceremonies caused no breach of charity in the Primitive Church.  insomuch that Anicetus in his Church gave place to Policarpus to minister the Communion and Sacrament of the lords Supper for honour sake, which may be a notable testimony now to us, that the doctrine concerning the free use and liberty of ceremonies, was at that time retained in the church without any offence of stomach, or breach of Christian peace in the Church.  
This Policarpus (as is above mentioned) suffered his martyrdom even in his own Church at Smyrna, where he had laboured so many years in planting of the Gospel of Christ, which was about the year of our Lord 170. as Eusebius reckoneth in his Chronicle, and in the 7. year of Antoninus Verus his reign: 
Socrates' deceived in his Tripart. hist. Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 17. Metrodorus. Pionius. Carpus. Papylus. Agathonica. Martyrs.  whereby it appeareth that Socrates in Historia tripartita was much deceived saying that Policarpus suffered in the time of Gordianus.  
In this fourth persecution beside Policarpus and other mentioned before, we read also in Eusebius of divers other, who at the same time likewise did suffer at Smyrna.  
Over and besides in the said persecution suffered moreover Metrodorus a ministrr: who was given to the fire, & so consumed. An other was worthy Pionius, which after much boldness of speech, with his Apologies exhibited, & his sermons made to the people in the defence of christian saith, and after much reheving and comforting of such as were in prisons, and otherwise discomforted, at last was put to cruel torments and afflictions, then given likewise to the fire, so finished his blessed martyrdom.  
After these also suffered Carpus Papylus, and Agathonyca, a woman who after their most constant and worthy confessions were put to death at Pergamopolis in Asia, witnessing Eusebius Lib. 4, cap 7.  
And as these suffered to in Asia, so in Rome suffered Felicitas with her 7, 
Felicitas with her 7. Children. januari. Felix. Philipus. Silvanus. Alexander. Vitalis. Martialis▪ Martyrs.  children, who under this M. Antoninus Verus, sustained also the cruelty of this persecution. The names of whose children Bergomensis and other histories do thus recite, januarius. Felix, Philippe, Silvanus, Alexander, Vitalis, Martialis. Of whom her first and eldest son januarius after he was whipped and scourged with rods, was priest to death with leaden weights. Felix and Phillippe had their brains beaten out with maules. Silvanus was cast down headlong, and had his neck broken. Furthermore, Alexander, Vitalis, and Martialis was beheaded. Last of all Felicitas the mother (otherwise then the accustomed manner was, for such as had borne Children) was slain with the sword. Ex Supplem.  
In the rage of this fourth persecution, under the reign of Antonius Pius, 
justinus  suffered also good justinus, a man in learning and Philosophy excellent, & a great defender of Christian Religion. Who first exhibited unto the Emperor & to the Senate, a book or Apology in the defence of the Christians, 
Martyr. Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. Cap. 16.  and afterward himself also died a Martyr. Of whom in the history of Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 16. it is thus recorded: That about what time, or a little before that Polycarpus with other divers Saints suffered martyrdom in Pargamopolis, a City of Asia, this justinus (as is aforesaid) pre●ented a book in defence of our doctrine to the Emperor, to wit unto Antonius, and to the Senate. After which he was also crowned with like martyrdom unto those, whom he in his book had defended, through the malicious means, and crafty circumvention of Crescens.  
This Crescens was a Philosopher confirming his life and manners to the Cynical sect, 
Crescens A Philosopher procurer of the death of justinus.  whom for because this justinus had reproved in open audience, and had borne away the victory of the truth which he defended, he therefore as much as in him lay, did work & procure unto him this crown of martyrdom. And this did also justine himself a Philosopher, no less famous by his profession, foresee and declare in his foresaid Apology, telling almost all those things before hand which should happen unto him, by these words saying: And I look after this good turn, that I be slain going by the way, either of some of those whom I have named, and to have my brains beaten out with a bat, or else of Crescens, whom I cannot call a Philosopher, but rather a vain boaster. For it is not convenient to call him a Philosopher, which openly professeth things to him unknown, and whereof he hath no skill, saying and reporting of us, that the Christians be ungodly & irreligious: And all to please and flatter them, which are reduced by error.  
For whether he objecteth against us the doctrine of the Christians which he hath not read, 
Crescens a railing Philosopher, and a malicious railer.  yet is he very malicious, and worse than the unlearned idiots, who for the most part use not to dispute or judge of things they know not, and to bear witness of the fame. Or put case that he had read them, yet understandeth he not the majesty of the matters therein contained, or if peradventure he understandeth them, and doth it for this purpose, that he would not be counted as one of them: then is he so much the more wicked and malicious, and the bondslave of vile & beastly both fame and fear. For this I testify of him, giving you truly to understand that for a truth, 
A slain of fame and fear.  which I declare unto you, how that I have opposed him, and have put unto him many questions, whereby I know and perceive, that he understandeth nothing. But if so be that this our disputation with him, hath not come unto your ears, I am ready to communicate unto you again those questions which I demanded of him, 
Crescens proved an unlearned Philosopher.  which things shall not be unfit for your Princely honour to hear. But if ye know and understand both what things I have examined him of, as also what answer he hath made, it shall be apparent unto you, that he is altogether ignorant of our doctrine and learning, or else if he knoweth the same, he dare not utter it for fear of his auditors, which thing, as I said before, is a proof that he is no Philosopher, but a slave to vain glory, which maketh none account of that, which his own Master Socrates had in so great estimation. And thus much of justine, out of justine himself.  
Now to verify that, which justine here of himself doth prophecy, that Crescens would and did procure his death, Tacianus (a man brought up of a child in the institutions of the Gentiles, 
Tacianus commended.  and obtained in the same not a little fame, and which also left behind him many good monuments and Commentaries) writeth in his book against the Gentiles in this sort: 
The praise of justinus Martyr.  And justine saith he, that most excellent learned man, full well spoke and uttered his mind, that the afore recited men were like unto thieves or liars by the high way side. And in the said book speaking afterward of certain Philosophers, the said Tacianus inferreth thus: Crescens therefore (saith he) when he came first into that great City, passed all other in the vicious love of children, and was very much given to covetousness, and where he taught that men ought not to regard death, he himself doth fear death, that he did all his endeavour to oppress justine with death, as with the most greatest evil that was, and all because that justine speaking truth, reproved the Philosophers to be men only for the belly and deceivers, 
Ex Catalogo Hiero.  and this was the cause of justines' martyrdom. Jerome in his Ecclesiastical Catalogue thus writeth: justine when in the City of Rome he had his disputations, and had reproved Crescens the Cinike, for a great blasphemer of the Christians: for a bellygod and a man fearing death, and also a follower of lust and lechery: 
The death and martyrdom of justinus. the noble Philosopher and a Christian Martyr. Praxedis, Potentiana Christian virgins.  at the last by his endeavour and conspiracy was accused to be a Christian, and for Christ shed his blood in the year of our Lord. 154. under Marcus Antonius, as the Chronicles do witness, Abb Vrsperg: and Eusebius in his Chronicle in the xiii. year of the Emperor Antoninus.  
Among these above recited is also to be numbered Praxediss a blessed virgin, the daughter of a Citizen of Rome, who in the time of Anicetus there Bishop, was so brought up in the doctrine of Christ, and so affected to his religion, that she with her sister Potentiana, bestowed all her patrimony upon the relieving of poor Christians, giving all her time to fasting and prayer, and to the burring of the bodies of the Martyrs. And after she had made free all her famelie with her servants, after the death of her sister, she also departed and was buried in peace.  
Under the same Antoninus also suffered Ptolomeus, and Lucius for the confession of Christ, in a City of Egypt called Alexandria, 
Ptolomeus. Lucius' Martyrs.  whose history because it is described in the Apology of justinus Martyr, I thought therefore so to set forth the same, as it is alleged in Eusebius, declaring the manner and occasion thereof. Lib. 4 cap. 17. in words and effect as followeth, etc.  

Euseb. lib. 4. Cap. 17.  There was (saith he) a certain woman married unto a husband, who was given much to lasciviousness, whereunto she herself in times past was also addict. But she afterward being instructed in the Christian religion, became chaste herself and also persuaded her husband to live chastened: often times telling him that it was written in the precepts of the Christians, that they should be punished eternally, which lived not chastely and justly in this life. But he still continuing in his filthiness, thereby caused his wife to estrange herself from his company. For why? the woman thought it not convenient to continue in her husbands company, which contemning the law of nature, sought otherwise to satisfy his filthy appetite. Therefore she was purposed to be divorced from him. But her neighbours and kinsfolks provoked her, by promising his amendment, to keep company again with him, and so she did. But he after this, took his journey into Alexandria and when it was showed her, that there he lived more licentiously, then at any time before, for that she would not be counted partaker of his incestuous life by coupling herself any longer with him, she gave him a letter of divorce, & so departed from him. Then her husband, who ought rather to have rejoiced to have so honost and chaste a wife, which not only would not commit any dishonest thing herself, but also could not abide any lewd or misordered behaviour in her husband, and that by this her separation she went about to reclaim him from his incest and wickedness to better amendment of life: He in recompense to his wife again, accused her to be a Christian, which at that time was no less than death. Whereupon she being in great peril and danger delivered up unto the Emperor (as justinus in his Apology writing to the Emperor himself declareth) a supplication, desiring and craving of his majesty, first to grant her so much licence as to set her family in order, and that done, afterward to come again & make answer to all that might or should be laid against her: whereunto the Emperor condescended. Then her husband seeing that he could have no vantage against her devised with himself, how he might bring Ptolomeus (which was her instructor in the faith of Christ) in trouble and accusation: using the means of a certain Centurion who was his very friend, whom he persuaded to examine Ptolomeus whether he were a Christian or not. Ptolomeus (as one the loved the truth, & not thinking good to hide his profession) confessed no less than to the examinour, openly declaring that he had (as truth was) taught and professed the verity of Christian doctrine. For who so denieth himself to be that he is, either condemneth in denying that thing that he is, or maketh himself unworthy of that, the confession whereof he flieth, which thing is never found in a true and sincere Christian. Thus then he being brought before Vrbicius the judge and by him condemned to suffer: One Lucius being also a Christian, standing by, and seeing the wrong judgement, and hasty sentence of the judge, said to Vrbicius: what reason, I pray you or equity is this, that this man, who neither is adulterer, nor fornicator, nor homicide, nor fealon, neither hath committed any such crime, wherein he may be charged, thus is condemned only for his name and confession of a Christian. This condemnation and these manner of judgements (O Vrbici) are neither seemly for the virtuous Emperor, nor to the Philosopher his son, nor yet for the estate of his Senate of Rome.  
Which words being heard, Vrbitius making no farther examination of the matter, 
The boldness & Christian constancy of Lucius.  said unto Lucius: me thinketh thou art also a Christian. And when Lucius had given him to understand that he was also a Christian, the judge without further delay commanded him to be had away to the place of execution. To whom he answered: I thank you with all my hart, 
Lucius condemned and Martyred.  that you release me from most wicked governors, and send me unto my good and most loving father, being also the king of all Gods. And in like manner the third man also, coming unto him, and using the like liberty of speech, 
The third also condemned and Martyred.  had also the like sentence of death and condemnation, and crowned also with the same crown of martyrdom. And thus much out of the Apology of justinus, by the which story it may appear not to be true, that Gratianus attributeth unto Higynus Bishop of Rome, 
A place of Gracianus suspected.  the deciding of causes matrimonial, seeing that in justinus time (who was in the same age of Higynus) the divorcement of this woman in this history above touched, was not decided by any Ecclesiastical law, or brought before any Bishop, but was brought before a Heathen Prince, and determined by the law civil.  
Henricus de Erfordia recordeth out of the martyrologue of Isuardus, 
Concordus Martyr.  of one Concordus a minister of the City of Spolete, who in the reign of this Antoninus Verus, because he would not sacrifice unto jupiter, but did spit in the face of the Idol, 
Concordus spiteth 〈◊〉 face of 〈◊〉 Idol.  after divers and sundry punishments sustained, at last with the sword was beheaded. Vincentius in his x. book, chap. 108. reciteth a long story of his acts and life, whereof some part perhaps may seem tolerable. But this verily appeareth to be false and fabulous, concerning the water flowing besides his sepulchre in the forenamed City of Spolete, unto the which water was given (saith Vincentius) by the virtue of him, 
The story of Vincentius suspected of untruth.  for whose name he suffered, to restore sight to the blind, to heal the sick, and to cast out devils. etc. Which kind of virtue to open the eyes of the blind, and to expel devils, neither doth God give to any creature of water, neither is it like that Concordius the blessed Martyr did or would require any such thing at the hands of God. 
Ex Isuardo. Vincenti●. & Henrico de Erford.   
Isuardus and Bede, Vincentius, and Henricus de Erfordia, with other authors more, make relation of divers other Martyrs that by sundry kinds of torments were put to death, 

Symmetrius. Florellus. pontianus. Alexander. Caius. Epipodus. Victor. Corona. Marcellus. Valerian, Martyrs. Authors in the writing the miracles of Martyrs suspected.  
Getulus. Corcal●●. Amantius. Primitiws. Martyr's. The seven. sons of Symph●rosa. Crescens. julianus.   under the foresaid Antoninus Verus: the names of whom be Simmetrius, Florellus, Pontianus, Alexander, Caius, Epipodus, Victor, Corona, Marcellus, Valerianus. The cause or whose martyrdom was the reprehending of Idolatry and because at the emperors commandment, they would not sacrifice to Idols. Many sorts of punishments and of miracles are told of them, but at length the end of them all is this, that they were beheaded. Whereby it may be the more suspected, the histories of these writers not to be certain or true, aswell touching these, as also other Martyrs, as may appear in Vincentius, in Petrus de Natalibus, & other authors of like sort. In which authors they which list to read more of their miracles, there may find them.  
A little before, pag 41 mention was made of Symphorissa, otherwise named Symphorosa, wife of Getulus, with her seven. sons. This Getulus or Getulius, was a minister or a teacher (as witnesseth Martyrol. Adonis') in the City of Tiber, which Getulus with Cerealis, Amantius, and Primitiws, by the commandment of Adria were condemned to the fire, wherein they were Martyred and put to death. The names moreour of the seven sons of this Symphorosa, I find to be Crescens, julianus, Nemesius, Primitiws, justinus Statteus, and Eugenius, whom the Chronicle of Ado declareth to be put to death at the commandment of Hadrian, being fastened to seven. stakes, and so racked up with a pulley, 
Nemesius. Primiti●us. justinus. Statteus. Eugenius. Martyrs.  and at last were thrust through, Crescens in the neck, julianus in the breast, Nemesius in the hart, Primitiws about the navel, justinus cut in every joint of his body, Stateus run through with spears, Eugenius cut a sunder from the breast to the lower parts, and then cast into a deep pit, having the name by the Idolatrous Priests, entitled Ad septem Biothanatos. After the martyrdom of whom also Symphorosa the mother did likewise suffer, as is before declared.  
Under the said Antoninus Verus, and in the same persecution, which raged not in Rome and Asia only, 
The persecution in Lions and Vienna, two Cities in France. Ex Euseb. lib. 5. Cap. 2.  but in other countries also, suffered the glorious & most constant Martyrs of Lions and Uienna, two Cities in France, giving to Christ a glorious testimony, & to all Christian men a spectacle, or example of singular constancy, and fortitude in Christ our saviour. The history of whom, because it is written and set forth by their own Churches, where they did suffer, mentioned in Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 2. I thought here to express the same in the form and effect of their own words, as there is to be seen. The title of which their Epistle written to the brethren of Asia and Phrigia thus beginneth.  
* The servants of Christ inhabiting the Cities of Vienna and Lions, to the brethren in Asia and Phrigia, having the same faith and hope of redemption with us: peace, and grace, and glory, from God the father, and from jesus Christ our Lord.  

A letter of the brethren of France to the brethren of Asia.  THe greatness of this our tribulation, the furious rage of the Gentiles against us, & the torments which the blessed martyrs suffered, neither can we in words, nor yet in writing exactly, as they deserve, set forth. For the adversary with all his force gave his endeavour to the working of such preparatives, as he himself listed, against his tyrannous coming, & in every place practised he and instructed his ministers, how in most spiteful manner to set them against the servants of God: so that not only in our houses shops and markets we were restrained, but also were universally commanded, that none (so hardy) should be seen in any place. But God hath always mercy in store and took out of their hands such as were weak amongst them, and other some did he set up as firm and immovable pillars, which by sufferance were able to abide all violent force, and valiantly to withstand the enemy, enduring all their opprobrious punishment they could devise: to conclude, they fought this battle for that intent to come unto Christ, esteeming their great troubles but as light: thereby showing that all that may be suffered in this present life, is not able to countervail the great glory which shall be showed upon us after this life. And first they patiently suffered whatsoever the multitude of frantic people running upon head did unto them, as railings, scourgings, drawynges and hailing, flinging of stones, imprisoninges, & what other thing soever the rage of the multitude are wont to use and practise against their professed enemies. Then afterward they being led into the marked place, and there judged of the Captain and rest of the Potentates of the City, after their confession made openly before the multitude were commanded again to prison, until the return of their chief governor. After this they being brought before him, and he using all extremity that possibly he might against them: 
Vetius Epaegaethus Martyr.  One Vetius Epagathus, one of the brethren, replenished with fervent zeal, both towards god and his brethren (whose conversation, although he were a young man was counted as perfect, as was the life of Zachary the Priest, for he walked diligently in all the commandments and justifications of the Lord, and in all obedience towards his brethren blameless) he having within him the fervent zeal of love, and spirit of god, could not suffer that wicked judgement which was given upon the Christians but being vehemently displeased, desired that the judge would hear the excuse which he was minded to make in the behalf of the christians, in whom saith he is no impiety found, But the people cried again to those that were assistentes with the chief justice, that it might not be so (for indeed he was a noble man borne) neither did the justice grant him his lawful request, but only asked him whether he himself were a Christian or not. And he immediately with a loud and bold voice, 
The stoutness of a godly young man.  answered and said, I am a Christian. And thus was he received into the fellowship of the martyrs, and called the advocate of the Christians. And he having the spirit of God more plentifully in time, then had Zachary, the abundance thereof he declared, in that he gave his life in the defence of his brethren, being a true disciple of Christ, following the Lamb wheresoever he goeth.  
By this man's example the rest of the Martyrs were the more animated to martyrdom, and made more joyous with all courage of mind to accomplish the same. Some other there were unready and not so well prepared, 
The fainting of certain weak Christians.  and as yet weak, not well able to bear the vehemency of so great conflict: of whom x. there were in number, that fainted, ministering to us much heaviness & lamentation. Who by their example caused the rest which were not yet apprehended, to be less willing thereunto. Then were we all for the variableness of confession not a little astonished: not that we feared the punishment intended against us, but rather as having respect to the end, and fearing least any should fall. Every day there were apprehended such as were worthy to fulful the number of them which were fallen. In so much that of two churches, such as were chiefest, & which were the principal governors of our Churches were apprehended. With these also certain of the Ethnics, being our men servants, were apprehended (for so the governor commanded, that all of us in general without any respect, should be taken) which servants being overcome by Satan, and fearing the torments which they saw the Saints do suffer, being also compelled thereunto by the means of the soldiers, feigned against us that we kept the feastings of Thyestes', 
False slanders of the Christians.  and incest of Oedipus, and many such other crimes, which are neither to be remembered, nor named of us, nor yet to be thought that ever any man would commit the like.  
These things being now bruited abroad, every man began to show cruelty against us, insomuch that those which before for familiarities sake were more gentle toward us, 
The rage of the Heathen against the Christians.  now vehemently disdained us, and waxed mad against us. And thus was now fulfilled that, which was spoken by Christ, saying, the time will come that whosoever killeth you, shall think that he doth God great good service. Then suffered the Martyrs of God such bitter persecution as is passing to be told: Satan still shooting at this mark, to make them to utter some blasphemy by all means possible. marvelous therefore was the rage both of the people & Prince, specially against one Sanctus, which was Deacon of the congregation of Uienna, and against Maturus, being but a little before baptised, but yet a worthy soldier of Christ, and also against Attalus, being borne in Pergamon, which was the foundation and pillar of that congregation, and also against Blandina, by whom Christ showeth, that those things which the world esteemed vile and abject, to be glorious in God's sight, for the very love which in hart and deed they bear unto him, not in outward face only. For when all we were afraid, & specially her mistress in flesh, who also was herself one of the number of the foresaid martyrs, least happily for the weakness of body she would not stand strongly to her confession, the foresaid Blandina was so replenished with strength & boldness, 
The cruel handling and great patience of Blandina.  that they which had the tormenting of her by course from morning to night, for very weariness gave over & fell down, & were themselves overcome, confessing that they could do no more against her, & marveled that yet she lived having her body so torn and rend. And testified that any one of those torments alone without any more had been enough to have pluck the life from her body. But that blessed woman, fight this worthy battle, became stronger & stronger, & as often as she spoke these words) I am a Christian, neither have we committed any evil) it was to her a marvelous comfort and holding to abide the torments.  
Sanctus also another of the Martyrs, 
Sanctus a Martyr.  who in the midst of his torments, enduring more pains, than the nature of a man might away with, also at what time the wicked supposed, to have heard him utter some blasphemous words, for the greatness & intollerablenes of his torments & pains, that he was in, abode notwithstanding in such constancy of mind, 
The notable constancy of Sanctus.  that neither he told them his name, nor what countryman he was, nor in what City brought up, neither whether he was a free man or a servant, but unto every question that was asked him, he answered in the Latin tongue, I am a Christian, and this was all that he confessed both of his name, city, kindred, and all other things in the place of execution, neither yet could the Gentiles, get any more of him: whereupon both the Governor & tormentors, were the more vehemently bend against him. And when they had nothing to vex him with all, they clapped plates of Brass red hot, to the most tenderest parts of his body, wherewith his body indeed being scorched, yet he never shrunk for the matter, but was bold and constant, in his confession, 
The cruel tormentors of Sanctus.  being strengthened and moistened with the fountain of lively water, flowing out of Christ's side. Truly his body was a sufficient witness, what torments he suffered for it was all drawn together and most pitifully wounded and scoarched, so that it had therewith lost the proper shape of a man, in whose suffering Christ obtained inspeakable glory, for that he overcame his adversary, and to the instruction of other declared, that nothing else is terrible, or aught to be feared where the love of God is, nor nothing grievous, wherein the glory of Christ is manifested.  
And when those wicked men, began after a certain time again to torment the Martyr, & hoped well to bring it to pass, that either they should overcome him in causing him to recant, by reiterating his torments, now when his body was so sore & swollen, that he might not suffer a man to touch him with his hand, or else that if he died under their hands, 
A miraculous working of God.  yet that thereby they should strike such fear into the hearts of the rest, to cause them to deny Christ. But they were not only disappointed here in, but also contrary to the expectation of men, his body was in the latter punishment & torments suppled & restored, and took the first shape and use of the members of the same, so that the same his second torment was by the grace of Christ (in steed of punishment) a safe medicine.  
Also Satan now thinking to have settled himself in the hart of one Byblides, being one of them which had denied Christ, 
Byblydes an holy Martyr.  and thinking to have caused her, being a weak and feeble woman in faith, to have damned her soul, in blaspheming the name of God, brought her to the place of execution: enforcing to wrest some wicked thing out of the mouth of the Christians. But she in middle of her torments, returning to herself, and waked as it were out of her dead sleep, by that temporal pain, called to her remembrance the pains of hell fire, and against all men's expectations reviled the tormentors, saying. How should we Christians eat young infants (as ye reported of us) for whom it is not lawful to eat the blood of any beast▪ Upon that so soon as she had confessed herself to be a Christian, she was Martyred with the rest. Thus when Christ had ended those tyrannical torments, by the patience & sufferance of our Saints, the devil yet invented other engines and instruments. For when the Christians were cast into prison, 
Eculeus ad quintum feramen. divers Martyrs strangled in prison.  they were shut up in dark and ugly dungeons, and were drawn by the feet, in a rack or engine made for that purpose, even unto the fift hole. And many other such punishments suffered they which the furious ministers stirred up with devilish fury, are wont to put men unto: so that very many of them were strangled & killed in the prisons, whom the Lord in this manner would have to enjoy everlasting life, & set forth his glory. And surely these good men were so pitifully tormented, that and if they had had all the help, & medicines in the world, it was thought impossible for them to live, & to be restored. And thus they remaining in prison destitute of all humane help, were so strengthened of the Lord, and both in body and mind confirmed, that they comforted & stirred up the minds of the rest, 
Other martyrs died in prison.  the younger sor●e of them, which were latter apprehended, & put in prison, whose bodies had not yet felt the lash of the whip, were not able to endure the sharpness of their imprisonment, but died of the same.  

●hotinus a blessed martyr.  The blessed Photinus, who was a Deacon to the bishop of Lions, about. 90. years old, and a very feeble or weak man, & could scarcely draw breath for the imbecility of his body: yet was he of a lively courage & spirit. For the great desire he had of martyrdom, when he was brought unto the judgement seat: although his body was feeble and weak, both because of his old age, and also through sickness, yet was his soul or life preserved to this purpose, that by the same Christ might triumph & be glorified. He, being by the soldiers brought to the place of judgement, many Citizens & men of great ability following him, and the whole multitude cried upon him diversly, as though he had been Christ himself, gave a good testimony. For being demanded of the chief ruler, what was the Christian man's God, he answered: If thou be worthy to know thou shalt know. He being with these words somewhat near touched, caused him to be very sore beaten. For those that stood next him, did him all the spit & displeasure that they could both with hand and foot, having no regard at all to his old age or white hears. And they which were further of, 
The rage of the people against Pbotinus.  whatsoever came next to hand, they threw at him, & every man thought that he did very wickedly reframe that withheld his hand from not doing the like. For by this means they thought that they did revenge the quarrel of their Gods. Photinus, now even as it were gasping after life, was thrown into prison, and within two days after died.  
And here is the mighty providence of God, and the unspeakable mercy of jesus Christ declared, which providence being assured amongst a fraternity, is never destitute of the aid of jesus Christ. For those which in their first persecution denied Christ, they also were put in prison, and made partakers of the others affliction. Neither yet did it any whit at all at that time help them that had deemed Christ, but they which confessed him, were imprisoned as christians, neither was there any other crime objected against them, but the other sort taken like homicides and wicked doers, were laid hand on, and had double more punishment than the others had. 
The comfort of the godly standing to their confession. The deniers of their confession comfortless and notwithstanding punished.  These men were refreshed with the joy of martyrdom, the hope ●. God's promises, the love toward Christ, and the spirit of God: The other their consciences accused them, & that very sore in so much that by their ga●e, their countenances bewrayed unto the rest their gi●●ie consciences. For the Christians went forth having cheerful countenances, very much adorned with glory and grace, insomuch that the very bonds wherewith they were died, set them out are men in seemly apparel: and like as brides when they be decked in gorgeous and gay garments, and therewithal laud●ed as of the redolent smell of Christ, so that it might be supposed them to be anointed with some sweet ba●●e: whereas the other were doubtful and 〈…〉, filled, with all shame, and furthermore related of the Gentiles themselves, as wretches, degenerate, having the crime of 〈◊〉 and dest●u●● of the most precious, glorious, and likely calling o● the Christian name. And truly by th●se lights the rest were confirmed, & being apprehended, conf●●●ing christ without any 〈◊〉, no● having so much as the thought of any such 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉. And in the same Epistle of the foresaid brethren of France, writing to the brethren of Asia, it followeth in this manner, After these things done, the martyrdom of these holy Saints were deui●ed diversely. into divers kinds and forms, as the offering to God the Father a garland decked with divers and sundry kinds of colours and 〈◊〉. For it so behoved the worthy Champions of God, after they had suffered divers kinds of torments, and so winning a triumphant victory to obtain great reward of immortality.  
Then Maturus Blandina, and Attalus together were brought to the common 〈◊〉, there in the face of the people to be cast & devoured of the beasts. And Maturus with Sanctus being brought the second time to the scaffold, suffered again all kind of torments, as though hitherto they had suffered nothing at all, yea rather as though the adversary being oftentimes put to the worst, they as striving for the crown, 
The spiteful handling of God's people.  suffered again more scourgings. the tearing of wild beasts, & what thing else soever the frantic people on every side cried for and willed. And above all the rest they brought an iron chair, in the which their bodies being set, 
Maturus and Sanctio Martyred.  were so wried and scorched as on a gridiron fried upon the coals, filled with the savour of the frying all the people that stood by. And yet for all that the tormentors ceased not, but waxed more fierce and mad against than, labouring to overcome the patience of the Saints. Notwithstanding all this they could not get out of Sanctus mouth any other thing but the confession which at the beginning he declared. And thus these holy men, after they had long continued alive in this their most horrible conflict, at the length were slain, being made all that whole day a spectacle unto the world in place and in stead of the games and sights, which were wont to be exhibited to the people. And thus much concerning Maturus and Sanctus.  
Now concerning Blandina, who being fastened upon a stake, was cast to the ravening beasts to be devoured, which thing was not done without the determinate will of God: 
Blandina brought forth again.  to this end that while she seemed to hang upon a cross (as it were) by the ferventness of her prayer, she much comforted the rest of the saints, as beholding unto her christ, with their bodily eyes, which in that agony suffered for them all, and that all which believe in him, and suffer for the glory of Christ, might be assured to live with him for ever. And when they saw that no beast would come near her thus hanging, they took her down from the tree, and cast her again into prison till an other time, that she having the victory of many battles, might triumph over that angry Serpent the devil, & that she being a weak and fely woman, and not regarded, armed with Christ the invincible conqueror, might encourage her brethren, and by the enduring of this battle might win a crown of incorruptible glory.  
Now to Attalus, who being also required and called for of the people to punishment, already prepared (for his conscience sake) cometh forth to the ●ight. For he being worthily exercised in the Christian profession, was always a witness and a maintainer of our doctrine. Therefore when the press of people was about the scaffold, and the table carried before him, wherein was written in the Roman tongue. 
Attalus commanded to prison.  This is Attalus the Christian. Then the people were in a marvelous rage against him, but the governor understanding that he was a Roman, commanded him again to prison, with the rest of his prison fellows: whereof he wrote to the Emperor, and waited for answer what his pleasure herein was. The prisoners were not idle in the mean season, nor unprofitable to their brethren, but by their patience the unspeakable mercy of Christ shined out. For those which were dead before, were now revived by them that lived and they which were Martyrs, profited them which were none, & the Church did much rejoice, as receiving them again alive, whom she had lost before as dead For many of them which before had denied, 
The deniers returning again to their confession.  now by their denial were restored and stirred up, and learned to be confessors. And now being revived and strengthened, and tasting the sweetness of him which desireth not the death of a sinner, but is merciful to the penitent, came of their own accord to the judgement seat again, that they might be examined of the judge. And for that the Emperor had written back again to him, that all the confessors should be punished and the other let go, and that the Sessions or Assizes were now begun, which for the multitude that had repair thither out of every quarter, was marvelous great: he caused all the holy martyrs to be brought thither, that the multitude might behold them, & once again examined them, and as many of them as he thought had the Roman freedom, he beheaded, the residue he gave to the beasts to be devoured. And truly Christ was much glorified by those which a little before had denied him, which again contrary to the expectation of the Infidels, confessed him even to the death. For they were examined a part from the rest. because of their delivery, which being found Confessors, were joined to the company of the martyrs, & had with them their part. But there were then abroad, which had no saith at all, neither yet so much as the feeling of the wedding garment, nor any cogitation at all, of the fear of God, but blasphemed his ways, by the lewd conversation of their life, even such as were the children of damnation. All the residue joined themselves to the congregation: which when they were examined one Alexander a Phrygian, borne, and a Physician, 
Alexander the Phrygian Martyred.  which had dwelled long in France, and known almost of every man, for the love he had to God, & boldness of speaking (neither was he void of the Apostolical love) this Alexander standing somewhat near to the bar, by signs and becks persuaded such as were examined to confess Christ: so that by his countenance sometime rejoicing, and some other while sorrowing, he was descried of the standers by. The people not taking in good part to see those which now recanted, by and by again to stick to their first confession, they cried out against Alexander, as one that was the cause of all this matter. And when he was enforced by the judge and commanded what Religion he was of, he answered: I am a Christian. He had no sooner spoken the word, but he was judged to the beasts, of them to be devoured.  
The next day following, Attalus, of whom I made mention a little before, and Alexander, were brought forth together (for the governor granting Attalus unto the people, was baited again of the beasts.) When these men were brought to the scaffold, and had taken a taste of all the instruments that there were prepared for their execution, and had suffered the greatest agony they could put them to, were also at the length slain: Of whom Alexander never gave so much as a sigh, nor held his peace, but from the bottom of his hart praised and prayed to the Lord. 
The worthy patience and constancy of Attalus.  But Attalus when he was set in the iron chair, and began to fry, and the frying savour of his burning body began to smell, he spoke to the multitude in the Roman language: Behold (saith he) this is to eat man's flesh which you do, for we neither eat men, nor yet commit any other wickedness. And being demanded what was the name of their God: our God (saith he) hath no such name as men have. Then said they, now let us see whether your God can help you, and take you out of our hands or not.  

Blandina and Ponticus 〈◊〉 brought forth.  After this, being the last day of the spectacle, Blandine again, & one Ponticus, a child of xv. year old was brought forth, and this was every day, to the intent they seeing the punishment of their fellows, might be compelled thereby to swear by their Idols. But because they constantly abode in their purpose, & defied their idols, the whole multitude was in a rage with them, neither sparing the age of the child, nor favouring the sex of the woman, but put them to all the punishment and pain they could devise, & often times enforced them to swear, & yet were not able to compel them thereunto. 
Ponticus Martyred.  For Ponticus so being animated of his sister, as the Heath●ikes standing by did see, after he had suffered all torments and pains gave up the ghost. This blessed Blandina therefore being the last that suffered, after she had like a worthy mother given exhortations unto her children, and had sent them before as conquerors to their heavenly k●ng, and had called to her remembrance all their battles & conflicts, so much rejoiced of her children's death, & so hastened her own, as though she had been bidden to a bridal, & not in case to be thrown to the wild beasts. After this her pitiful whipping, 
Blandina Martyred.  her delivery to the beasts, & her torments upon the gridiron, at the length she was put in a net, and thrown to the wild Bull, and when she had been sufficiently gored & wounded with the horns of the same beast, & felt nothing of all that chanced to her, for the great hope and consolation she had in Christ & heavenly things, was thus slain, insomuch that the very Heathen men themselves confessed that there was never woman put to death of them that suffered so much as this woman did. Neither yet was their furious cruelty thus assuaged against the Christians. For the cruel barbarous people, like wild beasts when they be moved, knew not when the time was to make an end, but invented new & sundry torments every day against our bodies. Neither yet did it content them when they had put the Christians to death, 
Apoc. 22.  for that they wanted the sense of men: for which cause both the magistrate & people were vexed at the very hearts that the scripture might be fulfilled, which saith, he that is wicked, let him be wicked still, and he that is just let him be more just. For those which in their prisons they strangled they threw after to the dogs setting keepers both day and night to watch them, that they should not be buried, and bringing forth the remnant of their bones & bodies, some half burnt, some left of the wild beasts, & some all ●o be mangled, also bringing forth heads of other which were cut of, and like manner committed by them to the charge of the keepers to see them remain unburied.  
The Gentiles grinded & gnashed at the Christians with their teeth, seeking which way they might amplify their punishment: some other flouted and mocked them, extolling their idols, attributing unto them the cause of this cruelty and vengeance showed to us. Such which were of the meeker sort, and seemed to be moved with some pity, did hit us in the teeth, saying, where is your God, that you so much boast of: & what helpeth this your religion: for which you give your lives? These were the sundry passions and affects of the Gentiles, but the Christians in the mean while were in great heaviness, that they might not bury the bodies and relics of the holy Martyrs. Neither could the dark night serve them to that purpose, nor any entreaty, nor waging them with money, which were appointed for watchmen: but they so narrowly looked unto the matter, as though they should have gotten great benefit and profit thereby.  
Thus were the bodies of the martyrs made a wondering stock, and lay six days in the open streets, at the length they burned them, & threw their ashes into the river of Rods, so that there might appear no remnant of them upon the earth. And this did they as though they had been able to have pulled god out of his seat, & to have let the regeneration of the Saints, and taken from them the hope of the resurrection, whereof they being persuaded (said they) bring in this new and strange Religion, and set thus light by death and punishment. Atque haec: haec ex Epistola Viennensium. etc.  
Amongst other that suffered under Antoninus, 
justinus.  mention was made also of justinus, who as it is said before, exhibited two Apologies, concerning the defence of christian doctrine, the one to the Senate of Rome, and the other to Antoninus Pius the Emperor, concerning whose suffering, and the causes thereof is partly before declared: this justine was borne in Neapoli, in the country of Palestine, whose father was Priscus Bachius, as he himself doth testify. By whom in his youth he was set to school to learn, 
Priscus Bachius. justinus father.  wherein process of time he became a famous and worthy Philosopher, o● whose excellency many learned & notable men do record, For first, he being altogether inflamed and ravished with desire of knowledge, would in no wise be satisfied in his mind, before he had gotten instructors singularly seen in all kind of Philosophy, whereupon he writeth of himself in the beginning of his Dialogue Cum Tripone, thus declaring, 
justine desirous of Philosophy.  that in the beginning he being desirous of that sect and society, applied himself to be the scholar to a certain Stoic, & remaining with him a time, when he nothing profited in divine knowledge (whereof the Stoic had no skill, and affirmed the knowledge thereof not to be necessary) he forsook him, and went to another of the sect of the Perepatetick, a sharp witted man, as he thought with whom after he had been a while, he demanded of him a stipends for his teaching, for the better confirmation of their familiarity. Whereupon justine accounting him as no Philosopher left him, 
justine proveth all sects of Philosophy.  & departed. And yet not satisfied in mind but desirous to hear of further learning in philosophy. adjoined himself to one that professed the Pithagorian ●ect, a man of great fame, and one who made no small account of himself. Who after he had followed a time, his master, demanded of him whether he had any sight in Music, Astronomy, and Geometry, without the sight of which science, he said he could not be apt to receive the knowledge of virtue and felicity, unless before he had used to apply his mind from sensible matters to the contemplation of things intellible. And speaking much in the commen●ation of these sciences, how profitable and necessary they were: after that justine had declared himself not to be seen therein, the Philosopher gave him over, which grieved justine not a little, & so much themore because he thought his master to have some knowledge in those sciences. After this justine considering with himself what time was requisite to the learning of these sciences, and thinking not to di●●erte any longer, thought best to resort to the sect of the Platonistes for the great fame that ran of them: wherefore he chose unto him a singular learned man of that sect, 
justine a Platonist.  which lately was come to those parties & so remaining with him seemed to profit not a little in contemplation of supernal things, & invisible forms, insomuch that he thought shortly to aspire to such sharpness of wit and wisdom, that out of hand he might achieve to the comprehension & contemplation of god, 
The end of Plato his Philosophy.  which is the end of Plato his Philosophy. And in this manner he bestowed his youth: but afterward he growing to a riper age, how & by what means the said justine came to the knowledge & profession of chritianitie, it followeth likewise in his said first Apology: where he affirmeth of himself (as witnesseth Eusebius in his fourth book) that when he did behold the christians in their torments and sufferings to be so constant in their profession, 
Ex Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 8.  was therewith maru●ilously moved: after this manner reasoning with himself, that it was impossible for that kind of people to be subject to any vice or carnality, which vices of their own nature are not able to sustain any sharp adversity, 
justine beginneth to favour Christian Religion.  much less the bitterness of death. The sight whereof helped him not a little (being of his own nature inclined to the searching of true knowledge & virtue) to begin thereby to love and embrace Christian Religion, for so he doth witness of himself in the end of the first apology: signifying there how it was his seeking and endeavour to attain to Christianity: Understanding how the Christians by malice of wicked persons were compelled to suffer wrong and torments, 
justine goeth into desert.  and to be evil spoken of. By sight whereof, as he saith himself, he became a Christian, through this occasion, for being thus afflicted in his mind as is aforesaid, it came in his head for his more quietness to go aside to some desert and solitary place void of concourse of people, unto a village or grange near to the seaside: whither as he approached, thinking there to be all alone, there meeteth with him an old ancient father of a comely visage and gentle behaviour, 
justinus miraculously converted by an old man.  who following him a little of began to reason with him, where after long disputation, when the old man had declared unto him that there was no knowledge of truth amongst the Philosophers, which neither knew God, neither were aided by the holy Ghost: & further had reasoned with him of the immortality of the soul, of the reward of the godly, & punishment of the wicked: then justine being confirmed with his reasons and arguments, yielded to him of his own accord, and demanded of him by what means he might attain to that true knowledge of God, Whereof he had spoken. 
The vanity of the old Philosophers reproved.  Who then counseled him to read & search the Prophets, adjoining therewith prayer: but what master, quoth justine should I use for the instruction thereof. & who shallbe able to help us if these philosophers (as you say) lack the truth, & are void of the same? To whom the old father answering, there have been said he many years before these philosophers, other more ancient than all these, which being accounted for Philosophers were just and beloved of God: 
The doctrine of the Prophets commended.  who spoke by the spirit of God, foreseeing and prophesying these things which we see now come to pass, & therefore they are called Prophets. These only have known the truth and revealed it to men, neither fearing nor passing for any: who were seduced with no opinions of man's invention, but only spoke & taught those things which they themselves both heard and saw, being inspired with the holy spirit of god: 
The utility of reading the Prophets.  whose writings and works yet to this day remain. Out of which the reader may receive great profit & knowledge of things, as concerning the first creation of the world & end of the same, with all other things necessary to be known of every true Philosopher which will give credit unto them. Neither in their teaching they do use any demonstration, as being more certain o● themselves, then that they need any such demonstration to be made. For as much as the accomplyshing and the end of things both paste, 
Prophets to ●● credited for tw● causes.  & now present constraineth us of necessity to believe the words and doctrine which they taught: which men not only therefore are to be believed, but also for their miracles and wonders done are worthy of credit, for that they both preached of God the maker and creator of all things: And also did prophecy before of Christ his son to be sent of him, The which the false Prophets being seduced with false and wicked spirits, neither have done, nor do, but only take upon them to work certain prodigious wonders for men to gaze at, setting out thereby to the world false & unclean spirits: But then afore all things make thy prayer, that the gate of light may be opened unto thee, for otherwise these things cannot be attained unto of every man, but only of such, to whom God and his Christ giveth understanding. These things with much more (which now leisure serveth not, to prosecute) after the foresaid old father had declared unto him he departed: exhorting him well to follow the things which he had spoken. And after that justine as he himself witnesseth, saw him no more. Immediately after this justine being all inflamed as with fire kindled in his breast, began to conceive a love & zeal toward the Prophets and all such as were favoured of Christ. And thus he revolving in his mind more and more these words, found only this Philosophy among all other professions, both sure and profitable, 
justinus baptized.  and so became he a Philosopher, & in time by these means afterwards he was made a Christian and Baptised. But where he received this holy Sacrament of Baptism, it is not read of, nor yet by what occasion he left his country and came to Rome. This only we read in Jerome that he was in Rome, & there used certain exercises which he called Diatribas, disputing there with Crescens, a Cinycal philosopher, 
Diatriba.  as is before touched. But this is certain how that justine after he had received the profession of Christian Religion, became an earnest defender of the same, traveling and disputing against all the adversaries thereof fearing neither peril of life nor danger of death whereby he might maintain the doctrine of Christ, against the malicious blasphemers and also augment the number of Christian believers. 
justinus an earnest defender of Christ.  As may appear by his vehement disputations against the heathen Philosophers. Also moreover aswell appeareth in that long disputation which he had with one Tripho at Ephesus: as also in his confutations of heretics. 
Two Apologies of justinus.  Furthermore his conflicts and Apologies which with great courage & security he exhibited against the persecutors of the Christians, both the Emperor and the Magistrates, yea and the whole Senate of Rome, do testify the same.  
Of the which Apologies the first he wrote to the Senate of Rome, 
The sum of his Apologies.  and after to Antoninus Pius the Emperor as is before mentioned, where, in the first writing with great liberty to the Senate he declared: that of necessity he was compelled to write and utter his mind and conscience to them. For that in persecuting of the Christians they did neglect their duty, and highly offended God, and therefore need they had to be admonished. And further writing to Vrbitius lieutenant of the City, said, that he put men to death and torments for no offence committed, but for the confession only of the name of Christ: which proceedings and judgements neither became the Emperor nor his son, nor the Senate: defending moreover in the said Apology and purging the Christians of such crimes as falsely were laid and objected against them by the ethnics.  
And likewise in his second Apology writing to Antonius the Emperor and his successors, 
The second A-Apology of justine.  with like gravity and free liberty, declareth unto them how they had the name, commonly being reputed & taken as virtuous Philosophers, maintainers of justice, lovers of learning, but whether they were so, their acts declared. As for him neither for flattery nor favour at their hands, he was constrained thus to write unto them, but only to sue unto them and desire a serious & righteous kind of dealing in their judgements and sentences. For it becometh Princes to follow uprightness & piety in their judgements, not tyranny and violence: & also in plain words chargeth as well the emperor as the Senate with manifest wrong. For that they did not grant the Christians, that which is not denied to all other malefactors, judging men to death not convicted but only for the hatred of the name: Other men which be appeached (said he) in judgement, are not condemned, before they are convicted: but on us you take your name only for the crime, when as indeed you ought to see justice done upon our accusers. And again (saith he) if a Christian being accused only deny that name, him you release being not able to charge him with any other offence. But if he stand to his name, only for his confession you may cast him, where indeed it were your duty rather to examine their manner of life what thing they confess or deny, and according to their demerits to see justice done.  

The Lord take away this spirit of fury, condemning innocentes before they be convicted.  And in the same further he saith, you examine not the causes, but incensed with rash affections as with the spur of fury, ye slay & murder them not convicted, without any respect of justice. And further he addeth: Some peradventure will say certain of them have been apprehended & taken in evil doings, as though (saith he) you used to inquire upon them being brought afore you, & not commonly to condemn them before due examination of their offence for the cause above mentioned. Where also in the end of the said Apology after this manner he reprehendeth them. You do degenerate (quoth he) from the goodness of your predecessors, whose example you follow not: for your father Adrian of famous memory, caused to be proclaimed that Christians accused before the judge, should not be condemned, unless they were found guilty of some notorious crime I find that all his vehement and grave Apology standeth upon most strong & firm probations: denying that the christians ought by conscience at the will & commandment of the Emperor & Senate to do sacrifice to the Idols. For the which they being condemned, affirm that they suffer open wrong: approving moreover that the true & only Religion, is the Religion of the Christians: whose both doctrine and conversation hath no fault. justinus although with these and such like persuasions did not so prevail with the Emperor to cause him to love his Religion & become a christian (for that is not written) yet thus much he obtained, that Antoninus writing to his Officers in Asia in the behalf of the Christians, required and commanded them, that those Christians which only were found guilty of any trespass, should suffer, and such as were not convicted, should not therefore only for the name be punished, because they were called Christians. By these it is apparent with what zeal and faith this justinus did strive against the persecutors, which (as he said) could kill only but could not hurt.  


Ex Euseb. lib 4. Cap. 16.  
A place of Epiphanius found faulty.   This justinus by the means and malice of Crescens the Philosopher as is before declared, suffered martyrdom under Marcus Antoninus Verus a little after that Polycarpus was martyred in Asia, as witnesseth Eusebius. Lib. 4. Here is to be gathered how Epiphanius was deceived in the time of his death, saying that he suffered under Rusticus the precedent, and Adrian the Emperor, being of thirty. years of age, which indeed agreeth not neither with Eusebius, nor Jerome, nor Swide, nor other more, which manifestly declare and testify how he exhibited his Apology unto Antoninus Pius which came after Adrian. Thus hast thou good Reader the li●e of this learned & blessed martyr although partly touched before, yet now more fully & amply discoursed, for the better commendation of his excellent & notable virtues of whose small end thus writeth Photius saying that he suffering for Christ died cheerfully & with honour.  


C●m dignitate & latus pro Christo pertulit.  
The singular modesty of the foresaid Martyrs declared. Ex Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 2.   Thus have ye heard the whole discourse of justinus and of the blessed Saints of France, Vetius, Zacharias, Sanctus, Maturus, Attalus, Blandina, Alexander, Alcibiades, with other, recorded and set forth by the writing of certain Christian brethren of the same Church & place of France. In the which foresaid writing of theirs moreover appeareth the great meekness and modest constancy of the said martyrs described in these words: such followers were they of christ who when he was in the form of God thought it no robbery to be equal with god, being in the same glory with him, that they not once nor twice, but oft times suffered martyrdom, & taken again from the beasts & bearing wounds tearinges and scars in their bodies, yet neither would count themselves Martyrs, neither would they suffer us so to call them: but if any of us either by word or letter would call them Martyrs, they did vehemently rebuke them: saying that the name of martyrdom was to be given to Christ the faithful and true martyr, the first borne of the dead, & the captain of life, testifying moreover that martyrdom belongeth to such, who by their martyrdom were already passed out of this life, and whom as christ by their worthy confession hath received unto himself and hath sealed up their martyrdom by their end finished: 
The holy Martyrs refuse to be called Martyrs.  As for them, which were not yet consummated, they (said they) were not worthy the names of martyrs, but only were humble and worthy confessors, desiring also their brethren with tears, to pray without ceasing for their confirmation. Thus they performing in deed that which belonged to true Martyrs, in resisting the heathen with much liberty, and great patience, without all fear of man, being replenished with the fear of God, refused to be named of their brethren for martyrs. And after in the said writing it followeth more: they humbled themselves under the mighty hand of God, by which they were greatly exalted. Then they rendered to all men a reason of their faith, they accused no man, they loosed all, they bound none. And for them which so evil did entreat them, they prayed, following the example of Stephen the perfect Martyr, which said: O Lord impute not their sin to them. And after again: Neither did they proudly disdain against them which fell but of such as they had, they imparted to them that lacked bearing toward them a motherly affection, shedding their plentiful tears for them to God the Father, and prayed for their life and salvation, and as God gave it them, they also did communicate to their neighbours. And thus they as conquerors of all things departed to God. They loved peace, and leaving the same to us; they went to God, neither leaving any molestation to their mother, nor sedition or trouble to their brethren, but joy, peace, concord, and love to all.  
Out of the same writing moreover concerning these Martyrs of France afore mentioned, is recorded also an other history, not unworthy to be noted, taken out of the same book of Eusebius. cap. 3. Which history is this.  
There was among these constant and blessed Martyrs, one Alcibiades, 

Ex Euseb. Lib. 5. ca ●. Alcibiades.  
The strait fasting of Alcibiades corrected by the holy Ghost.   as is above specified: which Alcibiades ever used a very strait died, receiving for his food and sustenance nothing else but only bread and water: when this Alcibiades now ●eing cast into prison, went about to accustom the same straightness of diet, after his usual manner before it was revealed by God to Attalus afore mentioned, one of the said company, being also the same time imprisoned after his first conflict upon the scaffold that Alcibiades did not well in that he refused to use and take the creatures of God: & also thereby ministered to other a pernicious occasion of offensive example. Whereupon Alcibiades being advertised, & reform, began to take all things boldly and with giving thanks, whereby may appear to all scrupulous consciences, 
A lesson for scrupulous consciences.  not only a wholesome instruction of the holy Ghost, but also here is to be noted how in those days they were not destitute of the grace of God: but had the holy spirit of God to be their instructor, Haec Euseb.  
The foresaid martyrs of France also the same time, commended Irenaeus newly then made minister, 

Irenaus' newly made minister, and commended to Eleutherius.  
Appollinaris and Melito exhibited. Apologies to the Emperor for the Christians.   with their letters unto Eleutherus Bishop of Rome: as witnesseth Euseb. in the x. thap. of the same book, which Irenaeus first was the hearer of Polycarpus, then made minister (as is said) under these Martyrs. And after their death, made Bishop afterward of Lions in France and succeeded after Photinus. Besides this justinus there was also the same time in Asia, Claudius Apolinaris, or Apolinarius Bishop of Hierapolis, And also Melito Bishop of Sardis an eloquent & learned man, much commended of Tertullian, who succeeding after the time of the apostles, in the reign of this Antoninus Verus, exhibited unto him, learned and eloquent Apologies, in defence of Christ's Religion, like as Quadratus and Aristides above mentioned, did unto the Emperor Hadrian whereby they moved him somewhat to stay, the rage of his persecution. In like manner did this Apolinaris and Melito (stirred up by God) adventure to defend in writing the cause of the christians unto this Antoninus. Of this Melito, Eusebius in his fourth book making mention, excerpeth certain places of his Apology, 

Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 26.  
The sum of the apology of Melito.   in these words as followeth. Now saith he which was never seen before, the godly suffereth persecution by occasion of certain Proclamations & Edicts proclaimed throughout Asia, for villainous Sichophantes, robbers & spoilers of other men's goods grounding them selmes upon those Proclamations, and taking occasion of them, rob openly night and day, and spoil those which do no harm: And it followeth after: which if it be done by your commandment, be it so well done. For a good Prince will never command but good things. And so we will be contented to sustain the honour of his death. This only we most humbly beseech your Majesty, that calling before you and examining the authors of this tumult and contention, than your grace would justly judge whether we are worthy of cruel death or quiet life. And then if it be not your pleasure, and that it proceedeth not by your occasion (which indeed against your barbarous enemies were to bad) the more a great deal we are petitioners to your highness, 
The Christians Religion began with the Empire of Rome.  that hereafter you will vouchsafe to hear us thus so vexed and oppressed with these kind of villainous robberies. And verily our Philosophy & doctrine did first among the barbarous take place, which doctrine first in the days of Augustus your predecessor, when it did reign and flourish, thereby your Empire became most famous & fortunate: and from that time more and more the state of the Roman Empire increased in honour whereof you most happily were made successor, 
Christian religion maketh common weals to flourish.  and so shall your son to. Honour therefore this Philosophy, which with your Empire sprang up and came in with Augustus which your progenitors above all other honoured & most esteemed. And verily this is no small argument of a good beginning, that since our doctrine flourished in the Empire, no misfortune or loss happened from Augustus' time: but contrary always victory, good and honourable years, as ever any man would wish. Only among all, and of all Nero and Domitian being kindled by divers naughty and spitful persons cavillingly objected against our doctrine, of whom this Sicophanticall slandering of us by naughty custom first came and sprang up. But your godly fathers espying the ignorance of these, oftentimes by their writing corrected their temerous attempts in that behalf. Among whom your granfather Adrian with many other is read of, to have written of Fundayne the Proconsul and Lieutenant of Asia. And your father, your own father I say, with whom you ruled in all things, wrote to the Cities under his signet, as the Laersens, Thessalonicenses, Athenienses and Grecians rashly to innovate or alter nothing of your highness: therefore, who in this case is of that sect as your predecessors were, yea & of a more benign & Philosophical mind, we are in good hope to obtain our petition and request.  

The books of the old Testament authentic and received.  Thus much out of the Apology of Melito, who writing to Onesimus, giveth to us this benefit to know the true Catalogue, & the names of all the authentic books of the old Testament, received in the ancient time of the primitive Church. Concerning the number & names whereof the said Melito in his letter to Onesimus declareth, how that he returning into the parts where these things were done and preached, there he diligently inquired out the books approved of the old Testament, the names whereof in order he subscribeth & sendeth unto him as followeth: The five books of Moses, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numeri, Deuteronomi, jesus Nave, The judges, Ruth, Four books of Kings: Two books Paralipomenon. The Psalms proverbs of Solomon The book of Wisdom: The Preacher. The song of songs. job. The Prophets, Esay, Hieromie, twelve Prophets in one book, Daniel, Ezechiel, Esdras. And thus much of this matter, which I thought here to record, for that it is not unprofitable for these latter times to understand what in the first times was received, and admitted as authentic, and what otherwise.  
But from this little digression to return to our matter omitted, that is, to the Apologies of Apolinarius and Melito, in the story so it followeth, that whether it was by the occasion of these two Apologies, or whether it was through the writing of Athenagoras a Philosopher, and a Legate of the Christians, it is uncertain: but this is certain that the persecution the same time was stayed. Some do think, which most probably seem to touch the truth, that the cause of staying this persecution, did rise upon a wonderful miracle of God, showed in the emperors camp by the Christians the story whereof is this: At what time the two brethren Marcus Antonius, and Marcus Aurelius Commodus Emperors, 

Ex Eusebio ibidem.  
A miraculous rain obtained by the Christians.   joining together, warred against the Quades, Vandals, Sarmates, and Germans, in the expedition against them their army by reason of the imminent assault of their enemies, was cooped & shut in within the straits and hot dry places, where their soldiers besides other difficulties of battle, being destitute of water, five days, were like to have perished, which dread not a little discomfited them, & did abate their courage. Wherein this their so great distress and jeopardy, suddenly withdrew from the army a legian of the christian soldiers for their succour: who falling prostrate upon the earth, by ardent prayer, by & by obtained of God double relief: by means of whom God gave certain pleasant showers from the element, whereby as their soldiers quenched their thirst so were a great number of their enemies discomfited & put to flight by the continual lightnings which shooted out of the air. This miracle so pleased & won the Emperor, that ever after he waxed gentler & gentler to the Christians & directed his letters to divers of his rulers, as Tertullian in his Apology witnesseth, commanding them therein to give thanks to the Christians, no less for his victory, then for the preservation of him and all his men. The copy of which letter hereafter ensueth.  
¶ Marcus Aurelius Antonius Emperor, to the Senate and people of Rome.  
I Give you hereby to understand, what I intent to do, as also, what success I have had in my wars in Germany, and with how much difficulty I have viteled my camp, being compassed about with 74. fierce Dragons, whom my Scots descried to be within ix. miles of us, and Pompeianus our lieutenant hath viewed as he signified unto us by his letters: Wherefore I thought no less but to be overunne and all my bands of so great multitude, as well my vaward main ward as rear ward, with all my soldiers of Ephrata. In whose host there were numbered of fight men ix. hundredth seventy and five thousand. But when I saw myself not able to encounter with the enemy, I craved aid of our country Gods, at whose hands I finding no comfort, and being driven of the enemy unto an exegent, I caused to be sent for those men which we call Christians who being mustered were found a good indifferent number, with whom I was in farther rage, than I had good cause, as afterwards I had experience by their marvelous power, who forthwith did their endeavour, but without either weapon, munition, armour or trumpets, as men abhorring such preparation and furniture but only satisfied in trust of their God, whom they carry about with them in their consciences. It is therefore to be credited, although we call them wicked men, that they worship God in their hearts. For they falling prostrate upon the ground, prayed not only for me, but for the host also, which was with me, beseeching their God for help in that our extremity of victuals and fresh water. For we had been now v. days without water, and were in our enemy's land, even in the midst of Germany. who thus falling upon their faces, made their prayer to a GOD unknown of me: and there sell amongst us from heaven a most pleasant and cold shower, but amongst our enemies a great storm of hail mixed with lightning so that immediately we perceived the invincible aid of the most mighty God to be with us. Therefore we give those men leave to profess Christianity, lest perhaps by their prayer, we be punished with the like, and thereby make myself the author of such hurt as shallbe received by the Christian profession. And if any shall apprehend one that is a Christian, only for that cause: I will that he being apprehended without punishment, may have leave to confess the same, so that there be none other cause objected against him, more than that he is a Christian: But let his accuser be burned alive. Neither will I that he confessing and being found a Christian, shallbe enforced to alter the same his opinion by the governor of any of our provinces, but le●t to his own choice. And this decree of mine I will to be ratified in the Senate house, and command the same publicly to be proclaimed and read in the Court of Traianus and that farther from thence it may be sent into all our Provinces by the diligence of Veratius governor of our City Polione. And further we give leave to all men to use and write out this our decree, taking the same out of our co●●e publicly in the common Hall set forth.  
Thus the tempestuous rage of persecution against the Christians began for a time to assuage partly by the occasion hereof, partly also upon other causes incident, compelling the enemies to surcease their persecution, as great plagues & pestilence lying upon the country of Italy: likewise great wars, as well in the East parts, as also in Italy and France, terrible earthquakes great floods, noisome swarms of flies and vermin devouring their corn fields, 
Antoninus Verus. M. Aurelius Commodus Emperrours▪ The discrepance between Eusebius and Platina.  etc. And thus much of things done under Antoninus Verus which Antoninus in the beginning of his reign joined with him in the government of the Empire, his brother Marcus Aurelius Commodus, who also was with him at the miraculous victory gotten by the Christians, as Eusebius cap. 5. Lib. 5. recordeth, contrary Platina in vita Soteris, and the book entitled Flores historiarum, refer the same to the time of Antoninus verus, and his son Lucius Antoninus Commodus, and not of Marcus Aurelius Commodus his brother. But howsoever the truth of years do stand, certain it is, 
Anno. 175.  that after the death of Antoninus Verus, and of Aurelius Commodus, succeeded Lucius Antoninus, Commodus the son of Verus who reigned 13. years.  
In the time of this Commodus, although he was an incommodious Prince to the Senators of Rome, 
Quitnes given to the Church.  yet notwithstanding there was some quietness universally through the whole Church of Christ from persecution by what occasion it is not certain. Some think of whom is Xiphilinus that it came through Marcia the Emperors' concubine, which favoured the Christians: but how soever it came saith Eusebius, the fury of the raging enemies was then somewhat mitigated. & peace was given by the grace of Christ, unto the Church throughout the whole world. At what time the wholesome doctrine of the Gospel alured and reduced the hearts of all forces of people, unto the true Religion of God, insomuch that many both rich and noble personages of Rome, with their whole families and households to their salvation, adjoined them to the Church of Christ.  
Among whom there was one Apollonius, a noble man and a Senator of Rome, 
Appollonius Martyr.  mentioned in Eusebius. Lib. 5. ca 21. who being maliciously accused unto the Senate by one whom Jerome writeth to be the servant of the said Apollonius, and nameth him Severus: but whose servant soever he was, 
Appollonius accused by his own servant.  the wretched man came soon enough before the judge, being condignly rewarded, for that his malicious diligence. For by a law which the Emperor made that no man upon pain of death should falsely accuse the Christians, he was put to execution, & had his legs broken forthwith, by the sentence of Perenninus the judge, which being an heathen man, he pronounced against him: but the beloved martyr of God, 
Apoollonius exhibiteth an Apology of his faith to the Senate.  when the judge with much a do had obtained of him to render an accout before the honourable Senate of his faith, under whose defence and warrant of life he did the same, delivered unto them an eloquent Apology of the christian belief: but the former warrant notwithstanding, he by the decree of the Senate, was beheaded, and so ended his life: 
An old wicked law of the Romans.  For that there was an ancient law among them decreed, that none that professed Christ, and therefore arraigned, should be released without recantation, or altering his opinion.  
This Commodus is said in stories to be so sure & steady handed in casting the dart, that in the open Theatre before the people, he would encounter with the wild beasts, and be sure to hit them in place where he appointed. Among divers other his vicious and wild parts he was to far surpressed in pride & arrogancy, 
The ridiculous pride of the Emperor.  that he would be called Hercules, and many times would show himself to the people in the skin of a Lion, to be counted thereby the king of men, like as the Lion is of the beasts.  
Upon a certain time being his birth day, this Commodus, calling the people of Rome together, in a great roialtye having his lion's skin upon him, made sacrifice to Hercules & jupiter, causing it to be cried through the City that Hercules was the patron and defender of the City. There were the same time at Rome. Vincentius, Eusebius, Peregrinus, Potentianus, learned men, and instructors of the people, 
Vincentius. Eusebius. Peregrinus. Potentianus. Martyrs.  who following the steps of the Apostles, went about from place to place where the Gospel was not yet preached, converting the Gentiles to the saith of Christ, These hearing the madness of the Emperor & of the people, began to reprove their idolatrous blindness, teaching in villages & towns all that heard them, to believe upon the true and only God, and to come away from such worshipping of devils, and to give honour to God alone, which only is to be worshipped, willing them to repent and to be baptized, 
julius a Senator converted to Christ. Ex Vincen, lib. 10. cap 119. Henr. de Erfor.  lest they perished with Commodus. With this their preaching, they converted one julius a Senator and other to the Religion of Christ. The Emperor hearing thereof, caused them to be apprehended of Vitellus his Captain, and to be compelled to sacrifice unto Hercules, which when they stoutly refused, after divers grievous torments and great miracles by them done, at last they were pressed with ●eaden weights to death, Vincentius. Lib. 10. cap. 119. & Chron. Henr. de Erfordia.  

Peregrinus sent to France and Martyred at at Rome. Ex Platinain vita Sixti.  This Peregrinus above mentioned had been sent before by Xistus Bishop of Rome, into the parties of France, to supply there the room of a Bishop and teacher, by reason that for the continual and horrible persecutions there above touched, those places were left desolate and destitute of ministers and instructors, where after he had occupied himself with much fruit among the flock of Christ, and had established the congregation there, returning home again to Rome, there finished at last (as it is said) his martyrdom.  
Now remaineth likewise to speak of julius, which julius being as is afore described, a Senator of Rome, and now won by the preaching of these blessed men, to the faith of Christ, did eftsoons invite them & brought them home to his house, 
julius with hy● family baptized and after Martyred.  where being by them more fully instructed in christian religion, he believed in the gospel. And sending for one Ruffinus a Priest, was with all his family by him baptized, who (not as the common sort was wont to do) kept close and secret his faith: but incensed with a marvelous and sincere zeal openly professed the same: altogether wishing and praying to be given to him by God, not only to believe in Christ, but also to hazard his life for him. Which thing the Emperor hearing, how that julius had forsaken his old religion, and became a christian, forthwith sent for him to come before him, unto whom he spoke on this wise O july, what madness hath possessed thee, that this thou dost fall from the old & common Religion of thy forefathers who acknowledged and worshipped jupiter & Hercules their gods, & now dost embrace a new & fond kind of Religion of the Christians: At which time julius having good occasion to show and open his faith gave strait way account thereof to him, and affirmed that Hercules & jupiter were false Gods, & how the worshippers of them should perish with eternal damnation & punishments. Which the Emperor hearing, how that he condemned & despised his Gods, being then inflamed with a great wrath as he was by nature very choleric, committed him forthwith to Vitellus, the master of the soldiers, a very cruel & fierce man, to see julius either to sacrifice to mighty Hercules or refusing the same to slay him. Vitellus as he was commanded) exhorted julius to obey the Emperor's commandment and to worship his Gods, Alleging how that the whole Empire of Rome was not only constituted, but also preserved and maintained by them. Which julius denied utterly to do, admonishing sharply in like manner Vitellus to acknowledge the true God, and obey his commandments, lest he with his master should die some grievous death. Whereat Vitellus being moved, caused julius with cougels to be beaten unto death.  
These things being thus briefly recited touching such holy martyrs, as hitherto have suffered, now remaineth that we return again to the order of the Roman Bishops such as followed next after Alexander, 
Xistus Bishop of Rome.  at whom we left, whose succeder next was Xistus or Sixtus, the sixth bishop counted after Peter, and governed that ministry the space of x years as Damascus & other do write. Vrspergensis maketh mention but of ix. years. Platina recordeth that he died a Martyr, and was buried at Uaticane. But Eusebius speaking of his disease, maketh no word mention of any martyrdom. In the 2. tome of the Councils certain Epistles be attributed to him, whereof Eusebius Damasus, Jerome, and other old authors, as they make no relation, so seem they to have no intelligence nor knowledge of any such matter. In these sergeant epistles, & in Platina appeareth the Xistus was the first author of these ordinances. 
The trifling ordinances of Xistus.  First that the holy mysteries and holy vessels should be touched, but only of persons holy and consecrated, especially of no woman, Item that the corporas cloth should be made of no other cloth, but of fine linen. Item that bishops such as were called up to the Apostolic sea, returning home again, 
S. Peter celebrated the lords supper only with the Lords prai●● Plateva ●● vita Sixti.  should not be received at their return, unless they brought with them letters from the bishop of Rome, saluting the people. Iten, at the celebration he ordained to be sung this verse, Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus Deus Sabaoth. Where moreover is to be noted, that the said Platina, in the life of this Xistus, doth testify that Peter ministered the celebration of the communion only with the lords prayer. These trifling ordinances of Xistus, who is so rude that seethe not or may not easily conjecture to be falsely fathered of Xistus, 
The ordinance of Xistus. suspected.  or of any father of that time, first by the uniform rudeness and stile of all those decretal letters, nothing savouring of that age, but rather of the later dunstical times that followed. Also by the matter and argument in those letters contained, nothing agreeing with the state of those troublesome days. Neither again is it to be supposed that any such recourse of bishops was then to the Apostolical sea of Rome, that it was not lawful to return without their letters: when as the persecution against the Christians was then so hot, in the days of Hadrian that the Bishops of Rome themselves were more glad to flee out of the City, than other bishops were to come to them unto Rome. And if Xistus added the Sanctus unto the Mass cannon, what piece then of the canon went before it, when they which put to the other patches came after Xistus: And if they came after Xistus that aded the rest, why did they set their pieces before his, seeing they that began the first piece of the canon, came after him?  
The same likewise is to be judged of the Epistles & ordinances of Telesphorus, 
Telesphorus Bishop of Rome and Martyr.  who succeeded next unto Xistus, and being Bishop of that congregation the term of a 11, years, the first year of the reign of Antoninus Pius, died Martyr, about the year of our Lord. 138. His Epistle like unto the rest containing in it no great matter of doctrine, 
The ordidaunces of Telesphorus.  hath these ordinances: First he commandeth all that were of the Clergy to fast and abstain from flesh eating, seven. weeks before Easter. That three Masses should be said upon the Nativity day of the Lord. That no lay man should accuse either bishop or priest. He ordained moreover Gloria in excelsis, to be added to the Mass, etc. but these things falsely to be feigned upon him may easily be conjectured. For as touching the seven. weeks fast neither doth it agree with the old Roman term commonly received, calling it Quadragesima, 
Lent fast and the original thereof examined.  that is the xl. days fast: neither with the example of our Saviour, who fasted not seven weeks but only xl. days. Moreover, as concerning this xl. days fast, we read of the same in the Epistle of Ignatius, which was long before Telesphorus: whereby it may appear that this Telesphorus was not the first inventor thereof. And if it be true, that is lately come out in the name of Abdias (but untruly, as by many conjectures may be proved) there is read, that in the days of S. matthew this Lent, fast of xl. days was observed long before Telesphorus: by these words that follow: In the days said he, either of Lente, or in the time of other lawful fastings, he that abstaineth not as well from the eating meat as also from the mixture of bodies, doth incur in so doing not only pollution, but also committeth offence, which must be washed away with the tears of repentance. 
Montanus' first brought in the laws of fasting Ex Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 18.  Again, Apollonius, affirmeth that Montanus the heretic, was the first deviser and bringer in of these laws of fasting into the Church, which before was used to be free. Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 18. but especially by Socrates, writer of the Ecclesiasticali story, who lived after the days of Theodosius, may be argued, that this seven. weeks fast is falsely imputed to Telesphorus. For Socrates in his first book, speaking of this time hath these words: 
Ex Socrat. Eccles. Iust. Lib. 5. cap. 20.  Romani namque tres ante Pascha septimanas praeter Sabbatum & Dominicam continuas ieiwant, that is: the Romans (saith he) do fast three weeks continually before Easter, beside the Sabbaoth and the Sunday. And moreover, speaking of the divers and sundry fastings of Lent in sundry and divers Churches, he addeth these words: And because that no man can bring forth any commandment written of this matter, it is therefore apparent, that the Apostles left this kind of fast free to every man's will and judgement, lest any should be constrained by fear and necessity to do that which is good, etc. With this of Socrates, agreeth also the words of Sozomenus, 

Ex Sozomeno. lib. 7. cap. 19 The ordinances of Telesphorus falsely to him ascribed.  
Higynus Bishop of Rome and Martyr. Ex Volatetano Anthrop. Lib. 22. Cream. One Godfather and Godmother in Baptism. Dedication of Churches.  
Piu● Bishop of Rome. The dangers of letting the holy mysteries fall from the lords Table.   living much about the same time, in his seventh voke, where he thus writeth: The whole fast of Lent (saith he) some comprehend in six weeks, as do the Illyrians, and the west churches, with all Libya, Egypt, & Palestina: some in seven. weeks, as at Constantinople, & the parties bordering to Phoenicia: other some in three weeks, next before the day of Easter, & some again in ij. weeks. etc. By the which it may be collected, that Telesph. never ordained any such fast of seven. weeks: which otherwise neither would have been neglected in Rome, & in the west churches: neither again would have been unremembered of these ancient Ecclesiastical writers, if any such thing had been. The like is to be thought also of the rest, not only of his constitutions: but also of the other ancient Bishops & Martyrs, which followed after him, as of Higinus. an. 142. who succeeding him & dying also a Martyr, as Volateranus, Lib. 22. declareth, is said or rather feigned to bring in the cream, one Godfather and Godmother in Baptism, to ordain the dedication of Churches: when as in his time so far it was of, that any solemn Churches were standing in Rome, that uneath the Christians could safely convent in their own houses. Likewise they distincting the orders of metropolitans, Bishops, and other degrees, savour nothing less than of that tyme.  
After Higynus followed Pius, who as Platina reporteth was so precisely devout about the holy mysteries of the Lords Table, that if any one croome thereof did fall down to the ground, he ordained that the Priest should do penance xl. days. If any fell upon the Superalter, he should do penance iij. days: if upon the linen Corporas cloth iiij. days: if upon any other linen cloth. ix. days. And if any drop of the blood (saith he) should chance be spilled, wheresoever it fell it should be licked up, if it were possible if not the place should be washed or pared, & so being washed or pared, should be burned and laid in the vestry. All which toys may seem to a wise man, more vain and trifling, then to favour of those pure and strait times of those holy Martyrs. This Pius (as is reported) was much conversant with Hermes called otherwise Pastor. Damasus saith he was his brother, but how is that like that Hermes being the disciple of Paul, 
The revelation of Hermes.  or one of the lx. disciples, could be the brother of this Pius? Of this Hermes & of the revelations the foresaid Pius in his Epistle decretal (if it be not forged) maketh mention, declaring that unto him appeared the angel of God in the habit of a shepherd, 
The decretal Epistle of Pius.  commanding him, that Easter day should be celebrated of all men upon no other day, but upon a sunday, whereupon, saith the Epistle, Pius the Bishop, by his authority Apostolical, decreed and commanded the same to be observed of all men.  
Then succeeded Anicetus, Soter, and Eleutharius, about the year of our Lord. 
Anicetus. Bishop of Rome and Martyr. Soter Bishop. Elutherius Bishop. England converted to the faith of Christ.  180. This Eleutherius, at the request of Lucius king of Britanes, sent to him Damianus, and Fugatius, by whom the king was converted to Christ's saith, and baptized about the year of our Lord 179. Nauclerus, Lib. Chro. Gen. 6. saith, it was, an. 156. Henr. de Erfodia, saith, it was, 169. in the nineteen. year of Verus the Emperor, some say it was in the vj. year of Commodus, which should be about the year of our Lord, 185. Timotheus in his story thinketh that Eleutherius came himself: but that is not like And as there is a variance among the writers for the count of years: So doth there rise a question among some, whether Eleutherius was the first that brought the faith from Rome into this land or not. Nicephorus. Lib. 2. cap. 4. saith that Simon zealots, came into Britain. Some other allege out of Gildas de victoria Aurel Ambrosi, 
Ex Nicep. lib. 2. cap. 4. Ex Gilda de Victor. Aur. Ambros. Whether this land of Britain received the Gospel before king Lucius days.  that joseph of Aramathie after the dispersion of the jews, was sent to Philip the Apostle from France to Britain; about the year of our Lord 63. and here remained in this land all his time, and so with his fellows laid the first foundation of christian faith among the Britain people. Whereupon other preachers and teachers coming afterward confirmed the same & increased it more. And therefore doth Petrus Cluniacensis call the Scotishmen & so doth count them as more ancient Christians. For the confirmation hereof might be alleged the testimony of Origene, of Tertulian, and the words also of the letter of Eleutherius which import no less, but that the faith of Christ was here in England among the Britain people, before Eleutherius time, & before the king was converted, but hereof more shallbe spoken hereafter (Christ willing,) when after the tractation of these ten persecutions, we shall enter the matter of our English stories.  
About this time of Commodus aforementioned among divers other learned men and famous teachers whom God stirred up at that time (as he doth at all other times raise up some) in his church, to confound the persecutors by learning and writing, as the Martyrs to confirm the truth with their blood, 

Serapion Bishop of Antioch.  
Egesippus Ecclesiastical writer.   was Serapion Bishop of Antioch, Egesippus a writer of the Ecclesiastical history from Christ's Passion to his time, as witnesseth Jerome, & Eusebius Lib. 4. cap. 8. & 22. which books of his be not now remaining And those that be remaining (which be 5. de excidio Hierosol.) be not mentioned neither of Jerome, nor of Eusebius Miltiades which also wrote his Apology in defence of christian Religion, 

Miltiades Ecclesiastical writer.  
Her●clitus Ecclesiastical writer.  
Theophilus' Ecclesiastical writer.  
Dioniti●s Corinthius Ecclesiastical writer.  
The yoke of chastity not to be laid upon the infirm brethren. Ex Euseb. lib. ●. cap. 23.  
The book of Dionysius Areo. De Hierarchia suspected.   as did Melito Quadratus, and Aristides before mentioned. About the same time also wrote Heraclitus, who first began to write annotations & enarrations upon the new Testament, and Epistles of the Apostles. Also Theophilus Bishop of Caesaria, Dionysius bishop of Corinthe a man famously learned, which wrote divers Epistles to divers Churches, & among other writeth, exhorting Penitus a certain Bishop, Ne grave seruandae castitatis onus necessario fratribus imponat, sed multorum sese imbecilitati attemperet, that is, that he would lay no yoke of chastity of any necessity upon his brethren: but that he would consider the infirmity of other, and bear with it. Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 23. Moreover the said Dionysius in his Epistles writing of Dionysius Agiopagites, declareth of him how that he was first converted to the Christian faith by S. Paul, according as in the acts is recorded, and afterward was made the first Bishop of Athens, but maketh there no mention of his book de Hierarchia. Whereby it may easily appear, what is to be judged of that book. Furthermore, by the Epistles of the said Dionysius Corint. this we have to understand, to be the use at that time in Churches to read the letters and Epistles, such as were sent by learned Bishops and teachers unto the Congregations, as may appear by these words of Dionysius, who writing to the church of the Romans, and to Soter saith. This day we celebrate the holy Dominical day. In which we have read your Epistle, which always we will read for our exhortation, 
Celebration of the Sunday.  like as we do read also the Epistle of Clement sent to us before, etc. Euseb. ibid. where also mention is made of keeping the Sunday holy. Whereof we find no mention made in ancient authors, before his time, except only in justinus Martyr, who in his description declareth two times most especially used for Christian men to congregate together, first, when any convert was to be baptized. The second was upon the Sunday, which was wont for ij. causes then to be hallowed. First, because (saith he) upon that day God made the word, secondly, because that Christ upon that day first showed himself after his resurrection to his Disciples, etc.  
Over and beside these above named, about the days of Commodus, 
Clemens Alexandrinus.  wrote also Clemens Alexandrinus, a man of notable and singular learning, whose books, although for a great part be lost, yet certain of them yet remain wherein is declared among other things, the order and number of the books and Gospels of the new testament, etc.  
The same time moreover lived Pantenus, which was the first in Alexandria, that professed in open school to read of whom is thought first to proceed the order and manner among the Christians to read and profess in Universities This Pantenus for his excellency of learning was sent by Demetrius Bishop of Alexandria to preach to the Indeans, 
The Gospel of S. Matthew in Hebrew.  where he found the Gospel of S. matthew written in Hebrew, left there by S. Bartelinewe, which book afterward he brought with him from thence, to the Library of Alexandria.  
During all the reign of Commodus; God granted rest & tranquillity, although not without some bloodshed of certain holy Martyrs, as is above declared, unto his Church. In the which time of tranquility, the Christians having now some laisure from the foreign enemy, 
Difference about the ceremony of Easter.  begun to have a little contention among themselves, about the ceremony of Easter: which contention albeit of long time before had been stirring in the church as is before mentioned of Polycarpus and Anicetus: yet the variance and difference of that ceremony brought no breach of Christian concord and society among them: Neither as yet did the matter exceed so far, but that the band of love, and communion of brotherly life continued, although they differed in the ceremony of the day. For they of the West Church pretending the tradition of Paul and Peter, but in deed being the tradition of Hermes and of Pius, kept one day, which was upon the Sunday after the 14. day of the first month. The Church of Asia following the ordinance of john the Apostle, observed an other, as more shallbe declared (the Lord willing) when we come to the time of Victor Bishop of Rome. In the mean time as concerning the fourth persecution, let this hitherto suffice.   

The fift Persecution.  

Severus Emperor.  AFter the death of Commodus, reigned Pertinax but few months, after whom succeeded Severus. Under whom was raised the fift persecution against the christian saints: 
Anno. 195.  who reigning the term of 18. years, the first x. years of the same, was very favourable and courteous to the Christians. Afterward through sinister suggestions and malicious accusations of the malignant, 
The 5. persecution. Ex Euse. Lib. 6. cap. 2.  was so incensed against them, that by Proclamations he commanded no Christians any more to be suffered. Thus the rage of the Emperor being inflamed against them, great persecution was stirred upon every side, 
Anno. 205.  whereby an infinite number of Martyrs were slain, as Eusebius in his sixth book recordeth, which was about the year of our Lord, 
The false accusations against the Christians.  205. The crimes and false accusations objected against the Christians, are partly touched before, pag. 37. as sedition and rebellion against the Emperor, sacrilege, murdering of Infants, incestuous pollution, eating raw flesh, libidinous commixture, whereof certain in deed called then Gnostici, were infamed. Item, it was objected against them, for worshipping the head of an Ass, which whereof it should rise, I find no certain cause, except it were perhaps by the Jews. Also they were charged for worshipping the sun, for that peradventure before the sun rise, they convented together, singing their morning Hymns unto the Lord, or else because they prayed toward the East: but especially for that they would not with them worship their idolatrous gods and were counted as enemies to all men. etc.  
The Captains and Presidents of this persecution under the Emperor were Hilarianus, 
The captains and ministers of this persecution. Ex Tertul ad Scapulam.  Vigellius, Claudius, Hermianus Ruler of Cappadocia, Cecilius, Capella, Vespronius, also Demetrius mentioned of Cyprian. And Aquila judge of Alexandria, of whom Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 5. maketh relation.  
The places where the force of this persecution most raged, were Africa, Alexandria, Cappadocia, and Carthage.  
The number of them that suffered in this persecution, by the report of the Ecclesiastical story was innumerable. 
Leonides father of Origene Martyr.  Of whom the first was Leonides, the father of Origene, who was beheaded: with whom also Origene his son, being of the age then of xvij. years, should have suffered (such a servant desire he had to be martyred for Christ) had not his mother privily in the night season conveyed away his clothes & his shirt. 
Origene kept from martyrdom by his mother.  Whereupon more for shame to be seen, then for fear to die, he was constrained to remain at home: and when he could do nothing else, yet he writing to his father a letter with these words: Cave tibi, ne quid propter nos aliud quam martyrij constanter faciendi propostum cogites, that is, Take heed to yourself, that you turn not your thought and purpose for our sake, 
Origene commended. Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 3.  etc. Such a fervency had this Origene being yet young, to the doctrine of Christ's faith, by the operation of God's heavenly providence, and partly also by the diligent education of his Father, who brought him up from his youth most studiously in all good literature, but especially in the reading & exercise of holy scripture, wherein he had such inward & mystical speculation, that many times he would move questions to his father, of the meaning of this place, or that place in the scripture. Insomuch that his father divers times would uncover his breast being a sleep, 
Ex Euseb. Anconi●o. Symoneta. etc.  & kiss it, giving thanks to God which had made him so happy a father of such a happy child. After the death of his father, and all his goods confiscated to the Emperor, he with his poor mother, and six brethren, being brought to such extreme poverty, did sustain both himself and them by teaching a school. Till at length being weary of that profession, he transferred his study only to the knowledge and seeking of divine Scripture, & such other learning conducible to the same. So much he profited both in the Hebrew and other tongues, that he conferred the Hebrew text with the translation of the lxx. And moreover did confer and find out the other translations which we call the common translation of Aquila, of Symmachus, and Theodotion. Also he adjoined to these aforesaid other four translations, whereof more is in the story of Eusebius expressed.  
They that writ of the life of Origene, testify of him that he was of wit quick and sharp, much patiented of labour, a great traveller in the tongues, of a spare diet, of a strait life, a great faster, his teaching & his lining were both one: his going was much barefoot. A strait observer of that saying of the Lord, bidding to have but one coat, etc., he is said to have written so much as seven Notaries, & so many maids every day could pen. The number of his books by the account of Jerome, came to 7000. Uolumes, the copies whereof he used to sell for 3. d. or a little more, for the sustentation of his living. But of him more shallbe touched hereafter. So zealous he was in the cause of Christ, and of Christ's Martyrs, that he nothing fearing his own peril would assist & exhort them going to their death, & kiss them, insomuch that he was oft in jeopardy to be stoned of the multitude. And sometimes by the provision of Christian men had his house guarded about with soldiers, for the safety of them, which daily resorted to hear his readings, & many times he was compelled to shift places & houses, for such as laid wait for him in all places, But such was the providence of God to preserve him in the midst of all this tempest of Severus. Among other which resorted unto him, & were his hearers. Plutarch, was one, 
Plutarch scholar of Origene. and Serenus his brother Martyred. Heraclides. Heron. Rhais. Potamiena, Marcelia. scholars of Origene and Martyrs.  and died a martyr, & with him Serenus his brother who was burned. The third after these was Heraclides, The fourth Heron, who were both beheaded. The fift, was an other Serenus also beheaded, Rhais, and Potamiena. who was tormented with pitch poured upon her, & martyred with her mother, Marcelia, who died also in the fire. This Potamiena was of a fresh and flourishing beauty, who because she could not be removed from her profession was committed to Basilides one of the Captains there in the army, to see the execution done, Basilides receiving her at the judges hand, & leading her to the place, showed to her some compassion in repressing the rebukes and railings of the wicked adversaries: for the which Potamiena, the virgin, to requite again his kindness, bade him be of good comfort, saying that she would pray the Lord to show mercy upon him. And so went she to her martyrdom, which she both strongly and quietly did sustain.  
Not long after it happened that Basilides was required to give an oath in a matter concerning his fellow soldiers: which thing he denied to do, 
Basilides of a persecutor made a martyr.  plainly affirming the he was a Christian. For their oath then, was wont to be by the Idols & the Emperor. At the first he was thought dissimulingly to jest, but after when he was heard constantly, & in earnest to confirm the same, he was had before the judge, and so by him committed toward. The Christians marveling thereat, as they came to him in the prison inquired of him the cause of that his sudden conversion. To whom he answered again and said, that Potamiena had prayed for him to the Lord, & so he saw a crown put upon his head: adding moreover that it should not be long, but he should be received. Which things thus done, the next day following, he was had to the place of execution, and there beheaded, Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 5. Albeit the said Eusebius, giveth this story of no credit, 
Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 5. Albeit the said Eusebius, giveth  but only of hear say, as he there expresseth.  
As divers and many there were that suffered in the days of this Severus: 
Alexander confessor and Bishop of Jerusalem. The notable age of Narcissus Bishop of Jerusalem.  so some were again which through the protection of God his providence, being put to great torments, yet escaped with life. Of whom was one Alexander who for his constant confession and torments suffered, was made Bishop afterward of Jerusalem, together with Narcissus, who being then an old man of an hundred and threescore years and three, as sayeth Eusebius, was unwieldy for his age to govern that function alone.  
Of this Narcissus is reported in the Ecclesiastical history, that certain miracles by him were wrought very notable, 
A miracle of water turned into oil. Ex. Euseb. Lib. 6. Ca 9  if they be true. First of water by him turned into oil at the solemn vigil of Easter, what time the congregation wanted oil for their lamps. Another miracle is also told of him, which is this. There were three evil disposed persons, who seeing the soundness & grave constancy of his virtuous life, & fearing their own punishment, as a conscience that is guilty, is always fearful, thought to prevent his accusations, in accusing him first, & laying an heinous crime to his charge. And to make their accusation more probable before the people, they bond their accusation with a great oath: One wishing to be destroyed with fire if he said not true. The other to be consumed with a grievous sickness. The third to lose both his eyes if they did lie. Narcissus although having his conscience clear, yet not able being but one man to withstand their accusation bound with such oaths gave place, and removed himself from the multitude, into a solitary desert by himself, where he continued the space of many years. In the mean time to them which so willingly and wickedly forswear themselves, this happened: 
A terrible example of perjury punished.  the first by casualty of one little small sparkle of fire, was burnt with his goods and all his family. The second, was taken with a great sickness from the top to the toe, and devoured with the same. The third, hearing and seeing the punishment of the other, confessed his fault, but through great repentance poured out such tears, that he lost both his eyes. 
Narcissus and Alexander joined together in one Bishopric.  And thus was their false perjury punished. Narcissus after long absence returning home again, was by this means both cleared of the fact, and received into his bishopric again. To whom, as is said, for impotency of his age, Alexander was joined with him in execution of the function. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. Lib. 6. cap. 10. Of this Alexander is recorded in the said Ecclesiastical history, that after his agonies and constancy of his confession showed in the persecution of Severus, he was admonished by a vision in the night season to make his journey up to Jerusalem & Palestina (for that place remained free from this persecution) to see there the congregation, & to pray. Thus he taking his journey, 
Alexander ordained Bishop of Jerusalem by God's miracle. Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 11.  and drawing near to the city, a vision with plain words was given to certain chief heads of Jerusalem, to go out of the gate of the city, there to receive the Bishop appointed to them of God. And so was Alexander met and received, and joined partner with aged Narcissus, as is before expressed in the City of Jerusalem, where he continued bishop above 40. years, until the persecution of Decius, and there erected a famous Libraric, where Eusebius had his chiefest help in writing his Ecclesiastical history. He wrote also divers Epistles to divers churches, and licenced Origene openly to teach in his Church. 
The constancy & death of Alexander Bishop  At length being very aged, was brought from jerusalem to Cesaria before the judge under Decius, where after his constant confession the second time, he was committed to prison, and there died.  
Besides these that suffered in this persecution of Severus recited of Eusebius, Vincentius also, Lib. 11. cap. 6. Ex Martyrol. speaketh of one Andoclus, 
Andoclus, Martyr.,  whom Polycarpus before had sent into France: which Andoclus because he spread there the doctrine of Christ, was apprehended of Severus, and first beaten with staves and bats, after was beheaded.  
To these above named, may also be added Asclepiades, who although was not put to death in this persecution of Severus, 
Asclepiades Bishop of Antioch coufessor.  yet constantly he did abide the trial of his confession & suffered much for the same, as Alexander did before mentioned. Wherefore afterward he was ordained bishop of Antioch, where he continued the space of seven. years of whom Alexander writeth to the Church of Antioch, out of prison, much rejoicing and giving thanks to God, to hear that he was their Bishop.  
About the same time during the reign of Severus, died Irenaeus, 
Irenaeus Bishop of Lions, and Martyr.  Henr. de Erfordia, Ado, and other Martyr writers, do hold, that he was martyred with a great multitude of other more, for the confession and doctrine of Christ, about the fourth or fift year of Severus. This Irenaeus as he was a great writer, so was he greatly commended of Tertullian for his learning, whom he calleth omnium doctrinarum curiosissimum exploratorem: a great searcher of all kind of learning. He was first scholar and hearer of Polycarpus, from thence either was sent or came to France, and there by Photinus, and the rest of the Martyrs was instituted into the ministry, commended by their letter unto Eleutherius, as is before premonished. At length after the Martyrdom of Photinus, he was appointed bishop of Lions, where he continued about the space of 23. years. In the time of this Irenaeus, the state of the Church was much troubled, not only for the outward persecution of the foreign enemy, but also for divers sects and errors then stirring, against which he diligently laboured, and wrote much, although but few of his books be now remaining. The nature of this man well agreeing with his name, was such, that he ever loved peace, and sought to set agreement when any controversy role in the Church. And therefore, when the question of keeping the Easter day was renewed to the Church, bebetwene Victor bishop of Rome, and the churches of Asia, and when Victor would have excommunicated them as schisinatikes, for disagreeing from him therein: Irenaeus with other brethren, of the French Church, sorry to see such a contention among brethren for such a trifle, convented themselves together in a common Council, and directing their letter with their common consent subscribed, sent unto Victor, entreating him to stay his purpose, & not to proceed in excommunicating his brethren for that matter. Although they themselves agreed with him in observing the Sunday Easter as he did: yet with great reasons and arguments exhorted him not to deal so rigorously with his other brethren, following the ancient custom of their country manner in that behalf. And beside this he wrote divers other letters abroad concerning the same contention, declaring the excommunication of Victor to be of no force.  
Not long after Irenaeus followed also Tertullian about the time of this Severus, 
Tertullian Ecclesiastical writer.  and Antoninus Carcalla his son, a man both in Greek and Latin well expert, having great gifts in disputing, and in writing eloquent, as his books declare, & as the commendation of all learned men doth testify no less. To whom Vincentius Lirinensis giveth such praise, that he calleth him the flower of all Latin writers, and of the eloquence of his stile so he writeth, that with the force of his reasons, he saith, whom he could not persuade, them he compelled to consent unto him. How many words, so many sentences, and how many sentences, so many victories he had, &.  
Such men of doing and writing, God raiseth up from time to time, as pillars and stays for his poor Church, as he did this Tertullian in these dangerous days of persecution. For when the christians were vexed with wrongs, 
The Apology of Tertullian defending the Christians.  & falsely accused of the Gentiles, Tertullian taking their cause in hand, defendeth them against the persecutors, & against their slanderous accusations: First, that they never minded any stir or rebellion, either against the Empire or Emperors of Rome: forsomuch as the use of Christians was to pray for the state of their Emperors and governors. And where as they were accused falsely to be enemies to all mankind, 
Tertullianus 〈◊〉 Scapulam.  how could that be (saith Tertullian to Scapula) seeing the proper office of the Christians is by their profession to pray for all men, to love their enemies, never requiting evil for evil, when as all other do love but only their friends, and scarcely them? As touching the horrible slander of murdering infants, how can that be true in the Christians (saith he)▪ whose order is to abstain from all blood, & strangled: in so much, that it is not lawful for them to touch the blood of any beast at their tables when they feed? From filthy copulation no sort more free than they: which are and ever hath been the greatest observers of chastity, of whom, such as may, live in perpetual virginity all their life, such as cannot, contract matrimony, for avoiding all whoredom and fornication. Neither can it be proved of the christians to worship the sun, which false surmise, Tertullian declareth to rise hereof, 
The occasion hereof, belike came of the jews worshipping the jaw of an Ass in the story of Samson.  for that the manner of the Christians was to pray toward the East. Much less was there any of them so mad as to worship an Asses head whereof the occasion being taken only of the jews, the slander thereof therefore he proveth to be falsely and wrongfully laid to the charge of the Christians.  
And likewise against all other lies and slanders, objected of the Heathen against the Christians, the said Tertullian purgeth the Christians, declaring them falsely to be belied, & wrongfully persecuted, not for any defect of theirs but only for the hatred of their name. And yet notwithstanding by the same persecutions, he proveth in the same Apology, the religion of the christians nothing to be impaired, but rather increased. The more (saith he) we are mown down of you, 
Tertul. in Apelogetico.  the more rise up. The blood of Christians is seed. For what man saith he, in beholding the painful torments, and the perfect patience of them will not search and inquire what is in the cause? And when he hath found it out, who will not agree unto it? And when he agreeth to it, who will not desire to suffer for it? Thus (faith he) this sect will never die, which the more it is cutdoune, the more it groweth. For every man seeing and wondering at the sufferance of the Saints, is moved the more thereby to search the cause in searching, he findeth it, and in finding, he followeth it. Tertul in eodem Apolog.  
Thus Tertullian in this dangerous time of persecution, being stirred up of God, defended the innocency of the Christians, against the blasphemy of the adversaries, and moreover for the instruction of the church compiled many fruitful works, whereof some are extant, some are not to be found. 
The errors and imperfection● in learned men neted.  Notwithstanding the great learning & famous virtues of this worthy man, certain errors and blemishes are noted in his doctrine, as were before both of Origine, & Irenaeus, and likewise of them were they never so excellent, that followed them. Which errors all here in order to note and comprehend, were too long a matter for this story to prosecute. This by the way shall be sufficient to admonish the Reader, never to look for any such perfection of any man in this world, how singular so ever he be (Christ only excepted) but some blemish or other joineth himself withal, whereof more perchance shall be said when we come to Cyprian.  


Victor Bishop of Rome.  
Victor reported of some to die a Martyr.   And now to return again to the order of bishops of Rome intermitted: after Eleutherius afore mentioned, next in the bishopric of Rome succeeded Victor, who as Platina saith, died quietly in the days of Severus. But Damasus Supplementum, Lib. 8. and such as follow the common Chronicles, affirm that he died a Martyr, after he had sitten x. or as some say xij. years. This Victor was a great styrre● (as partly before is signified) in the controversy and contention of Easterday. For the which he would have proceeded in excommunication against the churches of Asia, had not Irenaeus then bishop of Lions, with the counsel of other his brethren there assembled, repressed his intended violence. As touching that controversy of Easter in those days of the primitive Church, the original thereof was this, as Eusebius, Socrates, Platina, and other record. First, certain it is, 
The cause discussed why the holy Ghost forbade blood and strangled in the primitive Church.  that the Apostles only being intentive and attendant to the doctrine of salvation, gave no heed nor regard to the observation of days & times, neither bound the Church to any ceremonies and rites, except those things necessary mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, as strangled and blood, which was ordained then of the holy Ghost, notwithout a most urgent and necessary cause, touched partly in the history before. For when the murdering and blood of Infants was commonly objected by the Heathen persecutors against the Christians, they had no other argument to help themselves, nor to refel the adversary, but only their own law, by the which they were commanded to abstain not only from all men's blood, but also from the blood of all common beasts. And therefore that law seemeth by the holy Ghost to be given, & also to the same end & continued in the Church, so long as the cause, that is the persecutions of the Heathen Gentiles continued. Beside these we read of no other ceremonies or rites, which the Apostles greatly regarded, but left such things free to the liberty of Christians, every man to use therein his own discretion, for the using or not using thereof. Whereupon, as concerning all the ceremonial observations of days, times, places, meats, drinks, vestures, and such other, of all these things neither was the diversity among men greatly noted, nor any uniformity greatly required. In so much, that Irenaeus writing to Victor of the tradition of days, 
Ex Euseb. lib. 5. Cap. 26. The doctrine of Christian liberty in outward usages.  and of fastings, and of the diversity of these things then used among the primitive fathers, saith: Nihilo tamen minus omnes Illi pacem inter se retinuerunt, & retinemus etiamnum, & leiunij dissonantia, fidei concordiam commendat, etc. That is, Notwithstanding all this variety, all they kept peace among themselves, & yet we keep it still, and this difference of fasting among us, commendeth more the concord of faith. And so long did the doctrine of Christian liberty remain whole & sound in the Church till the time of Victor, 
Anno. 200.  which was about the year of our Lord, 200. Although the diversity of these usages, began something before also in the days of Pius and Anicetus, about the year of our Lord, 163. to be misliked: yet restraint hereof was not so much urged before, as in the tune of Victor. And yet neither did the violence of Victor take such place, but that the doctrine of Christian liberty was defended and maintained by means of Irenaeus and other, and so continued in the Church till after the Council of Nice. And thus much concerning the doctrine of Christian liberty of the differences of rites and ceremonies.  
Now to return to Victor again, to show what diversity there was in observing the day of Easter, and how it came, thus is the story: First, in the time of Pius and Anicetus, an. 163. the question of Easter day began first to be moved, at what time Pius, by the revelation of Hermes, decreed the observation of that day to be changed from the wont manner of the 14. day of the moon in the first month, unto the next Sunday after. After him came Anicetus, Soter, and Eleutherius Bishops of Rome, which also determined the same. 
Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. Cap 26. Polycarpus and Anicetus disagreeing in controversy, yet agreed in cha●●e.  Against these stood Melito. Bishop of Sardis, Polycarpus, and as some think, Egesippus, with other learned men of Asia which Polycarpus being sent by the brethren of Asia, came to Rome as is aforesaid, to confer with Anicetus in that matter: wherein when they could not agree after long debating, yet notwithstanding, they did both communicate together with reverence, & departed in peace. And so the celebration of Easterday remained Adiaphoron, as a thing indifferent in the Church, till the time of Victor. Who following after Anicetus and his fellows, and chief stirring in this matter, endeavoured by all means and might, to draw, or rather subdue the Churches of Asia unto his opinion, thinking moreover to excommunicate all those Bishops and churches of Asia, as heretics and schismatics, which disagreed from the Roman order, had not Irenaeus otherwise restrained him from that doing, 
Uniformed in ceremonies not to be required as a thing necessary.  as is a foresaid, which was about the year of our Lord .191. in the reign of Commodus. Thus then began the uniformity of keeping that holy day to be first required, as a thing necessary, & all they accounted as heretics and schismatics, which dissented from the Bishop & tradition of Rome.  
With Victor stood Theophilus Bishop of Cesar●a, Narcissus of Jerusalem, Irenaeus of Lions, Palmas of Pontus, Banchillus of Corinthe, the Bishop of D●●roena, and other more. All which condescended to have the celebration of Easter upon the Sunday, because they would differ from the jews in all things, as near as they might, and partly because the resurrection of the Lord fell on the same day.  
On the contrary side divers Bishop were in Asia, of whom the principal was Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus, who being assembled with a great multitude of Bishops and brethren of those parties, 
Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus.  by the common assent of the rest, wrote again to Victor, and to the Church of Rome, declaring, that they had ever from the beginning observed that day, according to the rule of Scripture unchanged, neither adding nor altering any thing from the same. Alleging moreover for them the examples of the Apostles and holy fathers their predecessors, as Philip the Apostle, with his three daughters at Hierapolis: also john the Apostle and Evangelist at Ephesus, Polycarpus at Smyrna Thraseas at Eumenia, bishop and Martyr, likewise of Sagaris at Laodicaea Bishop and Mattyr, Holy Papyrius, and Melito at Sardis. Beside these bishops also of his own kindred, 
Bishop in those days married.  and his own ancestors, to the number of seven which all were bishops before him, & he the eight now after them. All which observed (saith he) the solemnity of the same day, after the same wi●e and sort as we do now.  
Victor being not a little moved herewith, 
Victor excommunicating the Churches of Asia.  by letters again denounceth against them (more bold upon authority, then wi●e in his commission) violent excommunication, Albeit by the wise handling of Irenaeus, and other learned men, that matter was stayed, and Victor otherwise persuaded. What the persuasions of Irenaeus were, partly may appear in Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 26. the sum whereof tendeth to this effect: That the variance and difference of ceremonies is no strange matter in the Church of Christ, 
Irenaeus to Victor.  when as this variety is not only in the day of Easter, but also in the manner of fasting, & in divers other usages among the christian. For some fast one day, some two days, some other fast more. Other there be, which counting xl. hours, both day & night, take that for a full days fast. And this so divers fashion of fasting in the church of Christ, began not only in this our time, but was before among our fore elders. And yet notwithstanding they with all this diversity, were in unity among themselves, and so be we, neither both this difference of ceremonies any thing hinder, but rather commendeth the concord of faith. And bringeth forth the examples of the fathers of Telesphorus, 
Diversity commendeth the concord of faith.  Pius, Anicetus, Soter, Eleutherius, and such other, who neither observed the same usage themselves, neither prescribed it to others, and yet notwithstanding kept christian charity with such as came to communicate with them, not observing the same form of things which they observed, as well appeared by Polycarpus and Anicetus, which although they agreed not in one uniform custom of rites, yet refused not to communicate together, the one giving reverence unto the other. Thus the controversy being taken up between Irenaeus & Victor, remained free to the time of Nicene Council. Haec ex Iren. Eusebius. And thus much concerning the controversy of that matter, and concerning the doings of Victor.  
After Victor, succeeded in the sea of Rome Zephyrinus, in the days of the foresaid Severus, 
Zephyrinu● Bishop of Rome.  about the year of our Lord .203. To this Zephyrinus be ascribed two Epistles, in the first Tome of the Counsels. But as I have said before of the decretal Epistles of other Roman Bishops: so I say and verily suppose of this, that neither the countenance of the stile, nor the matter therein contained, nor the condition of the ●yme, 
The Epistle and ordinances of Zephyrinus suspected to be counterfeit.  doth otherwise give to think of these letters, but that they be verily bastard letters, not written by these fathers, nor in these times, but craftily and wickedly pact in by some, which to set up the primacy of Rome, have most pestilently abused the authority of these holy & ancient fathers, to deceive the simple Church. For who is so rude, but that in considering only the state of those terrible times, may easily understand except affection blind him, beside a number of other probable conjectures to lead him, that the poor persecuted bishops in that time, would have been glad to have any safe covert to put their heads in: so far was it of, that they had any lust or laisure, them to seek for any Primacy or Patriarkeship, or to drive all other churches to appeal to the sea of Rome, or to exempt all Priests from the accusation of any lay man: as in the first Epistle of Zephyrinus is to be seen, 
The first Epistle of Zephyrinus to the Bishops of Sicilia.  written to the Bishops of Sicilia, And likewise the second Epistle of his, to the Bishops of the province of Egypt, containing no manner of doctrine, nor consolation necessary for that time, but only certain ritual decrees to no purpose, argueth no less but the said epistles neither to savour of that man, nor taste of the tyme.  
Of like credit also seemeth the constitution of the Patens of glass, 
Patins of glass borne before the Priest. The ordinances of Zepherinus of small credit.  which Damasus saith that the same Zephyrinus ordained to be carried before the Priest, at the celebration of the Mass. Again Platina writeth that he ordained the ministration of the Sacrament to be no more used in vessels of wood, or of glass, or of any other metal, except only silver, gold, and tin, etc. But how these two testimonies of Damasus and Platina join together, let the reader judge: especially seeing the same decree is referred to Vrbanus, that came after him. Again, what needed this decree of golden chalices to be established afterward in the Council of Tybur and Rhein's, 
Golden chalices. Concilium Tiburti●um Rhemense.  if it had been enacted before by Zephyrinus? How long this Zephyrinus sat, our writers do vary. Eusebius saith, he died in the reign of Caracalla, and sat 17. years, Platina writeth that he died under Severus, and sat 8. years, and so saith also Nauclerus. Damasus affirmeth that he sat 16. years and two months.  
Matthaeus author of the story entitled, Flores Historiarum, with other latter Chronicles, 
Ex Florilego. Perpetua. Felicitas. Revocatus Saturninus. Sa●yrus. Secundulus. Martyrs. Soverus warreth in Britain. A wall between England builded. 132. miles in length. Severus the persecutor slain at York.  maketh mention of Perpetua, and Felicitas, and Revocatus, her brother, also of Saturninus and Satyrus brethren, and Secundulus, which in the persecution of this Severus, gave over their lives to martyrdom for Christ, being thrown to wild beasts, and devoured of the same, in Carthage and in Africa, save that Saturninus brought again from the beasts, was beheaded, and Secundulus died in prison, about the year of our Lord, 202. as writeth Florilegus.  
This Severus the persecutor reigned, as the most part of writers accord the term of 18. years, who about the latter time of his reign, came with his army hither into Britain, where after many conflicts had with the Britain's, in the borders of the North, he cast up a ditch with a mighty wall made of earth and turfs, & strong stakes, to the length of 132. miles from the one side of the sea to the other, beginning at Tine, and reached to the Scottish sea, which done, he removed to York, and there by the breaking in of the Northern men and the Scots, was besieged and slain, about the year of our Lord, 214. leaving behind him two sons, Bassianus, and Geta. which Bassianus surnamed Caracalla, 
An. 215.  after he had slain his brother Geta here in Britain, governed the Empire alone, the space of six years. 
Bassianus Emperor. Macrinus with his son Diadumenus Emperor.  After whose death, he being slain also of his servants (as he had slain his brother before) succeeded Macrinus with his son Diadumenus, to be Emperor, who after they had reigned one year, were both slain of their own people.  
After them followed Varius Heliogabalus, in the empire, rather to be called a Monster, than a man, so prodigious was his life in all gluttony, filthiness, and ribaudry. Such was his pomp, 
An. 219.  that in his lamps he used balm, & filled his fishpondes with rose-water. To let pass his sumptuous vestures which he would not wear but only of gold, 
The monstrous life of Heliogabolus Emperor.  and most costly silks: his shoes glistering with precious stones finely engraved he was never ij. days served with one kind of meat, he never wore one garment twice, and likewise for his fleshly wickedness: some days his company was served at meal with the brains of Ostriges, and a strange foul called Phenocapterie, an other day with the tongues of Popinjays, and other sweet singing birds. Being nigh to the sea, he never used fish: in places far distant from the sea, all his house was served with most delicate fishes. At one supper he was served with 7000. fishes, and 5000. fowls. At his remooning in his progress, 
A prodigious beliged.  often there followed him 600. chariots, laden only with bawds, common harlots, and ribaudes. He sacrificed with young children, and preferred to the best advancements in the common weal, most light personages, as bawds, Minstrels, Carters, and such like. In one word he was an enemy to all honesty & good order. And when he was foretold by his Sorcerers and Astronomers, that he should die a violent death, he provided ropes of silk to hang himself, sword of gold to kill himself▪ and strong poison in jacincts and Emeralds to poison himself, if needs he must thereto be forced. 
Heliogabalus slain of his soulniours. Ex Eutropio●.  Moreover, he made an high tower, having the floor of boards covered with gold plate, bordered with precious stones, from the which tour he would throw himself down, if he should be pursued of his enemies. But notwithstanding all his provision, he was slain of the soldiers, drawn through the City, and cast into Tiber after he had reigned two years and viij. months, as witnesseth Eutropius, other say four years.  
This Heliogabalus having no issue, 
Alexander Severus Emperor.  adopted to his son and heir Aurelius Alexander Severus, the son of Mammea who entering his reign the year of our Lord, 224. continued 13. years, 
Anno. 224.  well commended for virtuous, wise, gentle, liberal, & to no man hurtful. And as he was not unlearned himself, through the diligent education of Mammea his mother, so he was a great favourer of men, wise and learned. Neither did he any thing in the common weal, without the assistance of learned and sage counsellors. 
Against corrupt judges. The saying of Alexander to be noted and followed. Idle servants eat up the bowels of the common weal.  It is reported of him, to bear such stomach against corrupt judges, that when he chanced to meet with any of them, by the commotion of his mind, he would cast up choler, being so moved with them that he could not speak, and was ready with his two fingers to put out their eyes. From his court he dismissed all superfluous and unneedful servants saying, that he was no good pupil, which fed idle servants with the bowels of his common weal.  
Among his other good virtues, it appeareth also that he was friendly and favourable unto the Christians, as by this act may be gathered: For when the christians had occupied a certain public place in some good use, belike for the assembling and conventing together of the congregation, the company of the Cooks or tipplers, made challenge of that place to belong unto them. The matter being brought before the Emperor, he judged it more honest, the place to serve to the worship of God, howsoever it were, then to the dirty slubbering of Cooks and Scullion's.  
By this it may be understand, 
A note worthy to be marked.  that in Rome no Christian churches were erected unto this time, when as yet (notwithstanding this favour of the Emperor) no public house could quietly be obtained for the christians. So that by the reason hereof may appear the decretal epistle and ordinance of Pope Higynus concerning the dedication of churches above mentioned, pag. 53. to be falsified. And likewise the ordinance of Pius his successor, concerning the Altar, or superaltar, to be also false. For what superaltar was it like, they had in the time of Higynus and Pius, when as at this time which was long after, no public place almost could be granted them for the Christians to assemble together?  
Of this Alexander, Platina writeth, that as he was a great hater of all boasters & flatterers, 
Platina in vita jontians.  so he was of such prudence, that no deceit could escape him, and bringeth in a story of one Turinus, who had gotten craftily many great bribes and gifts, in making the people believe that he was of great authority with the Emperor, and that he could help them to have whatsoever they sued for. Whereof the Emperor being certified, 
Punished with smoke, that ●old smoke. Mammea the mother of the Emperor.  caused him in the open market to be fastened to a stake, and there killed with smoke, where the Crier stood thus crying to the people: Smoke he sold, and with smoke he is punished.  
Mammea the mother of this Alexander above mentioned (whom Jerome calleth a devout and religious woman) hearing of the same and the excellent learning of Origene, being then at Alexandria, sent for him to Antioch, desirous to hear and see him▪ Unto whom the foresaid Origene according to her request, resorted, and after that he had there remained a space with the Emperor, and his mother, returned again to Alexandria.  
And thus continued this good Emperor his reign the space of 13. years, at length at a commotion in Germany, with his mother Mammea he was slain. After whom succeeded Maximinus, contrary to the mind of the Scuate, only appointed by the soldiers to be Emperor. During all this time between Severus and this Maximinus, the church of Christ, although it had not perfect peace, yet it had some mean tranquility from persecution. Albeit some Martyrs there were at this time that suffered, 
Ex Nauclero.  whereof Nauclerus giveth this reason: For although (saith he) Alexander being persuaded through the entreating of his mother Mammea, did favour the Christians: yet notwithstanding, there was no public Edict or Proclamation provided for their safeguard. By reason whereof, divers there were which suffered martyrdom under Almachius & other judges. 
Calixtus Bishop of Rome and Martyr.  In the number of whom after some stories, was Calixtus Bishop of Rome, who succeeded next unto Zephyrinus; above mentioned. And after him Vrbanus also, which both being Bishops of Rome, did both suffer, by the opinion of some writers, under Alexander Severus.  
This Calixtus in his two decretal Epistles, written to Benedictus, 
The decretal Epistles of Calixtus examined.  and to the Bishops of France, giveth these ordinances, that no actions or accusations against the Prelates or teachers of the church should be received, that no secret conspiracies should be made against bishops. Item, no man to communicate with persons excommunicate. Also no bishop to excommunicate or to deal in an other Diocese. 
The place of S. Paul unfitly expounded.  And here he expoundeth the Diocese or the Parish of any bishop or minister to be his wife. The wife (saith the Apostle) is bound to the law, so long as the husband liveth, when he is dead, she is free from the law: So (saith Calixtus) the wife of a bishop (which is his Church) so long as he liveth, is bound duly to him, neither aught to be judged or disposed by any other man, without his will and judgement: after his death she is free from the law, to marry to whom she will, so it be in the Lord, that is, regulariter, regularly. In the end of the said his epistle decretal, he confuteth the error of them which hold, that they which are fallen, are not to be received again. Which heresy after the time of Calixtus or Calistus, came in first by Novatus, in the days of Cornelius. Moreover, in his said first Epistle decretal, is contained the fast of the four times, commonly called the Imber fast, 
Imber fast first ordained.  whereof also Marianus Scotus, maketh mention. But Damasus speaking of the same fast, saith, he ordained the fast but of three times, which was for the increase of corn, wine, and oil.  
By these hitherto premised, it is not hard for a quick Reader to smell out the crafty juggling of that person or persons whosoever they were, the falsely have ascribed these decretal institutions to those holy fathers. For first, what leisure had the Christians to lay in their accusations against their bishops, when we never read nor find in any story any kind of variance in those days among them, but all love, mutual compassion, and hearty communion among the Saints. And as we read of no variance among the people in those days, nor of any fault or backsliding among the Bishops, who for the most part than died all constant Martyrs: so neither do we read of any tribunal seat or Consistory used or frequented then about any such matters. Again, if a man examine well the dangers of those busy days, he shall see the poor flock of the christians, so occupied and piteously oppressed by the cruel accusations of the Heathen Infidels, that though the cause did, yet the time would not serve them to commense any law against their bishops. Secondly, as touching their conspiracy against bishops, what conspiracy either would they then practise against them, which always gave their lives for their defence? Or how could they then conspire in any companies together, when never a true thristian man durst once put his head out of his doors, neither was there in the church any Christian man in those perilous days, except he were a true man in deed, such as was far from all false conspiracies? And when as all the world almost in all places conspired against them: What time, what cause, or what hart trow ye could they have to conspire against their instructors? Thirdly, concerning the confutation of that heresy, how standeth the confutation with the time of Calistus, when Novatus the author of that heresy was after him in the time of Cornelius? Fourthly, if by the law of Calixtus, every Diocese be the proper wife of every bishop or minister, then how many bishop's wives, and persons wives hath the adulterous Pope of Rome deflowered in these latter days of the Church, which so proudly and impudently hath intermeddled and taken his pleasure & his own profit in every Diocese and Parish almost through all Christendom, without all leave and licence of the good man, who hath been in the mean time, 
Against the decretal Epistles and constitutions.  & yet is compelled still, where so ever the Pope's holiness cometh, Vigilante sternere naso, and to give him leave unasked, to do what he list. Wherefore if this Canon decretal be truly his, why is it not observed, so as it doth stand without exception? If it be not, why is it then falsely forged upon him, and the Church of Christ deceived? And certes, lamentable it is, that this falsifying of such trifling traditions under the false pretence of antiquity, either was begun in the Church, to deceive the people: or that it hath remained so long vndetected. For as I think, the church of Christ will never be perfectly reform, before these decretal constitutions & Epistles which have so long put on the vizard of antiquity, shallbe fully detected, and appear in their own colour, wherein they were first painted.  
And yet neither do I say this, or think contrary, but that it may be, that bishops of Rome and of the same name have been the true authors of these traditions: but here cometh in the error (as I credibly suppose) that when other later bishops of the like name, have devised these ceremonial inventions, the vulgar opinion of men hath transferred them to the first primitive fathers, 
Calixtus a Martyr. Ex Vincen. in spocul Hist. Et Antonino. tit. 7. cap. 6.  although being of an other time, yet bearing the same name with the true inventors thereof. But of Calixtus enough: who as Damasus saith in the days of this Alexander Severus, died a Martyr. Vincentius affirmeth that he was tied to a great stone, and so out of a window was thrown into a ditch. Eusebius speaking of his death, maketh no mention of his Martyrdom, and saith he sat v. years. Platina saith vj. years, 
Vrbanus Bishop of Rome.  Sabellicus giveth him seven. years, and so doth Damasus.  
After Calistus followed Vrbanus, about the year of our Lord 227. 
An. 227.  who in his epistle decretal (coming out of the same forge) which he wrote in common to all bishops, making no mention of the heavy persecutions of the Church, nor ministering any exhortation of comfort or constancy to the brethren, only giveth many strait precepts, for not transporting or alienating the goods of the Church, and to pay truly their offerings, which they vow: also to have all common among the Clergy. 
Confirmation of children instituted.  Moreover, about the end of his epistle he suiteth the confirmation of children after Baptism (which the Papists be wont to take into the number of their seven. Sacraments) affirming and denouncing more than Scripture will bear, that the imposition of the Bishop's hand bringeth the holy ghost, and thereby to be made full Christians, etc. But of these decretal epistles enough is said before, more may be considered of the discrete Reader. Marianus Scotus, Sabellicus, Nauclerus, & other late story writers do hold as is aforesaid, 
Vrbanus Martyred.  that he died a Martyr in the days of Alexander Severus, after he had governed that seat, 4. years, as Damasus and Platina do witness, as Marianus saith, eight years.  
The same Damasus and Platina do testify of him, that he by his preaching and holiness of life converted divers ethnics to the faith. 
Tiburtius. Valerianus Martyrs.  Among whom were Tiburtius, and Valerianus the husband of Cecilia, which both being noble men of Rome, remained constant in the faith unto the end and martyrdom.  
Of this Cecilia thus it is is written in the martyrologue by Ado, 
Cecilia Martyr Ex martyrologio Adonis.  that Cecilie the virgin, after she had brought Valerian her husband espoused, and Tiburtius his brother to the knowledge and faith of Christ, and with her exhortations had made them constant unto martyrdom: after the suffering of them she was also apprehended by Almachius the ruler, and brought to the Idols to do sacrifice, which thing when she abhorred to do, she should be presented before the judge to have the condemnation of death. In the mean time the Sergeants and officers which were about her, beholding her comely beauty, and the prudent behaviour in her conversation, began with many persuasions of words to solicit her mind, to favour herself, and that so excellent beauty, and not to cast herself away, etc. But she again so replied to them with reasons & godly exhortations, that by the grace of almighty God their hearts began to kindle and at length to yield to that Religion, which before they did persecute. Which thing she perceiving, desired of the judge Almachius a little respite. Which being granted, she sendeth for Vrbanus the Bishop home to her house, to 'stablish and ground them in the faith of Christ. And so were they, with divers other at the same time baptized, both men & women, to the number (as the story saith) of 400. persons, among whom was one Gordianus a noble man. This done, this blessed Martyr was brought before the judge, 
The martyrdom of Cecilia.  where she was condemned: then after was brought to the house of the judge, where she was enclosed in a hot bath, but she remaining there a whole day & night without any hurt, as in a cold place, was brought out again, and commandment given that in the bath she should be beheaded. The executor is said to have four strokes at her neck, & yet her head being cut off, she (as the story giveth) lived three days after. And so died this holy Virgin martyr, whose body in the night season Vrbanus the bishop took and buried among the other Bishops. Ado the compiler of this martyrologue addeth that this was done in the time of Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus. But that cannot be, for so much as Vrbanus by all histories, was long after those Emperors, and lived in the days of this Alexander as is above declared. Antoninus, Bergomensis, Equilinus with such other writers, set forth this history with many strange miracles, wrought by the said Cecilia, in converting her husband Valerianus, and his brother, in showing them the Angel which was the keeper of her virginity, and of the Angel putting on crowns upon their heads. But as touching these miracles, as I do not dispute whether they be true or fabulous: so because they have no ground upon any ancient or grave authors, but taken out of certain new Legends, I do therefore refer them thither from whence they came.  
Under the same Alexander divers other there be whom Bergomensis mentioned to have suffered martyrdom, 
Agapitus a blessed Martyr. Ex Bergomense. Lib. 8.  as one Agapitus of the age of xv. years, who being apprehended and condemned at Preneste in Italy, because he would not sacrifice to Idols, was assailed with sundry torments: first with whips scourged, then hanged up by the feet, after having hot water poured upon him, at last cast to the wild beasts, with all which torments, when he could not be hurt, 

A notable example of God's just plague upon a persecutor.  
Ex Henr. Er●ordiens. Lib 6.  
Calepodius, Martyr.  
Pammachius with his wife and children Martyrs. 42. Martyrs. Simplicius, Martyr. Quiritius, julia, his mother Martyrs. Tiberius', Valerianus, brethren and martyrs. Martina a Virgin & Martyr.   finally with sword was beheaded. The executor of these punishments (as by Henricus Erford, may be gathered) was one Antiochus, who in the executing of the foresaid torments, suddenly fell down from his judicial seat, crying out, that all his inward bowels burned within him and so gave up the breath, Henr. de Erfordia, Lib. 6. cap. 29.  
Also with the same Agapitus is numbered Calepodius a minister of Rome, whose body first was drawn through the city of Rome, & after cast into Tiber. Bergo. ibidem.  
Then followeth Pammachius a Senator of Rome, with his wife and children, and other both men and women, to the number of xlii.  
Item an other noble Senator of Rome named Simplicius all which together in one day had their heads smitten off, and their heads after hanged up in divers gates of the City, for a terror of other, that none should profess the name of Christ.  
Beside these suffered also Quiritius a noble man of Rome, who with his mother julia, and a great number more, were put likewise to death.  
Also Tiberius and Valerianus, Citizens of Rome, and brethren, suffered (as Bergomensis saith) the same time, who first being bruised and broken with bats, after were beheaded.  
Also Vincentius, Bergomensis, and Erfordiensis, make mention of Martina a Christian virgin, which after divers bitter punishments, being constant in her faith, suffered in like manner by the sword.  
Albeit as touching the time of these forenamed Martyrs, as I find them not in elder writers: so do I suppose them to suffer under Maximinus, or Decius, rather than under Alexander.   

* The sixth Persecution.  


Maximinus' Emperor and persecutor.  
The vi. persecution.   AFter the death of Alexander the Emperor, who with his mother Mammea (as is said) was murdered in Germany followed Maximinus, chosen by the will of the soldiers, rather than by the authority of the Senate, about the year of our Lord, 237. who for the hatred he had to the house of Alexander (as Eusebius recordeth) raised up the vi. persecution against the Christians: 
An. 237.  especially against the teachers and leaders of the Church, thinking thereby the sooner to vanquish the rest, if the captains of them were removed out of the way. Whereby I suppose rather the martyrdom of Vrbanus the bishop, and of the rest above specified, 
Origenes de Martyrio.  to have happened under the tyranny of this Maximinus then under Alexander. In the time of this persecution, Origene wrote his book De Martyrio: which book if it were extant would give us some knowledge, I doubt not, of such as in this persecution did suffer, which now lie in silence unknown. And no doubt but a great number they were, & more should have been, had not the provident mercy of God shortened his days, & bridled his tyranny, for he reigned but three years. After whom succeeded Gordianus an 240. a man no less studious for the utility of the common wealth, 
Gordianus Emperor.  as mild and gentle to the christians. This Gordian after he had governed with much peace and tranquility the Monarchy of Rome the space of vj. 
An. 240.  years was slain of Philip Emperor after him.  

Pontianus Bishop of Rome. Diversity between Damasus and Euseb. Pontianus banished.  In the days of these Emperors above recited, was Pontianus bishop of Rome, who succeeded next after Vrbanus above rehearsed, about the year of our Lord, 236. in the xij. year of Alexander, as Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 28. noteth: declaring him to sit vj. years. Contrary Damasus and Platina write, that he was bishop ix. years and a half. And that in the time of Alexander, he with Philippus his Priest was banished into Sardina, and there died, But it seemeth more credible that he was banished rather under Maximinus, and died in the beginning of the reign of Gordianus. In his Epistles decretal (which seem likewise to be feigned) he appeareth very devout, after the common example of other bishops to uphold the dignity of Priests, and of Clergy men, saying: that God hath them so familiar with him, that by them he accepteth the offerings and oblations of other, and forgiveth their sins, 
This doctrine seemeth derogatory to Christ and blasphemous.  and reconcileth them unto him. Also, that they do make the body of the lord with their own mouth, and give it to other, etc. Which doctrine how it standeth with the Testament of God, & glory of Christ, let the Reader use his own judgement.  
Other notable fathers also in the same time were raised up in the church, as Philetus Bishop of Antioch, which succeeded after Asclepiades afore mentioned, 
Ammonius a Christian writer.  an. 220. and after him Zebennus bishop of the same place, an. 231.  
To these also may be added Ammonius the schoolmaster of Origene, as Suidas supposeth, also the kinsmen of Porphiry the great enemy of Christ. Notwithstanding, this Ammonius endued with better grace, 
julius Aphricanus writer.  as he left divers books in defence of Christ's religion: so he did constantly persevere (as Eusebius reporteth) in the doctrine of Christ, which he had in the beginning received, who was about the days of Alexander.  
julius Aphricanus also about the time of Gordianus aforesaid, is numbered among the old and ancient writers, of whom Nicephorus writeth to be the scholar of Origene, and a great writer of histories of that tyme.  
Unto these Doctors and Confessors may be adjoined the story of Natalius; 
Natalius, Confessor. Ex Euseb. lib. ●. cap. 28.  mentioned in the fift book of Eusebius. This Natalius had suffered persecution before like a constant confessor, who being seduced and persuaded by Asclepiodotus and Theodorus (which were the Disciples of Theodorus) to take upon him to be bishop of their sect, promising to give him every month an hundredth and fifty pieces of silver, and so he joining himself to them, was admonished by vision and revelation from the Lord. For such was the great mercy of God, and of our Lord Christ jesus, that he would nor his Martyr, which had suffered so much for his name before, now to perish out of his church. For the which cause (saith Eusebius) God by certain visions did admonish him. 
The Lord will not lose them which have done or suffered any thing for him.  But he not taking great heed thereunto, being blinded partly with lucre, partly with honour, was at length all the night long scourged of the Angels: In so much that he being made thereby very fore, and early on the morrow putting on sackcloth, with much weeping and lamentation went to Zephyrinus the bishop above mentioned, where he falling down before him and all the Christian congregation, showed them the stripes of his body, and prayed them for the mercies of Christ, that he might be received into their communion again, from which he had sequestered himself before. And so was admitted according as he desired.  
After the decease of Pontianus Bishop of Rome afore mentioned, 
Anterius, Bishop of Rome martyr.  succeeded next in that place Anterius of whom Isuardus writeth that Pontianus departing away, did substitute him his room. But Eusebius writeth that he succeeded immediately after him. Damasus saith, that because he caused the acts and deaths of the Martyrs to be written, therefore he was put to martyrdom himself, by Maximinus the judge. 
Authors disagree.  Concerning the time of this Bishop, our writers do greatly jar. Eusebius and Marianus Scotus affirm that he was Bishop but one month. Sabellicus saith that not to be so. Damasus assigneth to him xii. years & one month. Volateranus, Bergomensis, and Henricus Erford, give to him three years & one month. Nauclerus writeth that he sat one year and one month. All which are so far discrepant one from an other, that which of them most agreeth with truth, it lieth in doubt. Next to this Bishop was Fabianus, of whom more is to be said hereafter.  
Of Hippolytus, 
Hippolytus Bishop and Martyr.  also both Eusebius and Hieronymus maketh mention that he was a bishop, but where, they make no relation. And so likewise doth Theodoretus witness him to be a bishop, and also a Martyr, but naming no place. Gelasius contra Eutichen saith, he died a Martyr, and that he was bishop of an head City in Arabia. Nicephorus writeth, that he was Bishop of Ostia, a port town near to Rome. Certain it is, he was a great writer, and left many works in the Church, which Eusebius and Jerome do recite: by the supputation of Eusebius, he was about the year of our Lord, 230. 
Prudentius Peristepha.   
Prudentius in his Peristephanon, making mention of great heaps of Martyrs buried by ix. together, speaketh also of Hippolytus, and saith that he was drawn with wild horses through fields, dales and bushes, and describeth thereof a pitiful story.  
After the Emperor Gordianus, the Empire fell to Philippus, who with Philip his son, governed the space of vj. years, 
Philippus Emperor.  an. 246. This Philippus with his son and all his family, was christened & converted by Fabianus & Origene, who by letters exhorted him and Severa his wife to be baptized, 
Anno. 240.  being the first of all the Emperors that brought in Christianity into the imperial seat. 
Philippus 〈◊〉 first Christian Emperor.  Howsoever Pomponius Letus reporteth of him to be a dissembling prince, this is certain, that for his Christianity, he with his son was slain of Decius one of his Captains. Sabellicus Bergomensis Lib 8. showeth this hatred of Decius against Philippus to be conceived, for that the Emperor Philip both the Father and the son had committed their treasures unto Fabianus then Bishop of Rome.   

The seventh Persecution. 
Decius' Emperor.   
THus Philippus being slain, 
Anno. 250.  after him Decius invaded the crown about the year of our Lord, 250, by whom was moved a terrible persecution against the Christians, which Orosius noteth to be the seven. persecution. 
The seventh persecution. The cause and occasion of this persecution. Fabianus Bishop of Rome.  The first occasion of this hatred and persecution of this tyrant conceived against the Christians, was chief, as is before touched, because of the treasures of the Emperor which were committed to Fabian the bishop.  
This Fabian first being a married man, as Platina writeth, was made Bishop of Rome after Anterius above mentioned by the miraculous appointment of God, which Eusebius doth thus describe in this sixth book: 
Euseb. Lib. 6.  When the brethren (saith he) were together in the Congregation, about the election of their Bishop, and had purposed among themselves upon the nomination of some noble and worthy parsonage of Rome, 
The miraculous election of Fabianus.  it chanced that Fabianus among other was there present, who of late before was newly come out of the country to inhabit in the City. This Fabian, as is said, thinking nothing less than of any such matter suddenly cometh a Dove fleeing from above, and sitteth upon his head. Whereupon all the Congregation being moved, with one mind and one voice, did chose him for their Bishop. In the which function he remained the space of xiij. years, as Eusebius writeth. Damasus, Marianus, and Sabellicus say. xiv. Years unto the time of Decius. Who, whether for that Philippus had committed to him his treasures, 
Fabianus Martyr.  or whether for the hatred he bore to Philippus, in the beginning of his reign caused him to be put to death. Sending out moreover his Proclamation into all quarters that all which professed the name of Christ, should be slain.  


The ordinances of Fabianus pretenced. Oil and cream.  
Accusing of Bishops.  
Appealing to the sea Apostolical.  
Marrying not within the fift degree.   To this Fabian be ascribed certain ordinances, as of consecrating new oil once every year, and burning the old, of accusations against Bishops, of appealing to the sea Apostolic, of not marrying within the fift degree, of communicating thrice a year, of offering every Sunday, with such other things more in his. iij. Epistles decretal, the which Epistles, as by divers other evidences may be supposed to be untruly named upon him, giving no signification of any matter agreeing to that time: so do I find the most part of the iij. Epistle, word for word standing in the Epistle of Sixtus the 3. which followed almost 200. years after him, beside the unseemly doctrine also in the end of the said Epistles contained, where he contrary to the tenor of the Gospel, applieth remission of sins (only due to the blood of Christ) unto the offerings of bread and wine by men and women every Sunday in the Church. 
False doctrine detected.   
To this Fabianus wrote Origine De orthodoxia suae fidei, that is, of the rightness of his faith. Whereby is to be understood, 
Origene.  that he continued to the time of Decius, some say also to the time of Gallus. Of this Origene partly mention is touched before, declaring how bold and fervent he was in the days of Severus, in assisting, comforting, exhorting and killing the Martyrs that were imprisoned & suffered for the name of Christ, with such danger of his own life, that had not been the singular protection of God, he had been stoned to death many times of the Heathen multitude. Such great concourse of men and women was daily to his house to be catechised & instructed in the christian faith by him, that soldiers were hired of purpose to defend the place where he taught them. Again, such search sometimes was set for him, that uneath any shifting of place or country could cover him. In those laborious travails and affairs of the Church, in teaching, writing, confuting, exhorting, and expounding, he continued about the space of 52. years, unto the time of Decius and Gallus. divers and great persecutions he sustained, 

Ex Euseb. lib. 6. Cap. 39  
The persecutions of Origene.   but specially under Decius, as testifieth Eusebius in his sixth book, declaring, that for the doctrine of Christ he sustained bands and torments in his body, rackings with bars of iron, dungeons, besides terrible threats of death and burning. All this he suffered in the persecution of Decius, as Eusebius recordeth of him, and maketh no relation of any further matter. But Suidas and Nicephorus following the same, saith further concerning him, 
Ex Suida & Nicepho. Lib. 5. Cap. 32.  that the said Origene, after divers and sundry other torments, which he manfully and constantly suffered for Christ, at length was brought to an altar where a foul filthy Ethiope was appointed to be, and there this option or choice was offered unto him, whether he would sacrifice to the idol, or to have his body polluted with that foul and ugly Ethiope. Then Origene (saith he) who with a Philosophical mind, 
The fall of Origene.  ever kept his chastity undefiled, much abhorring the filthy villainy to be done to his body, condescended to their request. Whereupon, the judge putting incense in his hand, caused him to set it to the fire upon the altar. For the which impiety, he afterward was excommunicated of the Church. 
Origene excommunicated.  Epiphanius writeth that he being urged to sacrifice to Idols, and taking the boughs in his hand, wherewith the Heathen were wont to honour their Gods, called upon the Christians to carry them in the honour of Christ. The which fact the church of Alexandria misliking, removed him from their communion. Whereupon Origene driven away with shame and sorrow out of Alexandria, went into jewry, where being in Jerusalem among the congregation, and there requested of the Priests and Ministers (he being also a Priest) to make some exhortation in the church, refused a great while so to do. At length by importunate petition being constrained thereunto, rose up, and turning the book, as though he would have expounded some place of the Scripture, only read the verse of the 49. Psalm: but God said to the sinner, why dost thou preach my justifications, & why dost thou take my testament in thy mouth, etc. Which very being read, 
The repentance of Origene.  he shut the book, and sat down weeping and wailing, the whole congregation also weeping & lamenting with him, Suid. Niceph. More what became of Origene it is not found in history, but only that Suidas addeth, he died and was buried at Tyrus. Eusebius affirmeth, that he departed under the Emperor Gallus, about the year of our Lord 255. and the 70. year of his age, in great misery (as appeareth) and poverty.  
In this Origene divers blemishes of doctrine be noted whereupon Jerome some times doth inveigh against him. 
Blemishes noted in Origene.  Albeit in some places again he doth extol and commend him for his excellent learning, as in his Apology against Ruff. and in his Epistle to Pammachus and Ocean, 
Origene commended for his learning.  where he praiseth Origene, although not for the perfection of his faith and doctrine, nor for an apostle, yet for an excellent interpreter, for his wit, and for a Philosopher. And yet in his Prologue upon the Homilies of Origene upon Ezechiel, he calleth him an other master of the churches, 
Ex. Socrat. Lib. 6. cap. 13.  after the Apostles. And in an other Preface upon his questions upon Genesis, he wisheth to himself the knowledge of the scriptures, which Origene had, also with the envy of his name. Athanasius moreover calleth him singular, and laborious, and useth also his testimonies against the Arrians. Socrates, Lib. 6. cap. 13. 
Heraclas Bishop of Alexandria.   
After Origene, the congrue order of history requireth. next to speak of Heraclas his Usher, a man singularly commended for his knowledge, not only in Philosophy, but also in all such faculties as for a christian divine doth appertain. This great towardness of wit and learning when Origene perceived in him, he appointed him above all other, to be his Usher or underteacher, to help in his school or University of Alexandria, in the reign of Antoninus Caracalla, son of Severus. And after in the x. year of Alexander, Origene departing unto Caesarea, he succeeded in his room to govern the school in Alexandria. Further also, in the time of Gordianus, after the decease of Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, this Heraclas succeeded to be Bishop of the said City. Eusebius. Lib. 6. cap. 29. 
Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 29.  In the which function he ministered the term of xuj. years, Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 35. Of this Heraclas writeth also Origene himself, that he, although being Priest, yet ceased not to read over and peruse the books of the Gentiles, to the intent he might the better out of their own books confute their error. etc.  
After Heraclas succeeded Dionysius Alexandrinus, in the bishopric of Alexandria, like as he succeeded him in the school before. 
Heraclas called Pope yet no Bishop of Rome.  Which Dionysius also writeth of the same Heraclas unto Philemon a Priest of Rome, thus saying: Hunc ego canonem & typum a beato Heracla Papa nostro accepi, etc. that is, This Canon and type I received of blessed Heraclas our Pope, etc. This Heraclas was no Martyr which died 3. years before Decius, 
An. 250.  about the year of our Lord, 250. After whom succeeded next in the same seat of Alexandria, Dionysius Alexandrinus, 

Ex Nicepho.  
Lib 5. cap. 29.   who also suffered much under the tyranny of Decius, as hereafter shallbe showed (Christ willing) when we come to the time of Valerian.  
Nicephorus in his fift book, and other which writ of this persecution under Decius, declare the horribleness thereof to be so great and so innumerable Martyrs to suffer in the same, that he saith it is as easy to number the sands of the sea, as to recite the particular names of them, whom this persecution did devour. In the which persecution the chiefest doers and torments under the Emperor, appear in the history of Vincentius to be these: Optimus the under Consul, 
Persecutors.  Secundianus, Verianus, and Marcellianus, etc. Although therefore it be hard here to infer all and singular persons in order that died in this persecution: yet such as remain most notable in stories I will briefly touch, by the grace of him for whose cause they suffered.  
In the former tractation of the fift persecution, 
Alexander. Bishop of jerusalem. Martyr.  mention was made before of Alexander bishop of Jerusalem, and of his troubles suffered under Severus, and how afterward by the miracle of God he was appointed bishop of Jerusalem, where he continued a very aged man, above the term of 40, years governor of that Church, till the tune of the first year of Decius. At what time he being brought from Jerusalem to Caesarea into the judgement place, after a constant and evident confession of his faith made before the judge, was committed unto prison, and there finished his lyre, 
Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 41.  as testifieth Dionysius Alexandrinus in the six● book of Eusebius. After whom succeeded in that seat Mezabanes the xxxuj. Bishop of that City, after james the Apostle.  
Mention was made also before of Asclepiades Bishop of Antioch, who succeeded after Serapion, and in the persecution of Severus did likewise persever a constant confessor, 

Asclepiades Bishop of Antioch Martyr. Ex specu. Vincent. Lib. 11. ca 52.  
A place of Vincentius reproved.   and as Vincentius testifieth in his xj. book suffered martyrdom at last under this Decius. But this computation of Vincentius can in no wise agree with the truth of time, for as much as by probable writers, as Zonaras, Nicephorus and other, the said Asclepiades after Serapion, entered the bishop's seat of Antioch, an. 214. and sat seven. years before the time of Gordianus. After whom succeeded Philetus, an. 221. governing the function xij. years. And after him Zebinus followed, an. 232. and so after him Babylas, which Babylas if he died in this persecution of Decius, then could not Asclepiades also suffer in the same time, who died so long before him, as is declared.  
Of this Babylas bishop of Antioch, Eusebus and Zonara's record, that under Decius he died in prison, as did Alexander bishop of Jerusalem above rehearsed.  
We read in a certain treatise of chrysostom, entitled Contra Gentiles, 

Babylas' Bishop of Antioch Martyr.  
Ex Chrisost. Lib. contra Gentiles.  
The story of Babylas.   a notable and a long history of one Babylas a martyr, who about these times was put to death for resisting a certain Emperor, not suffering him to enter into the temple of the Christians, after a cruel murder committed, the story of which murder is this: There was a certain Emperor, who upon conclusion of peace made with a certain nation, had received for hostage or surety of peace the son of the king being of young and tender age, with conditions upon the same, that neither he should be molested of them, nor that they should ever be vexed of him. Upon this the king's son was delivered not without great care and fear of the father unto the Emperor, whom the cruel Emperor, contrary to promise, caused in short time, without all just cause to be slain. This fact so horrible being committed, the tyrant with all haste would enter into the temple of the christians: 
The body of Babylas stoppeth the oracles of Idols.  Where Babylas being bishop or minister withstood him that he should not into the place approach. The Emperor therewith not a little incensed, in great rage commanded him forthwith to be laid in prison with as many irons as he could bear, & from thence shortly after to be brought forth to death and execution. Babylas going constantly and boldly to his martyrdom, desired after his death to be buried with his irons and bands, & so he was. The story proceedeth moreover, and saith, that in continuance of time in the reign of Constantinus, Gallus then made the overseer of the East parts, caused his body to be translated into the suburbs of Antioch called Daphne's, where was a temple of Apollo, famous with devilish Oracles & answers, given by that Idol, or by the devil rather in that place. In the which temple after the bringing of the body of Babylas, the idol ceased to give any more Oracles, saying, that for the body of Babylas, he could give no more answers, but complaining that that place was wont to be consecrated unto him, but now it was full of dead men's bodies. And thus the Oracles there ceased for that time, till the coming of julianus: who enquiring out the cause why the Oracles ceased, caused the bones of the holy Martyr to be removed again from thence by the christians, whom he then called Galileans. They coming in a great multitude both men, maidens, and children, to the tomb of Babylas, transported his bones according to the commandment of the emperor, singing by the way as they went, the verse of the Psalm in words as followeth: Confounded be all that worship Images and all that glory in Idols, etc. which coming to the emperors ●ares, set him in great rage against the Christians, stirring up persecution against them. Albeit Zonaras declareth the cause something otherwise: saying, that so soon as the body of him and other Martyrs were removed away, incontinent the temple of the Idol with the Image, in the night was consumed with fire. 
Ex Zonara T●m. 3.  For the which cause (saith Zonara's) julian stirred up with anger, persecuted the Christians, as shall be showed (Christ willing) in his order and place hereafter.  
And thus much of Babylas, which whether it was the same Babylas Bishop then of Antioch, or an other of the same name, it appeareth not by chrysostom: which neither maketh mention of the emperors name, nor of the place where this Babylas was bishop. Again the stopping out of the Emperor out of the Church importeth as much as that Emperor to have been a Christian. For otherwise if he had come in as an Heathen and as a persecutor, 
Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 39  it was not then the manner of christian bishops violently to withstand the Emperors or to stop them out. Over & beside the testimony of Eusebius, Zonaras doth witness contrary in his vj. book, that this Babylas which was then Bishop of Antioch after Zebinus, was not put to death by the tormentors, but died in prison. Wherefore it is not unpossible, but this Babylas, 

Nicepho. Lib. 5. cap. 25. Bab. Bishop of Nicomedia Martyr. Vincent. lib. 11. cap. 52.  
XL. Virgin's Martyrs.  
Peter, of Phrigia Martyr. Andraeas', Paulus, Nichomachus, Dionysia Virgin Martyrs.  
Martyrs of Babylon, Germanus, Theophilus, Caesarius, Vitalis, Polychronius, Nestor.   and this Emperor which chrysostom speaketh off may be an other Babylas, then that which suffered under Decius. Nicephorus in his v. book maketh mention of an other Babylas beside this that suffered under Decius, which was bishop of Nicomedia.  
In the forenamed City of Antioch, Vincentius, Lib. 11. speaketh of 40. virgins Martyrs, which suffered in this persecution of Decius.  
In the country of Phrigia, and in the town of Lampsar, the same Vincentius also speaketh of one Peter, which there was apprehended, and suffered bitter torments for Christ's name, under Optimus the Proconsul. And in Troada likewise of other Martyrs that there suffered, whose names were Andrew, Paul, Nicomachus, and Dionysia a virgin. Lib. 11 cap. 46.  
Also in Babylon (saith he) divers christian Confessors were found of Decius, which were led away into Spain, there to be executed, Lib. eodem, cap. 43.  
In the country of Cappadocea at the City of Caesarea, in like manner of the said author is testified, of Germanus, Theophilus, Cesarius, and Vitalis, to suffer Martyrdom for Christ, eodem cap 52. And in the same Book mention also is made of Polychronius Bishop of Babylon, cap. 89. And in Pamphilia of Nestor there Bishop, that died Martyr, cap. 52.  
At Perside in the Town of Cardala, Olympiades' and Maximus. 

Olympiades', Maximus, noble men.  
Anatolia Virgin, Audax, Martyrs.  
Ex Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 40.41.42.   In Tyrus also Anatolia Virgin, and Audax gave their lives likewise to death, for the testimony of Christ's name.  
Eusebius moreover in his sixth book, reciteth out of the Epistles of Dionysius Alexandrinus, divers that suffered diversly at Alexandria, the which places of Dionysius, as they be cited in Eusebius, I thought here good for the ancientness of the author, to insert and notify in his own words, and in our language, as he wrote them to Fabius' bishop of Antioch, as followeth.  
This persecution (saith he) began not with the proclamation set forth by the Emperor, 
The Epistle of Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria to Fabius. A commotion of the people of Alexandria against the christians.  but began a whole year before, by the occasion and means of a wicked person, a Soothsayer, and a follower of wicked Arts: who coming to our City here, stirred up the multitude of the Heathen against us, and incited them to maintain their own old superstition and gentility of their country, whereby they being set a gog, and obtaining full power to prosecute their wicked purpose so thought & no less declared, all their piety & religion to consist only in the idolatrous worship of devils, and in our destruction. And first flying upon a certain priest of ours named Metra, apprehended him & brought him forth, 
Metra, Martyr.  to make him speak after their wicked blasphemy, which when he would not do, they laid upon him with slaves and clubs, and with sharp reeds pricked his face and eyes, and afterward bringing him out into the suburbs, there they stoned him to death. Then they took a faithful woman called Quinta, and brought her to the temple of their Idols, 
Quinta a faithful woman and Martyr.  to compel her to worship with them, which when she refused to do, and abhorred their Idols, they bond her foot, and drew her through the whole street of the city, upon the hard stones, & so dashing her against millstones, & scourging her with whips brought her to the same place of the suburbs, as they did the other before, where she likewise ended her life. This done, in a great outrage, & with a multitude running together, they burst into houses of the religious & godly christians, spoiling, sacking, and carrying away all that they could find of any price. The rest of things, such as were of less value & of wood, they brought into the open market, & set them on fire. 

Patience and joy in affliction. The constancy of the Martyrs of Alexandria.  
Apollonia a blessed virgin and Martyr.   In the mean time the brethren voided aside, & withdrew themselves, taking patiently and no less joyfully the spoiling of their goods, than did they of whom S. Paul doth testify. Neither do I know any of them all (one only excepted) apprehended of them, which revolting from his profession, denied the Lord yet to this present day.  
Among the rest that were taken, there was a certain virgin well stricken in years, named Apollonia, whom they brought forth, & dashing out all her teeth out of her jaws, made a great fire before the city, threatening to cast her into the same, unless she would blaspheme with them and deny Christ. Whereat she staying a little with herself, as one that would take a pause, suddenly leapt into the midst of the fire, and there was burned.  
There was one also Serapion, whom they took in his own house, and after they had assailed him with sundry kinds of torments, 
Serapion Martyr.  and had broken almost all the joints of his body, they cast him down from an upper lost, & so did he complete his martyrdom. Thus was there no way neither privy nor public, nor corner nor alley left for us, neither by day nor by night to escape, all the people making an outcry against us, that unless we uttered words of blasphemy, we should be drawn to the fire & burned. And this outrageous tumult endured a certain space, but at length as the Lord would, 
The last punishment of God tu●ning the cruelty of adversaries upon themselves.  the miserable wretches fell at dissension among themselves, which turned the cruelty they exercised against us, upon their own heads. And so had we a little breathing time for a season, while the fury of the Heathen people by this occasion assuaged.  
Shortly then after this, word was brought unto us of the state of the Empire, which before was something favourable to us, to be altered and changed against us, putting us in great fear. And consequently upon the same followed the Edict of the Emperor so terrible & cruel, that according to the forewarning of the lord, the elect if it had been possible, might have been thereby subverted. Upon that Edict such fear came over us all, that many there were especially of the richer sort, of whom some for fear came running, some were led by the occasion of time, some were drawn by their neighbours being cited by name, to those unpure and idolatrous sacrifices. Other some came trembling & shaking, as men not which should do sacrifice, but which should be sacrificed themselves, the multitude laughing them to scorn. Some again came boldly to the altars, declaring themselves never to have been of that profession, of whom it is said, that hardly they shallbe saved. Of the residue, some followed one part, some an other, some ran away, some were taken. Of whom certain continued to bands & torments constant. Other again after long imprisonment, before they should come before the judge, renounced their faith. Some also after they suffered torments, yet after revolted. But other being as strong as blessed, & valiant pillars of the Lord, fortified with constancy agreeing to their faith, were made faithful Martyrs of the kingdom of God.  

julianus Martyr.  Of whom the first was julianus, a man diseased with the gout, and not able to go, being carried of two men, of whom the one quickly denied, the other Cronion surnamed Eunus, with the foresaid julianus, the old man, confessing the Lord with a perfect faith, were laid upon Camels, and there scourged, at length cast into the fire, with great constancy were so consumed.  

A certain soldier Martyr.  As these aforesaid were going to their martyrdom, there was a certain soldier, who in their defence took part against them that railed upon them. For the which cause the people crying out against him, he also was apprehended, and being constant in his profession, was forthwith beheaded.  

Macar a blessed Martyr.  Likewise one Macar, a man borne in Lybia, being admonished and exhorted of the judge to deny his faith, and not agreeing to his persuasions was burned alive.  


Epimachus. Alexander, with four women Martyrs.  
Ammonarion Virgin martyr.   After these suffered Epimachus, and one Alexander, who being long detained in prison and in bands, after innumerable pains & torments with razers & scourges, were also cast into the burning fire with four other women with them, which all there ended their martyrdom.  
Also Ammonarion an holy virgin, whom the cruel judge had long and bitterly tormented, for that she promising the judge before, that for no punishment she would yield to his request, and constantly performing the same, suffered likewise martyrdom, with two other women, of whom there was an aged Matron, 
Mercuria, Dyonisia, Martyrs.  named Mercuria, the other was called Dionysia, being a mother of many fair children, whom yet notwithstanding she loved not above the Lord. These after they could nothe overcome by no torments of the cruel judge, but he rather ashamed and confounded to be overcome of silly women, at length they being past feeling of all torments, were slain with the sword, first Ammonarion like a valiant Captain suffering before them.  

Heron, Ater, Isidorus, Dioscorus, Martyrs.  Heron, Ater, and Isidorus Egyptians, and with them Dioscorus also a child of xv. years, were crowned with the same crown of Martyrdom. And first the judge began with the child, thinking him more easy to be won, with words to entice him, then with torments to constrain him, but he persisted immovable, giving neither place to persuasions nor punishments. The rest after he had grievously tormented being constant in their profession, he committed to the fire. At Dioscorus, the judge greatly marveling for his wise answers & grave constancy dismissed him, sparing (as he said) his age to a longer respite: which Dioscorus is yet also with us at this present, waiting for a longer trial.  
Nemesion being also an Egyptian, 
Nemesion, Martyr. The●●e●● the old time amongst the 〈◊〉 burned.  first was accused for a companion of thieves, but being purged thereof before the Centurion, was then accused of Christianity, and for that cause being in bands, was brought to the Precedent, who most unrighteously tormenting and scourging him double to all other thieves and felons, at length among the thieves burned him to death, making him a blessed martyr.  
There were standing before the tribunal seat certain of the warriors or knights, 
Ammon, Zenon, Ptolomeus, Ingenuus, Theophilus, Martyr confessors. A notable example 〈◊〉 Christian courage in confessing Christ.  whose names were Ammon, Zenon, Ptolomeus, Ingenuus, and with them a certain aged man called Theophilus, who standing by, at what time a certain christian man was before the judge examined, and there seeing him for fear ready to incline and fall away, did burst almost for sorrow within themselves, making signs to him with their hands, and all gestures of their body, to be constant. This being noted of all the standers by, they were ready to lay hold upon them, but they preventing the matter, pressed up of their own accord before to the bench of the judge, professing themselves to be Christians. In so much, that both the Precedent with the benchers were all astonished, the christians which were judged, more emboldened to suffer, and the judges thereby terrified. This done, they departed away from the place, glad and rejoicing for the testimony that they had given of their faith. Many other besides were in other cities and towns rend and torn asunder by the Heathen, among whom, one I will speak off for cause worthy of memory.  
Ischirion one that was in service with a certain noble man, 
Ischyrion, Martyr.  was commanded of his master to make sacrifice, who for not obeying, was therefore rebuked: After persisting in the same, was grievously threatened with sharp and manacing words. At last his master when he could not prevail against him, taking a stake or pike in his hands, ran him through into the body and slew him.  
What should I speak of the multitude of them which wandering in deserts and mountains, were consumed with hunger, thirst, cold, sickness, thieves, or wild beasts, of whose blessed victory they which be alive, are yet witnesses. In the number of whom, one I will speak off, among divers other, 
Cheremon, Martyr, Cheremon, a Bishop had a wife.  named Cheremon Bishop of the City called Nilus, an aged man, he with his wife flying to the mountain of Arabia, never returned again, nor ever could be seen after. And though they were sought for diligently by their brethren, yet neither they nor their bodies were found. Many other there were which flying to these mountains of Arabia, were taken of the barbarous Arabians: of whom some with much money could scarce be ransomed, some were never heard off yet to this present day. Thus much out of the Epistle of Dionysius alleged in Euseb. Lib. 6 cap. 41 42. etc. 

Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 40.41.42.  
The Epistle of Dionysius Alexand. to Germanus.  
This Germanus was a Bishop in that time, which charged Dionysius for his flying persecution, against whom he purgeth himself. God willed Dionysius to flee in persecution.    
Moreover, the foresaid Dionysius in an other place writing to Germanus, of his own dangers and of other, sustained in this persecution, & before this persecution of Decius, thus inferreth as followeth: I, saith he, behold before the sight of God, I lie not: and he knoweth, I lie not, how that I having no regard of mine own life, and notwithout the motion of God, did fly and avoid the danger of this persecution. Yea and also before that this persecution of Decius did rage against us: Sabinus the same hour sent a Farmer to seek me, at what time I remaining at home waited iij. days for his coming. But he searching narrowly for me by all ways, fields, floods, & corners, where he thought I might best have hid myself, or to have passed by, was strooken with such a blindness, that he could not find mine house, thinking with himself nothing less, then that I would abide at home in such so dangerous persecution. Thus these iij. days being passed, upon the fourth day, the Lord God so willing and commanding me to fly, and also marvelously opening to me the way, I with my 
* Ergo Bishops than had wives and Children.  children and many other brethren went out together. And this not to come of myself, but to be the work of God's providence, the sequel of those things declared, wherein afterward I was not unprofitable peradventure to some, etc.  
Again in another place shortly after the foresaid Dionysius proceeding in the narration of himself, thus inferreth: Then I coming to Jerusalem with them which were with me, was brought by soldiers unto Taposixis, where as Timotheus (by the providence of God) neither was present, nor yet taken. Who then returning home found his house desert, and officers watching about the same, & us within taken, etc. And again shortly after it followeth: And to see (saith he) the admirable disposing of God his works. As Timotheus was thus flying with much haste & great fear, 
The providence of God in preserving his.  a certain man, as happened, a dweller near by met him by the way, & asked, whether he went so hastily: to whom Timotheus answering declared all the matter simply as it was. Which done, the man proceedeth on his journey, whether he was purposed to go, which was to a marriage, 
The story of the deliverance of Dionysius and his fellows.  the manner of which marriages then was to sit up all the night long feasting and drinking. Thus as he was come, sitting with them at the feast, he telleth his companions what was done, & what he heard by the way. This was no sooner told, but all they forthwith upon a head, as strooken with a sudden fury rushing out together, made toward us as fast as they could, with such crying & noise, as might seem very terrible. At the first hearing whereof, the soldiers that had us in keeping, being afraid, ran away, by reason whereof we were left alone, & found as we were lying upon forms & benches. I then, (the Lord knoweth) thinking with myself that they had been thieves, which came to spoil and rob, being in my couch, lay still in my shirt only as I was, the rest of my garments lying by me, I offered to them. They then willed me in all haste to rise and get away, whereby I then perceiving the cause of their coming, 

Dionysius. Gaius. Faustus, Petrus. Paulus delivered from the Centurion and the soldiers. Ex Euseb. lib. 6. ca 40. Lib. 7. cap. 11.  
Ex Niceph. Lib. 5. cap. 27.  
Christophorus Martyr. The fable of great S. Christopher.   cried unto them desiring that they would suffer us so to do: And if they would do any benefit for me for so much as I could not escape the hands of them which would pursue me and carry me away, I prayed them that they would prevent them, and cut off my head before. And as I was crying thus unto them, casting myself groveling upon the pavement as my companions can testify, who were partakers of all these things, they burst forth violently, taking me by the hands and feet, and carried me out of the doors, and led me away. There followed me Gaius, Faustus, Petrus, Paulus, (who were witnesses of all the same) which brought me also out of the City, and so setting me upon a bare Ass, conveyed me away. Thus much writeth Dionysius of himself, the example of whose Epistle is cited in the Ecclesiastical story of Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 40. also Lib. 7. cap. 11.  
Nicephorus in his fift book, cap. 27. maketh mention of one named Christophorus, which also suffered in this persecution of Decius. Of which Christophorus, whether the fable riseth of that mighty Giant set up in Churches, wading through the Seas, with Christ on his shoulder, and a tree in his hand for a walking staff, etc. it is uncertain. Georg. Wicelius allegeth out of Ruggerus Fulden (and mentioneth of one Christophorus, borne of the nation of the Canaanites, which suffered under Decius, being, as he saith of xii. cubits high. But the rest of the history painted in Churches, the said Wicelius he derideth as fables of Centaurus, or other Poetical fictions.  

Meniatus, Agatha. Martyrs. Ex Bergomens. Lib. 8. E● Martyrologio Adonis.  Bergomensis in his viii. book maketh relation of divers martyred under Decius, as Meniatus which suffered at Florence, of Agatha an holy virgin of Sicily, who is said to suffer divers and bitter torments under Quintinianus the Proconsul, with prisonment, with beatings, with famine, with racking, rolled also upon sharp shells and hot coals, having moreover her breasts cut from her body, as Bergomensis, and the martyrologue of Ado record. In the which Authors as I deny not, but part of the story may be true, so again concerning the miracles of the aged man appearing to her, and of the young man clothed in a silken vesture, with an hundredth young men after him, and of the marble table with the inscription, Mentem sanctam, etc. I doubt.  

Martyrs wandering in mountains.  Hard it is to recite all that suffered in this persecution, when as whole multitudes went into wilderness & mountains, wandering without succour or comfort, some starved with hunger and cold, some with sickness consumed, some devoured of beasts, some with barbarous thieves taken and carried away. Vincentius in his xj. book speaking of Asclepiades, 

Forty Virgin's Martyrs.  
Tryphon Martyr.   writeth also of xl. virgins and Martyrs, which by sundry kinds of torments were put to death about the same time, in the persecution of this tyrant.  
Likewise in the said Vincentius, mention is made of Tryphon, a man of great holiness, and constant in his suffering, who being brought to the City of Nice, before the Precedent Aquilus, for his constant confession of Christ's name was afflicted with divers and grievous torments, and at length with the sword put to death.  

Maximianus. Malchus, Martinianus. Dyonisius. joannes. Serapion. Constantinus. 7. Martyrs.  At what time Decius had erected a temple in the midst of the City of Ephesus, compelling all that were in the City there, to sacrifice to the Idols, seven Christians were found, whose names were Maximianus, Malchus, Martianus, Dionysius, joannes, Serapion, and Constantinus, who refusing the Idolatrous worship, were accused for the same unto the Emperor to be Christians. Which when they constantly professed, and did not deny, notwithstanding, because they were soldiers, retaining to the emperors service, respite was given them for a certain space to deliberate with themselves, till the return again of the Emperor, which then was going to war. In the mean space, the Emperor being departed, they taking counsel together, went and hid themselves in secret caves of the Mount Caelius. The Emperor returning again, after great inquisition made for them, hearing where they were, caused the mouth of the place where they were, to be closed up with heaps of stones, that they not able to get out, should be famished within. And thus were those good men martyred. 

The fable of the awaking of these seven martyrs.  
Ex Vincent. Nicepho. Erfordiens.   The story (if it be true) goeth further that they between fear and sorrow fell a sleep, in which sleep they continued the space of certain ages after, till the time of Theodosius the Emperor, before they did awake, as reporteth Vincentius, Nicephorus, Lib. 5. ca 27. and partly also Henr. Erfordiens●▪ But of their awaking, that I refer to them that lift believe it. Certain it is, that at the last day they shall awake in deed without any fable.  
Hieronymus in the life of Paulus the Hermit, 

A soldier martyr.  
Ex Hierony. in vita Paul● Eremita.  
A notable example of a chaste soldier biting of his tongue, and spitting it in the face of an harlot.   reciteth a story of a certain soldier, whom the Praetor could not otherwise with torments remove from his Christianity, he devised an other way, which was this: he commanded the soldier to be laid upon a soft bed in a pleasant garden among the flourishing Lilies and red Roses, which done, all other being removed away, & himself there left alone, a beautiful harlot came to him, who embracing him, & with all other enticements of an harlot, laboured to provoke him to her naughtiness. But the godly soldier fearing God more, then obeying flesh, bit of his tongue with his own teeth, and spit it in the face of the harlot, as she was kissing him, and so got he the victory, by the constant grace of the Lord assisting him. 

A like example of chastity between two Christians.  
Ex Ambr. lib. 2. de virgin.    
another like example of singular chastity is written of the virgin Theodora, and an other soldier, by Ambrose Lib. 2. De virginibus. At Antioch, this Theodora refusing to do sacrifice to the Idols, was condemned by the judge to the stews, which notwithstanding by the singular providence of god was well delivered. For as there was a great company of wanton young men ready at the door to press into the house where she was, one of the brethren, named Didimus (as Ado saith) moved with faith and motion of God, putting on a soldiers habit, made himself one of the first that came in, who rounding her in the ear, told her the cause and purpose of his coming, being a christian as she was: his counsel was that she should put on that soldiers habit, and so slip away. And he putting on her garments would there remain to abide their force. And so did, whereby the virgin escaped unknown. Didimus left unto the rage and wondering of the people being a man in stead of a woman, was presented unto the Precedent, unto whom without delay he uttered all the whole matter as it was done, professing him so as he was, to be a christian, and thereupon was condemned to suffer. Theodora understanding thereof, and thinking to excuse him by accusing herself, offered herself as the party guilty, unto the judge, claiming and requiring the condemnation to light upon her, the other as innocent to be discharged. But the cruel judge (crueler than Dionysius, which spared Damon & Pythias) neither considering the virtue of the persons, 
Theodora, Didimus, Martyrs.  nor the innoncency of the cause, unjustly and inhumanly proceeded in execution against them both, who first having their heads cut off, after were cast in the fire, Ambros. Ado. Although what time, or in what persecution these did suffer, in the authors of this narration it doth not appear.  
Agathon a man of arms in the City of Alexandria, for rebuking certain lewd persons, 
Agathon, Martyr.  scornfully deriding the dead bodies of the Christians, was cried out off and railed on of the people. Afterward accused to the judge, was condemned to lose his head. Erfordiensis  
The said Erfordiensis also maketh mention of Paulus, and Andraeas, 
Paulus, Andreas, Martyrs.  whom the Proconsul of Troada gave to the people being scourged, and after drawn out of the City, they were trodden to death with the feet of the people. Hen. de Erford.  
Among other that suffered under this wicked Decius, 
justinus, Nicostratus, Portius Martyrs.  Bergomensis also maketh mention of one justinus a Priest of Rome, and of an other Nicostratus a Deacon. To these Vincentius also addeth Portius a Priest of Rome, whom he reporteth to be the converter of Philip the Emperor afore mentioned.  
Of Abdon and Sennas' we read also in the foresaid Bergomensis and Vincentius, 
Abdon, Sennas'. Martyrs.  two noble men, who because they had buried the christians, whom Decius had brought from Babylon to Corduba, and there put them to death, were therefore accused to Decius, & brought to Rome, where they being commanded to sacrifice to dead Idols, would not obey, and for the same were given to the wild beasts to be devoured: but when the wild beasts more gentle than the men would not touch them, they were at length with the sword beheaded. Bergom. Vincent. Lib. 11. cap. 4 Albeit to me it seemeth not unpossible nor unlike, this Abdon and Sennas', to be the same, whom in other stories we find, and before have mentioned to be Ammon and Zenon.  

Secundianus. Ver●anus. Marcellianus. Martyrs.  One Secundianus was accused to Valerian a Captain of Decius, to be a Christian, which profession when he stoutly did maintain, was commanded to prison. By the way as the soldiers were leading him to the gail, Verianus and Marcellianus seeing the matter, cried to the soldiers, ask them whether they drew the innocent. At the which word, when they also confessed themselves to be Christians, they were likewise apprehended, and brought to a City named Centumcellas ● where being willed to sacrifice, they did spit upon the Idols, and so after sentence and judgement given, first they were beaten with wasters or trunshons, after that were hanged and tormented upon the gibbet, 
Ex Vincent. lib. 11. cap. 51.  having fire set to their sides. Vincentius addeth moreover that the tormentors some of them fallen suddenly dead, other some being taken with wicked spirits, the Martyr's with sword at length were beheaded. Vinc. Lib. 11 cap. 31.  
To prosecute in length of history, the lives and sufferings of all them, which in this terrible persecution, were Martyred, it were to long, & almost infinite: briefly therefore to rehearse the names of such as we find alleged out of a certain brief treatise of Bede entitled De temporibus, 

Ex libro. Bedae, de Temporibus, citant. Henrico de Erfordia.  
A brief catalogue of divers which suffered under Decius ex Beda.   cited by Henricus De Erford, it shallbe at this time sufficient. Under Decius suffered Hippolytus and Concordia, Hiereneus and Abnudus, Victoria a virgin, being noble personages of Antioch Bellias bishop of the City of Apollonia, Leacus, Tyrsus, and Gallinetus, Nazanzo, Tryphon in the City of Egypt called ●anais. Phileas Bishop, Philocomus with many other in Perside. Philcronius bishop of Babylon, Thesiphon Bishop of Pamphilia. Nestor Bishop in Corduba. Parmenius Priest with divers more. In the Province called Colonia, Circensis, Marianus and jacobus. In Africa, Nemesianus, Felix, Rogatianus priest. ●elicissimus. At Rome jovinus, Basileus, also Ruffin●, and Secunda Uirgines, Tertullianus, Valerianus, Nemesius, Sempronianus, and Olympius. In Spain Teragone, at Verona Zeno Bishop. At Caesarea, Marinus, and Archemius. In the town of Miliane Privatus Bishop, Theodorus surnamed Gregorius Bishop of Pontus. Haec Beda.  
Vincentius in his xj. book, maketh also mention, citing Ex Hugone, 
Children Martyrs. Ex vincent lib. 11. cap. 52.  of certain children suffering martyrdom under the same persecution, in a City of Tuscia called Aretium: whose names I find not, except they be ●●rgentius & Laurentius mentioned in Equilinus, Lib. 5. cap. 80.  
Now that I have recorded of them sufficiently, which under this tempest of Decius, 
Such as revolted and fell in this persecution.  constantly gave their lives to martyrdom for the testimony of Christ: it remaineth, that a few words also be spoken of such that for fear or frailty in this persecution did shrink back, & slide from the truth of their confession. In the number of whom first cometh in the remembrance of Serapion an aged old man. Of whom writeth Dionysius Alexandrinus, unto Fabius, declaring: that this Serapion was an old man, 
Serapion.  which lived amongst them a sincere and upright life of long time, but at length fell. This Serapion oft and many times desired to be received again, but no man listened to him, for he had sacrificed before. 
Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 44.  After this not long after he fell into sickness where he remained three days dumb, and benumbed of all his senses. The fourth day following, beginning a little to recover, he called to him his sister's son, & said: how long, how long (my son) do ye hold me here? Make hast I pray you, that I were absolved. Call hither some of the ministers to me, and so saying no more, held his peace, as dumb & speechless. The boy ran, it was then night, unto the minister, who at the same time being sick, could not come with the messenger, but said: for somuch as he willed herretofore (as he said) that such as lay a dying, if they covet to be received & reconciled, and especially if they required it earnestly, should be admitted, whereby with the better hope & confidence they may departed hence: therefore he gave to the boy a little of the 
* 
Note here the Sacrament to be called the Eucharist, and not the body of Christ.  
The holy Eucharist in time of great need and distress committed to a boy.  
The repentance and reconciliation of Serapion.  
The goodness of God showed to Serapion.  
Ex Henr. de Erford.   Eucharist, willing him to crumble it into the cup, & so to drop it into the mouth of the old man. With this the boy returned, bringing with him the holy Eucharist. As he was now near at hand, before he had entered in, Serapion the old man, speaking again, comest thou (said he) my son? The Priest, quoth the messenger, is sick & can not come, but do, as he willeth you, & let me go. And the boy immixed the Eucharist, & dropped it in softly into the mouth of the old man. Who after he had tasted a little, immediately gave up the Ghost. etc. Haec Dionys. ex Eus.  
In the City of Troade, as the Proconsul was grievously tormenting one Nicomachus, he cried out, that he was no Christian, and so was let down again. And when after he had sacrificed, he was taken eftsoons with a wicked spirit, and so thrown down upon the ground, where he biting of his tongue with his teeth, so departed. Henr. de Erfordia.  
Dionysius in his Epistles also writing to Fabius, and lamenting the great terror of this persecution declareth, 
A terrible example of denying, showed upon Nichomachus. Dionysius ad Fabium, Cyprianus Serm. de lapsis.  how that many worthy and notable Christians, for fear and horror of the great tyranny thereof, did show themselves feeble and weak men. Of whom some for dread, some of their own accord, other after great torments suffered, yet after revolted from the constancy of their profession. Also S. Cyprian in his treatise De lapsis, reciteth with great sorrow, and testifieth, how that a great number at the first threatening of the adversary, neither being compelled nor thrown down with any violence of the enemy, but of their voluntary weakness fell down themselves. Neither (saith he) tarrying while the judge should put incense in their hands, but before any stroke strooken in the field, 
The weakness of christians denying their faith.  turned their backs, & played the cowards, not only coming to their sacrifices, but preventing the same, and pretending to come without compulsion, bringing moreover their infants & children either put into their hands, or taking them with them of their own accord, and exhorting moreover other to do the like after their example.  
Of this weakness and falling, the said author showeth two causes, 
Examples of God his punishment after denial. The sacrament called bread of S. Cyprian. De lapsis.  either love of their goods and patrimony, or fear of torments. And addeth moreover examples of the punishments of them which so revolted: affirming that many of them were taken and vexed with wicked spirits. And of one man among other which after his voluntary denial, suddenly was strooken dumb. Again, an other after his abjuration as he should communicate with other, in stead of bread received ashes in his hand. Item of a certain maiden, who being taken & vexed with a spirit, did tear her own tongue with her teeth, and tormented with pain in her belly and inward parts so deceased.  
Among other of this sort, S. Cyprian, Lib. 2 cap. 8. maketh also mention of one evaristus a Bishop in Aphrica, who leaving his charge, and making a shipwreck of his faith, went wandering about in other countries, forsaking his own flock. In like manner he maketh also mention of Nicostratus a Deacon, who forsaking his Deaconship, and taking the goods of the Church with him, fled away into other countries, etc. Albeit Bergomensis giveth that this Nicostratus the Deacon afterward died a Martyr. Thus than although some did relent, yet a very great number saith he, there was, whom neither fear could remove, nor pain could overthrow to cause them to betray their confession, but that they stood like glorious Martyrs unto the end, Cyprian.  
The same Cyprianus also in an other book De mortalitate, reciteth a notable story of one of his own Colleges and fellow Priest: 
Cyprianus Lib. de mortalitate. A notable voice of God to a Priest of Carthage.  who being oppressed with weakness, and greatly afraid with death drawing at hand, desired leave to departed, and to be discharged. As he was thus entreating, and almost now dying, there appeared by him a young man, of an honourable and of reverend majesty, of a tall stature, and comely behaviour, so bright & clear to behold, that scarce man's carnal eyes was able to bear the beholding of him, but that he was able so to do, which was now ready to departed this world. To whom this young man speaking with a certain indignation of mind and voice, thus said: Pati timetis, exire non vultis, quid faciam vobis? To suffer ye dare not, to go out ye will not, what would ye me to do unto you?  
Upon the occasion of these and such other, 
The occasion and rising up of Novatus heresy.  which were a great number, that fell and did renounce, as is aforesaid, in this persecution of Decius, rose up first the quarrel & heresy of Novatus, who in these days made a great disturbance in the church, holding this opinion, that they which once renounced the faith, and for fear of torments had offered incense to the idols, although they repented therefore, yet could not afterward be reconciled, nor admitted to the Church of Christ. This Novatus being first Priest under Cyprian at Carthage, afterward by stirring up discord and factions, began to disturb the Bishopric of Cyprian, to appoint there a Deacon called Felicissimus, against the bishop's mind or knowledge, also to allure and separate certain of the brethren from the Bishop, all which Cyprian, Lib. 2. Epist. 8. doth well declare. After this the said Novatus going to Rome, kept there the like stir with Cornelius (as the same Cornelius in Eusebius, 
Cornelij Epist. ad Fabium, ex Euse lib. 6. cap. 43.  Lib. 6. cap. 43. doth testify) setting himself up as Bishop of Rome against Cornelius, which was the lawful Bishop of Rome before. The which to bring to pass, he used this practice: first he had alured to him to be his adherents, three or four of good men and holy confessors, which had suffered before great torments for their confession, whose names were Maximus, Vrbanus, Sydonius, and Celerinus. After this he enticed three simple bishops about the coasts of Italy to repair to Rome, under pretence to make an end of certain controversies then in hand. This done, he caused the same, whether by making them drunk, or by other crafty counsel, to lay their hands upon him, and to make him Bishop, & so did. Wherefore the one of those three Bishops hardly was received to the communion, by the great intercession of his people: the other two by discipline of the church, were displaced from their bishoprics, & other possessed with their rooms. 
The meaning of Cyprian opened, writing of one Bishop only to govern in a Catholic church falsely wrested of the Papists for the Papacy. Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 43.  Thus then were there two Bishops together in one church of Rome, Novatus and Cornelius, which was unseemly, & contrary to the discipline of the Church. And hereupon riseth the true cause and meaning of S. Cyprian, writing in his Epistles so much of one Bishop, and of the unity to be kept in Ecclesiastical regiment, as appeareth, Lib. 4. Epist. 2. De simplicit. praelat. item. Lib. 3. Epist. 11. etc. And in like sort writeth also Cornelius himself of one Bishop, saying: Itaque Vindex ille evangelii ignoravit unum esse debere Episcopum in Catholica Ecclesia. etc. That is, He knew not that there ought to be one bishop in a Catholic Church. etc. This by the way, not out of the way I trust, I have touched briefly, to detect or refute the caviling wrestling of the Papists, which falsely apply these places of Cyprian and Cornelius to maintain the Pope's supreme mastership alone, over the whole universal Church of Christ in all places. When their meaning is otherwise, how that every one Catholic Church or diocese ought to have one Bishop over it, not that the whole world ought to be subject to the dominion of him only that is Bishop of Rome. Now to the story again. Novatus being thus Bishop took not a little upon him, going about by all means to defeat Cornelius, and to allure the people from him. Insomuch that (as in the foresaid book of Eusebius appeareth) when Novatus came to the distributing of the offerings, and should give every man his part, he compelled the simple people every man to swear, before they should receive of the benediction, & of the collects or oblations, holding both their hands in his, & holding them so long, speaking these words unto them, (Swear to me by the body and blood of our Lord jesus Christ, that thou wilt not leave me and go to Cornelius,) till that they swearing unto him, instead of Amen (to be said at the receiving of the 
* 
Note here the Sacrament of the body to be called bread.  
Euseb. lib. 6. Cap. 43. Nicepho. lib. 6. ca 3. The latin translation of Eusebius corrupted by Christoserson Lib. 6. ca 43. Maximus, Vrbanus, Sidonius, Celerinus, confessors. Ex Cypr. Lib. 3. Epist. 3. Moses, Martyr. A Synod at Rome.   bread, should answer, I will not return to Cornelius, etc. Where note by the way, that the Latin book of Christofersons tan●lation, in this place, craftily leaveth out the name of bread. This story being written in Eusebius, also contained in Nicephorus, although not in the same order of words, yet in effect drawn out of him, doth declare in plain words in both the Authors (who so will mark the same) that the sacrament of the body of Christ, is termed with the plain name of bread, after the consecration.  
It followeth more in the story, that Maximus, Vrbanus, Sydonius, and Celerinus before mentioned, perceiving at length the crafty dissimulation and arrogancy, of Novatus, left him, and with great repentance returned again to the Church, & were reconciled to Cornelius, as they themselves writing to Cyprian, and Cyprian likewise writing to them an Epistle gratulatory doth declare. Lib. 3. Epist. 3. & Cornelius also in his Epistle to Fabus witnesseth the same. In thi● Epistle the said Cornelius moreover writeth of one Moses a worthy Martyr, which once being a follower also of Novatus, after perceiving his wickedness forsook him, and did excommunicate him. Of him Cyprian also maketh mention, & calleth him a blessed confessor. Lib. 2. Epi. 4. Damasus in his pontifical saith, that he was apprehended with Maximus and Nicostratus above mentioned, & was put with them in prison, where he ended his life. And thus much of Novatus (against whom, as Eusebius testifieth) a Synod was held at Rome of lx. sundry Bishops in the time of Cornelius, and under the reign of Decius an. 255. whereby it may be supposed that the heat of the persecution at that time was somewhat calmed. 
An. 255.   
After Fabianus (or as Zonaras calleth him Flavianus) next succeeded into the bishopric of Rome Cornelius, 
Cornelius' Bishop of Rome, and Martyr.  whom Cyprian noteth to be a worthy Bishop, and for his great virtue & maydenlye continency much commendable, chosen to that room, not so much of his own consent, as of the full greement both of the Clergy men, 
Bishops were chosen than not without the voice of the people.  and also of the people. Jerome addeth also that he was a man of great eloquence, whereby it may appear those two Epistles decretal, which go in his name not to be his, both for the rudeness of the barbarous and gross stile, and also for the matter therein contained, nothing tasting of that time, nor of that age nor doings then of the Church. Whereof in the first he writeth to all ministers & brethren of the Church, 
A censure of the decretal Epistles of Cornelius.  concerning the lifting up of the bodies & bones of Peter & Paul, De cathecumbis, and transposed to Vaticanum, at the instance of a certain devout woman named Lucina, having no great argument or cause to write thereof unto the churches, but only that he in that letter doth desire them to pray unto the Lord, that through the intercession of those Apostolical Saints; their sins might be forgiven them. etc. In the second Epistle writing to Ruffus a Bishop of the East Church, he decreeth and ordaineth that no oath ought to be required or exacted of any head or chief Bishop, for any cause, or by any power. Also that no cause of Priests or Ministers ought to be handled in any strange or foreign Court, without his precinct, except only in the Court of Rome by appellation; whereby who seethe not the train of our latter Bishops, going about craftily to advance the dignity of the Court of Rome, under and by the prtenced title of Cornelius, and of such ancient Bishops. If Cornelius did write any Epistles to any in deed in those so turbulent times of persecution; no doubt but some signification thereof he would have touched in the said his letters, either in ministering consolation to his brethren, or in requiring consolation and prayers of others. Neither is there any doubt, but he would have given some touch also of the matter of Novatus, with whom he had so much to do, as in deed he did: for so we find it recorded both in Eusebius, and in Jerome that he wrote unto Fabius' Bishop of Antioch, of the decreementes of the counsel of Rome, and an other letter of the manner of the Counsel: the third also of the cause of Novatus, and again of the repentance of such as fell, whereof there is no word touched at all in these foresaid Epistles decretal. 
The constancy of Cornelius in his trial.   
What trouble this Cornelius had with Novatus, sufficiently is before signified. In this persecution of Decius, he demeaned himself very constantly and faithfully, which sustained great conflicts with the adversaries, as S. Cyprian giveth winesse, 
Cyprian. Lib. 1. Epist. 1.  Lib. 1. Epist. 1. Jerome testifieth that he remained Bishop after the death of Decius, to the time of Gallus, and so appeareth also by S. Cyprian, which hath these words: Et tyrannum armis & bello postmodum victum, prior sacerdotio suo vicit. But Damasus and Sabellicus, his followers, affirm that he was both exiled & also martyred under the tyrannous reign of Decius. Of whom Sabellicus writeth this story, taken out (as it seemeth) of Damasus, and saith: 
Cornelius accused for writing letters to Cyprian.  that Cornelius by the commandment of Decius, was banished a town called Centumcellas, bordering in Hetruria, from whence he sent letters to Cyprian Bishop of Carthage, and Cyprian again to him. This coming to the ears of Decius the Emperor, he sendeth for Cornelius, ask him: how he durst be so bold to show such stubbornness, that he neither caring for the Gods, nor fearing the displeasure of his Princes, durst, against the common wealth, give and receive letters from other. To whom Cornelius answering again, thus purged himself, declaring to the Emperor, that letters in deed he had written and received again concerning the praises & honouring of Christ, & of salvation of souls, 
Plumbatis cadi.  but nothing as touching any matter of the common wealth. And it followeth in the story: Then Decius moved with anger commanded him to be beaten with plumbattes (which is saith Sabellicus a kind of scourging) and so to be brought to the temple of Mars: either there to do sacrifice, or to suffer the extremity. But he rather willing to die, then to commit such iniquity, prepared himself to martyrdom, being sure that he should die. 
Cornelius▪ Martyred.  And so commending the charge of the Church unto Stephanus his Archdeacon, was brought to the way of Appius, where he ended his life in faithful martyrdom. Eusebius in one place saith, that he sat ij. years, in an other place saith, that he sat three years, and so doth Marianus Scotu., following also the diversity of the said Eusebius. Damasus giveth him only two years.  
In this foresaid persecution of Decius, it seemeth by some writers also that Cyprian was banished, but I suppose rather his banishment to be referred to the reign of Gallus next Emperor after Decius, whereof more shall be said, (Christ willing) in this place hereafter. In the mean time the said Cyprian in his second book, Epist. 5. &. 6. maketh mention of two that suffered either in the time of this Decius, 
Aurelius, Martyr.  or much about the same time. Of whom one was Aurelius a worthy and valiant young man, who was twice in torments for his confession, which he never denied, but manfully and boldly withstood the adversary, till he was banished, and also after. And therefore was commended of Cyprian to certain brethren, to have him for their lectorer, as in the forenamed Epistle of Cyprian appeareth. The other was named Mappalicus, 
Mappalicus, Martyr.  who the day before he suffered, declaring to the Proconsul, in the midst of his torments, & saying: Videbis cras agonem: that is, to morrow you shall see the running for a wager. etc. was brought forth according as he forespoke, to martyrdom, and there with no less constancy than patience did suffer.  

The death and destruction of Decius.  And thus much of the tyranny of this wicked Decius against God his Saints, now to touch also the power of God his vengeance and punishment against him, like as we see commonly a tempest that is vehement, not long to continue: so it happened with this tyrannical tormenter, who reigning but two years as saith Eusebius, or three at most, 
Orosius. Lib. 7. Cap. 14.  as writeth Orosius among the middle of the Barbarians with whom he did war, was there slain with his son, like as he had slain Philippus, and his son his predecessors before, so was he with his son slain by the righteous judgement of God himself. 
The just revenge of God against persecutors.  Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Platin. Pomponius affirmeth that he warrying against the Gotthians, and being by them overcome, sest he should fall into their hands, ran into a whurlepyt, where he was drowned, and his body never found after.  

The just punishment of God upon the Heathen multitude, for persecuting his people.  Neither did the just hand of God plague the Emperor only, but also revenged as well the heathen Gentiles and persecutors of his word, throughout all provinces & dominions of the Roman Monarchy, amongst whom the lord immediately after the death of Decius, sent such a plague and pestilence, lasting for the space of x. years together, that horrible it is to hear, and almost incredible to believe. Of this plague or pestilence, testifieth Dionysius to Hierax a bishop in Egypt, 
The plague and hand of God.  Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 21.22. Where he declareth the mortality of this plague to be so great in Alexandria, where he was bishop, that there was no house in the whole City free. 
The brotherly love and piety among the christians, showed in the time of plague.  And although the greatness of the plague touched also the Christians somewhat, yet it scourged the heathen Idolaters much more: beside that the order of their behaviour in the one, and in the other was much divers. For, as the foresaid Dionysius doth record, the Christians through brotherly love and piety, did not refuse one to visit and comfort an other, and to minister to him, what need required. Notwithstanding it was to them great danger: for divers there were, who in closing up their eyes, in washing their bodies, & interring them in the ground, were next themselves which followed them to their graves. Yet all this stayed not them from doing their duty, and showing mercy one to another. Where as the Gentiles contrarily, being extremely visited by the hand of God, felt the plague, but considered not the striker, neither yet considered they their neighbour, but every man shifting for himself, neither cared one for an other: but such as were infected, some they would cast out of the doors half dead, to be devoured of dogs and wild beasts, some they let die within their houses without all succour, some they suffered to lie unburied, for that no man durst come near him. And yet notwithstanding, 
A terrible pestilence reigning through all the Roman Monarchy.  for all their voiding and shifting, the pestilence followed them whether soever they went, & miserably consumed them. In so much, that Dionysius bishop the same time of Alexandria, thus reporteth of his own City: that such a great mortality was then among them, that the said City of Alexandria had not in number of all together, both old and young, as it was wont to contain before of the old men only from the age of 60. to 70. such as were found in time passed commonly almost in that City. Pomponius Laetus, and other Latin writers also making mention of the said pestilitie, declare how the beginning thereof first came (as they think) out of Ethiope, and from the hot countries, and so invading and wasting first the South parts, from thence spread into the East, & so further running and increasing into all other quarters of the world, especially, wheresoever the Edicts of the Emperor went against the Christians, it followed after, and consumed the most part of the inhabitants, whereby many places became desolate and void of all concourse, and so continued the term of x. years together.  
This pestiferous mortality (by the occasion whereof Cyprian took the ground to write his book De mortalitate) began as is said, immediately after the death of Decius the persecutor, 
Cyprianus Lib. de mortalitate. Gallus and Volusianus Emperors.  in the beginning of the reign of Vibias Gallus, and Volusianus his son: who succeeded through treason, next unto Decius, about the year of our Lord. 255. and continued their reign but two years.  
This Gallus although the first beginning of the reign was some thing quiet, 
Anno. 255.  yet shortly after following the steps of Decius, by whom rather he should have taken better heed, set forth Edicts in like manner, for the persecution of Christians, albeit in this Edict we find no number of Martyrs to have suffered, but only all this persecution to rest only in the exilement of bishops or guides of the flock. Of other sufferings or executions we do not read: for the terrible pestilence following immediately, kept the barbarous heathen otherwise occupied. Unto this time of Gallus, rather than to the time of Decius, 
The first banishment of Cyprian.  I refer the banishment of Cyprian, who was then bishop of Carthage. Of the which banishment, he himself testifieth in divers of his epistles, declaring the cause thereof to rise upon a commotion or sedition among the people, out of the which he withdrew himself, lest the sedition should grow greater. Notwithstanding the said Cyprian, though being absent, yet had no less care of his flock and of the whole church, then if he had been present with them. And therefore never ceased in his Epistles continually to exhort and call upon them to be constant in their profession, 

The Bishops and Priests condemned to metals. Nemesianus. Felix. Lucius.  
Bishops condemned for the name of Christ.   and patient in their afflictions. Amongst divers other, whom he doth comfort in his banishment, although he was in that case to be comforted himself, writing to certain that were condemned to mining for metals, whose names were Nemesianus, Felix, Lucius, with other bishops, Priests and Deacons, declareth unto them, how it is no shame but a glory not to be feared, but to be rejoiced at, to suffer banishment or other pains for Christ. And confirming them in the same, or rather commending them, signifieth, how worthily they do show themselves to be as valiant captains of virtue, provoking both by the confessions of their mouth, and by the suffering of their body, the hearts of the brethren to Christian martyrdom, whose example was and is, a great confirmation to many, both maids and children to follow the like. As for punishment and suffering, it is (saith he) a thing not execrable to a Christian. For a Christian man's breast, whose hope doth wholly consist in the 
* That is, i● the passion of him that died on the tree.  tree, dreadeth neither bat nor club, wounds and scars of the body be ornaments to a Christian man, such as bring no shame nor dishonesty to the party, but rather preferreth and freeth him with the Lord. And although in the mines where the metals be digged there be no beds for Christian men's bodies to take their rest, yet they have their rest in Christ. And though their weary bones lie upon the cold ground, yet it is no pain to lie with Christ. Their feet have been fettered with bands and chains, but happily he is bound of man, whom the Lord Christ doth lose: 
S. syprian exhorteth and confirmeth the Christian Martyrs. Cypr. lib. 3. Epist. vlt.  happily doth he lie tied in the stocks, whose feet thereby are made swifter to run to heaven. Neither can any man tie a Christian so fast, but he runneth so much the faster for his garland of life. They have no garments to save them from cold, but he that putteth on Christ, is sufficiently coated. Doth bread lack to their hungry bodies? But man liveth not only by bread, but by every word proceeding from the mouth of God. Your deformity (saith he) shall be turned to honour, your mourning to joy, your pain to pleasure, and felicity infinite. And if this do grieve you, that ye cannot now employ your sacrifices and oblations after your wont manner: yet your sacrifice daily ceaseth not, which is a contrite and humble hart, as when you offer up daily your bodies a lively and a glorious sacrifice unto the Lord, which is the sacrifice that pleaseth God. And though your travail be great, 
The Christian man's sacrifice.  yet is the reward gre●ter, which is most certain to follow. For God beholding and looking down upon them that confess his name, in their willing mind approveth them, in their striving helpeth them, in their victory crowneth them, rewarding that in us, which he hath performed, and crowning that which he hath in us perfected. With these and such like comfortable words he doth animate his brethren, admonishing them, that they are now in a joyful journey, hasting apace to the mansions of the Martyrs, there to enjoy after this darkness a stable light, and brightness greater than all their passions, according to the Apostles saying: These sufferings of this present time be nothing like comparable to the brightness of the glory that shall be revealed in us, etc.  
And after the like words of sweet comfort and consolation writing to Seagrius, 
Cypr. lib. 4. Epist. 1. Seagrius. Rogatianus. Martyrs.  and Rogatianus, which were in prison and bonds for the testimony of truth, doth encourage them to continue steadfast and patiented in the way, wherein they have begun to run, for that they have the Lord with them their helper and defender, who promiseth to be with us to the worlds end: and therefore willeth them to set before their eyes in their death immortality, in their pain everlasting glory, of the which it is written: Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saints. Item, although before men they suffered torments, yet their hope is full of immortality, and being vexed in small things, they shall be well requited in great matters. For the Lord hath tried them as gold in the fire. 
Sapien. 3.  And writeth moreover, admonishing them, that it is so appointed from the beginning of the world, that righteousness here should suffer in secular conflicts, for so just Abel was slain in the beginning of the world, and after him all just and good men, the Prophets also and the Apostles sent of the Lord himself, unto whom all, the Lord first gave an example in himself, teaching that there is no coming to his kingdom, but by that way which he entered himself, saying by these words: he that loveth his life in this world, shall lose it, etc. And again, fear ye not them, that slay the body, but have no power to slay the soul. And S. Paul likewise admonishing all them, whosoever covet to be partakers of the promises of the Lord, to follow the Lord saith: if we suffer together with him, we shall reign together, etc.  
Furthermore, as the same Cyprian doth encourage here the holy Martyrs, which were in captivity: to persist▪ so likewise writing to the Priests and Deacons, which were free, exhorteth them to be serviceable and obsequious with all care and love, to cherish and embrace them that were in bonds. Cypria. Lib. 3. Ep. 6. whereby may appear the fervent zeal & care of this good-Byshop, toward the Church of Christ, 
Cyprian. Lib. 3. Epist. 6.  although being now in exile, in the time of this Emperor Gallus.  
In the same time and under the said Gallus reigning with his son Volusianus was also Lucius bishop of Rome sent to banishment who next succeeded after Cornelius, in that bishopric, about the year of our Lord 256. Albeit in this banishment he did not long continue, 
Lucius' Bishop of Rome banished.  but returned again home to his Church: as by the Epistle of, S. Cyprian, Lib 3. Epist. 1. may appear. As to all other Bishops of Rome in those primitive days certain decretal epistles with several ordinances be ascribed, 
An. 256.  bearing their names and titles, as hath been afore declared: so also hath Lucius one Epistle, fathered upon him, in the which Epistle he writing to the brethren of France and of Spain, appointeth such an order and form of the church, as seemeth not to agree with the time then present: 
The Epistle decretal of Lucius Bishop. The ordinances of Lucius.  For so he declareth in that Epistle that a Bishop in all places, whether soever he goeth, should have two Priests with three deacons waiting upon him, to be witnesses of all his ways and doings. Which ordinance although I deny not, but it may be and is convenient, yet I see not how that time of Lucius could serve then, for a Bishop to carry such a pomp of Priests & Deacons about him, or to study for any such matter: for so much as Bishops commonly in those days were seldom free to go abroad, went they never so secret: but either were in houses close and secret, or in prison, or else in banishment. 
The pompous stile of the Church of Rome.  Moreover in the said Epistle how pompously he writeth to the Church of Rome: This holy and apostolical Church of Rome (saith he) the mother of all Churches of Christ, which by the grace of God omnipotent, hath never been proved to swerver out of the path of Apostolical tradition, neither hath ever fallen, or been depraved with heretical innovations: but even as in the first beginning it received the rule of the Apostolical faith by his first instructors, the Princes of the Apostles, so it continueth ever immaculate and undefiled unto the end.  
Unto this Lucius also is referred in the decrees of Gratian this constitution, 

Dist. 81. Ministri. Ministers restrained from their own wives. Eusebius and Damasius vary in time.  
Lucius' Bishop of Rome, martyr.  
Stephanus Bishop of Rome, martyr.   that no minister whatsoever, after his ordination, should at any time re-enter to the chamber of his own wife, in pain of losing his Ministry in the Church, etc. Eusebius in his seven. book, making mention of the death of Lucius, and not of his martyrdom, saith that he sat but eight months. But Damasus in his martyrologue holdeth that he sat three years, & was beheaded the second year of Valerian and Galienus Emperors. And so doth also Marianus Scotus, and Nauclerus, with other that follow Damasus, affirm the same.  
After him came Stephanus next Bishop of Rome following Lucius: whom Damasus, Platina, and Sabellicus, affirm to have sit seven. years fine months, & to die a martyr. Contrary Eusebius and Volateranus holding with him, give him but two years, which part cometh most near to the truth, I leave to the reader's judgement, of his two Epistles decretal, and of his ordinances out of the same collected, I need not much to tarry, for two respects, either for that concerning these decretal Epistles suspiciously entitled to the names of the fathers of the primitive church, 
The censure of the decretal Epistles and ordinances of Stephanus.  sufficiently hath been said before: or else because both the phrase barbarous and incongrue and also the matter itself therein contained is such, that although no testimony came against it, yet it easily refelleth itself. As wherein the second Epistle he decreeth, that no Bishop being expulsed out of his seat or deprived of his goods, aught to be accused of any, or is bound to answer for himself, before that by the law regularly he be restored again fully to his former state, and that the Primates and the Synod render to him again all such possessions and fruits, as were taken from him before his accusation, as is agreeing both to the laws Canon & also seculare. First here I would desire the Reader a little to stay, 
No Bishop ought to be accused, after he be expulsed, before he be restored again.  & this to consider to himself, who be these here meant, which either used or might despoil these bishops of their goods, & expulse them from their seats for such wrongful causes, but only Kings & Emperors, which at this time were not yet Christened nor used any such proceedings against these Bishops, in such sort as either Primates or Synods could restore them again to their places and possessions. Again what private goods or possessions had Bishops then to be taken from them, when as Churches yet neither were endued with patrimonies nor possessions. And if any treasures were committed to the church, it pertained not properly to the Bishop, but went in general to the subvention of the poor in the Church, as in the Epistle of Cornelius to Fabius may appear, alleged in Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 43. where he speaking of his Church, & declaring how there ought to be but one bishop in the same, ●nterreth mention of xluj. Priests, seven. Deacons, with seven. Subdeacons, xlij. Acoluthes, of widows and poor afflicted persons to the ●●ber of a 1500, 
The number of the poor found at Rome by the Church goods.  and above, found and nourished in the same Church, by the merciful benignity and providence of god Eusebius. Lib. 6. cap. 43. It followeth more in the end of the said Canon. which thing is forbidden both by the laws Ecclesiastical, & also secular, etc. Now what laws secular were in the time of Stephen, for bishops not to be charged with any accusation before they were restored again to their state, let any Reader marking well the state or the Heathen laws that then were, judge, and in judging, I doubt not but this matter alone, though there were no other, will be enough to descry the untruth hereof.  
Moreover, by divers other probable notes and arguments in the said second Epistle of Stephanus, it may be easily espied, 
Primates metropolitans, Archbishops.  this Epistle to be famed and ●●authored, especial by the fift Canon of the said Epistle, where he so solemnly entreateth of the difference between primates, metropolitans, and Archbyshops, which distinction of degrees and titles, savouring more o● ambition, then of persecution, giveth me verily to suppose this Epistle not to be written by this Stephen, but by ●ine other man, either of that name or of some other time when the Church began to be settled in more prosperity, and orders therein to be taken, for every man to know his ●eg●●e and limits of his authority according as t● specified by the uj and seven. Canon, of Nicene Council ●●●ceeing of the same matter.  
The like 〈…〉 of the seventh Canon of the said Epistle, where he writeth and appointeth all cause's judiciary to be decided & determined within the precinct of their own proper Province, and not to pass over the bounds thereon, 
I awful to appeal to Rome.  unless (saith he) the appea●e be made to the Apostolical sea of Rome: which san●reth in my nose, rather of a ●●acke of Popery then of the vein of Christianity, especially in these times, during this terrible persecution among the Bishops of Christ. And thus much of the second decretal Epistle of Stephanus: although of the first Epistle also written to Hilarius, some thing may be said, 
Vestments and holy vessels serving for the aultare.  as where he speaketh in the said Epistle of holy vestiments, and holy vessels, and other ornaments of the altar, serving to divine worship, and therefore not to be touched nor handled of any man, saving of Priests alone. Concerning all which implements, my opinion is this, that I think the Church of Rome not to have been in so good state them, that either Stephanus or Sixtus before him being occupied about other more earnest matters, and scarce able to hide their own heads, had any mind or cogitation to study upon such unnecessary inventions, serving in public Churches. Neither do I see how the Heathen in those days would have suffered these ornaments to be vnconsumed, which would not suffer the Bishops themselves to live amongst them. Notwithstanding Isidorus and Polydorus judge the contrary. Between this Stephen and Cyprian Bishop of Carthage was a great contention, about rebaptising of heretics, whereof more hereafter (Christ willing) shall be said.  
Besides these Bishops above specified, divers other there were also sent into banishment under the forenamed Emperors Gallus & Volusianus, as appeareth by Dionysius writing to Hermammon on this wise: that Gallus not seeing the evil of Decius, nor foreseeing the occasion of his seduction and ruin, 
Bishops banished in the time of Gallus.  stumbled himself also at the same stone, lying open before his eyes. For at the first beginning when his Empire went prosperously forward, and all things went luckily with him, afterward he drove out holy men, which prayed for his peace and safeguard, and so with them rejected also the prayers which they made for him. etc. Eusebius. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Otherwise of any bloodshed or any Martyrs that in the time of this Emperor were put to death, we do not read.  
After the reign of which Emperor Gallus and of his son Volusianus being expired who reigned but ij. years, 

Gallus and Volusianus: Emperors slain. Emelianus  
Emperor three months.  
Valerianus and Gallienus his son Emperor.  
Persecution ceased for a tym●. The good beginning of Valerian.   Emelianus which slew them both by civil sedition, succeeded in their place▪ who reigned but three months, & was also slain. Next to whom Valerianus, & his son Gallienus were advanced to the Empire.  
About the changing of these Emperors, the persecution which first began at Decius, & afterward slacked in the time of Gallus, was now extinguished for a time, partly for the great plague reigning in all places, partly by the change of the Emperors, although it was not very long. For Valerianus in the first entrance of the Empire for the space of iij. or four years, was right courteous and gentle to the people of God, & well accepted to the Senate. Neither was there any of all the Emperors before him, no not of the which openly professed Christ, that showed himself so loving and familiar toward the Christians as he did: 
Ex Dionysio citant Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 10. & Nicepho. Lib. 6. cap. 10.  in so much that (as Dionysius, writing to Herman doth testify) all his whole court was replenished with holy Saints & servants of Christ, and godly persons, so that his house might seem to be made a Church of God. But by the malice of Satan, through wicked counsel these quiet days endured not very long. For in process of time this Valerianus being charmed or incensed by a certain Egyptian, a chief ruler of the Heathen synagogue of the Egyptians, 
Wicked counsel What evil it doth.  a master of the Charmers or enchanters, who in deed was troubled, for that he could not do his Magical feats for the Christians, was so far infatuated and bewitched, that through the detestable provocations of that devilish Egyptian, he was wholly turned unto abominable Idols, and to execrable impiety, in sacrificing young infants and quartering bodies, and dividing the entrails of children new borne, and so proceeding in his fury, moved the eight persecution, against the Christians, whom the wicked Egyptian could not abide, as being the hinderers and destroyars of his Magical enchauntinges, about the year of our Lord. 259.   

The eight Persecution.  
IN the which persecution the chief administers and executors were Emilianus Precedent of Egypt, 
The eight persecution.  Paternus and Galerius Maximus, Proconsul's in Aphrica, Bergomensis also maketh mention of Paternus. 
Anno. 259.  Vicegerent of Rome, and of Perennius. Vincentius speaketh also of Nicerius, and Claudius' Presidents. etc.  
What was the chief original cause of this persecution, partly is signified before, 
The chief executors of this persecution. The special causes of this persecution.  where mention was made of the wicked Egyptian. But as this was the outward and political cause, so S Cyprian showeth other causes more special, and Ecclesiastical, in his iiii. book. Epist. 4. whose words be these: but we (saith he) must understand and confess, that this turbulent oppression & calamity, which hath wasted for the most part all our whole company, and doth daily consume, 
Cypria. Lib. 4. Epist. 4. The sins of the Christians cause of persecution.  riseth chief of our own wickedness & sins: while we walk not in the way of the Lord, nor observe his precepts left unto us for our institution. The Lord observed the will of his father in all points: but we observe not the will of the Lord, having all our mind and study set upon lucre & possessions, given to pride, full of emulation and dissension, void of simplicity and faithful dealing, renouncing this world in word only, but nothing in deed, every man pleasing himself, and displeasing all other. And therefore are we thus scourged, and worthily. For what stripes and scourges do we not deserve, when the confessors themselves (such as have bid the trial of their confession) and such as ought to be an example to the rest of well doing, do keep no discipline? And therefore because some such there be, proudly puffed up with this swelling and unmannerly bragging of their confession, these torments come: such as do not easily send us to the crown, except by the mercy of God, some being taken away by quickness of death, do prevent the tediousness of punishiment. These things do we suffer for our sins and deserts, as by the lords censure we have been forewarned, saying: If they shall forsake my law, and will not walk in my judgements: If they shall profane my institutions, and will not observe my precepts, I will visit their iniquities with the rod, and their transgressions with scourges. These rods and scourges (saith he) we feel, which neither please God in our good deeds, nor repent in our evil deeds. Wherefore the said Cyprian, adding this exhortation withal, exhorted them to pray and entreat from the bottom of their hart and whole mind, the mercy of God which promiseth, saying: but yet my mercy I will not scatter from them. etc. Let us ask, and we shall obtain, and though (saith Cyprian) it be with tarriance, yet for so much as we have grievously offended, let us continue knocking, for to him that knocketh, it shallbe opened, if our prayers, sighings, and weepings knock still at the door with continuance, and if our prayers be joined together with brotherly agreement etc.  
Moreover, what vices were then principally reigning among the Christians, 
Discord and division among the brethren.  he further specifieth in the said Epistle: which chief were division and dissension among the brethren. For when it was spoken to them in a vision, by these words Petite & impetrabitis, that is: Pray, and ye shall obtain, afterward it was required of the congregation there present, to direct their prayers, for certain persons assigned to them by name: but they could not agree and condescend altogether of the names and persons of them which they should pray for, but were dissonant in their consent and petition: which thing (saith Cyprian) did greatly displease him, that spoke unto them: Pray, and ye shall obtain, for that there was no uniform equality of voice and hart nor one simple and joint concord among the brethren, whereof it is written the Psalm. 67. God which maketh to dwell in the house together men of one accord. 
Psal. 67.  etc. And so by the occasion hereof, he writeth unto them in the foresaid Epistle, and moveth them to prayer and mutual agreement. For (saith he) if it be promised in the Gospel, to be granted whatsoever any two consenting together shall ask, what shall then the whole Church do agreeing together? or what if this unanimity were among the whole fraternity, which unanimity (sayeth Cyprian) if it had been then among the brethren, non venissent fraetribus haec mala, si in unum fraternitas fuisset animata, that is: these evils had not happened to the brethren, if the brethren had joined together in brotherly unanimity. 
A vision foreshowing persecution to come. Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist. 4.  etc.  
After the causes thus declared of this, or other persecutions, the said, S. Cyprian moreover in the forenamed Epistle (worthy to be read of all men) describeth likewise a certain vision, wherein was showed unto them by the Lord, before the persecution came, what should happen. The vision was this: There was a certain aged father sitting, at whose right hand set a young man very sad and pensive: as one with an indignation sorrowful, holding his hand upon his breast, his countenance heavy and uncheerful. On the left hand sat an other person, having in his hand a net, which he threatened to lay to catch the people that stood about. And as he was marveling that saw the sight thereof, it was said unto him: The young man whom thou seest sit on the tied hand, is sad and sorry, that his precepts be not observed. But he on the left hand danceth and is merry, for that occasion is given him to have power of the aged Father given him to afflict men. And this vision was seen long before this tempest of persecution happened, 
Our sins give Satan power against us.  Wherein is declared the same that before is said, the sins of the people to be the cause, why Satan in this persecution and all other, hath had and hath still such power with his net of destruction, to rage's against the blood of Christian men, and all because (saith Cyprian) we forslacke our praying, or be not so vigilant therein as we should: wherefore the Lord because he loveth us, correcteth us, correcteth us, to amend us, amendeth us to save us. etc. Cyprian.  
Furthermore, 
another revelation showed to S. Cyprian.  the same Cyprian, and in the same Epistle, wrtting of his own revelation or message sent to him, thus saith: And to his least servant both sinful and unworthy (meaning by himself) God of his tender goodness hath vouched safe to direct this word. Tell him saith he that he be quiet and of good comfort, for peace will come. Albeit a little stay there is for a while, for that some remain yet to be proved and tried. 
Spare diet and sober drink convenient in Christian bishops.  etc. And showeth also in the same place of an other revelation of his, wherein he was admonished to be spare in his feeding, and sober in his drink, lest his mind given to heavenly meditation might be carried away with worldly allurements, or oppressed with to much surfeit of meats and drinks, should be less apt or able to prayer and spiritual exercise.  
Finally in the latter end of the foresaid Epistle, mention also followeth of other revelations or shewinges, 
The peace of the Church to come, foreshowed by the Lord.  wherein the Lord (saith Cyprian) doth vouchsafe in many of his servants to foreshow to come the restauring of his Church, the stable quiet of our health and safeguard, after rain fair weather, after darkness light, after stormy tempest, peaceable calm, the fatherly help of his love, the wont & old glory of his divine majesty whereby both the blasphemy of the persecutors shall be repressed, and the repentance of such as have fallen be reform, and the strong and stable confidence of them that stand, shall rejoice and glory. Thus much hath S. Cyprian, writing of these things to the Clergy. Lib. 4. Epist. 4.  
As touching now the crimes and accusations in this persecution laid to the charge of the Christians, 
Crimes and causes falsely laid to the Christians.  this was the principal, first because they refused to do worship to their Idols and to the Emperors: then for that they professed the name of Christ. Besides all the calamities and evils that happened in the world, as wars, famine, and pestilence, 
The Apology of Cyprian for the Christians. Cypria. contra Demetriaenum. Cypria. de idolorum vanitate.  were only imputed to the Christians. Against all which quarrelling accusations Cyprian doth eloquently defend the Christians in his book Contra Demetrianum: Like as Tertulian had done before, writing Contra Scapulam page. 55. And first touching the objection for not worshipping Idols, he cleareth the Christians both in his book Contra Demeir. & also De vanitate idol. proving those Idols to be no true Gods, but Images of certain dead kings, which neither could save themselves from death, nor such as worship them. The true God to be but one, and that by the testimony of Sosthenes, Plato, and Trismegistus, the which God the Christians do truly worship. And as concerning that the Christians were thought to be causes of public calamities, because they worshipped not the Gentiles Idols, he purgeth the Christians thereof, proving that if there be any defect in increase of things, it is not to be ascribed to them, but rather to the decrease of nature, languishing now toward her age and latter end. Again for that it hath been so foresaid and prophesied, that toward the end of the world should come wars, famine, and pestilence. Moreover if there be any cause thereof more proper than other, it is most like to be imputed to their vain Idolatry, and to the contempt of the true God. Also that such evils be increased by the wickedness of the people, so that to speak in his own words famem maiorem facial rapacites quam siccitas, i. famine cometh more by avarice of men, then by drought of the air, but especially the cause thereof to proceed of the cruel shedding of the innocent blood of the Christians etc.  
Thus with many other more probations doth Cyprian defend the Christians, against the barbarous exclamations of the heathen Gentiles. Of which Cyprian forsomuch as he suffered in the time of his persecution, I mind (Christ willing) to recapitulate here in ample discourse, the full sum, first of his life and bringing up, then of his death, & martyrdom, as the worthiness of that man deserveth to be remembered. Of this Cyprian therefore, otherwise named Statius, thus writeth Nicephorus, Nazianzenns, jacobus de Voragine, 
The country and education of Cyprian.  Henricus de Erfordia, Volateranus. Hieronymus, and other, that he being an Aphrican, and borne in Carthage, first was an Idolater and Gentle, altogether given to the study and practise of the Magical Arts, of whose parentage and education in letters from his youth, no mention is made but that he was a worthy Rhetorician in Aphrica. Of whose conversion and baptism he himself in his first book & second Epistle, writeth a flourishing and eloquent History. 
The conversion of Cyprian.  Which his conversion unto the christian faith as Hieronimus affirmeth in his commentary upon jonas, was through the grace of God and the means of Cecilius a Priest, whose name after he bore, and through the occasion of hearing the history of the Prophet jonas. The same Jerome moreover testifieth how he immediately upon his conversion distributed among the poor all his substance and after that being ordained a Priest, 
Cyprian made first Priest, than Bishop of Carthage.  was not long after constituted bishop of the congregation of Carthage. But whether he succeeded Agrippinus of whom he often maketh mention, which also was the first author of rebaptisation, or some other bishop of Carthage, it remaineth uncertain. But this is most true, he himself shined in his office and dignity with such good gifts, and virtues, that as Nazianzenus writeth, he had the government of the whole, east Church, and church of Spain, and was called the Bishop of the Christian men.  

The virtues of Cyprians life described.  And to the further setting forth (to the praise of God) of his godly virtues wherewith he was endued appearing as well in his own works, to them that list to peruse the same, as also described by other worthy writers, he was courteous and gentle, loving and full of patience, and therewithal sharp & severe in his office, 
The care of Cyprian toward the afflicted brethren.  according as the cause required, as appeareth in his first book and third epistle. Furthermore he was most loving and kind toward his brethren, and took much pain in helping and relieving the Martyrs, as appeareth by his letters to the Elders, and Deacons of his Bishopric, that with all study and endeavour they should gently entertain and show pleasure unto the Martyrs in his absence, as partly is touched before.  
The third Epistle of his first book doth declare of what stomach and godly courage he was, in executing his office, and handling his matters. Neither was he void of prudence & circumspection, but was adorned with marvelous modesty, 
The modesty of Cyprian in conferring with his fellow brethren.  whereby he attempted nothing upon his own head and judgement, but with the consent of his fellow bishops and other inferior Ministers, & that chief (among others) doth the 10. Epistle of his third book witness. He was of a marvelous liberal disposition towards the poor brethren of other countries: for so often as he had cause of absence he committed the care of those poor men to his fellow officers, and wrote unto them, that of their own proper goods, they would help their banished brethren, to that which was necessary for them, as witnesseth the 24. Epistle of his third book. 
Visions concerning the troubles and peace of the church, recited and expounded by Cyprian before pag. 67.  He reciteth among other gifts wherewith he was endued, as touching the visions and heavenly admonitions of the persecutions that should follow, and of other matters touching the government of the Church in his first book & third Epistle, and fourth book and fourth Epistle, where he reciteth and expoundeth the form or manner of a certain vision, which we have before sufficiently expressed.  
He had moreover great skill in the foreknowledge of things that should chance, as may be gathered in the vj. Epistle of his fourth book. Also Augustine doth attribute unto him many worthy virtues, which writeth much in setting forth his gifts of humility, in his second book of Baptism, the fourth chapter, against the Donatists, and in his seven. book and xj. chap. of his long sufferance and patience. Also of his courtesy and meekness by which virtues he concealed nothing that he understood, 
Cyprian meek and patient.  but uttered the same meekly and patiently. Also that he kept the Ecclesiastical peace & concord with those that were of an other opinion than he was of: lastly, that he neither circumvented nor did prejudice any man, but followed the thing which seemed good in his judgement, it is manifest in S. Augustine his fift book, De Baptismo contra Donatistas'. Neither is this to be passed with silence, that Jerome writeth that he was very diligent in reading, especially the works of Tertullian, For he saith that he saw a certain old man whose name was Paulus, 
Cyprian a great reader of Tertullian.  which told him he saw the notary of blessed Cyprian, being then an old man when he himself was but a springal in the City of Rome, and told him that it was Cyprians wont never to let one day pass without some reading of Tertullian, and that he was accustomed oftentimes to say unto him: give me any master, meaning thereby Tertullian.  
Now a few words touching his exile, and martyrdom. Of his Epistles which he wrote back to his congregation, leading his life in exile, mention is made above wherein he showeth the virtue beseeming a faithful pastor in that he took no less care, as well of his own church, as of other Bishops being absent, than he did being present. Wherein also he himself doth signify that voluntarily he absented himself, lest he should do more hurt then good to the congregation, by reason of his presence, as is likewise declared before. Thus from the desolate places of his banishment, wherein he was oftentimes sought for, he writeth unto his brethren, as in his third book and x. Epistle is manifest, which thing seemeth to be done in the reign of Decius or Gallus. But after that he returned again but of exile, 
The second banishment of Cyprian.  in the reign of this Valorianus, he was also after that the second time banished of Paternus the Proconsul of Aphrica, into the City of Thurbin, as the oration of Augustine touching Cyprian showeth, or else as Pontius the Deacon saith, 
The apprehension of Cyprian.  into a City named Fur●bilitana, or Curabilitana. But when Paternus the Proconsul was dead, Galienus Maximus succeeded in the room and office of Paternus, who finding Cyprian in a garden, caused him to be apprehended by his sergeants, and to be brought before the Idols, to offer sacrifice, which when he would not do, than the Proconsul breaking forth in these words said: Long hast thou lived in a sacrilegious mind, and hast gathered together men of wicked conspiracy, and hast showed thyself an enemy to the Gods of the Romans, and to their holy laws: neither could the sacrete Emperors Valerianus & Galienus revoke thee to the sect of their ceremonies. At length the wicked tyrant condemning him to have his head cut of, 
The martyrdom of Cyprian.  he patiently and willingly submitted his neck to the stroke of the sword (as Hieronimus affirmeth.) And so this blessed Martyr ended this present life in the Lord, Xistus then being Bishop of Rome, 
Anno. 259.  as Eusebius noteth, in the year of our Lord. 259. Sabellicus saith that he was martyred in the reign of Gallus and Volusianus, Lucius, being bishop of Rome, but that seemeth not like.  
Now remaineth to speak something likewise of his works and books left behind him, 
The books of Cyprian.  although all peradventure do not remain, that he wrote: whereof some are missing, some again which in the livery of his name & title, are not his, but such as be certainly his by the style & sense may soon be discerned: such is the eloquence of his phrase, & gravity of his sentence, vigour of wit, power in persuasion, so much differing from many other, as he can lightly be imitated but of few. Of the which his books with us extant, as the flourishing eloquence is worthily commended, proceeding out of the school of Rhetoricians, so is the authority thereof no less reputation, not only among us of this age of the Church, but also among the Ancient fathers. Whereof S. Austen speaking of his commendation saith, 

The judgement of Austen upon the books of▪ Cyprian.  
August. contra Cresconium. Lib. 12. cap. 32.   Ego inquit, literas Cypriani non ut canonicas habeo, sed eas ex canonisis considero: & quoth in eyes devinarum Scripturarum autoritati congruit cum laud eius accipio: quod autem non congruit, cum pace eius respuo. etc. By which words it may appear that Austen, although he did not repute the books and writings of Cyprian, to be equivalent with the holy Scripture, yet notwithstanding next after the scriptures he had the same in great admiration.  
Vincentius, and Laziardus Celestinus, reciting the names of divers books, bearing the title of Cyprian (more perchance then be truly his) do collect out of them a certain extract of his most pithy sentences, all which here to repeat were to tedious. To give a taste of the special, I thought it not impertinent. As where he speaking of the treasures of a rich man, exhorteth saying: 
Ne dormiat in thesauris tuis, 
Sentences of Cyprian collected. Ex Vincent. Lib. 12 ca 63.  quod pauperi prodesse potest● i.  
Let it not sleep in thy treasures, that may profit the poor.  
Duo nunquam veterascunt in homine, cor semper novas cogitationes machinando: lingua, cordis vanas conceptiones proferendo. i.  
Two things never wax old in man, the hart ever in imagining new cogitations, the tongue ever in uttering the vain conceptions of the hart.  
Quod aliquando de necessitate amittendum est, sponte prodivina remuneratione distribuendum est i  
That which a man must needs forego of necessity, wisdom it is a man to distribute so, that God may everlastingly reward him.  
Disciplina est morum praesentium ordinata correctio, & malorum praeteritorum regularis obseruatio. i.  
Discipline is an ordinate amendment of manners present, and a regular observation of evils past.  
Integritas ibi nulla esse potest, ubi qui improbos damnent, desunt: & soli qui damnentur, occurrunt.  
There can be no integrity, whereas they which should condemn the wicked are ever wanting: and they only which are to be condemned, are ever present.  
Auari ad hoc tantum possident, quae habent, ut ne alteri possidere liceat.  
A covetous man only possesseth his goods for this, because an other should not possess them.  
Sericum & purpurum indutae, Christum induere non possunt.  
Women that advance themselves in putting on silks and purple, cannot lightly put on Christ.  
Foeminae crines suos inficiunt malo praesagio: Capillos enim sibi flammeos auspicari non metuunt.  
They which colour their locks with red and yellow, begin betime to prognosticate, of that colour their heads shall be in hell.  
Qui se pingunt in hoc seculo, aliter quam creavit Deus metuant ne cum resurrectionis venerit dies, artifex creaturam suam non recognoscat.  
They which love to paint themselves in this world otherwise then God hath created them: let them fear, lest when the day cometh of resurrection, the creator will not know them.  
Qui pauperi eleemosinam dat, Deo suavitatis odorem sacrificat.  
He that giveth an alms to the poor, sacrificeth to God an odour of sweet smell.  
Contemnenda est omnis iniuria praesentium molorum, fiducia futurorum bonorum.  
All injury of evils present to be neglected, for the good hope of good things to come.  
Nihil prodest verbis proferre virtutem, & factis destruere.  
To set out virtue in words, and to destroy the same in facts, is nothing worth.  
Quo plures domi sint tibi liberi, hoc plus tibi non recondendum sed erogandum est, quia multorum iam delicta redimenda sunt multorum purgandae conscientiae.  
The more children and greater household thou hast at home the more cause thou hast not to horde up, but to disperse abroad, for that many sins are to be redeemed many consciences are to be purged.   


The place of scripture expounded.  
Eleemasina ab omni peccato & morte liberat. Yob. 4. Ex Cypri. Lib. 4. Epist. 2.   ¶ Moreover, lest the Papists here should take an occasion by this text, grounded upon the text of Tobi, cap. 4. Almose (saith he) delivereth from all sin and death: to build up the works of satisfaction, the said Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist, 2. more plainly expoundeth both himself, and that place of Scripture, writing in these words: Quia scriptum est, Eleemosina ab omni peccato, & morte liberat. Yob. 4. non utique ab ea morte, quam semel Christi sanguis extinxit, & a qua nos salutaris Baptismi & tedemptoris nostri gratia liberavit, sed ab illa quae per delicta postmodum serpit. etc. That is: Almose doth deliver from all sin and from death. Yob. 4. not from that (saith Cyprian) which the blood of Christ hath once extincted, and from which the wholesome grace of our Baptism, and of our redeemer hath delivered us, but from that death which afterward creepeth in by sin. etc. Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist. 2. by which words it is apparent, that Cyprian meaneth this deliverance (which cometh by almose giving) from death and sin, not to be expounded nor to be taken for death everlasting, from which only the blood of Christ doth save us, but for temporal or transitory punishment, which is wont to be inflicted in this body of sin. For so it is nothing repugnant, but that temporal virtues may have their temporal rewards in this life, & likewise sins committed may have temporal punishments both of us and in our families, our eternal salvation standing evermore firm in Christ yet notwithstanding.  
The foresaid Vincentius moreover speaking of an other book of Cyprian (although the said book be not numbered in the Catalogue of his works) maketh mention of xij. abuses, or absurdities in the life of man, which in order be these: 

1. Sapiens sine operibus. A wise man without good works.  
2. Senex sine religione. An old man without religion.  
3. Adolescens sine obedientia. 
Twelve 2. buses in the life of man, noted out of Cyprian▪  A young man without obedience.  
4. Dives sine eleemosina. A rich man without almose.  
5. Foemina sine pudicitia. A woman shameless,  
6. Dominus sine virtute. A guide without virtue.  
7. Christianus contentiosus. A Christian man contentious.  
8. Pauper superbus. A poor man proud.  
9 Rex iniquus. A king unrighteous.  
10. Episcopus negligens. A bishop negligent.  
11. Plebs sine disciplina. People without discipline.  
12. Populus sine lege. Subjects without law.    
As I have hitherto set forth the commendation of Cyprian this blessed Martyr: 
The learning of Cyprian. joined with his blemishes.  so must we now take heed again, that we do not here incur the old & common danger, which the papists are commonly accustomed to run into, whose fault is always almost to be immoderate and excessive in their proceedings, making to much almost of every thing. 
The fault of Papists to make to much of every thing.  So in speaking of the holy Sacraments, they make more of them then doth the nature of Sacraments require, not using them, but abusing them, not referring or applying them, but adoring them, not taking them in their kind for things godly as they are, but taking them for God himself, turning religion into superstition, & the creature to the creator, that things signifying to the things themselves signified, etc. To the Church likewise and ceremonies of the church, to general Counsels, to the blessed virgin Mary mother of Christ, to the bishop of Rome, and to all other in like case, not contented to attribute that which is sufficient, they exceed moreover the bounds of judgement and verity, judging so of the Church, & general counsels, as though they could never, or did never err in any jot. That the blessed mother of Christ amongst all women was blessed, and a virgin full of grace, the Scripture & truth doth give, but to say that she was borne without all original sin, or to make of her an advocate, or mother of mercy, there they run further than truth will bear. The ceremonies were first ordained to serve but only for order sake, unto the which they have attributed so much at length, that they have set in them a great part of our Religion yea & also salvation. And what thing is there else almost, wherein the Papists have not exceeded?  
Wherefore to avoid this common error of the papists, 
How far the authority of the doctors ought to extend.  we must beware in commending the Doctors & writers of the Church, & so commend them, that truth and consideration, go with our commendation. For though this cannot be denied, but that holy Cyprian, and other blessed Martyrs were holy men, yet notwithstanding they were men that is such as might have, & had their falls & faults, men I say, & not angels, nor gods, saved by God, not saviours of men, nor patrons of grace: and though they were also men of excellent learning, & worthy Doctors, yet with their learning they had their errors also annexed. And though their books be (as they ought to be of great authority, yet ought they not to be equal with the Scriptures. And albeit the said well in most things, yet it is not therefore enough that what they said it must stand for a truth. 
The blemishes and errors of doctors noted,  That pre-eminence of authority only belongeth to the word of God, and not to the pen of man. For of men and Doctors, be they never so famous, there is none that is void of his reprehension. 
Origene  In Origene (although in his time the admiration of his learning was singular) yet how many things be there, which the Church now holdeth not? but examining him by Scriptures, where he said well, they admit him, where otherwise they leave him. 
Policarpus.  In Polycarpus the church hath corrected and altered that which he did hold in celebrating the Easter day after the jews. Neither can holy and blessed Ignatius be defended in all his sayings: 
Ignatius.  as where he maketh the fasting upon the Sunday or the Sabbath day as great an offence, as to kill Christ himself, Ignat Epist. ad Philip. contrary to this saying of Saint Paul. Let no man judge you in meat & drink. Also where the said Ignatius speaketh De virginitate, and of other things more. 
Irenaeus.  Irenaeus did hold that man was not made perfect in the beginning. He seemeth also to defend free will in man, in those things also that be spiritual. He saye● that Christ suffered after he was fifty years old, abusing this place of the Gospel: 
Tertuli●nus.  Quinquaginta annos nondum habes. etc. Tertulianus (whom S. Cyprian never laid out of his hands almost) is noted to be a Chiliaste: also to have been of Montanus sect. The same did hold also with justine, Cyprian, & other, that the Angels fell first for the concupiscence of women, Lib. de habitu mulierum. He defendeth free will of man after the corruption of nature, inclining also to the error of them, which defend the possibility of keeping God his law. Concerning Marriage. unum matrimonium (inquit) novimus, sicut unum Deum. i. We know (saith he) one Marriage, as we know one God condemning the second marriage. Lib, de Monogam. divers other things of like absurdity in him be noted. justinus also seemeth to have inclined unto the error of the Chiliasts, 
justinus.  of the fall of certain Angels by women, offree will or man, of possibility of keeping the law and such other. Neither was this our Cyprian, the great schooler of Tertulian, utterly exempt from the blot of them, who contrary to the doctrine of the Church, 
Cyprian.  did hold with rebaptising of such, as were before baptized of heretics, Whereof speaketh S. Austen, myslyking the same error of Cyprian, in these words contained in his 2. book, Contra Cresconium. Cypriani, inquit, laudem ego consequi non valeo eius multis literis mea scripta non comparo, eius ingenium diligo eius ore delector, eius charitatem miror, eius Martyrium veneror. Non accipio quod de baptisandis haereticis & schismaticis sensit. 
Contention between Cyprian and Stephanus Bishop of Rome.  etc. Upon the which matter there was a great contention between the said Cyprian, and Stephen Bishop of Rome, as partly afore is note●. Of Austen himself likewise, of Ambrose, Jerome, chrysostom, the same may be said, that none of them also clearly passed away, but their peculiar faults and errors went with them, whereof it were to long, and out of our purpose at this present to entreat. And thus much concerning the story of Cyprian the holy learned Martyr of Christ.  

Cyprians divers of that name.  Albeit here is to be noted by the way, touching the life and story of Cyprian that this Cyprian was not he, whom the narration of Nazianzen speaketh of (as is above mentioned) who from Art Magic was converted to be a Christian, which Cyprian was a Citizen of Antioch, and afterward Bishop of the same City, and was Martyred under Diocletian. Where as this Cyprian was Bishop of Carthage, and died under Valerianus, as is said, etc. By the decrees of Gratiam. Dist. x. Quoniam. it appeareth moreover that there was also a third Cyprian in the time of julianus the Emperor Apostata, 
Dist. 10. Quoniam.  long after both these aforenamed. For so giveth the title prefixed before the said Distinct. Cyprianus juliano Imperatori: the distinction beginning. Quoniam idem mediator Dei & hominum homo Christus jesus, he actibus proprijs, & dignitatibus distinctis officia potestatis utriusque discernit, etc. Upon the which distinction the gloze cometh in with these words saying: 
Glosa Ibid. A blind gl●le challenging both the sword to the Pope's hand.  that the popedom, and the seat Imperial, have both one beginning of one that is, Christ: who was both Bishop, and king of Kings. And that the said dignities be distincted, albeit the Pope notwithstanding hath both the swords in his hand and may exercise them both some time. And therefore although they be distincted, yet in exercise the one standeth lineally under the other, so that the imperial dignity is subject under the Papal dignity, as the inferior is subject under the superior: that as there is one ruler over the whole which is God: so in the Church is one Monarch, that is, the Pope, to whom the Lord hath committed the power and lawful right both of the heavenly and terrene dominion. Haec Glosa.  

A distinction of Gracian disproved.  Thus much I thought here to note by the way because this distinction is fathered upon Cyprian, which is false, for this Cyprian was not in the time of julian, not by 200. years, and so likewise by the other Cyprian, which died Martyr under Diocletian. Of any Cyprian besides these two, we read not. Neither is it credible, that if there were any such Cyprian, he would ever have written of any such matter, of the difference and mutual need of Christian Emperors and Christian Popes. When as that Emperor being an Apostata, neither regarded Christ, nor cared for any Pope.  

Xistus the second Bishop of Rome Martyr. Six Deacons with Xistus Martyrs.  About this time, and under the same Emperor Valerianus suffered also Xistus, or Sixtus, the second of that name, Bishop of Rome, who being accused of his adversaries, to be a Christian, was brought with his vj. deacons to the place of execution, where he with Nemesius & other his Deacons were beheaded and suffered martyrdom. Laurence in the same time being also Deacon followed after complaining to Xistus, as one being grieved, that he might not also suffer with him, but to be secluded as the son from the father. To whom the Bishop answering again, declared that within three days he should follow after. In the mean time, he willed him to go home, and to distribute his treasures, if he had any unto the poor. The judge belike hearing mention to be made of treasures to be given to the poor, and thinking that Laurence had great store of treasure in his custody, commanded him to bring the same unto him, according as the discourse of his story here under written, more fully may appear. Which history, because it is set forth more at large in Prudentius, Ambrose, and other writers, and containeth in it more things in it worthy to be noted of the Reader, we have therefore with the more diligence here inserted the more ample description of the same, to the further admiration of his patience, and God his glory showed in him.  
Now then as order requireth, 
The story and martyrdom of Laurence Ex Ambros. lib. 1 office cap. 41. Ex Prudentio. Lib. Peristeph.  let us enter the story of that most constant and courageous Martyr of Christ S. Laurence, whose words and works deserve to be as fresh and green in Christian hearts, as is the flourishing Laurel tree, This thirsty hart longing after the water of life, desirous to pass unto it, through the strait door of bitter death, when on a time he saw his vigilant shepherd, Xistus led as an harmless lamb, of harmful tyrants to his death, cried out with open mouth and hart invincible, saying, 
The words of Laurence to Xistus.  O dear father, whether goest thou, without the company of thy dear son? Whether hastenest thou, O reverend Priest, without thy Deacon? Never wast thou wont to offer sacrifice without thy minister. What crime is there in me that offendeth thy fatherhod? Hast thou proved me unnatural? Now try sweet father, whether thou hast chosen a faithful minister or not. Deniest thou unto him the fellowship of thy blood, to whom thou hast committed the destribution of the lords blood? See that thy judgement be not misliked, whilst thy fortitude is liked & lauded. The abasing of the scholar, is the disgracing of the Master. What? have we not learned that worthy Masters, have obtained most worthy same, by the worthy acts of their Disciples and Scholars? Finally Abraham sacryficed his only begotten Isaac. Stoned Stephen prepared the way to preaching Pe●er, even so father declare thy manifold virtues by me thy son. Offer thou him that proferreth himself. Grant that the body of thy scholar may be sacrificed, whose mind with good letters thou hast beautified. These words with tears S. Laurence uttered, not because his master should suffer, but for that he might not be suffered to taste of death's cup, which he thirsted a●ter.  
Then Xistus to his son shaped this answer: 
The answer of Xistus to Laurence.  I forsake thee not, O my son, I give thee to wit, that a sharper conflict remaineth for thee. A feeble and weak old man am I, and therefore run the race of a lighter & easier death. But lusty and young thou art, and more lustily, yea more gloriously shalt thou triumph over this tyrant. Thy time approacheth, cease to weep & lament, three days after thou shalt follow me. Decent is it, that this space of time come between the Priest & the Levite. It may not beseem thee O sweet Pupil, to triumph under thy master, lest it be said he wanted an helper. Why cravest thou to be partaker with me in my passion? I bequeath unto thee the whole inheritance. Why requirest thou to enjoy my presence: let weak scholars go before, and the stronger come after, that those without master may get the victory, which have no need by master to be governed. So Helias left behind him his beloved Heliseus. I yield up into thy hands the succession of my virtues. Such was their contention, not unmeet for so godly a priest, so zealous a minister, striving with themselves, who should first suffer for the name of Christ Iesu.  
In tragical histories we have it mentioned, that through joy & admiration people claped their hands, when Pylades named himself Orestes, Orestes, as truth it was, affirmed himself to be Orestes. Pylades wishing to die for Orestes, Orestes, not suffering Pylades to lose his life for his sake: But neither of them might escape death, for both these lovers were guilty of blood the one committing the fact the other consenting. But this our Laurence the Martyr most constant, was by no means enforced to make this proffer, saving only by his ardent zeal, and fervent spirit, who thirsting after the cup of Maytirdome, had it shortly after filled to the hard brim.  
Now let us draw near to the fire of Martyred Laurence, 
Some say that this tyrant was Decius the Emperor, but that cannot be, except Galienus or some other judge now was called by the name of Decius.  that our cold hearts may be warmed thereby. The merciless tyrant, understanding this virtuous Levite, not only to be a minister of the Sacraments, but a distributer also of the Church riches (whereof mention is made before in the words of Xistus) promised to himself a double prey, by the appresion of one silly soul. First with the rake of Avarice to scrape to himself the treasure of poor Christians, then with the fiery fork of tyranny so to toss and turmoil them, that they should wax weary of their Christian profession: With furious face, and cruel countenance, the greedy wolf demanded where this Deacon Laurence had bestowed the substance of the Church. Who craving three days respite, promised to declare where the treasure might he had. In the mean time he caused a good number of poor Christians to be congregated. So when the day of his answer was come, the persecutor straightly charged him to stand to his promise. Then valiant Laurence stretching out his arms over the poor said: These are the precious treasure of the church: 
The true treasure of Christ his Church.  These are the treasure in deed, in whom the faith of Christ reigneth, in whom jesus Christ hath his mansion place. What more precious jewels can Christ have, than those in whom he hath promised to dwell? For so it is written, I was hungry, & ye gave me to eat: I was thirsty, and ye gave me to drink: I was harborles, and ye lodged me. And again: Look what ye have done to the least of these, the same have ye done to me. What greater riches can christ our master possess, than the poor people, in whom he loveth to be seen? Oh, what tongue is able to express the fury and madness of the tyrants hart? Now he stamped, he stared, he ramped, he fared as one out of his wit: his eyes like fire glowed, his mouth like a bore foamed, his teeth like an hellhound grinded. Now not a reasonable man, but a roaring lion he might be called. Kindle the fire (he cried) of wood make no spare. Hath this villain deluded the Emperor? away with him, away with him. Whip him with scourges, iercke him with rods: buffet him with fists, brain him with clubs, jesteth the traitor with the Emperor? Pinch him with fiery tongues gird him with burning plates, bring out the strongest chains, and the fireforkes, and the grated bed of iron. On the firewith it, bind the rebel hand and foot, & when the bed is fire hot, on with him: roast him, broil him, toss him, turn him: On pain of our high displeasure do every man his office, O ye tormentors.  
The word was no sooner spoken, but all was done. After many cruel handlings, 
Laurence tormented on the ●iery gridiron.  this meek lamb was laid I will not say on his fiery bed of iron, but on his soft bed of down. So mightily God wrought with his Martyr Laurence, so miraculously God tempered his element the fire, not a bed of consuming pain, but a pallet of nourishing rest was it unto Laurence. Not Laurence, but the Emperor might seem to be tormented: the one broiling in the flesh, the other burning in the hart. When this triumphant Martyr had been pressed down with firepikes for a great space, in the mighty spirit of God he spoke to the vanquished tyrant:  

The singular patience of Laurence in his pains.  This side is now roasted enough, turn up O tyrant great, Assay, whether roasted or raw, thou thinkest the better meat.  
O rare and unaccustomed patience. O faith invincible, that not only not burnest, but by means unspeakable dost recreate, refresh, establish, & strengthen those that are burned, afflicted and troubled. And why so mightily comfortest thou the persecuted? Because through thee they believe in gods promises infallible. By thee this glorious Martyr overcometh his torments, vanquisheth this tyrant, confoundeth his enemies, 
The martyrdom and end of blessed Laurence.  confirmeth the Christians sleepeth in peace, reigneth in glory. The God of might and mercy grant us grace, by the life of Laurence to learn in Christ to live, and by his death to learn for Christ to die. Amen.  
Such is the wisdom and providence of God, that the blood of his dear Saints (like good seed) never falleth in vain to the ground, 
A Roman soldier converted by Laurence, and Martyred.  but it bringeth some increase: so it pleased the Lord to work at the martyrdom of this holy Laurence, that by the constant confession of this worthy & valiant Deacon, a certain soldier of Rome being therewith compuncted, and converted to the same faith, desired forthwith to be baptized of him: for the which he being called for of the judge, was scourged, and afterward beheaded. Henr. de Erford.  
Under the same Valerianus suffered also Dionysius bishop of Alexandria much affliction and banishment, 

Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria with his fellows banished.  
Maximus, Faustus, Cheremon, a certain Roman banished.   with certain other brethren, Of the which he writeth himself, & is alleged in the Ecclesiastical story of Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 11. the words whereof tend to this effect: Dionysius with three of his Deacons, to wit, Maximus, Faustus, and Cheremon, also with a certain brother of Rome, came to Emilianus then Precedent, who there declared unto them in circumstance of words how he had signified unto them the clemency of his Lords and Emperors: who had granted them pardon of life, so that they would return to them, & worship the Gods and keepers (as he called them) of their Empery, ask them what answer they would give him there unto: trusting as he said that they would not show themselves ingrateful to the clemency of them which so gently did exhort them. To this Dionysius answering, said: 
The examination of Dionysius before the Precedent.  All men worship not all Gods, but divers men divers gods, so as every one hath in himself a mind or fantasy to worship. But we worship not many nor divers Gods, but only that one God, who is the creator of all things, & hath committed to our Lords Valerianus and Galienus the government of their Empery, making to him our prayers ●●cessauntly for their prosperous health and continuance. Then the Precedent said: And what hurt is it, but that you may both worship your God, what God soever he be, and these our Gods also? For you are commanded worship such Gods, as all men know to be gods. Dionysius answered we worship none other, but as we have said▪ Emilianus the Precedent said: I see you are ingrateful men, and consider not the benignity of the Emperors, 
The constant confession of Dionysius and his Deacons.  wherefore you shall remain no longer in this City, but shall be sent out to the parts of Libya, unto a town called Cephro. For that place by the commandment of the Emperor I have chosen for you. Neither shall it be lawful for you, to convent your assemblies, or to resort, as ye are wont to your burial places. And if any of you shall be found out of your places whereunto you are appointed, at your peril be it. And think not contrary, but ye shall be watched well enough. Depart therefore to the place as is commanded you. and it followeth more in the said Dionysius speaking of himself: 
Dionysius banished to Cephro.  And as for me (saith he) although I was sick, yet he urged me so straightly to departed, that he would not give me one days respite. And how (saith he writing to Germanus) could I congregate or not congregate any assemblies? And after a few lines it followeth. And yet neither am I altogether absent from the corporal society of the lords flock, but I have collected them together, which were in the City, being absent, as though I had been present, absent in body yet present in spirit. 
Infidels converted by Dionysius in his banishment. Ex Dionysio contra Germanum. Eus. lib. 7.  And in the same Cephro, a great congregation remained with me, as well of those brethren which followed me out of the City, as also of them which were remaining there out of Egypt. And there the Lord opened to me the door of his word, although at the first entrance I was persecuted and stoned among them, yet afterward a great number of them fell from their Idols and were converted unto the Lord. And so by us the word was preached to them which before were infidels: which ministry after that we had accomplished there, the lord removed us to an other place. For Aemilianus translated us from thence to more sharp and straighter places of Libya, commanding us to meet altogether at a city Mareota, thinking there to separate us severally into sundry villages, or thinking rather to take and prevent us by the way. After we were come thither, it was assigned to me (saith Dionysius) to go to Colluthion, which place I never heard of before: which was the more grief to me, yet some solace it was to me, that the brethren told me, it was near to a City named Paraetonium. For as my being at Cephron got me the acquaintance of many brethren of Egypt, so my hope was that the vicinity of that place where I should be, to the City, might procure the familiarity and concourse of certain loving brethren, which would resort and assemble with us, 
Ex Dionysio ad Domitium & Didimum. Eus. ibidem.  and so it came to pass, etc.  
Moreover the said Dionysius in his Epistle ad Domi●ium & Dydymus, making mention of them which were afflicted in this persecution of Valerian, recordeth in these words saying: it were superfluous (saith he) here to recite the names peculiarly of all our brethren slain in this persecution, which both were many and to me unknown. 
Martyrs of all sorts and ages.  But this is certain that there were men, women, young men, maidens, old wives, soldiers, simple innocentes, and of all sorts and ages of men. Of whom some with scourging and fire, some with sword obtained victory, and got the crown. Some continued a great time, and yet have been reserved. In the which number am I reserved hitherto to some other opportune time known unto the Lord, which saith: In the time accepted I have he●rde thee, and in the day of salvation I have helped thee, etc. Now as concerning myself in what state I am, if thou desire to know first how I and Caius, and Faustus Petrus, and Paulus, being apprehended by the Centurion, were taken away by certain of the town of Mareote, I have declared to you before. Now I and Caius, and Petrus alone are left here included, in a west place of Libya, distant the space of three days journey from Paraetonium. etc. And in process farther he addeth: In the City (saith he) were certain privily which visit the brethren: of priests Maximus, Dioscorus, Demetrius, and Lucius. For they which were more notable in the world, Faustinus and Aquilla, do wander abroad in Egypt. Of the Deacons besides them whom sickness hath consumed, Faustus, Eusebius, & Cheremon, are yet alive. 
Commendation of Eusebius the Deacon.  Eusebius hath God raised and stirred up to minister to the confessors lying in bands, and to bury the bodies of the blessed Martyrs, not without great peril. Neither doth the Precedent cease yet to this day, cruelly murdering such as be brought afore him, some tearing with torments, some imprisoning and keeping in custody commanding that no man should come to them, 
Eusebius the Deacon made Bishop of Laodicia. Maximus Bishop of Alexandria  inquyring also who resorted unto them. Yet notwithstanding God with cheerfulness and daily resort of the brethren doth comfort the afflicted. Haec Dionysius.  
Concerning these deacons above recited, here is to be noted, that Eusebius afterward was made Bishop of Laodicia in Syria. Maximus the Priest aforesaid, had the ministration of the Church of Alexandria after Dionysius▪ Faustus long after continued in great age, 

Faustus long presented, at last a marityr.  
The end & death of Dionysius.   unto the latter persecution, where he being a very old man at length was beheaded, and died Martyr.  
As touching Dionysius himself, thus the stories report, that he surviving all these troubles and persecutions, by the providence of God, continued after the death of Valerian, unto the xij. year of the reign of Galienus, which was about the year of our Lord. 268. and so departed in peace in great age, after that he had governed the Church of Alexandria the space of xvij. years, & before that, had taught the school of the said City of Alexandria, the term of xuj. years. After whom succeeded Maximus, as is above specified. And thus much touching the full story of Dionysius Alexandrinus, and of other also Martyrs and Confessors of Alexandria.  
In Caesaria Palestine, suffered also the same time, Priscus, Malchus, 
Priscus, Malchus, Alexander, A woman Martyrs.  and Alexander, the which three dwelling in the country, and good men, seeing the valiant courage of the Christians, so boldly to venture, & constantly to stand, and patiently to suffer in this persecution, as men being grieved with themselves, began to repent & accuse their so great sluggishness, and cowardly negligence, to see other so zealous & valiant, & themselves so cold & faint hearted, in labouring for the crown of Christian martyrdom: first consulting and agreeing within themselves, came to Caesarea, & there stepping to the judge, declared themselves what they were, & obtained the end they came for, being given to the wild beasts. After which like manner also and in the same City of Caesarea, a certain woman whose name Eusebius expresseth not, who had been before of the sect of Martion was brought before the Precedent, and likewise obtained the same martyrdom. 
Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 12.  Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 12.  
Neither was the city of Carthage all this while free from the stroke of this persecution, 

Three hundredth Martyrs in Carthage.  
Ex specul. Vincent. lib. 11. cap. 83.   if credit should be given to the speculative glass of Vincentius, who citing out of Hugo, recordeth of 300. Martyrs, of which 300. Martyrs the history saith thus, that the Precedent setting before the cools and incense to do sacrifice, by a lime kilne, which was there near at hand, offered unto them this condition, either to set incense to the coals, for sacrifice to jupiter, or else to go into the furnace of lime: whereupon they altogether with a general motion suddenly rushed into the kilne, and there with the dusty smoke of the lime were smothered Vincent. Erford.  

Maxima, Donatilla, Secunda, virgins martyrs.  In Aphrica also in the City of Tuburba, the said Vincentius out of the martyrologue inferreth mention of three constant virgins Maxima, Donatilla, and Secunda, who in the persecution of this Valerian and Galienus, first had given for their drink vinegar and gall, then with scourges were tried, after that upon the gibbet were tormented, & rubbed with lime: then were scorched upon the fiery gridiron, at last were cast to the wild beasts, who being not touched of them, finally with the sword were beheaded, Vincent. Erfor.  

Pontius, Martyr.  In Symela a City in Italy, under the Alpes, one Pontius being there apprehended, by the commandment of Claudius the Precedent, was hanged first upon the rack, than was cast to the wild beasts, 

Ex Vincet. Lib. 12. cap. 77.  
Ex. Bergomen. lib. 8. Erford. lib. 6. Cap. 17.   of whom he being nothing hurt, was after committed to the fire. And finally neither touched therewith, (if the story of Vincentius be true) was headed by the rivers side, & his body thrown into the flood, where immediately the same hour, the foresaid Claudius with his assistant Anabius, were taken with wicked spirits, by whom they were so miserably vexed, that they bit of their tongues, and died.  

Zenon, Martyr.  Zenon also Bishop of Verona, is said also in the same persecution to sustain martyrdom.  

Bergomensis reproved.  Moreover in the same City of Alexandria aforesaid, Bergomensis in his 8. book, writing of the story of Valerianus Emperor, maketh mention of Philippus, bishop of the said sea of Alexandria, who (as he saith) was under the said Valerian beheaded. But that is not to be found in any approved story, nor standeth with the truth of time that any such Philip than was bishop of Alexandria, or any other except only Dionysius. After whom next succeeded Maximus, who remained xviij. years, and after him Theonas, etc. So that by the ancient records of old writees it appeareth not that Philippus or any other of that name was Bishop of Alexandria, during this time signified by Bergomensis.  
Although in some other later writers, as Equilinus Antoninus, and Bergomensis▪ I find a certain history of one Philippus, Precedent of Alexandria about the same time of Valerian and Galienus, elected by the Emperor and Senate of Rome, to govern those quarters, where he was at length converted to the christian faith, and after made Priest or Bishop, 
Ex Antoni. part. 1. ca 6.  as they say, of Alexandria, but that not to be so, the testimony of ancient writers doth refel. The history of this Philippus, witnessed in our later Chronicles is this: Philippus, being promoted to the Presidentship of Alexandria came down with his wife Claudia, 
The story of Philippus and Eugenia.  and his two sons, Auitus, and Sergius, and with his daughter named Eugenia, of the which Eugenia a long history full of strange and prodigious miracles is written of Antoninus & other, whereof many things I will cut of, and briefly touch the effect of the story, leaving to the judgement of the reader the credit of mine authors, as he shall see cause.  
This Eugenia daughter of Philippus, being of singular beauty, and diligently brought up by her parents in the study of science and learning, was by occasion of hearing Christians, 
Eugenia, Prothus, Hiacynthus, converted.  reduced and brought up to Christianity, with two other eunuchs her Schoolefellowes called Prothus and Hiacynthus: with whom she taking counsel, upon occasion, whether to avoid the danger of persecution, or refusing to marry with a pagan, unknown to her parents and friends did flee away, and because the more boldly she might resort to hear the readynges of Helenus then an aged bishop and of others, changed herself into man's apparel, and named herself Eugenius, 
Eugenia leaving her parents, changeth herself into man's apparel.  under the which name she was at length admitted unto a certain Monastery, or a society of christians in the suburbs of Alexandria although I hardly believe that any monastery of Christians was then in the suburbs of Alexandria permitted, where also at the last for the excellency of learning and virtue, she was made head of the place. Here by the way I omit the miracles of the foresaid Helenus) bishop as the story saith of Hierapolis (how he carried burning coals in his lap, 
Helenus' Bishop of Hie●●polis.  & how he adventured himself to go in the burning fire, to resell wicked Zereas a pagan, remaining in the same unburned. Here also I omit the careful search of her parents for her, and of the answer of the Pythonisse again unto them, that she was taken up to the heaven among the Goddesses. I omit moreover the miracles done by the said Eugenia, in healing the diseases and sicknesses or such as came to her, etc. The story proceedeth thus: Among other which were by this Eugenius cured & restored, there was a certain Matron of Alexandria named Melancia, who after she had used the help and acquaintaun● of Eugenius supposing her to be a man, 
Eugenia accused of Melancia.  fell into an inordinate love, seeking by all means how to accomplish the lust of her concupiscence. In so much that in her daily visiting of her, at length she began secretly to break her mind, and to entice her to her ludenes. Eugenius contrary exhorted her to virtue & honesty, showing her the miseries of this life, and the peril of that folly. Melancia seeing that by no means she would be alured, nor by force drawn to her desire, & fearing moreover that she in detecting of her would bring her to shame, beginneth first to make an outcry of Eugenius, declaring how that she went about corruptly to deflower her, & so presented her accusation before Philippus the President, as well against Eugenius, as also against the rest of that company. This matter being heard, and the woman well known, the crime began to seem suspicious, and so much the more, because it was objected against the christians. By reason whereof Eugenius with her fellow Chrystians was now not only in great hatred, but also in danger of present death and destruction. Then Eugenius purging herself & her honesty, although with sufficient probation, yet notwithstanding perceiving that it could take no place, what so ever she said, and seeing no time now to dissemble any longer, for the danger as well of her own self, as specially of her brethren which troubled her more: desired of the judge place and time to make manifest to him the truth, and so showed herself what she was, and how she was his daughter, the other to be Prothus & Hiacinthus the two eunuchs, her schoolefelowes, uttering moreover to him and to her brethren the cause of her departing from them. At the narration whereof Philippus her father, 
Eugenia known of her parents.  and her two brethren coming to the knowledge of her conceived no little joy, in receiving their Eugenia again whom they thought had been lost. No less gladness was among the people, to see the evidence of the matter so plainly to try out the truth of the one, 
False accusation convicted.  & the falseness of the other. Whereat the malignant accuser was to double shame confounded, first for her dishonesty falsely cloaked, secondly for the untruth of her accusation openly detected. Bergomensis addeth moreover, that the said accuser was stricken presently with lightning. Thus Eugenia trying her honestly to her parents & friends, not only was received of them again, but also by the grace of the Lord working with her in the space of time did win them to Christ. Whereby Philippus the father of her by nature, 
Philippus by his daughter converted unto Christ.  now by grace was begotten of his own daughter to a more perfect life, & whom once he thought to have been lost, not only he found again, but also with her found his own soul, & his own life, which before he had lost indeed. 
Philippus Martyr.  This philippus (saith the story) was made afterward Bishop of Alexandria, and there suffered martyrdom. Concerning whose martyrdom I deny not but it may be true, but that he was bishop of Alexandria, that cannot be admitted, as is before sufficiently proved, out of Eusebius and other ancient historicians.  
Likewise it is said, that Eugenia after the martyrdom of her father, returning to Rome with Prothus, and Hiacinthus, by occasion of converting Basilla (who should have been married to a pagan husband, 
Basilla, Eugenia, Martyrs.  and was then beheaded) to the Christian faith, was assailed with sundry kinds of death, first being tied to a great stone & cast into Tiber, where she was carried up from drowning, them put in the hot baths, which were extincted, and she preserved: afterward by famishment in prison, where they say she was fed at the hand of our Saviour, all which Legendary miracles I leave to the Reader to judge of them, as shall seem good unto him. At last the story sayeth, she was with the sword beheaded, Antonin. Bergom. Ado.  


Corrections in the story above touched.  
Euseb. lib. 7. Cap. 5.  
Helena Bishop of Tarsus.   And because in this prent history mention was made of Helenus whom Antoninus with his fellows noteth to be the bishop of Hierapolis, here is to be understood & observed by the way, that as Philippus in the foresaid history is falsely said to be bishop of Alexandria, so likewise untrue it is that Helenus was bishop of Hierapolis. For by Eusebius it appeareth, Lib. 7. cap. 5. alleging the words of Dionysius that he was bishop of Tarus in Cilicia, and had there oversight of that Church from the time of our Lord, 254. to the year. 274.  
The vj. year of Valerianus and Galienus we read in the story of Herfordiensis, 
Anno. 262.  cited out of Isuardus, of Victor and Victorinus, who lying in prison the space of three years with Claudianus and Bossa his wife, 
Victor, Victorinus, Claudianus, Bossa, Martyrs. Fructuosus Bishop of Tarracona in Spain, with his 2. Deacons Augurius, Eulogius, Martyrs. Ex Pruden. Peristeph.  are said to have sustayne● great torments, and martyrdom, for the testimony and name of Christ. Ex. luardo.  
Aurelius Prudentius in his book entitled Peristephanon, inferreth mention of Fructuosus Bishop of Tarracona in Spain, who with his two Deacons Augurius and Eulogius, suffered also martyrdom being burned after six days imprisonment, under the foresaid Emperors in this persecution. The cause of their punishment was for the profession of Christ's name. Their judge and condemner was Emilianus: Their imprisonment endured six days. The kind of death ministered unto them was fire, wherein they being altogether cast with their arms bound behind them, their bands (as Prudentius writeth) were dissolved, their hands untouched with the fire, and their bodies remaining whole. The charge of this judge unto the Bishop was this, that he would worship the Gods, whom the Emperor Galienus worshipped. To whom Fructuosus the bishop answering: nay, (said he) I worship no dumb God of stocks and blocks, whom Galienus doth worship, but I worship the Lord and master of Galienus, the Father and creator of all times, and his only Son, sent down to us of whose flock I am here the Pastor and shepherd. At this word Emilianus answering again, Nay, (saith he) say not thou art, but say thou wast. And forthwith commanded them to be committed to the fire, 
Fructuosus and his Deacons strengthened in the fire.  where (as is said) their bands and manacles being loosed, by the fire, they lifted up their hands to heaven, praising the living God, to the great admiration of them that stood by, praying also that the element which seemed to i'll from them, might work his full force upon them, & speedily dispatch them, 
The favour of God toward his martyrs openly declared.  which was after their request obtained. In the mean space as they were in the fire, there was a certain Soldier in the house of Emilianus, who did see the heavens above to open, and these foresaid Martyrs to enter in the same, which soldier likewise showed the sight the same time unto the daughter of Emilianus, the precedent who beholding the same sight with the soldier, was a present witness of the blessedness of them, whom her cruel father had condemned.  
As this godly Bishop was preparing to his death (saith Prudentius) the brethren approaching to him, brought him drink, desiring him with much weeping to receive & drink with them, but that he refused to do, requiring them moreover to refrain their tears. With like readiness the brethren also were diligent about him to pluck of his shoes & hose, as he was addressing himself to the fire. But neither would he suffer any servants help in that, 
The modesty of Fructuosus.  wherein he was no less willing as able to help himself. And thus this blessed and fruitful bishop Fructuosus with his two Deacons Augurius and Eulogius, being brought to the fire, witnessed the constant confession of the name of christ, with the shedding of their blood. Aurel. Prudentius. Ado. Equilinus.  
And thus far continued wicked Valerian, in his tyranny against the Saints of Christ. But as all the tyrants before, and oppressors of the Christians had their deserved reward at the just hand of God, 
The no●●ble pla●● of God a●gaynst Valerian the petitor.  which rendereth to every man according to his works: so this cruel Valerian, after he had reigned with his son Galienus, the term of vj. or seven. years, and about two years had afflicted the Church of Christ, felt the just stroke of his hand, whose indignation before he had provoked, whereof we have to witness Eutropius, Pollio, Sabellicus, Volateranus: For making his expedition against the Persians, whether by the fraud and treason of some about him, or whether by his own rashness, it is doubtful: But this is certain, that he fell into the hands of his enemies, being about the age of lxx. years, where he led his wretched age in a more wretched captivity. 
God's just punish●●●● to be no●.  In so much that Sapores the king of the Persians used him (and well worthy) not for his riding fool, but for his riding block. For whensoever the king should light upon his horse openly in the sight of the people, Valerian Emperor quondam, was brought forth in steed of a block, for the king to tread upon his back, in going to his horseback. And so continued this blockish butcherly Emperor with shame and sport enough unto his final end, as witnesseth Laetus and Aurelius Victor.  
And albeit Eusebius in a certain Sermon to the Congregation, 

Ex Euseb. in Sermi● ad Conu●●tum.  
Sanctoru● Valerian the pers●●●ting Emperor, extoriate of the Persians.   declareth a more cruel handling of him, affirming that he was slain, writing in these words: Sed & tu Valeriane, quoniam eandem homicidiorum saevitiam erga subditos Dei exercuisti, justum Dei judicium declarasti, dum captiuus ac vinctus una cum ipsa purpura ac reliquo imparatorio ornatu abductus, ac tandem a Sapore Persarum Rege excoriari iussus, saleque conditus, perpetuum infaelicitatis tuae trophaeum erexisti. etc. That is and thou Valerian, for so much as thou hast exercised the same crudelity in murdering the subjects of God, therefore hast proved unto us the righteous judgement of God, in that thyself hast been bound in chains, and carried away for a captive slave, with thy gorgeous purple, and thy imperial attire, and at length also being commanded of Sapores king of the Persians to be slain and powdered with salt, hast set up unto all men a perpetual monument of thine own wretchedness. etc. Euseb.  
The like severity of God his terrible judgement is also to be noted in Claudius, 
The punishments Cod upon Claudius' precedents the Empe●rour. Galienus plagued 〈◊〉 his persecution.  his Precedent, and minister of his persecutions. Of which Claudius, Henricus de Erfordia thus writeth, that he was possessed and vexed of the devil, in such sort, that he biting of his own tongue in many small pieces, so ended his life. Erford.  
Neither did Galienus the son of Valerian, after the captivity of his father, utterly escape the righteous hand of God. For beside the miserable captivity of his father whom he could not rescue, such portentes strange, & out of the course of nature, such Earthquakes did happen, also such tumults, commotions, and rebellions did follow, that Trebellio doth reckon up to the number of 30. together which in sundry places all at one time took upon them to be tyrants and Emperors over the Monarchy of Rome, by the means whereof he was not able to secure his father, though he would. Notwithstanding the said Galienus being (as is thought) terrified by the example of his father, 
Peace gra●ted to the Church. Euseb. lib. ●. Cap. 13.  did remove: at least did moderate the persecution stirred up by the Edicts of Valerian his father, directing forth his imperial Proclamation, the tenor whereof proceedeth after this effect, as is to be seen in Euseb. Lib 7. ca 13. Emperor and Caesar, Publius Licinius, Galienus, Pius Fortunatus, Augustus, unto Dionysius, to Pinna, and to Demetrian and to all other the like Bishops. The bountiful benignity of my gift, I have willed and commanded to be proclaimed through the whole world, to the intent that such which are detained in banishment for discipline sake, may safely return home again, from whence they came. And for the same cause I have here sent to you the example of my rescript for you to peruse & to enjoy, so that no man so hardy to vex or molest you. And this which you may now lawfully enjoy, hath been long since by me granted. And therefore for your more warrant in the same, I have committed the exemplar hereof to the custody of Aurelianus Cyrenius my chief Steward, where you may ●et the copy to see at your pleasure.  
This mandate above prefixed did Galienus sent to Dionysius Alexandrinus, 
another grant of Galienus unto the Christian Bishops.  and to other Bishops as is premised. another rescript also the said Emperor sent to other Christian Bishops, permitting to them full liberty to receive again their wont places, where they were wont to associate together, called of them Caemiteria▪  
By this it may appear that some peace was then granted under this Galienus, 
An. 263.  to the Church of Christ: albeit not so, 
Marinus Martyr. Ex Euseb. lib. 7. ca 15.  but the some there were which suffered. Among whom was one Marinus mentioned in Eusebius. Lib. 7. This Marinus being a warrior and a noble man in Caesarea, stood for the dignity of a certain order, which by all order of course, was next to fall upon him by right, had not the envious ambition of him that should follow next after him, supplanted him both of office & life. For he accused him to be a Christian, and therefore said that he was not to be admitted unto their offices, which was against their Religion. Whereupon Achaius then being judge examined him of his faith, who finding him to be a christian indeed, & constantly to stand to his profession, gave him three hours to deliberate & advise with himself. There was the same time in Caesarea a Bishop named Theotechnus, 
Th●otechnus Bishop of Caesarea.  otherwise called Theodistus, who perceiving him to stand in doubtful deliberation and perplexity in himself, took him by the hand & brought him into the house or Church of the Christians, laying before him a sword (which he had under his cloak for the same purpose) and a book of the new Testament & so willed him to take his free choice which of them both he would prefer. 
Marinus animated by the Bishop to die.  The soldier immediately without delay ran to the book of the Gospel, taking that before the sword. And thus he being animated by the bishop, presented himself boldly before the judge, 
Euseb. ibid.  by whose sentence he was beheaded, and died a Martyr. Euseb. ibid.  

Asyrius a rich Senator and confessor.  Whose body he being dead, one Asyrius a noble Senator of Rome, and a man very wealthy among the chief of that order, (who the same time was there present at his martyrdom) took up and bore upon his own shoulders, wrapping it in a rich & sumptuous weed, & so honourably committed it to the burial. 
Euse. lib. 7. Cap. 16. The work of Satan disappointed by the prayer of Asirius.  Euseb, Lib. 7. cap 16.  
Of which Asyrius the said author writeth, moreover this story, how that in the foresaid City of Caesarea, the Gentiles used there, of an ancient custom to offer up a certain sacrifice by a fountain side, the which sacrifice by the working of the devil, was wont suddenly to vanish out of their eyes, to the great admiration of the inhabiters by. Asyrius seeing this and pitying the miserable error of the simple people, lifting up his eyes to Heaven, made his prayer to almighty God in the name of christ. that the people might not be seduced of the devil any longer: by the virtue of whose prayer the sacrifice was seen to swim in the water of the fountain, & so the strange wonder of that sight was taken away, and no such matter could be their wrought any more. 
Euseb. lib. 7. Cap. 17. A miracle noted in Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 18.  Euseb. Lib, 7. cap. 17.  
And because mention is made here of Caesarea, there followeth in the next chapter of the same author, a strange miracle if it be true, which he there reporteth, how that out of the same City was the woman, which in the gospel came to our Saviour, and was healed of her bloody issue. Her house being in the City of Caesarea, before the door thereof was set up a certain pillar of stone, & upon the pillar, an Image was made of brass, of a woman meekly kneeling on her knes, and holding up her hands, as one that had some suit. Against the which there was an other Image also of a man proportioned of the same metal, cunningly engraven, in a short seemly vesture, & stretching forth his hand to the woman. 
A miraculous operation of an herb touching the hem of Christ's picture to heal diseases.  At the foot of which pillar grew up a certain herb of a strange kind, but of a more strange opiration, which growing up to the hem of his vesture, & once touching the same, is said to have such virtue, that it was able to cure all manner of diseases. This picture of the man, (they say) represented the image of Christ. The history is written in Eusebius, as is said, the credit whereof I refer to the Reader, whether he will think it true or false. If he think it false, yet I have showed him mine author: if he think it true, then must he think with all that this miraculous operation of the herb, proceeded neither by the virtue of the picture, nor by the prayer of the other being both dumb pictures, and engraven no doubt at that time by the hand of Infidels, but to be wrought by some secret permission of God his wisdom, either to reduce the Infidels at that time to the belief of the story, 
No virtue to be ascribed to pictures.  or to admonish the Christians to consider with themselves what strength and health was to be looked for only of Christ, and no other advocate, seeing the dumb picture engraven in Brass, gave his efficacy to a poor herb to cure so many diseases. This picture saith Eusebius remained also to his time which was under Constantinus the great.  

Dionysius Bishop of Rome.  As touching the line and order of the Roman Bishops hitherto intermitted, after the martyrdom of Xistus above specified, the government of that church was conmitted next, 
An. 266.  to one Dionysius, about the year of our Lord, 266. who continued in the same the space of ix, years, as Eusebius saith, 

Felix Bishop of Rome and Martyr. Eutichianus Bishop of Rome and Martyr.  
Gaius Bishop of Rome and Martyr.   as Damasus recordeth but only vj. years, and two months. Of his decretal Epistles because sufficient hath been said before concerning that matter, I omit to speak. After whom succeeded Felix, in the first year of Probus the Emperor, about the year of our Lord, 280. who governed that church v. years, and died as Pla●ina saith, a martyr. After him followed Eutychianus, and then Gaius, both martyrs, as the histories of some do record.  
About the time of these bishops, lived Theodorus bishop of Neocesarea, who is otherwise called Gregorius Mognus, whom also Nicephorus for his miracles, calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Thus Galienus the foresaid Emperor reigned as is declared, with his father Valerian, seven, years, after whose captivity he ruled the Monarchy, alone about ix. years, with some peace and quietness granted to the Church.  
The days of this Galien●s being expired, 
Claudius' Emperor.  followed Claudius a quiet Emperor, 
Anno. 272.  as most stories do record. Although Vincentius affirmeth that he was a mover of persecution against the Christians, & maketh mention of 262. Martyrs, which in his time did suffer, but because no such record remaineth to be found in Eusebius, who would not have omitted some memorial thereof if it had been true, therefore I refer the same to the free judgement of the Reader to find such credit as it may. 
Quintillianus Emperor.  This Claudius reigned but two years, after whom came Quintilianus, his brother next Emperor, & a quiet Prince, who continued but only xvij. days, and had to his successor Aurelianus, under whom Orosius in his seventh book, doth number the ix. persecution against the Christians.   

The ix. Persecution.  
hitherto from the captivity of Ualerian the Church of Christ was in some quietness till the death of Quintilianus, 
The ninth persecution. Aurelianus Emperor.  as hath been declared: After whom Aurelianus the next successor possessed the crown, who in the first beginning of his reign (after the common manner of all princes) showed himself a Prince moderate and discrete, much worthy of commendation, if his good beginning had continued in a constant course agreeing to the same. Of nature he was severe & rigorous in correcting, 
A proverb. A good Physician but he giveth to bitter medicines. Abstinence the best physic.  dissolute in manners, in so much that it was said of him in a vulgar proverb, that he was a good physician, saving that he gave to bitter medicines. This Emperor being sick, never sent for Physician, but cured himself with abstinence. And as his beginning was not unfruitful to the common wealth: so neither was he any great disturber of the christians: whom he did not only tolerate in their religion but also in their counsel, 

The council of Antioch.  
The good beginning of Aurelian.  
The Emperor altered by wicked counsel.   being the same time assembled at Antioch, seemed not to be against them. Notwithstanding in continuance of time through sinister motion and instigation of certain about him (as commonly such are never absent in all places from the ears of princes (his nature somewhat inclinable to severity, was altered to a plain tyranny, which tyranny first he showed beginning with the death of his own sister's son, as witnesseth Eutropius. After that he proceeded either to move, or at least to purpose persecution against the Christians. 
A notable example of God's hand stopping persecution.  Albeit that wicked purpose of the Emperor, the merciful working of God his hand did soon overthrow. For as the edict or proclamation should have been denounced for the persecuting of the christians, and the emperor now ready to subscribe the edict with his hand, the mighty stroke of the hand of the lord suddenly from above did stop his purpose, binding, 

Ex. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 30.  
No power against the people of God, except God give leave.   as a man might say, the emperors hands behind him: declaring (as Eusebius saith) to all men, how there is no power to work any violence against the servants of God, unless his permission do suffer them, and give them leave. Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 30. Eutropius and Uopiscus affirm, that as the said Aurelianus was purposing to raise persecution against us, he was suddenly terrified with lightning, and so stopped from his wicked tyranny. Not long after about the fift or sixth year of his rain, 
The death of Aurelianus.  he was slain between Bizance and Hieraclea, an. 278. Thus Aurelianus rather intended than moved persecution. 
Anno. 276.  Neither is there any more than this found concerning this persecution in ancient histories and records of the Church. Wherefore I marvel the more, that Vincentius collecting out of the Martyreloges, hath comprehended such a great catalogue of so many martyrs, which in France and in italy (sayeth he) suffered death and torments under this Emperor Aurelianus. Whereunto Orosius also seemeth to agree, in numbering this to be the ninth persecution under the said Aurelian.  
Next after Aurelianus the succession of the empery fell to Publius Annius Tacitus, 

Ex Eutropio. Tacitus Emperor.  
Florianus Emperor.   who reigned but vj. months, Him succeeded his brother Florianus, who reigned but lx. days. And after him followed Marcus Aurelius, surnamed Probus. Of whom more hereafter (God willing) shall appear.  
In the mean time, within the compass of these Emperors ●●lleth in a story recorded, of Eusebius, and not unworthy here to be noted, whereby to understand the faithful diligence of good Ministers, what good it may do in a common wealth.  
Mention is made before of Eusebius the Deacon of Dyonisius, whom God stirred up to unite and comfort the saints that were in prison and bands, and to bury the bodies of the blessed Martyrs departed, not without great peril of his own life, and after was made bishop (as is said) of Laodicea. But before he came to Laodicea to be bishop there, it chanced, the said Eusebius remaining as yet at Alexandria, the city to be besieged of the Romans, Pyruchius being there captain. In the which siege half of the city did hold with the Romans, the other half withstood them. 

Eusebius Deacon of Alexandria.  
Anatholius rector of the University of Alexandria.   In that part which went with the Roman captain was Eusebius, being also in great favour with the captain for his worthy fidelity and service showed. With the other half that resisted the Romans, was Anatholius, governor or moderator then of the school of Alexandria, who also was bishop after the said Eusebius of Laodicea. This Anatholius perceiving the citizens to be in miserable distress of famine and destruction by reason of penury and lack of sustenance, sendeth to Eusebius being then with the Romans, and certifieth him of the lamentable penury and peril of the city, instructing him moreover, what to do in the matter. Eusebius understanding the case, repaireth to the captain, desiring of him so much favour, that so many as would flee out of the city from their enemies, might be licensed to escape and freely to pass, which was to him eftsoons granted. As Eusebius was thus labouring with the captain, 
The piety of Anatholius and Eusebius. to their country.  on the other side Anatholius for his part laboured with the Citizens, moving them to assemble together, and persuading them to give themselves over, in yielding to the force and might of the Romans. But when the Citizens could not abide the hearing thereof: yet (said Anatholius) this I trust you will be con●ented, if I shall counsel you, in this miserable lack of things to avoid out of your city, all such superfluities and unnecessary impediments unto you, as old women, young children, aged men, with such other as be feeble and impotent, & not to suffer them here to perish with famine, whose presence can do no stead to you if they die, & less if they live, for spending the victuals which otherwise might serve them that be more able to defend the City. The Senate hearing this sentence, & understanding moreover the grant of the captain, promising them their safety, were well consenting thereunto. Then Anatholius, having a special care to them that belonged to the Church of Christ, calleth them together, with the rest of the multitude, and persuading them what they should do, and what had been obtained for them, caused them to void the city, and not only them, but also a great number of other more, who persuaded by him, under that pre●ence, changing themselves in women's apparel, or faming some impotency, so escapeh out of the city. At whose coming out Eusebius on the other side was ready to receive them, and refreshed their hungry and pined bodies, whereby not only they, but the whole City of Alexandria was preserved from destruction. 
Euseb. Lib. 7. Cap. 32. The Prelates of Rome are clean contrary to these good Prelates.  Eusebius. lib. 7. cap. 32.  
By this little history of Eusebius and Anatholius, described in the seven. book of Eusebius. cap. 32. and briefly here set forth to thee (gentle Reader) thou mayest partly understand the practice of the Prelates what it was in those days in the church, which was then only employed in saving of life, and succouring the common weals wherein they lived, as by these two godly persons Eusebius and Anatholius may well appear. Unto the which practice if we compare the practice of our latter prelate's of the church of Rome, I suppose no little difference will appear.  
The next Emperor to Florianus (as is said) was Marcus Aurelius Probus, 
Marcus Aurelius Probus Emperor. Peace in the Church.  a Prince both wise and virtuous, and no less valiant in martial affairs, as fortunate in the success of the same. During his time we read of no persecution greatly stirring in the church, but much quietness, as well in matters of religion, as also in the common wealth In so much that after his great and many victories, such peace ensued, 
The saying of Marcus Aurelius.  that his saying was, there needed no more soldiers, seeing there were no more enemies to the common wealth to fight against. It was his saying also, that his soldiers need not to spend corn and victuale, except they laboured to serve the common wealth. 
Soldiers brought up in idleness can abide no labour.  And for the same cause he caused his soldiers to be set a work about certain mountains in Syrinia & in Messia to be planted with vines, and not so much as in winter suffered them to be at rest, therefore by them at length he was slain, after he had reigned the space of vj. years, and 4. months, an. 284 Eutrop. 
Marcus Aurelius slain.   
Carus with his two sons Carinus and Numerianus, succeeded next after Probus in the Empire, 
An. 284.  the reign of which Emperors, continued in all, but iij. years. Of the which three first Carus, 
Carus with his two sons Carinus and Numerianus Emperor. Carus Emperor slain with lightning.  warring against the Persians, was slain with lightning. Of Numerianus his son, being with his father in his wars against the Persians, we find much commendation in Eutropius, Vopiscus, and other writers, which testified to him to be a valiant warrior, an eloquent orator, as appeared by his declamations and writings sent to the Senate. Thirdly, to be an excellent Poet. This Numerianus sorrowing & lamenting for the death of his father, through immoderate weeping fell into a great soreness of his eyes, by reason whereof he keeping close, was slain not long after of his father in law, named Aper who traitorously aspiring to the Empire, dissnnuled his death, with a false excuse to the people, ask for him, saying, for the pain of his eyes he kept in from the wind and weather, till at length by the stinch of his body being carried about, his death was uttered.  
In the life of this Emperor Carus aforesaid, 
Correction of a certain place of Eutropius, ex editione Frobeniana.  written by Eutropius in the later edition set forth by Frobenius, I find (which in other editions of Eutropius doth not appear) that Numerianus the son of this Carus was he that slew Babylas the holy Martyr, whose history before we have comprehended. But that seemeth not to be like both by the narration of chrysostom, and also for that Vrspergensis declaring the same history and in the same words, 
Cirillus resisteth the Emperor.  as it is in Eutropius, saith that it was Cyrillus, whom Numerianus killed, the story whereof is this: what time Carus the Emperor in his journey going toward the Persians, remained at Antioch. 
Cyrillus Bishop of Antioch, Martyr.  Numerianus his son would enter into the church of the christians, to view and behold their mysteries. But Cyrillus their bishop would in no wise suffer him to enter into the church, saying that it was not lawful for him to see the mysteries of God, 
Ex Chroni. Vrspergen.  who was polluted with sacrifices of Idols. Numerianus full of indignation at the hearing of these words, not suffering that repulse at the hands of Cyrillus, in his fury did slay the godly Martyr. And therefore justly (as it seemed) was he himself slain afterward by the hands of Aper.  
Thus Carus with his son Numerianus being slain in the East parts, as is declared, Carinus the other son reigned alone in italy, where he overcame Sabinus striving for the Empire, and reigned there with much wickedness, till they returning home of the army again from the Persians, 
Carinus' Emperor slay. Adultery punished.  who then set up Dioclesian to be Emperor, by whom the foresaid Carinus for the wickedness of his life, being forsaken of his host, was overcome, & at length slain with the hand of the Tribune, whose wife before he had deflowered. Thus Carus with his two sons, Numerianus and Carinus ended their lives, whose reign continued not above three years.  
All this mean space we read of no great persecution stirring in the Church of Christ, 
An. 289.  but was in mean quiet state and tranquility, 
The peace of the Church from Valerian to the tenth persecution, lasted 44. years. Euseb. lib. ●. cap. 1.  unto the nineteen. year of the reign of Dioclesian, So that in counting the time from the latter end of Ualerian, unto this foresaid year of Dioclesian, the peace of the church which God gave to his people, seemeth to continue above 44. years. During the which time of peace and tranquility, the church of the Lord did mightily increase and flourish, so that the more bodies it lost by persecution, the more honour and reverence it won daily among the Gentiles in all quarters, both Greeks and barbarous, in so much that (as Eusebius in his seven. book describeth) amongst the Emperors themselves, divers there were which not only bare singular good will and favour to them of our profession, but also did commit unto them offices & regiments over countries and nations, so well were they affected to our doctrine, that they privileged the same with liberty and indemnity. What needeth to speak of them which not only lived under the Emperors in liberty but also were familiar in the court with the Princes themselves, 
Dorotheus, Gorgonius, Christians of great reputation in the emperors court.  entertained with great honour and special favour beyond the other servitures of the court, as was Dorotheus with his wife, children and whole family, highly accepted & advanced in the palace of the Emperor: Also Gorgonius in like manner with divers other more, who for their doctrine & learning which they professed, were with their Princes in great estimation. In like reverence also were the bishops of cities and Diocese, 
The peceable state of the Church described.  with the Presidents and rulers where they lived: who not only suffered them to live in peace, but also had them in great price and regard, so long as they kept themselves upright, and continued in God his favour. Who is able to number at that time the mighty and innumerable multitudes and congregations assembling together in every city, and the notable concurses of such as daily ●locked to the common orators to pray▪ For the which cause they being not able to be contained in their old houses, had large and great churches, new builded from the foundation, for them to frequent together. In such increasement (saith Eusebius) by process of time did the church of christ grow and shout up daily more and more, profiting and spreading through all quarters, which neither envy of men could infringe, nor any devil could inchaunte, neither the crafty policy of man's wit could supplant, so long as the protection of God his heavenly arm went with his people, keeping them in good order, according to the rule of christian life.  

Corruption through much peace and prosperity crept into the Church.  But as commonly the nature of all men being of itself unruly and untoward, always seeketh & desireth prosperity, and yet can never well use prosperity, always would have peace, and yet having peace, always abuseth the same: so here likewise it happened with these men, which through this so great liberty & prosperity of life began to degenerate & languish unto idleness & delycacy, & one to work spite and contumely against an other, striving and contending among themselves for every occasion, with railing words after most despiteful manner: 
Hatred and disdain among the Church men.  bishops against bishops, and people against people, moving hatred and sedition one against an other, besides also cursed hypocrisy and simulation with all extremity increasing more and more, by reason whereof the judgement of god after his wont manner, (whilist yet the congregation began to multiply) began by a little and little to visit our men with persecution, falling first upon our brethren which were abroad in warfare, but when that touched the other nothing or very little, neither did they seek to appease gods wrath, & call for his mercy, but wickedly thinking with ourselves, that god neither regarded nor would visit our transgressions, we heaped our iniquities daily more and more one upon an other, & they which seemed to be our pastors refusing the rule of piety, were inflamed with mutual contentions on against an other. and thus whilst they were given only to the study of contentions, threatenings, emulations, mutual hatred, & discord, every man seeking his own ambition, 
Christians persecuting one an other.  and persecuting one another after the manner of tyranny: Then, then, I say, the Lord according to the voice of jeremy took away the beauty of the daughter of Zion. & the glory of Israel, fell down from heaven, neither did he remember the footstool of his feet in the day of his wrath. And the Lord overturned all the comely ornaments of Israel, & destroyed all her gorgeous buildings, and according to the saying of the Psalm, subverted and extinguished the Testament of his servant, and profaned his sanctuary in destruction of his churches, and in laying waist the buildings thereof so that all passengers spoiling the multitude of the people, they were made an obloquy to all the dwellers about. For he hath exalted the strength of his enemies, 
The wrath of God toward his people.  and turned away the help of his sword from her, nor aided her in the battle, but ceased from the purging of her and her seat. He struck down to the ground and diminished her days and over all this poured upon her confusion. All these things were fulfilled upon us, when we saw the temples razed from the top to the ground, and the sacred scriptures to be burnt in the open market place, and the Pastors of the church to hide themselves, some here, some there, some other taken prisoners with great shame, were mocked of their enemies, when also according to the saying of the prophet in an other place: Contempt was poured out upon the Princes, and they caused to go out of the way, and not to keep the strait path.   

The x. Persecution.  
BY reason whereof (the wrath of God being kindled against his church) ensued the tenth and last persecution against the christians, 
The tenth persecution.  so horrible and grievous, that maketh the pen almost to tremble to writ upon it, so tedious that never was any persecution before or since comparable to it for the time it continued, lasting the space of ten years together. This persecution although it passed thorough the hands of divers tyrants and workers more than one or two, yet principally it beareth the name of Dioclesian who was Emperor as is above noted, 
Dioclesian Emperor.  next after Carus & Numerianus. This Dioclesian ever having an ambitious mind, aspired greatly to be Emperor. To whom Druas' his Concubine said, 
Eup. vopis.  that first he should kill a wild Boor before he should be Emperor. He taking effect at these words, used much with hands to kill wild Boors: but seeing no success to come thereof, used this proverb: Ego Apros occido, alius pulpamento fruitur, that is, I kill the Boors, but other do eat the flesh. At length the said Dioclesian being nominate to be Emperor, 
Aper slain which slew Numerianus.  and seeing Aper (who had killed Numerianus the Emperor) standing thereby swore, to the soldiers that Numerianus, was wrongfully killed, and forthwith running upon Aper with his sword, 
Anno. 290.  slew him. Vopisc. After this he being established in the Empire, and seeing on every side divers and sundry commotions rising up against him, which he was not well able himself to sustain, in the first beginning of his reign he chooseth for his Colleague Maximianus surnamed Herculius, 
Maximianus, Herculius fellow Emperor with Dioclesian.  Father of Maxentius. Which two Emperors, because of divers wars that rose in many provinces, choose to them two other noble men, Galerius, & Constantinus, whom they called Caesar's. Of whom Galerius was sent into the East parts against the Persians. 
Galerius, Constantius, Caesar's uner Dioclesian and Maximinian.  Constantinus was sent over to Britanny to this our country of England, to recover the tribute. Where he took to wife Helena the daughter of king Coil, which was a maiden excelling in beauty, and no less famously brought up in the study of learning of whom was borne Constantinus the great. 
Helena daughter of Coil▪ married to Constantius.   
All this while hitherto no persecution was yet stirred of these 4. princes against the church of Christ, but quietly and moderately they governed the common wealth, wherefore accordingly God prospered their doings and affairs, and gave them great victories, Dioclesian in Egypt, Maximinian in Aphricke and in France, Galerius in Persia, Constantinus in England and in France also. By reason of which victories Dioclesian and Maximian pu●te up in pride, ordained a solemn triumph at Rome, after which triumph Dioclesian gave commandment that he would be worshipped as God, saying, that he was brother to the Sun and Moon, 
Pride in Dioclesian.  and adourning his shoes with gold and precious stones commanded the people to kiss his feet.  
And not long after by the judgement of God, for certain enormities used in the church, 
Cruelty followeth pride.  above touched, began the great and grievous persecution of the Christians, moved by the ragious cruelty of Dioclesian, 
Anno. 308.  which was about the nyneteenth year of his rain, who in the month of March when the feast of Easter was nigh at hand, 
Persecution against the christians.  commanded all the churches of the Christians to be spoiled and cast to the earth, and the books of holy scripture to be burned.  
Thus most violent edicts and proclamations were set forth, 
Christian temples destroyed. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 2.  for the overthrowing as is said, of the Christians temples throughout all the Roman Empire. Neither did there want in the officers any cruel execution of the same proclamations. For their temples were defaced even when they celebrated the feast of Easter. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 2. And this was the first edict given out by Dioclesian, 
Books of the scriptures burned.  the next proclamation that came forth, was for the burning of the books of the holy scripture, which thing was done in the open market place as before: then next unto that were edicts given forth for the displacing of such as were Magistrates, 
Christian Magistrates displased.  and that with a great ignominy, & all other whatsoever bore any office. Imprisoning such as were of the common sort, if they would not abjure Christianity, and subscribe to the heathen religion. 

Christian subjects imprisoned.  
Euseb. lib. 8. c. 3. Nicepho. lib. 7. cap. 4.  
Zonoras'. tom. 2. Bishops and Elders constrained with torments to sacrifice.   Euseb. lib. 8. cap 3. & Nicephorus lib. 7. cap 4. Zonoras' also in his second tome. And these were the beginning of the Christians evils.  
It was not long after but that new edicts were sent forth, nothing for their cruelty inferior to the first: for the casting of the elders and bishops into prison, and then constraining them with sundry kinds of punishments to offer unto their Idols. By reason whereof ensued a great persecution amongst the governors of the church, amongst whom many stood manfully, passing through many exceeding bitter torments, neither were overcome therewith, being tormented and examined divers of them diversly, some scourged, all their bodies over with whips & scourges, some with racks, rasinges of the flesh intolerable were cruciated: some one way, some another way put to death. Some again violently were drawn to the unpure sacrifice, and as though they had sacrificed, when indeed they did not, were let go. Other some neither coming at all to their altars, nor touching any piece of their sacrifices, yet were borne in hand of them that stood by, that they had sacrificed, & so suffering that false infamation of their enemies, quietly went away. Other as dead men were carried and cast away, being but half dead. Some they cast down upon the pavement, and trailing them a great space by the legs, made the people believe that they had sacrificed. Furthermore other there were which stoutly withstood them, affirming with a loud voice that they had done no such sacrifice. Of whom some said they were Christians, & gloried in the profession of that name: some cried saying, that neither they had, nor would ever be partakers of that idolatry. And those being buffeted on the face & mouth with the hands of the soldiers, were made to hold their peace, and so thrust out with violence. And if the Saints did seem never so little to do▪ what the enemies would have them, they were made much of. Albeit all this purpose of the adversary, did nothing prevail against the holy and constant servants of Christ. Notwithstanding, of the weak sort innumerable there were, which for fear & infirmity fell and gave over, even at the first brunt.  
At the first coming down of these edicts into Nicomedia, there chanced a deed to be done, 
The noble courage and constancy of a Christian Martyr.  much worthy of memory, of a Christien, being a noble man borne, which moved by the zeal of God, after the proclamation made at Nicomedia was set up, by and by ran and took down the same, and openly tore and rend it in pieces, not fearing the presence of the two Emperors, then being in the city. For which act he was put to a most bitter death, 
Euseb Lib. 8. Cap. 3.4.  which death he with great faith & constancy endured even to the last gasp, Euseb. lib. 8. lib. 3. & 5.  
After this the furious rage of the malignant Emperors, being let lose against the saints of Christ proceeded more & more, making havoc of god's people through out all quarters of the world. 
Persecution first beginning in the Emperors Campe.  First Dioclesian which had purposed with himself to subvert the whole christian religion, executed his tyranny in the east) and Maximianus in the west, But wily Dioclesian began very subtilye, for he put the matter first in practice in his own camp, among whom the marshal of the field, as Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 4. affirmeth, put the Christian Soldiers to this choice, 
Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 4.  whether they would obey the Emperor's commandment in that manner of sacrifice he commanded, and so both to keep their offices, and lead their bands, or else to lay away from them their armour and weapons. 
A notable religion and faith in soldiers.  Whereunto the Christian men courageously answered, that they were not only ready to lay away their armour & weapons, but also to suffer death if it should with tyranny be enforced unto them, rather than they would obey the wicked decrees and comaundements of the Emperor.  
There might a man have seen very many which were desirous to live a simple and poor life: and which regarded no estimation and honour in comparison of true piety & godliness. And this was no more but a subtle and wily flattery in the beginning, to offer them to be at their own liberty, whether they would willingly abjure their profession or not, as also this was an other, that in the beginning of the persecution, there were but a few tormented with punishment, but afterward by little and little he began more manifestly to burst out into persecution: It can hardly be expressed with words what number of Martyrs, 
Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 7.  and what blood was shed through all cities and regions for the name of Christ Eusebius, in his 8 book & chap. 7. saith that he himself knew the worthy Martyrs that were in Palestina. 
Martyrs of tire in Phoenicia.  But in Tire of Phenicia he declareth in the same a marvelous martyrdom made, where certain christians being given to most cruel wild beasts were preserved without hurt of them, to the great admiration of the beholders and those Lions, Bears, and Lybardes (kept hungry for that purpose) had no desire to devour them, which notwithstanding most vehemently raged against those by whom they were brought into the stage, and stood as they thought without danger of them, such were first devoured. But the Christian Martyrs because they could not be hurt of the beasts being slain with the sword, were afterward thrown into the sea. At that time was martyred the Bishop of Sydon. But sylvanus the Bishop of Gazensis with 39 other were slain in the metal mines of Phenitia. 
Pamphilius Bishop of Caesarea martyr. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12.  Pamphilus the elder of Caesarea being the glory of that congregation, died a most worthy Martyr, whose both life and most commendable martyrdom, Eusebius oftentimes declareth in his 8. book and 13. chapter, in so much that he hath written the same in a book by itself. In Syria all the chief teachers of the congregation were first committed to prison, as a most heavy & cruel spectacle to behold, 

Martyrs of Syria.  
Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 6. Tirannion Martyr.  
Zenobius a Physician Martyr.   as also the bishops, Elders, and Deacons, which all were esteemed as menquellers, and perpetratours of most wicked facts. Eusebius. Lib. 8. cap. 6, After that we read of an other, whose name was Tirannion which was made meat for the fishes of the sea, and of Zenobius which was a very good Physician, which also was slain with brickebates in the same place. Eusebius. lib. 8. cap. 13.  
Furthermore he maketh mention in the same place of others which were not tormented to death, but every day terrified and feared without ceasing: Of some others that were brought to the sacrifices and commanded to do sacrifice, which would rather thrust their right hand into the fire, then to touch the profane or wicked sacrifice, also of some others that before they were apprehended, would cast down themselves from steep places, left that being taken they should commit any thing against their profession. Also of two virgins very fair and proper, with their mother also which had studiously brought them up, 

Two Virgins with their mother martyrs.  
Two other maidens sister's martyrs.  
sylvanus Bishop of Emissa martyr.  
Martyrs of Mesopotamia.  
Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12. Martyrs of Capodocia. Martyrs of Tarsus▪  
Tharatus, Probus, Andronicus martyrs.  
Martyrs of Pontus. Martyrs of Nichomedia.  
Persecution in Nichomedia exceeding.  
Peter a most valiant and constant martyr.   even from their infancy in all godliness, being long sought for and at the last found, and straightly kept by their keepers, whilst they made their excuse to do that which nature required, threw themselves down headlong into a river, also of other two young maidens being sisters, & of a worshipful stock, moved with many goodly virtues, which were cast of the persecutors into the sea: and these things were done at Antioch as Eusebius in his 8. book, and 13. chap. affirmeth. But sylvanus the Bishop of Emissa the notable martyr together with certain others were thrown to the wild beasts. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 13.  
divers and sundry torments were the christians in Mesopotamia molested with, where they were hanged up by the feet, & their heads downwards, & with the smoke of a small fire strangled. And also in Capadocia, where the Martyrs had their legs broken. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12.  
Henricus de Erfordia maketh mention of the Martyrs of Tharsus in Cilicia as Tharatus, Probus, and Andronicus: But yet the Martyrs in the region of Pontus suffered far more passing and sharper torments, whereof I will hereafter make mention. Eusebius ibidem. So outrageous was the beginning of the persecution which the Emperor made in Nicomedia in Bithynia. as afore is said, that he refrained not from the slaughter of the children of Emperors, neither yet from slaughter of the most chiefest princes of his court, who a little before he made as much of, as if they had been his own children: Such an other was Peter, which among divers and sundry torments: (among whom he being naked was lefted up, his whole body being beaten with whips and torn, that a man might see the bare bones, and after they had mingled vinegar & salt together they poured it upon the most tender parts of his body, & lastly roasted at a soft fire, as a man would roast flesh to eat as a victorious Martyr ended his life. Dorotheus and Gorgonius being in great authority and office under the Emperor, after divers torments were strangled with a halter, 
Dorotheus, Gorgonius, Martyrs.  which both being of the privy chamber, to him, when they saw & beheld the grievous punishment of Peter their household companion: wherefore (said they O Emperor) do you punish in Peter that opinion which is in all us? Why is that accounted in him an offence, that all we confess? we are of that faith religion & judgement that he is of. Therefore he commanded them to be brought forth, & almost with like pains to be tormented as Peter was, 

Anthimus Bishop of Nicomedia with a great multitude of martyrs headed.  
Lucianus the elder of Antioch martyr.  
Serena wife of Dioclesian Emperor Martyr.  
Niceph. lib. 7. cap. 14. Eulampius, Eulampia, Agape, Irene, Chionia, Anastacia. Martyrs.   & afterwards hanged. Euseb. Rufini Lib 8. cap. 6. After whom Anthimus the Bishop of Nicomedia after he had made a notable confession, & bringing with him a great company of Martyrs, was beheaded. These men being thus dispatched the Emperor vainly thought that he might cause the rest to do whatever him listed. To this end came Lucianus the Elder of the congregation of Antioch, and was martyred after he had made his Apology before the Emperor. Eusebius. Lib. 8. Cap. 13.  
Hermanus also that monster, caused Serena the wife of Dioclesian the Emperor, to be martyred for the Christian Religion: so much did the rage of persecution utterly forget all natural affects. Other Martyrs of Nichomedia doth Nicephorus in his seven. book and xiiii. chapter recite, as Eulampius and Eulampia, Agapen, Irenea, Chionia, and Anastacia, under Illyricus, chief officer, were bound hand & foot to a post and brent. Vincentius. Lib. 12 cap. 66. And also Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 6. mentioneth such an other like matter full of horror and grief. There assembltd together in their temple many Christian men to celebrate the memory of the Nativity of Christ, of every age and sort some: There Maximianus thinking to have been given a very fit occasion to execute his tyranny upon the poor Christians, sent thither such as should burn the temple, the doors being shut and closed round about. Thither came they with fire, but first they commanded the crier with a loud voice to cry, that who soever would have life, should come out of the temple, & do sacrifice upon the next altar they came unto of jupiter, and unless they would do this, they should all be brent with the temple. Than one stepping up in the temple, answered in the name of all the rest with great courage & boldness of mind, that they were all Christians, & believed that Christ was their only God & king, 
Twenty thousand Martyrs burnt together in one Church. Martyrs of Arabia. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12.  and that they would do sacrifice to him, with his father and holy Ghost, & that they were now all ready to offer unto him. With these words the fire was kindled and compassed about the temple, and there were brent of men, women, and children certain thousands. There were also in Arabia, very many martyrs slain with axes, as Eusebius. Lib. 8. cap. 12. There was in Phrigia a city, unto which the Emperor sent his Edicts that they should do sacrifice to the gods, and worship Idols, all which Citizens the Mayor himself, the Quaestor, and chief Captain confessed that they were all Christians. The City upon this was besieged & set on fire, 

Martyrs in a certain City of Phrigia brent with the whole City.  
Euseb. lib. 8. ca 11.6. Martyrs of Melitina in Armenia.  
Eustratius of a persecutor made a Martyr. Ex Nicephoro lib. 7. cap. 14.   and all the people, Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 11. In Melitina a region of Armenia, the bishops and Elders were cast in prison. Eusebius eodem cap. 6. In Arabrace a region near adjoining to Armenia Eustratius was Martyred, as Nicephorus declareth, Lib 7 cap. 14. This Eustratius was the country man borne, and very skilful in the Greek tongue, executing by the emperors commandment, the sheriffs office at Licia in the East, which also did execution there upon the Christians, and was a Scribe of great estimation called Ordinis Ducalis. This man beholding the marvelous constancy of the Martyrs, thirsted with the desire of martyrdom, for that he had privily learned the Christian religion. Therefore he not abiding for other accusers, detected himself, and worthily professed that he was a christian, openly execrating the madness and vanity of the wicked ethnics. He therefore being carried away, was tied up, being first most bitterly beaten. After that he was parched with fire, being put unto his bowels, and then basted with salt and vinegar, and lastly, so scotched & bemangled with the shards of sharp and cutting shells, that his whole body seemed to be all one continual wound, howbeit, by gods great goodness afterward, it was restored to the first integrity. After this he was carried away to Sebastia, where, with his companion Orestes he was burned. 

Niceph. lib. 7. c. 14. Orestes Martyr. Eugenius, Auxentius, Mardarius, Peleus, Nilus, Bishops and Martyrs in Egypt.  
Petrus Bishop of Alexandria. Faustus, Didius, Ammonius, Phileas, Hesichius, Pachiminus, Theodorus, Bishops and martyrs. The Christian soldiers, and Martyrs of Thebes.  
The Christian soldiers and Bishops in Antino. Asela, Philemon, Apollonius, Martyrs. 79. Martyrs. The persecution in Europe.  
Euphemia, Persecution in France.   At that time also suffered Eugenius, Auxentius, Mardarius, Nicepho. Lib. 7. cap. 14. And in no less wise raged this persecution throughout all Egypt: where Eusebius in his 8. book, and 13. chapter maketh mention of Peleus and Nilus Martyrs and bishops in Egypt. But at Alexandria especially were declared most notable conflicts of Christian and true constant Martyrs that suffered: which Phileas the Bishop of Thumitane describeth as after (God willing) shallbe declared. In this persecution of Alexandria, the principal that then suffered was Peter the bishop of Alexandria, with the Elders of the same most worthy Martyrs, as Faustus, Didius, and Ammonius, also Phileas, Hesichius, Pachiminus, and Theodorus, which all were bishops of the congregations within Egypt, and besides them, many other both famous and singular men. The whole legion of Christian soldiers which lay at Thebes in Egypt, under the christian captain Mauritius, when they would not obey the emperors commandment touching the worshipping of Images, were tithed to death once, and then again. And at last through the exhortation of Mauritius, died altogether like constant Martyrs. Vincentius in speculo, Lib 13. cap. 2. Likewise at Antino divers Christian soldiers, notwithstanding they were seriously dissuaded, suffered death together, amongst whom were Ascla, Philemon, and Apollonius, ibidem, cap. 50. and also in the other parts of Aphrica and Mauritania, was great persecution, as Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 6. Also in Sammium, of which place Chronicon maketh mention, and Scilia, where were 79. Martyrs slain, for the profession of Christ, as writeth Henricus de Erfordia.  
Now let us come unto Europe, Nicephorus in his seven. book and xiv. chap. saith, that at Nicopolis in Thracia the Martyrs were in most miserable and pitiful wise handled, where Lysia had the execution thereof. In Chalcedon suffered Euphemia, under Priscus the Proconsul. Vincentius, Lib. 12. cap. 77.  
Henricus de Erfordia saith that at Rome, johannes and Crispus, being priests, had the execution of Martyrs. And at Boemia Agricola, and Vitalis, Vincentius. Lib. 12. cap. 49. And at Aquileia the Emperor commanded every man to kill the Christians. Vincentius, Lib. eodem cap. 58. and amongst those Martyrs he maketh mention of Felice's, and Fortunatus. Reginus also writeth that in other places of Italy the persecution became great, as at Florentia, Pergamus, Neaples Campania, Beneventus, at Venusa in Apulia, and in Thussia, and Henricus de Erfordia, saith, also at Verona. In France doubtless Rectionarus appointed to that office, 

Victor martyr.  
Lucianus Martyr.  
The persecution in Spain. Eulalia, Adula, Vincentius, Sabina, Christina, Lencadia, Martyrs.   played the cruel hellhound, of whose great cruelty against the Christians many histories are full. At Mediolanus suffered Victor. And at Massilia, Maximianus set forth his decree, that either they should all do sacrifice to the Gods of the Gentiles, or else be all slain with divers kinds of torments. Therefore many Martyrs there died for the glory of Christ. Antonius & Vincent. lib. 12. cap. 2. In Beluacus suffered Lucian.  
Vincentius and Reginus write of many places in Spain, where was great persecution, as at Emerita, where suffered Eulalia, of whom more followeth hereafter, & Adula, where also suffered Vincentius, Sabina and Christina. At Toletum suffered Lencadia the virgin, at Caesarea Augusta, where were put to death, 18. beside a great number of other Martyrs, which suffered under Decianus the governor, which afflicted with persecution all the coast of Spain, as saith Vincentius, lib. 13. cap. 123.124.128.130.134▪ The foresaid Rictionarus made such persecution at trevers near the river of Mosella, 
18. Martyrs in Spain. Rictionaru. notable 〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 made rivers▪  that the blood of christian men that were slain, ran like small brooks, and coloured great and main rivers. Neither yet did this suffice him, but from thence sent certain horsemen with his letters, commanding them to ride into every place, and charge all such as had taken and apprehended any Christians, that they should immediately put them to death. Vincent. Lib. 13. cap. 136.  
Also Henricus de Erfordia, 
Agrippina, Augusta, Martyrs. The persecution in Britain or England. Beda de ratione temporum.  and Reginus make mention of great persecution to be at Colonia where Agrippina and Augusta were martyred, as also in the Province of Rhetia.  
Beda also saith, that this persecution reached even unto the Britain's in his book De ratione temporum. And the Chronicle of Martinus, and the Nosegay or time do declare that all the Christians in Britanny were utterly destroyed. Furthermore, that the kinds of death & punishment were so great and horrible, 

Dioclesianus did but dally in the beginning of the persecution.  
Sundry sorts of torments devised against the Christians.   as no man's tongue is able to express. In the beginning, when the Emperor by his subtlety and wiliness, rather dallied than showed his rigour, he threatened them with bands and imprisonment: but with in a while when he began to work the matter in good earnest, he devised innumerable sorts of torments & punishments, as whippings and scourgings, rackings, horrible scrapings, sword, fire, and ship boats, wherein a great number being put, were sunk & drowned in the bottom of the sea. Euseb. Lib 8. cap 6. & 7. Also hanging them upon crosses, binding them to the bodies of dead trees with their heads donneward, 
Euseb. lib 8. cap. 6.7.8.  hanging them by the middles upon gallows, till they died for hunger, throwing them alive to such kind of wild beasts as would devour them, as Lions, Bears, 
The women of Thebaide, Martyrs.  Libardes, and wild Bulls. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 8. Pricking and thrusting them in with bodkins and talants of beasts till they were almost dead, lifting them up a high with their heads downwardly, even as in Thebaide, they did unto the women being naked and unclothed, one of their feet tied and lifted a high, & so hanging down with their bodies, which thing to see was very pitiful, with other devised sorts of punishments most tragical, or rather tyrannical, and pitiful to describe: as first, the binding of them to trees, and to the boughs thereof. The pulling & tearing asunder of their members and joints, 
Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 8.  being tied to the boughs and arms of trees. Euseb. Lib 8. cap. 9 The mangling of them with axes, the choking them with smoke by small and soft fires, 
The persecution in Antioch.  the dismembering of their hands, ears, and feet, with other joints, as the holy Martyrs of Alexandria, suffered, the scorching and broiling of them with coals, not unto death, but every day renewed. With such kind of torments the Martyrs at Antioch were afflicted. 
Persecution in Pontus.  But in Pontus other horrible punishments and fearful to be heard, did the Martyrs of Christ suffer, of which, some had their finger's ends under the nails thrust in with sharp bodkins, some all to be sprinkled with boiling lead, having their most necessary members cut from them, some other suffering most filthy, intolerable, and indurable torments and pain in their bowels and privy members. Eusebius eodem, 
Persecution in Alexandria.  cap. 12.  
To conclude, how great the outrage of the persecution which reigned in Alexandria, was, and with how many & sundry kinds of new devised punishments the Martyrs were afflicted: 
The contents of the Epistle of Phileas sent to his congregation.  Phileas, the bishop of the Thumitanes, a man singularly well learned, hath described in his epistle to the Thumitanes, the copy whereof Eusebius hath in his 8. book & x. chapter, out of the which we mean here briefly to recite somewhat. Because (saith he) every man might torment the holy Martyrs as they listed themselves, 
Euseb. lib. 8. cap 10.  some beat them with cudgels, some with rods, some with whips, some with thongs, and some with cords, and this example of beating was in sundry wise executed, and with much cruelty. For some of them having their hands bound behind their backs, were lifted up upon timber logs, and with certain instruments their members & joints were stretched forth, whereon their whole bodies hanging, were subject to the will of the tormentors, who were commanded to afflict them with all manner of torments, and not on their sides only (like as homicides were) but upon their bellies, thighs, and legs, they scratched them with the talents and claws of wild beasts. Some other were seen to hang by one hand upon the engine, whereby they might feel the more grievous pulling out of the rest of their joints and members. Some other were such sort bound unto pillars with their faces turned to the wall, having no stay under their feet, and were violently weighed down with the poise of their bodies, that by reason of their strait binding, they being drawn out, might be more grievously tormented. And this suffered they not only during the time of their examination, and while the Sheriff had to do with them, but also the whole day long. And whilst the judge went thus from one to another, he by his authority appointed certain officers to attend upon those he left, and not to be let down until either through the intollerablenes of the pain, or by the extremity of cold, they being near the point of death, should be let down: and so were they haled upon the ground. And further they were commanded that they should show not so much as one spark of mercy or compassion upon us, but so extremely and furiously did deal with us, as though our souls and bodies should have died together. 
Strange kinds of torments.  And therefore yet an other torment our adversaries devised to augment our former plagues. After that they had most lamentably beaten them, they devised moreover a new kind of rack, wherein they lying upright, were stretched by both the feet above the fourth stop or hole with sharp shells or shares strewed under them, after a strange kind of engine to us here unknown. Other some were cast down upon the pavement where they were oppressed so thick, and so grievously with torments, that it is not almost to be thought what afflictions they suffered.  
Thus they lying in pains and torments, some died therewith, not a little shaming and confounding their enemies by their singular patience. Some half dead and half alive, were thrust into prison, where shortly after by pains and wounds of their bodies they ended their bitter life. Some again being cured of their wounds by their endurance in prison, were more confirmed, who being put to the choice whether they would come to their cursed sacrifice, and enjoy their wicked liberty, or else sustain the sentence of death, 
Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 10. Ex Sabellico. Lib. 7. cap. 9  did willingly and without delay abide the extremity, remembering with themselves what is written in the Scriptures: He that sacrificeth (saith he) to strange Gods, shall be exterminate, etc. Item, thou shalt not have any strange Gods beside me, etc. Thus much wrote Phileas to the Congregation where he was Bishop, before he received the sentence of death, 
An holy martyr of Nicomedia tormented.  being yet in bands, and in the same exhorteth his brethren constantly to persist after his death, in the truth of Christ professed. Euseb Lib 8. cap. 10.  
Sabellicus in his seven. Ennead. and viij. book, saith that that christened man, which tore and pulled down the wicked Edict of the Emperor in Nicomedia, being stripped and beaten that the bones appeared, and after washed in salt and vinegar, was then slain with this cruel kind of torment. But Platina writeth that Dorotheus and Gorgonius exhorteth him to die so constantly.  
But as all their torments were for their horribleness, marvelous and notable, and therewithal so studiously, devised, & no less grievous and sharp: so notwithstanding therewith were these Martyrs neither dismayed, nor overcome, but rather thereby confirmed and strengthened, so merrily and joyfully sustained they what so ever was put unto them. 
Eusebius a beholder and a witness of their suffering. The sword blunt, and the hangmen wearied with slaughter.  Eusebius saith that he himself beheld and saw the huge and great persecution that was done in Thebaide, in so much that the very sword of the hangmen and persecutors being blunt with the great and often slaughter, they themselves for weariness sat down to rest them, and other were fain to take their places. And yet all this notwithstanding the murdered christians, showed their marvelous readiness▪ willingness, and divine fortitude, which they were endued with, with stout courage, joy, and smiling, receiving the sentence of death pronounced upon them, and song even unto the last gasp, 
The marvelous constancy of the martyrs of God in persecution and at the time of death.  Hymns and Psalms to God. So did also the Martyrs of Alexandria, as witnesseth Phileas above mentioned. The holy martyrs (saith he) keeping Christ in their minds, being led with the love of better rewards, sustained not only at one time, whatsoever labour and devised punishments they had to lay upon them: but now also the second time have done the same, and have borne all the menaces of the cruel soldiers, not only in words, wherewith they threatened them, but also whatsoever in deed and work they could devise to their destruction, and that with most manly stomachs, excluding all fear, with the perfection of their unspeakable love towards Christ, whose great strength and fortitude cannot by words be expressed. And Sulpitius saith in the second book of his sacred history, that then the Christians with more greedy desire pressed and sought for martyrdom, 
martyrdom more desired in the old time, than bishoprics be now. Christians that denied in this persecution.  than now they desire bishoprics.  
Although some there were also, as I have said, that with fear and threatenings, and by their own infirmity, were overcome and went back. Eusebius, Lib. 8. cap. 3. Amongst whom Socrates nameth Miletius, Lib. 1. cap. 6. and Athanasius in his second Apology, nameth the bishop of Licus a City in little Egypt, whom Peter the Bishop of Alexandria, excommunicated, 

Miletius revolteth from the faith, and is excommunicated. Marcellinus the bishop revolteth and cometh again to the 〈◊〉 and is m●●●tyred.  
A hundre● martyrs 〈◊〉 one day.  
Euseb. li● 〈◊〉 cap. 9  
Seventeen thousand Martyrs a one mo●●●● Three hundred slain at one tire in Alexandria.  
Gereon Martyr. Mauritius with 6666 Martyrs.  
Victor 〈◊〉 360. martyrs slain.  
The history of Mauri●●●us captain of the Theban soldiers.   for that in this persecution he sacrificed to the Gentiles Gods. Of the fall of Marcellinus the Bishop of Rome, I will speak afterwards. For he being persuaded by others, and specially of the Emperor Dioclesian himself, did sacrifice, whereupon he was excommunicated, but afterwards he repenting the same, was again received into the congregation, and made Martyr as Platina and the compiler of the book of the general counsels, affirm. The number of the Martyrs increased daily, sometimes ten, sometimes twenty were slain at once, some while 30. and oftentimes 60. and otherwhiles a C. in one day, men, women, and children by divers kinds of death. Eusebius, Lib 8. cap. 9 also Damasus, Beda, Orosius, Honorius and others do witness, that there were slain in this persecution by the names of Martyrs, within the space of 30. days, 17. thousand persons, beside an other great number and multitude that were condemned to the metal mines and quaries with like cruelty.  
At Alexandria with Peter the Bishop, of whom I have made mention before, were slain with axes 300. & above, as Sabellicus declareth. Gereon was beheaded at Colonia Agrippina, with 300. of his fellows, as saith Henricus de Erfordia. Mauritius the Captain of Christian religion, with his fellows 6666. Victor in the city of Troy now called Xanthus, with his fellows 360. were slain, as saith Otto Phrinsigensis, Lib. 2. cap 45. Reginus reciteth the names of many other Martyrs, to the number of 120.  
And for as much as mention here hath been made of Mauritius and Victor, the particular description of the same history I thought here to insert, taken out of Ado & other story writers, as ensueth.  
Mauritius came out of Syria into France and Italy, being Captain of the band of the Theban soldiers, to the number of 6660. being sent for of Maximianus, to go against the rebellious Bangandes, but rather as it should seem by the treason of the ●irant, which thought he might better in these quarters use his tyranny upon the Christians, then in the East part. These Thebans with Mauritius the Captain, after that they had entered into Rome, who were there of Marcellus the blessed bishop, confirmed in the faith, promising by oath that they would rather be slain of their enemies, then forsake that faith which they had received, who followed the emperors host through the Alpes even into France. At that time the Caesarians were encamped not far from the town called Ottodor, where Maximianus offered sacrifice to his devils, and called all the soldiers both of the East and West to the same, straightly charging them by the altars of his Gods, that they would fight against those rebels the Bangandes, and persecute the christian enemies of the Emperor's Gods: which his commandment was showed to the Thebans host, which were also encamped about the river of Rode, and in a place that was named Agawne, but to Ottodor they would in no wise come, for that every man did certainly appoint and persuade with themselves rather in that place to die, then either to sacrifice to the gods, or bear armour against the Christians. Which thing in deed very stoutly and valiantly they affirmed, 
Every tenth man in the legion slain.  upon their oath before taken to Maximianus when he sent for them. Wherewith the tyrant being wrathful and all moved, commanded every tenth man of that whole band to be put to the sword, whereto strivingly and with great rejoicing they committed their necks. To which notable thing and great force of faith, Mauritius himself was a great encourager, who by & by with a most grave Oration exhorted & animated his soldiers both to fortitude & constancy. 
The oration of the soldiers to the Emperor.  Which being again called of the Emperor, answered in this wise saying: We are O Emperor your soldiers, but yet also to speak freely, the servants of god. We own to thee service of war, to him innocency: of thee we receive for our travel, wages: of him the beginning of life. But in this we may in no ways obey thee O Emperor, to deny God our author and Lord, and not only ours, but your Lord likewise, will ye, nill ye. If we be not so extremely enforced that we offend him, doubtless as we have hitherto before, we will yet obey you, but otherwise we will rather obey him than you. We offer here our hands against any other enemies: but to defile our hands with the blood of innocentes, that we may not do. These right hands of ours have skill to fight against the wicked and true enemies: but to spoil and murder the godly and Citizens, they have no skill at all. We have in remembrance how we took armour in hand for the defence of the Citizens, and not against them. We fought always for justice sake, piety, and for the health of innocentes. These have been always the rewards of our perils and travel We have fought in the quarrel of faith, which in no wife we can keep to you, if we do not show the same to our God. We first swore upon the Sacraments of our God, then afterward to the king: and do you think the second will advaile us▪ if we break the first▪ By us you would plague the Christians, to do which feat we are only commanded by you. We are here ready to confess God the author of all things, and believe in his son jesus Christ our Lord. We see before our eyes our fellows and partakers of our labours and travails, to be put to the sword, and we sprinkled with their blood, of which our most blessed companions and brethren, their end and death we have not bewailed nor mourned, but rather have been glad, and have rejoiced thereat, for that they have been counted worthy to suffer for the Lord their God. The extreme necessity of death cannot move us against your majesty, neither yet any despiration, O Emperor, which is wont in venturous affairs to do much, shall 〈◊〉 us against you. Behold here we cast down our weapons, and resist not, for that we had rather to be killed, then kill, and guiltless to die, then guilty to live. What soever more ye will command appoint and enjoin us, we are here ready to suffer, yea both fire sword, and whatsoever other torments. We confess ourselves to be Christians, we cannot persecute Christians, nor will do sacrifice to your devilish Idols.  
With which their answer the king being altogether incensed and moved, 
Mauritius and his company Martyred.  commanded the second time the tenth man of them that were left to be in like case murdered. That cruelty also being accomplished, at length when the christian soldiers would in no wise condescend unto his mind, he set upon them with his whole host, both footmen and also horsemen, and charged them to kill them all. Who with all force set upon them, they making no resistance, but throwing down their armour, yielded their lives to the persecutors, and offered to them their naked bodies.  

The constant boldness of Victor in refusing to eat with the cruel persecutors, for the which he was also slain. Victor Martyr.  Victor at the same time was not of that band, nor yet then any soldier, but one being an old soldier, and dismissed for his age. At which time he coming suddenly upon them as they were haketting and making merry with the spoils of the holy Martyrs, was bidden to sit down with them: and first ask the cause of that their so great rejoicing, and understanding the truth thereof, detested the guests, and refused to eat with them. And then being demanded of them whether happily he were a Christian or no, openly confessed and denied not, but that he was ● christian, and ever would be. And thereupon they rushing upon him, killed him, and made him partner of the like martyrdom and honour.  

The number of the Christians increased for all this persecution.  Beda in his history writeth, that this persecution being under Dioclesian, endured unto the seventh year of Constantinus, and Euseb Lib 8. cap. 6 saith, that is lasted until the x. year of Constantinus. It was not yet one year from the day in which Dioclesian & Maximianus joining themselves together, began their persecution, when that they saw the number of the Christians rather to increase then to diminish, notwithstanding all the cruelty that ever they could show; and now were out of all hope for the utter rooting out of them▪ 
Dioclesian and Maximinian were tired with persecution, and gave up their kingdom.  which thing was the cause of their first enterprise, and had now even their fill of blood, and loathed as it were, the shedding thereof, they ceased at the last of their own accord to put any more christians to death: But yet of a great multitude they did thrust out their right eyes, and maimed their left legs at the ham with a searing iron, condemning them to the mines of metals, not so much for the use of their labour, as for the desire of afflicting them. And this was the clemency and release of the cruelty of those Princes, which said that it was not meet that the cities should be defiled with the blood of citizens, and to make the emperors highness to be destained with the name of cruelty, but to show his princely beneficence and liberality to all men. 
Euse. lib. 8. cap. 10.  Eusebius, Lib. 8. cap 10.  
When Dioclesianus and Maximianus had reigned together Emperors twenty years and one (Nicephorus saith xxij. years) at length Dioclesian put himself from his imperial dignity at Nicomedia, and lived at Salona, Maximinianus at Mediolanum, and led both of them a private life in the 309. year after Christ. This strange and marvelous alteration gave occasion, and so came to pass, that within short space after, 
An. 309.  there were in the Roman common wealth many Emperors at one tyme.  


The names of the tyrants.  
Dioclesian, Maximinian Emperors deposed.  
Gale Maximinus. Constantius Emperors. Maximinus Severus, Constantinus, Caesar's   In the beginning of this persecution, you heard how Dioclesian being made Emperor, took to him Maximinian. Also how these two governing as Emperors together, chose other two Caesars under them, to wit, Galerius Maximinus & Constantius the father of Constantine the 〈◊〉. Thus than Dioclesian reigning with Maximinian, in the 19 year of his reign, began his furious persecution against the christians, whose reign after the same continued not long. For so it pleased God to put such a snaffle in the tyrant's mouth, that within two years after, he caused both him and Maximinian (for what cause he knoweth) to give over his Imperial function▪ and so to remain not as emperors any more, but as private persons: So that t●ey being now displaced and dispossessed, the Imperial dominion remained with Constantius & Galerius Maximinus, which two divided the whole Monarchy between them: so that Maximinus should govern the East countries, & Constantius the west parts. But Constantius as a modest Prince, only contented with the Imperial title, refused Italy and afric, contenting himself only with France, Spain, and Britain. Wherefore Galerius Maximinus chose to him his two sons Maximinus and Severus. Likewise Constantius took Constantinus his son, Caesar under him. In the mean time, 
Maxentius, Emperor. Licinius Caesar.  while Maximinus with his two Caesars were in Asia, the Roman soldiers set up for their emperor Maxentius the son of Maximinian, who had before deposed himself. Against whom Maximinus the Emperor of the East, sent his son Severus, which Severus was slain in the same voyage of Maxentius. In whose place then Maximinus took Licinius. And these were the Emperors and Caesars, which succeeding after Dioclesian, and Maximinian, prosecuted the rest of that persecution, which Dioclesian and Maximinian before begun, 
Anno. 318.  during near the space of seven or viij. years, which was to the year of our Lord, 318. Save only that Constantius with his son Constantinus, 
The commendation of Constantius.  was no great doer therein, but rather a maintainer and a supporter of the Christians. Which Constantius surnamed Chlorus for his paleness, was the son of Eutropius, a man of great nobility of the Roman union, as Loetus affirmeth. He came of the line of Aeneas and Claudia, the daughter of Claudius Augustus. This man had not the desire of great and mighty dominion, and therefore parted he the Empire with Galerius, and would rule but in France, Britain, and Spain, refusing the other kingdoms for the troublesome and difficult government of the same. Otherwise he was a Prince, as Eutropius maketh description of him, very excellent, civil, meek, gentle, liberal, and desirous to do good unto those that had any private authority under him. 
O happy Constantius.  And as Cyrus once said, that he ga●e treasure enough, when he made his friends rich: even so it is said that Constantius would often times say, that it were better that his subjects had treasure, than he to have it in his treasure house. Also he was by nature sufficed with a little, In so much, that he used to eat and drink in earthen vessels (which thing was counted in Agathotles the Sicilian, a great commendation) and if at any time cause required to garnish his table, he would send for plate and other furniture to his friends. 
Euseb. lib. 8. Cap, 13. Constantius gracious to the Christians.  To these virtues he added yet a more worthy ornament, that is, devotion, love, and affection towards the word of God, as Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 13. affirmeth, after which virtues ensued great peace and tranquility in all his Provinces: By which word he being guided, neither levied any wars contrary to piety and christian religion, neither he aided any other that did the same: neither destroyed he the churches, but commanded that the christians should be preserved and defended, and kept them safe from all contumelions injuries. And when that in the other jurisdictions of the Empire, 
Zozomenus. lib. cap. 6.  the congregations were molested with persecution, as Sozomenus declareth, Lib. 1. cap. 6. he only gave licence unto the Christians to live after their accustomed manner. This wonderful act of his following, besides other, doth show that he was a sincere worshipper of the christian religion.  
Those which bore the chief offices among the ethnics, drove out of the emperors count all the godly Christians: whereupon this ensued, that the Emperors themselves at the last, were destitute of help, when such were driven away, 
Constantius proveth who were true Christians in his Court, and who were not.  which dwelling in their courts, and living a godly life, poure● out their prayers unto God for the prosperous estate and health both of the Empire & Emperor. Constantius therefore thinking at a certain time to try what sincere and good Christians he had yet in his court, called together all his officers and servants in the same, feigning himself to chitse out such as would do sacrifice to devils, and that those only should dwell there & keep their offices, and that those which would refuse to do the same, should be thrust out & banished the court. At this appointment, all the 〈◊〉 divided themselves into 〈◊〉▪ 
Ex Euseb. de vita Constan. Lib. 1. Ex Zozomeno. lib. cap. 6. False Christians discerned from true.  The Emperor marked which were the constantest & godliest from the rest▪ And when 〈◊〉 said that they would willingly do sacrifice, other serve openly and boldly denied to do the same: Then the Emperor 〈◊〉 rebuked those which were so ready to do 〈◊〉, & judged them as false traitors unto God accounting their unworthy to be in his court, which were such traitors to God, and forthwith commanded that they only should be banished the same. But greatly he commended them, which refused to do sacrifice and confessed God, affirming that they only were worthy to be above ● prince, forthwith 〈◊〉 them that thenceforth they should be the 〈◊〉 counsellors and defenders both of his person & kingdom, saying thus much more that they only were worthy to be in office, whom he might make account of as his assured friends, and that he meant to have them in more estimation, 
Euseb. lib de vita Constan.  than the substance he had in his treasury. Eusebius maketh mention hereof in his first book of the life of Constantius, and also Sozomenus in his 1. book and ●. chap.  
With this Constantius was joined (as hath been aforesaid) Galerius Maximinus, 
Maximinus an enemy to the Christians.  a man as Eutropius affirmeth, very civil and a passing good soldier: Furthermore, a favourer of wise and learned men, of a quiet disposition, not rigorous, but in his drunkenness, whereof he would soon after repent him, as Victor writeth. whether he meaneth Maximinus the father, or Maximinus his son, it is uncertain. But Eusebius far otherwise describeth the conditions of him in his viij. book, and first chapter. For he saith he was of a tyrannical disposition: The feareinllest man that might be, and curious in all magical superstition, in so much that without the divinations and answers of devils he durst do nothing at all, & therefore he gave great offices and dignities to enchanters. Furthermore that he was an exactor and extortioner of the Citizens, liberal to those that were flatterers, given to surfeiting and riot, a great drinker of wine, and in his furious drunkenness most like a mad man, a Ribald, an adulterer, which came to no City but he ravished virgins & defiled men's wives. 
The wickedness of Maximinus described.  To conclude he was so great an idolater, that he built up Temples in every City, and repaired those that were fallen in great decay: and he chose out the most worthiest of his political Magistrates to be the idols priests, and devised that they should execute that their office with great authority and dignity, and also with warlike pomp. But to Christian piety and religion he was most incensive, and in the East Churches exercised cruel persecution, and used as executioners of the same, Pencetius, Quintianus, and Theotechnus beside others.  
Notwithstanding he was at length revoked from his cruelty by the just judgement and punishment of God. 
A terrible plague sent by God to Maximinus.  For he was suddenly vexed with a fatal disease most filthy and desperate, which disease to describe was very strange, taking the first beginning in his flesh outwardly, from thence it proceeded more and more to the inward parts of his body. For in the privy members of his body there happened unto him a sudden putrification, and after in the bottom of the same a botchy corrupt boil, with a Fistula, consuming & eating up his entrails, out of the which came swarming forth an innumerable multitude of louse, with such a pestiferous stench that no man could abide him, and so much more, for that all the grossness of his body by abundance of meat before he fell sick, was turned also into a fat: which fat now putrefied, and stinking was so ugsome and horrible, that none that came to him could abide the sight thereof. By reason whereof, the Physicians which had him in cure, 
Maximinus killeth his physicians.  some of them notable to abide the intolerable stinch were commanded to be slain. Other some because they could not heal him being so swollen and past hope of cure were also cruelly put to death. At length being put in remembrance that his disease was sent of God, he began to forethink the wickedness that he had done against the saints of God, and so coming again to himself, first confesseth unto god all his offences, then calling them unto him which were about him, forthwith commanded all men, to cease from the persecutions of the Christians. Requiring moreover that they should set up his Imperial proclamations, for the restoring and reedyfiing of their temples, and that they would obtain this of the Christians, in their assembles (which without all fear and doubt they might be bold to make) that they would devoutly pray to their God for the Emperor. Then forthwith was the persecution stayed, and the Imperial proclamations in every City were set up, containing the retraction or countermand of those things which against the Christians were before decreed, the copy whereof ensueth.  

Maximinus' countermand in the behalf of the Christians.  Amongst other things which for the benefit and commodity of the common weal we established, we commanded to reform all things according to the ancient laws and public discipline of the Romans, and also to use this policy, that the Christians which had forsaken the religion of those forefathers should be brought again to the right way. For such fantastical singularity was amongst them, that those things which their elders had received and allowed, they re●ected and disallowed, devising every man such laws as they thought good, and observed the same, assembling in divers places great multitudes of people.  
Therefore when our foresaid decree was proclaimed, many there were that felt the penalty thereof, and many being troubled therefore suffered many kinds of death. And because we see yet that there be many which persevere in the same, which neither give due worship unto the Celestial Gods neither receive the God of the Christians, we having respect to our accustomed benignity, wherewith we are wont to show favour unto all men, think good in this cause also to extend our clemency, that the Christians may be again tolerated, and appoint them places where again they may meet together, so that they do nothing contrary to public order and discipline By an other Epistle we mean to prescribe unto the judges, what shall be convenient for them to do. Wherefore according as this our bountiful clemency deserveth, let them make intercession to God for our health, common weal, and for themselves, that in all places the state of of the common weal may be preserved, and that they themselves may be able safely to live within their bonds. 
Euseb. lib ● cap. vlt.  Euseb. lib. 8. cap. ultimo.  
But one of his inferior officers whose name was also Maximinus, was not well pleased when this countermand was Published throughout all Asia, and the Provinces where he had to do. Yet he being qualified by this example that it was not convenient for him to repugn the pleasure of those Princes which had the chief authority as Constantius and Maximinus, set forth of himself no edict touching the same: but commanded his officers in the presence of others, that they should somewhat stay from the persecution of the Christians: of which commandment of the inferior Maximinus, 
Sabinus in the favour of the christians publisheth the decree.  each of them gave intelligence unto their fellows by their letters. But Sabinus which then amongst them all, had the chiefest office and dignity: to the substitutes of every country, wrote by his letters the emperors pleasure in this wise.  
The majesty of our most gracious and Sovereign Lords the Emperors, hath lately decreed with special diligence and devotion, to induce all men to an uniform life, so that they which seemed to dissent from the Roman custom by a strange manner of living, should exhibit to the immortal Gods their due and proper worship, but the wilful and obstinate mind of divers so much, and so continually resisted the same, that by no lawful means they might be revoked from their purpose, neither made afraid by any terror or punishment. Because therefore it so came to pass, that by this means many put themselves in peril and jeopardy: The majesty of our sovereign Lords the emperors according to their noble piety, considering that it was far from the meaning of their princely majesties that such things should be, whereby so many men and much people should be, destroyed, gave me in charge that with diligence I should write unto you, that if any of the Christians from henceforth fortune to be taken in the exercise of their religion, that in no wise you molest the same, neither for that cause you do judge any man worthy of punishment: for that in all this time it hath evidently appeared that by no means they might be alured from such wilfulness. It is therefore requisite that your wisdom write unto the Questors, Captains, and Constables of every City and village, that they may know it not to be lawful for them, or any of them, 
Euseb. lib. 9 Cap. 1.  to do contrary to the prescript of this commandment, neither that they presume to attempt the same. Euseb. lib. 9 cap. 1.  
The governors therefore of every province, supposing this to be the determinate pleasure (and not feigned) of the Emperor, 
Persecution ceaseth for a time.  did first advertise thereof, the rustical & Pagan multitude: After that they released and set at liberty all such prisoners as were condemned to the metal mines, & to perpetual imprisonment for their faith, thinking thereby (where in deed they were deceived) that the doing thereof would well please the Emperor. This therefore seemed to them as unlooked for, and as light to travelers in a dark night. 
The infidels acknowledge the God of the Christians.  They gather themselves together in every City, they call their Synods and counsels, & much marvel at the sodden change and alteration. The Infidels themselves extol the only and true God of the christians. The Christians receive again all their former liberty, and such as fell away before in the time of persecution, repent themselves and after penance done, they returned again to the congregation. Now the Christians rejoiced in every City, praying God with hymns and Psalms. 
One alteration upon an other.  Eusebius ibidem. This was a marvelous sudden alteration of the Church, from a most unhappy state into a better, but scarce suffered Maximinus the Tyrant the same vj. months unviolated to continue. For whatsoever seemed to make for the subversion of the same peace (yet scarcely hatched) that did he only meditate. And first of all he took from the Christians all liberty and leave for them to assemble and congregate in churchyards under a certain colour. After that he sent certain Miscreants unto the Athenians, to solicit them against the Christians, and to provoke them to ask of him as a recompense and great reward, that he would not suffer any Christian to inhabit in their country: and amongst them was one Theotechnus, a most wicked miscreant, an enchanter, and a most deadly enemy against the Christians. He first made the way whereby the Christians were put out of credit, and accused to the Emperor, to which fraud also he erected a certain Idol of jupiter to be worshipped of the enchanters and conjurers, 
The devilish practice of Theotechnus.  and mingled the same worship with ceremonies, full of deceivable witchcraft. Lastly, he caused the same Idol to give this sound out of his mouth. That is: jupiter commandeth the christians to be banished out of the City and suburbs of the same, as enemies unto him. And the same sentence did the rest of the governors of the provinces publish against the Christians, and thus at length persecution began to kindle against them. Maximinus' appointed and instituted high priests and bishops in every city to offer sacrifice unto Idols, & inveigled all those that were in great offices under him, that they should not only cease to pleasure them & to do for them, but also that they should with new devised accusations against them, at their pleasure, 
The vain practices of the Heathen against Christ and his religion.  put as many to death as by any means they might. They also did counterfeit certain practices of Pilate against our saviour Christ full of blasphemy, and sent the same into all the Empire of Maximinus by their letters, commanding that the same should be published and set up in every city and suburbs of the same, and that they should be delivered to the schoolmasters, to cause their scholars to learn by roate the same.  

A devised accusation against the Christians by harlots.  After that one named Praefectus castrorum, whom the Romans do call captain, alured certain light women, partly by fear, and partly by punishment, dwelling at Damascus in Phenicia, and taken out of the court wherein they were accused, that they should openly say in writing that they were once Christians, and that they knew what wicked & lascivious acts the Christians were wont to execute amongst themselves upon the sundays, & what other things they thought good to make more of their own head, to the slander of the Christians. The captain showeth unto the emperor theer words, as though it had been so in deed, and the Emperor by and by commanded the same to be published throughout every city. 
Maximi. recountermaund graven in brass.  Furthermore, they did hang up in the midst of every City (which was never done before) the emperors edicts against the Christians, graven in tables of brass. And the children in the schools with great noise and clapping of hands did every day resound, the contumelious blasphemies of Pilate unto jesus, 
Euseb. Lib. 9 Cap. 3.  & what other things so ever were devised of the magistrates, after most despiteful manner. Euseb. lib. 8, cap. 3.4.5.6.7. And this is the copy of the edict, which Maximinus caused to be fastened to pillars fraught, with all arrogant and insolent hate against God and Christ. 
The copy of the recountermaund made against the Christians.   
The weak and imbecil rebellion of man's mind (all obscurity and blindness of ignorance set apart, which hitherto hath wrapped the minds of impious and miserable men, in the pernicious darkness of ignorance) is now at the length able to discern, that the same is governed, as also corroborated by the providence of the immortal gods the lovers of virtue: which thing, how acceptable it is to us, how pleasant and grateful, and how much proof the same hath declared of your well disposed willing minds, is incredible to be told: Although this was not unknown before with what diligence and devotion ye served the immortal Gods, whose wonderful and constant faith is not known by bare and naked words, but by your worthy & notable deeds. Wherefore worthily is your City called the habitation and seat of the immortal Gods, and by many examples it appeareth that the same flourisheth, and prospereth by the presence of the celestial Gods. For behold, your City not regarding your private businesses, nor esteeming that which should have been for the special commodity thereof, when it perceived that cursed vanity to begin again to creep, and as a fire negligently quenched, when the dead brands thereof began to kindle and make a great flame: by and by without delay ye having recourse unto our piety, as unto the Metropolitan of all divine worship and Religion, 
Wicked blasphemy.  craved remedy and help, which wholesome mind for your piety's sake, it is most manifest that the gods have endued you with. Therefore he, even that most mighty jupiter I say, which preserveth your most famous City: to that intent he might deliver and make free your country Gods, your wives and children, your household Gods and houses, from all detestable corruption, hath inspired you with this wholesome and willing mind, showing & declaring how worthy, notable, and healthful a thing it is to worship & to sacrifice to the immortal Gods. 
The works of the living God falsely imputed to dead stocks and Idols.  For who is so void of reason & understanding, that knoweth not that this thing happeneth unto us by the careful study of the goodness of our gods, that the ground denieth not to give her timely increase, nor maketh frustrate the husband man's hope, nor that wicked war dare show her face upon the earth, nor that the corruption of the air is now cause of pestilence, neither that the sea swelleth with immoderate winds, 
Horrible blasphemy.  neither that sudden storms are cause of hurtful tempests. To conclude, that the ground which is as the nurse and mother of all things, is not swallowed up of her deep chaps and gapings, by terrible earthquake, neither that the hills made level with the earth, are not with gaping cliffs devoured, all which evils and greater than these, before this time to have happened every man knoweth. And all these mischiefs came upon us for the pernicious errors sake of the extreme folly of those wicked men the Christanis, when filthiness itself (as I may call it) so occupied their minds, and overran the world. Let them behold the fields now all about full of corn, 
The like argument of wether & corn, & plenty, made the unfaithful jews, and also make now our faithless Papists.  and overflown as it were with ears of corn. Let them view the pleasant meadows clothed with flowers, and moistened with showers from heaven, and also the pleasant and temperate weather. Therefore let all men rejoice, that by your piety, sacrifices, & worshipping, the majesty of the most stern God of battle Mars is appeased, & that therefore we enjoy pleasant & firm peace. And how many so ever have left that blind error and straying of the Christians unfeignedly, and be of a better mind, let them specially rejoice, as men delivered out of a sudden great tempest, and from a grievous disease, and have afterward obtained a delectable and pleasant life. For doubtless, if they had remained in that execrable vanity, far of had they been chased from your City & suburbs of the same (according to your desire) that your City by that means, according to your commendable diligence, cleansed from all impurity and impiety, may offer sacrifices according to the meaning of the same, with due reverence of the immortal Gods. And that you may perceive in how good part your supplication (yea unasked and desired) we are most willing and ready to further your honest endeavours, and grant unto you for your devotion, whatsoever you ask of our magnificence. And that this thing may be accomplished, forthwith ask and have. And this thing with all speed, endeavour you to obtain, which shall be a perpetual testimony of piety exhibited of your City to the immortal Gods, and shallbe a precedent to your children and posterity, and withal you shall obtain of us for this your willing desire of reformation, 
Euseb. lib. 9 cap. 7. Persecution renewed a fresh.  condygne and worthy rewards. Eusebius. Lib 9 cap. 7.  
Thus came it to pass that at the length persecution was as great as ever it was, and the magistrates of every province were very disdainful against the Christians which condemned some to death, and some to exile. Among whom they condemned three christians at Emisa, 

sylvanus Bishop. Lucianus Elder, Petrus Bishop, Quirinus' Bishop. Marcellus Bishop. Tymotheus Elder. Martyrs.  
The persecution of Maximinus the younger. Euseb. lib. 9 cap. 7. Niceph. lib. 7. cap. 44. Ex facisculo temporum.   in Phenicia, with whom Silvanus the bishop a very old man, being 40. years in the ecclesiastical function, was condemned to death. At Nicomedia, Lucianus the elder of Antioch, brought thither, after he had exhibited to the emperor his Apology concerning the doctrine of the Christians, was cast in prison, and after put to death. In Amasea a City of Capadocia, Brings the lieutenant of Maximinus, had at that time, the executing of that persecution. At Alexandria, Petrus a most worthy bishop was beheaded with whom many other Egyptian bishops also died. Euseb. Lib. 9 cap. 7. Nicepho. Lib. 7. cap. 44. Quirinus' the Bishop Scescanius having a hanmyll tied about his neck, was thrown headlong from the bridge, into the flood, and there a long while fleeted above the water, and when he opened his mouth to speak to the lookers on that they should not be dismayed with that his punishment, was with much a do drowned. Chron. Euseb. At Rome died Marcellus the bishop as sayeth Platina, also Timotheus the elder, with many other bishops & Priests were martyred. To conclude many in sundry places every where were martyred, whose name the book entitled Fasciculus temporum declareth, as Victorianus, Symphorianus, Castorius, with his wife, Castulus, Cesarius, Mennas, Nobilis, Dorotheus, Gorgonius, Petrus, and other innumerable martyrs, 
Cosmas, Damianus, Dorothea, with other martyrs. 270. Martyrs.  Erasmus, Bonifacius, juliana, Cosmas, Damianus, Basilinus with seven others, Dorothea, Theophilus, Theodosia, Vitalis, Agricola, Acha, Philemon, Hireneus, januarius, Festus, Desiderius, Gregorius, Spoletanus, Agapes, Chionia, Hirenea. Theodora, and 270. other Martyrs, Florianus, Primus and Felicianus, Vitus and Modestus, Crescentia, Albinus, Rogatianus, Donatianus, Pancratius, Catharina, Margareta, Lucia, the virgin, and Antheus the king with many thousand martyrs more. Simplicius, Faustinus, Beatrix, Panthaleon, Georgius, justus, Leocandia, Anthonia, and other more to an infinite number, 
Gemenianus with 79. Martyrs.  suffered martyrdom in this persecution, whose names God hath written in the book of life. Also Felix Victor, with his parents Lucia the widow, Gemenianus, with 79 others, Sabinus, Anastasia, Chrisogonus, Felix, and Audactus, Adrianus, Nathalia, Eugenia, Agnes, also when she was but 13. year old was martyred▪ Euseb. in his 8. book and 15. chap. rehearseth these kinds of torments and punishments, 
Several kinds of torments. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 15.  that is to say, Fire, wild beasts, the sword, crucifyinge, the bottom of the sea, the cutting and burning of members, the thrusting out of eyes, dismembering of the whole body, hunger, imprisonment, & whatsoever other cruelty the Magistrates could devise. All which notwithstanding the godly ones, rather than that they would do sacrifice as they were bid, manfully endured. Neither were the women any thing at all behind them. For they being enticed to the filthy use of their bodies, rather suffered banishment, or willingly killed themselves. Neither yet could the Christians live safely in the wilderness, but were fetched even from thence to death and torments, in so much that this was a more grievous persecution under Maximianus, the tyrant, than was the former cruel persecution, under Maximianus the Prince. 
Euseb. Lib. 9 cap. 6.10. The work of God against the foresaid edict.  Euseb. Lib. 9 cap. 6. &. 10.  
And forasmuch as ye have heard the cruel Edict of Maximinus proclaimed against the Christians, graven in brass, which he thought perpetually should endure to the abolishing of Christ & his Religion: Now mark again the great handy work of God, which immediately fell upon the same, 
The proud and blasphemous proclamation of the Emperor proved false and contrary.  checking the proud presumption of the tyrant, proving all to be false and contrary, that in the brazen Proclamation was contained. For where the foresaid Edict boasted so much of the prosperity and plenty of all things in the time of this persecution of the Christians, suddenly befell such unseasonable drought with famine and pestilence among the people, besides also the wars with the Armenians, that all was found untrue that he had bragged so much of before. By reason of which famine and pestilence the people were greatly consumed, in so much that one measure of wheat was sold for two thousand and five hundred pieces of money of Athens coin, by reason whereof innumerable died in the Cities, but many more in the country and villages, so that most part of the husband men and countrymen died up with the famine and pestilence. divers there were which bringing out their best treasure, 
Ex Euseb. lib. 9 cap. 8.  were glad to give it for any kind of sustenance, were it never so little. Other selling away their possessions, fell by reason thereof to extreme poverty and beggary. Certain eating grass, and feeding on other unwholesome herbs, were feign to relieve themselves with such food as did hurt and poison their dodies. Also a number of women in the Cities, being brought to extreme misery and penury, were constrained to departed the City, and fall to begging through the country. 
A terrible hunger among the heathen persecutors described.  Some other were weak and faint (as Images without breath) wandering up and down, & not able to stand for feebleness, fell down in the middle of the streets, and holding up their hands most pitiful, cried for some scraps or fragments of bread to be given them, & being at the last gasp, ready to give up the Ghost, and not able to utter any other words, yet cried out that they were hungry. Of the richer sort divers there were, who being weary with the number of beggars and askers, after they had bestowed largely upon them, became hard hearted, fearing lest they should fall into the same misery themselves, as they which begged. By reason whereof the market place, streets, lanes, and alleys lay full of dead & naked bodies, being cast out and unburied, to the pitiful & grievous beholding of them that saw them. Wherefore many were eaten of dogs, for which cause they that lived fell to the kill of dogs, lest they running mad, should fall upon them, and kill them.  

Pestilence among the persecutors.  In like manner the pestilence scattering through all houses and ages of men, did no less consume them, especially those which through plenty of victual escaped famine. Wherefore the rich Princes Presidents and other innumerable of the Magistrates, being the more apt to receive the infection, by reason of their plenty, were quickly dispatched, and turned up their heels. Thus the miserable multitude being consumed with famine and with pestilence, all places was full of mourning, neither was there any thing else seen, but wailing and weeping in every corner. So that death, what for famine and pestilence in short time broke up and consumed whole households, two or three dead bodies being borne out together from one house to one funeral,  
These were the rewards of the vain brags of Maximinus and his Edicts, which he did publish in all towns and Cities against us, when it was evident to all men, how diligent and charitable the Christians were to them all in this their miserable extremity. For they only in all this time of distress, showing compassion upon them, traveled every day, some in curing the sick, & some in burying the dead, which otherwise of their own sort were forsaken. Other some of the Christians calling and gathering the multitude together, 
The charity of the Christians to the enemies. Let your light so shine among men, that they may see your good works and glorify your father which is in heaven.  which were in jeopardy of famine, distributed bread to them, whereby they ministered occasion to all men to glorify the God of the Christians, and to confess them to be the true worshippers of God, as appeared by their works. By the means and reason hereof, the great God and defender of the Christians, who before had showed his anger and indignation against all men, for their wrongful afflicting of us, opened again unto us the comfortable light of his providence, so that by means thereof peace fell unto us, as light to them that sit in darkness, to the great admiration of all men, which easily perceive God himself to be a perpetual director of our doings, who many times chasteneth his people with calamities for a time to exercise them, but after sufficient correction, again showeth himself merciful and favourable to them which with trust call upon him.  
By the narration of these things heretofore premised, taken out of the story of Eusebius, like as it is manifest to see, so is it wonderful to mark and note, how those counsels and rages of the Gentiles, achieved against Christ and his Christians, when they seemed most ●ure against them, were most against themselves. And whereby they thought most to confounded the Church & Religion of Christ, the same turned most to their own confusion, 
The wisdom and policy of man overthrown in his own turn. Qui comprehendit sapientes in astutia.  and to the profit and praise of the Christians, (God of his marvelous wisdom so ordering & disposing the end of things.) For where the brazen Edict of the Emperor promised temperate weather, God sent drought, where it promised plenty, God immediately sent upon them famine and penury: where it promised health, God struck them even upon the same, with grievous pestilence, and with other more calamities, in such sort, that the most relief they had, was chief by the Christians, to the great praise both of them, and to the honour of our God.  
Thus most plainly and evidently was then verified the true promise of Christ to his Church, 
The promise of Christ verified. Mat. 6. the gates of hell shall not prevail against the Church builded upon the faith of Christ.  affirming and assuring us, that the gates of hell shall not prevail against his Church builded upon his faith: as sufficiently may appear by these x. persecutions above specified and described. Wherein as no man can deny, but that Satan & his malignant world have assayed the uttermost of their power and might to overthrow the Church of jesus: so must all men needs grant, that read these stories, that when Satan and the gates of hell have done their worst, yet have they not prevailed against this mount of Zion, nor ever shall. For else what was here to be thought, where so many Emperors and tyrants together, Dioclesian, Maximinian, Galerius, Maximinus, Severus, Maxentius, Licinius with their Captains and officers, were let lose, like so many Lions, upon a scattered and unarmed flock of sheep, intending nothing else, but the utter subversion of all Christianity, and especially also when laws were set up in brass against the Christians, as a thing perpetually to stand: what was here to be looked for, but a final desolation of the name and Religion of Christians? But what followed, partly ye have heard, partly more is to be marked, as in the story followeth.  
I showed before how Maxentius the son of Maximinian, was set up at Rome by the Praetorian soldiers to be Emperor. Whereunto the Senate, although they were not consenting, yet for fear they were not resisting. Maximinian his father, who had before deprived himself with Dioclesian, hearing of this, took heart again to him, to resume his dignity, and so laboured to persuade Dioclesian also to do the same: but when he could not move him thereunto, he repaireth to Rome, thinking to wrest the Empire out of his sons hand: but when the soldiers would not suffer that, of a crafty purpose he flieth to Constantinus in France, under pretence to complain of Maxentius his son, but in very deed to kill Constantinus. Notwithstanding that conspiracy being detected by Fausta the daughter of Maximinian, whom Constantinus had married, so was Constantinus through the grace of God preserved, 
The death and end of Maximinian.  & Maximinian retired back. In the which his flight by the way he was apprehended, and so put to death. And this is the end of Maximinian.  
Now let us return to Maxentius again, 
The wickedness of Maxentius described.  who all this while reigned at Rome, with tyranny and wickedness intolerable, much like to an other Pharaoh or Nero. For he slew the most part of his noble men, and took from them their goods. And sometime in his rage he would destroy great multitudes of the people of Rome by his soldiers, as Eusebius declareth, 
Euseb. lib. 8. Cap. 14.  lib. 8. cap. 14. Also he left no mischievous nor lascivious act unattempted, but was the utter enemy of all womanly chastity, which used to send the honest wives whom he had adulterated with shame and dishonesty unto their husbands (being worthy Senators) after that he had ravished them. He abstained from no adulterous act, but was inflamed with the inquencheable lust of deflowering of women. 
A shameful act of incontinency.  Letus declareth that he being at a time far in love with a noble & chaste gentlewoman of Rome, sent unto her such courtiers of his, as were meet for that purpose, whom also he had in greater estimation than any others, and with such was wont to consult about matters for the common weal. These first fell upon her husband and murdered him within his own house, then when they could by no means neither with fear of the tyrant, 
A Christian matron slayeth herself to avoid the lust of Maxentius.  nor with threatening of death pull her away from him: At length she being a Christian desired leave of them to go into her chamber, and after her prayers she would accomplish that which they requested. And when she had gotten into her chamber, under this pretence, she killed her self. But the Courtiers when they saw that the woman tarried so long, they being displeased therewith, broke open the doors, and found her there lying dead. Then returned they and declared this matter to the Emperor, who was so far past shame, that in stead of repentance, he was the more set on fire in attempting the like.  
He was also much addict to the art Magical, which to execute, 
A monster in the likelihood of an Emperor.  he was more fit than the Imperial dignity. Also sometime he would rip women when they were in labour, and would search the place where the infant lay, being borne a little before. Often he would invocate Devils in a secret manner, and by the answers of them he sought to break the wars, which he knew Constantinus and Licinius prepared against him. And to the end he might the rather perpetrate his mischievous and wicked attempts, which in his ungracious mind he had conceived, according to his purpose, 
A lively pattern of an hypocrite  in the beginning of his reign he feigned himself to be a favourer of the Christians. In which thing doing, thinking to make the people of Rome his friends, he commanded that they should cease from persecuting of the Christians, and he himself in the mean season abstained from no contumelious vexation of them, till that he began at last to show himself an open persecutor of them: at which time as Zonaras writeth he most cruelly raged against all the Christians thereabouts, vexing them with all manner of injuries. Which thing he in no less wise did, than Maximinus, as Euse. in his 8. book and 15. chap. seemeth to affirm. 
Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 15.  And Platina declareth in the life of Marcellus the Bishop, that he banished a certain noble woman of Rome, because she gave her goods to the Church.  
Thus by the grievous tyranny and unspeakable wickedness of this Maxentius, 
The Romans send to Constantine for secure.  the Citizens and Senators of Rome, being much grieved and oppressed, sent their complaints with letters unto Constantinus, with much suit and most hearty petitions, desiring him to help and release their Country and City of Rome: who hearing and understanding their miserable and pitiful state, and grieved therewith not a little, first sendeth by letters to Maxentius, desiring and exhorting him to refrain his corrupt doings, and great cruelty. But when no letters nor exhortations would prevail, at length pitying the woeful case of the Romans, gathered together his power and army in Britain and France, wherewith to repress the violent rage of that tyrant. Thus Constantinus sufficiently appointed with strength of men, but especially with strength of God, entered his journey coming toward Italy, which was about the last year of the persecution. 
An. 318.  Anno 318. Maxentius understanding of the coming of Constantine, and trusting more to his devilish Art of Magic, then to the good will of his subjects, which he little deserved, durst not show himself out of the City, nor encounter with him in the open field, but with privy garrisons laid in wait for him by the way, in sundry straights as he should come. With whom Constantine had divers skirmishes, and by the power of the Lord did ever vanquish them and put them to flight. 
Maxentius feared for his magic and sorcery.  notwithstanding Constantinus yet was in no great comfort, but in great care and dread in his mind (approaching now near unto Rome) for the Magical charms and sorceries of Maxentius, wherewith he had vanquished before Severus sent by Galerius against him, 

A miracle of a cross appearing to Constantine in heaven.  
In hoc Vince. Euse. lib. 2. Niceph. lib. 7. cap. 29. Eutropo. lib. 11. Sozom. li. 1. cap. 3. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 2. Vrspurgens. Chronic. Paul. Diacon. lib. 11.  
This vision reported and testified by constantine himself to be true.   as hath been declared, which made also Constantinus the more afraid. Wherefore being in great doubt and perplexity in himself, and revolving many things in his mind, what help he might have against the operations of his charming, which used to cut women great with child, to take his devilish charms by the entrails of the infants, with such other like feats of devilishness which he practised: These things (I say) Constantinus doubting and revolving in his mind, in his journey drawing toward the City, and casting up his eyes many times to heaven, in the South part, about the going down of the sun, saw a great brightness in heaven, appearing in the similitude of a cross, with certain stars of equal bigness, giving this inscription like Latin letters, IN HOC VINCE, that is: In this overcome. Euseb. De vita Constant lib. 2. Nicep. lib. 7. cap. 29. Eutrop. lib. 11. Sozom. lib 1. cap 3. Socrat lib. 1. cap. 2. Vrspurgens. Chronic. Paul. Diacon. lib. 11. This miraculous vision to be true, for the more credit, Eusebius Pamphilus in his first book De vita Constantini doth witness moreover, that he had heard the said Constantinus himself oftentimes report, and also to swear this to be true and certain, which he did see with his own eyes in heaven, and also his soldiers about him. At the sight whereof, when he was greatly astonished, and consulting with his men upon the meaning thereof, behold in the night season in his sleep Christ appeared to him with the sign of the same cross, which he had seen before, bidding him to make the figuration thereof, and to carry it in his wars before him, and so should he have the victory.  
¶ Wherein is to be noted (good Reader) that this sign of the Cross, 
An admonition concerning the material cross not to be worshipped, but to be a means to bring Constantine to the faith of him which was crucified.  and these letters added withal: In hoc vince, was given to him of God, not to induce any superstitious worship or opinion of the Cross, as though the cross itself, had any such power or strength in it, to obtain victory: but only to bear the meaning of an other thing, that is, to be an admonition to him, to seek and aspire to the knowledge and faith of him, which was crucified upon the cross for the salvation of him, and of all the world, and so to set forth the glory of his name, as afterward it came to pass. This by the way, now to the matter.  
The next day following after this night's vision, 
Constantinus with his army approacheth toward Rome.  Constantinus caused a cross after the same figuration to be made of gold and precious stone, and to be borne before him in stead of his standard: and so with much hope of victory & great confidence, as one armed from heaven speedeth himself toward his enemy. Against whom Maxentius being constrained perforce to issue out of the City, sendeth all his power to join with him in the field beyond the river of Tybur, where Maxentius craftily breaking down▪ the bridge called Pons Miluius, caused an other deceitful bridge to be made of boats and whirries, being joined together, and covered over with boards and planks in manner of a bridge, thinking therewith to take Constantine as in a trap. But here it came to pass which in the 7. Psalm is written. He digged a pit, 
Psal. 7. Maxentius taken in his own trap.  and fell therein himself. Let his working return upon his own head, and his unrighteousness upon his own pate, which here in this Maxentius was rightly verified. For after the two hosts did meet, he being not able to sustain the force of Constantine fight under the cross of Christ against him, 

Maxentius beaten in the field.  
Maxentius drowned by his own bridge.  
Pharaoh a figure of Maxentius the last persecutor in Rome.   was put to such a flight, and driven to such an exigent, that in retiring back, for haste thinking to get the City, upon the same bridge which he did lay for Constantine, was overturned by the fall of his horse into the bottom of the flood, and there with the weight of his armour, he with a great part of his beaten men were drowned. Representing unto us the like example of Pharaoh & his host drowned in the red sea. Who not unaptly seemeth to bear a Prophetical figuration of this Maxentius. For as the children of Israel were in long thraldom and persecution in Egypt under tyrants there, till the drowning of this Pharaoh their last persecutor: so was this Maxentius and Maximinus and Licinius the last persecutors in the Roman Monarchy of the Christians, whom this Constantinus fight under the cross of Christ, did vanquish and set the Christians at liberty, 
Pharaoh and Maxentius compared.  who before had been persecuted now 300. years in Rome, as hath been hitherto in this history declared.  
Wherefore as the Israelites with their Moses at the drowning of their Pharaoh, 
Exod. 15. The figure of the old testament verified in the new.  song gloriously unto the Lord, who miraculously had cast down the horse and horsemen into the sea: So no less rejoicing and exceeding gladness was here, to see the glorious hand of the Lord Christ fight with his people, and vanquishing his enemies and persecutors.  
In histories we read of many victories and great conquests gotten: 
The glorious and victorious host of Christ.  yet we never read, nor ever shall of any victory so wholesome, so commodious, so opportune to mankind as this was, which made an end of so much bloodshed, & obtained so much liberty & life to the posterity of so many generations. For albeit that some persecution was yet stirring in the East countries by Maximinus and Licinius, as shall be declared: Yet in Rome and in all the West parts, no martyr died after this heavenvly victory gotten. And also in the East parts the said Constantinus with the said cross borne before him, consequently upon the same so vanquished the tyrants, 
Persecution in the West ceaseth for a M. years till the time of Wyckl●ffe.  and so established the peace of the church, that for the space of a just M. years after that, we read of no set persecution against the Christians, unto the time of john Wickliff, when the bishops of Rome began with fire to persecute the true members of Christ, as in further process of this history (Christ granting) shall appear. So happy, so glorious (as I said) was this victory of Constantine, surnamed the great. For the joy & gladness whereof, the Citizens who had sent for him before, with exceeding triumph brought him into the city of Rome, where he with the cross was most honourably received and celebrated the space of seven. days together, having moreover in the market place, his image set up, holding in his right hand the sign of the cross, with this inscription: Hoc salutari signo, veraci fortitudinis indicio, civitatem nostram iugo tyranni ereptam liberavi. That is, with this wholesome sign, the true token of fortitude, I have rescued and delivered our City from the yoke of the tyrant. 
Euseb. Lib. 9 Cap. 9  Euseb lib. 9 cap 9  
By this heavenly victory of Constantinus, and by the death of Maxentius no little tranquillity came to the church of Christ. Although notwithstanding in the East churches the storm of this tenth persecution was not yet altogether quieted, but that some tail thereof in those parts remained for the space of ij. or iij. year. 
Note well these thousand years and then read the xx. chap. of the Apoc. Satanas was bound up for a thousand years. etc.  But of this we mind to speak (Christ willing) hereafter. In the mean season, to return again to the West parts here in Europe, where Constantinus then had most to do, great tranquility followed, and long continued in the church without any open slaughter, for a thousand years together (to the time of john Wickliff and Waldenses, as is before touched) by the means of the godly beginning of good Constantinus, who with his fellow Licinius, being now established in their dominion, eftsoons set forth their general proclamation or edict, not constraining therein any man to any religion, but giving liberty to all men, both for the Christians to persist in their profession without any danger, and for other men freely to adjoin with them, whosoever pleased. Which thing was very well taken, and highly allowed of the Romans, and all wise men. The copy of the Edict or constitution here ensueth.  

The copy of the Imperial constitution of Constantinus and Licinius, for the establishing of the free worshipping of God, after the Christian religion.  
NOt long agone we weighing with ourselves, that the liberty and freedom of religion ought not in any case to be prohibited, 
The copy of the imperial constitution of Constantinus and Licinius. Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 5.  but that free leave ought to be given to every man to do therein according to his will and mind, we have given commandment to all men to qualify matters of religion as they themselves thought good, and that also the Christians should keep the opinions and faith of their religion. But because that many & sundry opinions by the same our first licence spring and increase through such liberty granted, we thought good manifestly to add thereunto, and make plain such things, whereby perchance some of them in time to come, may from such their observance be let or hindered. When therefore by prosperous success, I Constantinus Augustus, and I Licinius Augustus came to Mediolanum, and there sat in council upon such things as served for the utility and profit of the common weal, these things amongst others, we thought would be beneficial to all men, yea and before all other things we purposed to establish those things, wherein the true reverence and worship of God is comprehended, that is, to give unto the Christians free choice to follow what religion they think good, and whereby the same sincerity and celestial grace which is in every place received, may also be embraced and accepted of all our loving subjects. According therefore unto this our pleasure upon good advisement and sound judgement, we have decreed, that no man so hardy, be denied to choose and follow the Christian observance or religion: But that this liberty be given to every man, that he may apply his mind to what religion he thinketh meet himself, whereby God may perform upon us all his accustomed care and goodness. To the intent therefore you might know that this is our pleasure, we thought it necessary this to write unto you, whereby all such errors and opinions being removed, which in our former letters (being sent unto you in the behalf of the Christians) are contained, and which seem very undiscreet and contrary to our clemency, may be made frustrate & annihilate. Now therefore firmly and freely we will and command, that every man have a free liberty to observe the Christian religion, and that without any grief or molestation he may be suffered to do the same. These things have we thought good to signify unto you by as plain words as we may, that we have given to the Christians free and absolute power to keep and use their religion. And for as much as this liberty is absolutely given of us unto them, to use and exercise their former observance, if any be so disposed, it is manifest that the same helpeth much to establish the public tranquillitle of our time, every man to have licence and liberty to use and choose what kind of worshipping he list himself. And this is done of us only for the intent, that we would have no man to be enforced to one religion more than an other. And this thing also amongst others we have provided for the Christians, that they may have again the possession of such places, in which heretofore they have been accustomed to make their assemblies, so that if any have bought or purchased the same either of us, or of any other: the same places without either money or other recompense, forthwith and without delay we will to be restored again unto the said Christians. And if any man have obtained the same by gift from us, and shall require any recompense to be made to them in that behalf: Then let the Christians repair unto the Precedent (being the judge appointed for that place) that consideration may be had of those men by our benignity: all which things we will and command, that you see to be given and restored freely, and with diligence unto the society of the Christians, all delay set apart. And because the Christians themselves are understood to have had not only those places wherein they were accustomed to resort together, but certain other peculiar places also, not being private to any one man, but belonging to the right of their congregation and society: you shall see also all those to be restored unto the Christians, that is to say, to every fellowship and company of them, according to the decree, whereof we have made mention, all delay set apart. Provided that the order we have taken in the mean time be observed, that if any (taking no recompense) shall restore the same lands and possessions, they shall not mistrust but be sure to be saved harmless by us. In all these things it shall be your part to employ your diligence in the behalf of the foresaid company of the Christians, whereby this our commandment may speedily be accomplished, and also in this case by our clemency the common and public peace may be preserved. For undoubtedly by this means, as before we have said, the good will and favour of God towards us (whereof in many cases we have had good experience) shall always continue with us. And to the intent that this our constitution may be notified to all men, it shall be requisite that the copy of these our letters be set up in all places, that men may read and know the same, lest any should be ignorant thereof.   
By these histories I doubt not (good reader) but thou dost right well consider and behold with thyself the marvelous working of God his mighty power: 
The consideration of God's work in defending his Christians.  to see so many Emperors at one time conspired and confederate together against the Lord and his Christ anointed, whose names before we have recited, as Dioclesian, Maximinian, Galerius, Maxentius, Maximinus, Severus, Licinius, who having the subjection of the whole world under their dominion, did bend and extend their whole might and devices, to extirpate the name of Christ, and of all Christians. Wherein if the power of man could have prevailed, 
The kings of the earth have risen, and Princes together against the Lord, and against his Christ. Psal. 2. No counsel standeth against God.  what could they not do? or what could they do more than they did? If policy or devices could have served, what policy was there lacking? If torments or pains of death could have helped, what cruelty of torment by man could be invented, which was not attempted? If laws, edicts, proclamations, written not only in tables, but engraven in brass, could have stand, all this was practised against the weak Christians. And yet notwithstanding, to see how no counsel can stand against the Lord, note here how all these be gone, and yet Christ and his Church doth stand. first, of the taking away of Maximinian you have heard, also of the death of Severus, of the drowning moreover of Maxentius, 
The destruction of the cruel Emperors.  enough hath been said. What a terrible plague was upon Galerius, consuming his privy members with Lice, hath been also described. How Dioclesian the quondam being at Salona, hearing of the proceed of Constantinus, 
Dioclesian dieth for sorrow.  and this his Edict, either for sorrow died, or as some say did poison himself. Only Maximinus now in the East parts remained alive, who bore a deadly hatred against the Christians, and no less expressed the same with mortal persecution, to whom Constantine and Licinius caused this constitution of theirs to be delivered: at the sight whereof, although he was somewhat appalled, and defeated of his purpose: yet forasmuch as he saw himself too weak to resist the authority of Constantinus and Licinius the superior Princes: 
The effect of the decree which Maximinus made against his will or suriecountermaund for fear of C. and L. in the behalf of the Christians.  He dissembled his counterfeit piety, as though he himself had tendered the quiet of the Christians: directing down a certain decree in the behalf of the Christians, wherein he pretendeth to write to Sabinus afore mentioned, first repeating unto him the former decree of Dioclesian and Maximinian in few words, with the commandment therein contained touching the persecution against the Christians. After that he reciteth the Decree which he himself made against them, when he came first to the imperial dignity in the East part joined with Constantius. Then the Countermand of an other Decree of his again, for the rescuing of the Christians, with such feigned and pretenced causes, as is in the same to be seen. After that declareth how he coming to Nicomedia, at the suit and supplication of the Citizens (which he also feigned, as may appear before) he applying to their suit, revoked that his former Edict, and granted them that no Christian should dwell within their City or territories. Upon which Sabinus also had given forth his letters, rehearsing withal the general recountermaunde sent forth by him, for the persecution again of the Christians. Last of all now he sendeth down again an other Surrecountermaund, 
The surrecountermaunde of Maximi. dissembled.  with the causes therein contained, touching the safety of the Christians, and tranquility of them: Commanding Sabinus to publish the same. Which edict of his is at large set forth of Eusebius, lib. 9 cap. 9 But this Surrecountermaunde he then dissimuled, as he had done in the other before. Howbeit shortly after, he making wars, and fight a battle with Licinius, wherein he lost the victory, 
Ex Euseb. Lib. 9 ca 9  coming home again, took great indignation against the Priests and Prophets of his Gods, whom before that time he had great regard unto, and honoured: upon whose answers he trusting, & depending upon their enchantments, began his war against Licinius. But after that he perceived himself to be deceived by them, 
The unfeigned repentance and final decree of Maximinus for the christians.  as by wicked enchanters and deceivers, and such as had betrayed his safety and person, he killed and put them to death. And he shortly after, oppressed with a certain disease, glorified the God of the Christians, and made a most absolute law for the safety and preservation of them, with fraunchise and liberty: the copy whereof ensueth.  Imperator Caesar, Gaius, Valerius, Maximinus, Germanicus, Pius, Fortunatus, Augustus. It is necessary that we always carefully provide and see unto, the benefit and commodity of such as be our subjects, & to exhibit such things unto them, whereby they may best obtain the same. But we suppose that there are none of you so ignorant, but know and understand what things make best for the profit & commodity of the common weal, & best please every man's disposition. But it is meet and convenient that every man have recourse to that which they have seen done before their eyes, and that all sorts of men consider the same, & bear it in their minds. When therefore, and that before this time it came unto our knowledge: upon the occasion that Dioclesianus, and Maximinianus, our progenitors of famous memory, commanded the assemblies and meetings of the Christians to be cut of, there were many of them spoiled and rob of our Officials: which thing we also perceive is now put in practice against our subjects, that they in like case may be spoiled of their goods and substance, which thing chief to prevent, is our only endeavour. By our letters sent to the governors of every province the year past, we ordained that if any man were disposed to lean unto the Christian religion, that he might without any injury done unto him, accomplish his desire, neither to be of any man either let or molested: and that he might without any fear or suspicion, do whatsoever he therein thought good. But now also we understand that there be certain judges which have neglected▪ our commandment, and have put our subjects in doubt, whether that hath been our pleasure or not, which thing they did, that such men might be the better advised, how they entered into such religion: wherein they followed their own fantasy. To the intent therefore that after this, all suspicion, doubt, and fear may be taken away: we have thought good to publish this our edict, whereby it may be made manifest to every man, that it shallbe lawful for all such as will follow that religion, by the benefit of this our grant and letters patents, to use what religion they like best. And also hereby we grant unto them licence to build them Oratories or Temples. 
A large grant of Maximinus to the Christians.  And furthermore, that this our grant may more amply extend unto them, we vouchsafe to appoint and ordain, that whatsoever lands and substance, before belonging and appertaining to the Christians, and by the commandment of our predecessors were transposed to our revenue and exchequer, or else be in the possession of any City, by means of the franchises of the same, or else otherwise sold or given to any man: all and every parcel thereof we command shall be restored unto the proper use of the Christians again, whereby they may all have in this matter more experience, of our godly devotion and providence. Euseb. lib. 9 cap. 10. 

Euseb. lib. 9 cap. 10.  Maximinus thus being conquered of Licinius, and also plagued with an incurable disease in the guts, sent by the hand of God, 
An. 319.  was compelled by torments and adversity to confess the true God, whom before he regarded not, and to write this edict in the favour of those Christians, whom before he did persecute. 
God maketh his enemies to confess him.  Thus the Lord doth make many times his enemies, be they never so stern & stout, at length to stoop, & maugre their hearts, to confess him, as this Maximinus here did, who not long after, by the vehemency of his disease ended his life. 
The end and death of Maximinus.  Whereby, no more tyrants now were left alive, to trouble the Church, but only Licinius. Of which Licinius, and of his persecutions stirred up in the East parts, against the Saints of God, now remaineth in order of story to prosecute.  
This Licinius being a Dane borne, and made first Caesar by Galerius, 
The persecution of the church under Licinius.  as is above specified, was afterward joined with Constantinus in government of the Empire, and in setting forth the Edicts, which before we have described: although it seemeth, all this to be done of him with a dissembling mind. For so is he in all histories described, to be a man passing all other in desire of unsatiable riches, given to lechery, hasty, stubborn, and furious. To learning he was such an enemy, that he named the same a poison and a common pestilence, 
An enemy to learning. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 13.  and especially the knowledge of the laws. He thought no vice worse became a Prince, than learning, because he himself was unlearned. Eutropius, Letus, Ignatius. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 13.  
There was between him and Constantinus in the beginning great familiarity: and such agreement, that Constantinus gave unto him his sister Constantia in Matrimony, as Aurelius Victor writeth. Neither would any man have thought him to have been of any other Religion than Constantinus was of, he seemed in all things so well to agree with him. Whereupon he made a decree with Constantinus in the behalf of the Christians, as we have showed. Eusebius, 
Euseb. Lib. 9 Cap. 9 Licinius an Apostata.  Lib. 9 cap. 9 And such was Licinius in the beginning. But after arming himself with tyranny, began to conspire against the person of Constantinus, of whom he had received so great benefits, neither favourable to the law of nature, nor mindful of his oaths, his blood, nor promises. But when he considered that in his conspiracies he nothing prevailed, 
The fountain of Apostasy.  for that he saw Constantinus was preserved and safely defended of God: And partly being puffed up with the victory against Maximinus, he began vehemently to hate him, and not only to reject the Christian religion, but also deadly to hate the same. He said he would become an enemy unto the Christians, for that in their assemblies and meetings they prayed not for him, but for Constantinus. Therefore, first by little and little and that secretly, he went about to wrong and hurt the christians, 
Knights of the order d●pilued for not doing sacrifice. Euseb. Lib. 10. Cap. 8.  & banished them his Court, which never were by any means prejudicial to his kingdom. Then he commanded that all those should be deprived which were knights of the honourable order, unless they would do sacrifice to devils. Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 8. The same persecution afterwards stretched he from his court, into all his provinces, which with most wicked and devised laws he set forth. First, that for no cause the Bishops should in any matter communicate together: neither that any man should come at the Churches next unto them, or to call any assemblies, and consult for the necessary matters and utility of the Church.  
After, that the men & women together should not come in companies to pray, nor that the women should come in those places where they used to preach and read the word of God, neither that they should be after that instructed any more of the Bishops, but should choose out such women amongst them as should instruct them. 
A strait charge against the relieving of the imprisoned Christians.  The third most cruel and wickedest of all was, that none should help and secure those that were cast in prison, nor should bestow any alms or charity upon them, though they should die for hunger: and they which showed any compassion upon those that were condemned to death, should be as greatly punished, 
Euseb. Lib. 1. de vita Constantini.  as they to whom they showed the same should be. Eusebius libro primo de vita Constantini. These were the most horrible constitutions of Licinius, which went beyond and passed the bounds of nature.  
After this he used violence against the Bishops, but yet not openly, 
Secret persecution for fear of Constantinus.  for fear of Constantinus, but privily and by conspiracy: by which means he slew those that were the worthiest men amongst the Doctors and Prelates. And about Amasea and other Cities of Pontus, he razed the Churches even to the ground. Other some he shut up, that no man should come after their accustomed manner to pray and worship God: and therefore as we said before, his conscience accusing him, all this he did, for that he suspected they prayed for Constantinus, and not at all for him. And from this place in the East parties unto the Libyans, which bordered upon the Egyptians, the christians durst not assemble and come together for the displeasure of Licinius, 
Zozomenus. Lib. 1. Cap. 2.  which he had conceived against them. Zozomenus. Lib. 1. cap. 2.  
Furthermore, the flattering officers that were under him, thinking by this means to please him, slew & made out of the way many bishops, and without any cause put them to death, as though they had been homicides & heinous offenders: and such rigorousness used they towards some of them, that they cut their bodies into gobbets and small pieces in manner of a Boucher, and after that threw them into the Sea to feed the fishes. 
Euseb. lib. 10. Cap. 8. The violent wrongs of Licinius.  Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 8. What shall we speak of the exiles & confiscations of good and virtuous men? For he took by violence every man's substance, and cared not by what means he came by the same: But threatened them with death, unless they would forego the same. He banished those which had committed none evil at all. He commanded that both gentlemen and men of honour, should be made out of the way, neither yet herewith content, but gave their daughters that were unmarried, to varlets and wicked ones to be deflowered. And Licinius himself (although that by reason of his years, his body was spent) yet shamefully did he vitiate many women, men's wives & maids. 
Euseb. lib. 1. de vita Const. The Christians flee into the wilderness.  Euseb Lib. 1. de vita Constantini. Which cruel outrage of him caused many godly men of their own accord to forsake their houses: and it was also seen that the woods, fields, desert places and mountains, were feign to be the habitations, and resting places of the poor and miserable Christians. 

Hot persecution renewed. Theodorus.  
another Theodorus Bishop of Tyrus. A man of Perga.  
Nicholaus Bishop of Mirorus.  
Gregorius Bishop of Armenia.  
Paulus Bishop of Neocaesaria, with 40. other martyrs.  
XL good men and their wives martyrs.  
Amones with xl wives of xl. men martyrs. The wicked purpose of Licinius had he not been prevented by God and slain by Constantinus.  
Licinius overcome in battle by Constantinus.   Eusebius. Lib. 10. cap, 14. Of those worthy men and famous Martyrs, which in this persecution found the way to heaven, Nicephorus. Lib. 7. cap. 10. first speaketh of Theodorus, who first being hanged upon the cross, had nawles thrust into his arm pits, and after that his head stricken of. Also of another Theodorus being the Bishop of tire, the third was a man of Perga. Basilius also the Bishop of Amasenus, Nicolaus, the Bishop of Mirorus, Gregorius, of Armenia the great: After that, Paul of Neocaesaria, which by the impious commandment of Licinius had both his hands cut of with a searing iron. Besides these were in the City of Sebastia, xl. worthy men, & Christian soldiers in the vehement cold time of winter, soused and drowned in a horse pond, when Locias' as yet, of whom we spoke before, and Agricolaus executing the Shrieves office under Licinius in the East parts, were alive: and were in great estimation, for inventing of new and strange torments against the Christians. The wives of those 40. good men, were carried to Heraclea a City in Thracia, and there with a certain Deacon whose name was Amones, were (after innumerable torments by them most constantly endured) slain with the sword. These things writeth Nicephorus. Also Zozomenus in his ninth book & 2. Chapter maketh mention of the same Martyrs. And Basilius in a certain Oration seemeth to entreat of their history, saving that in the circumstances he somewhat varieth. And surely Licinius was determined, for that the first face of this persecution fell out according to his desire, to have overrun all the Christians: to which thing neither counsel, nor good will, nor yet opportunity, perchance wanted: unless God had brought Constantinus into those parties, where he governed: where, in the wars which he himself began (knowing right well that Constantinus had intelligence of his conspiracy & treason) joining battle with him, was most cowardly overcome.  
divers battles between them were fought, the first fought in Hungary, where Licinius was overthrown: Then he fled into Macedonia, & repairing his army, was again discomfited. Finally, being vanquished, both by sea and land: he lastly, at Nicomedia, yielded himself to Constantine: and was commanded to live a private life in Thessalia, where at length he was slain by the soldiers.  
Thus have ye heard, the end and conclusion of all the seven. tyrants, 
The end and death of the tyrants which were the authors of this x. persecution.  which were the authors and workers of this x. and last persecution, against the true people of God. The chief Captain, and incentour of which persecution was first Dioclesian, who died at Salena, as some say, by his own poison. An. 319. The next was Maximinian, who as is said, was hanged of Constantine at Masilia, about the year of our Lord. 310. Then died Galerius, plagued with an horrible disease sent of God. Severus was slain by Maximinian, father of Maxentius the wicked tyrant was overcome and vanquished of Constantine. an. 318. Maximinus the vi. tyrant tarried not long after, who being overcome by Licinius, died, about the year of our Lord. 320. Lastly, how this Licinius was overcome by Constantine and slain. An. 324. is before declared. Only Constantius, the father of Constantine being a good and a godly Emperor, died in the third year of the persecution. An. 310. and was buried at York. After whom succeeded after his godly father, Constantinus, as a second Moses sent and set up of God to deliver his people out of this so miserable captivity, into liberty most joyful.  

A brief story of the most notable Martyrs, that suffered in this x. persecution.  Now remaineth after the end of these persecutors thus described, to gather up the names & stories of certain particular Martyrs, which now are to be set forth worthy of special memory: for their singular constancy & fortitude, showed in their sufferings & cruel torments. The names of all which that suffered in this foresaid tenth persecution, being in number infinite, in virtue most excellent, it is impossible here to comprehend: but the most notable, and in most approved authors expressed, we thought here to insert, for the more edification of other Christians, which may and aught to look upon their examples, first beginning with Albanus, the first Martyr that ever in England suffered death for the name of Christ.  
At what time Dioclesian & Maximinian the Pagan Emperors had directed out their letters with all severity, for the persecuting of the Christians: 
Albanus, Martyr.  Alban being then an infidel, received into his house a certain Clerk, fleeing from the persecutors hands, whom when Alban beheld, continually both day & night to persever in watching and in prayer: suddenly by the great mercy of God, he began to imitate the example of his faith & virtuous life: 
Fruit of hospitality to be noted.  whereupon by little and little he being instructed by his wholesome exhortation, and leaving the blindness of his Idolatry, became at length a perfect Christian. 
Albanus first converted▪ and by what occasion.  And when the forenamed Clerk had lodged with him a certain time, it was informed the wicked Prince, that this good man & Confessor of Christ (not yet condemned to death) was harboured in Albans house, or very near unto him. Whereupon immediately he gave in charge to the soldiers, to make more diligent inquisition of the matter. Who as soon as they came to the house of Alban the Martyr, he by and by putting on the apparel wherewith his guest and master was appareled (that is, 
Albanus offereth himself to death for an other.  a garment at that time used, named Caracalla) offered himself in the stead of the other to the soldiers: who binding him, brought him forthwith to the judge. It fortuned that at that instant when blessed Alban was brought unto the judge, they found the same judge at the altars offering sacrifice unto Devils, who as soon as he saw Alban, was strait ways in a great rage, for that he would presume of his own voluntary will, to offer himself to peril, and give himself a prisoner to the soldiers, for safeguard of his guest whom he harboured: and commanded him to be brought before the Images of the devils whom he worshipped, 
The words of the judge to Alban.  saying: For that thou hadst rather hide & convey away a rebel, then to deliver him to the officers, and that (as a contemner of our Gods) he should not suffer punishment and merit of his blasphemy: look what punishment he should have had, thou for him shalt suffer the same: if I perceive thee any whit to revolt from our manner of worshipping. But blessed Alban, who of his own accord had bewrayed to the persecutors that he was a Christian, feared not at all the menaces of the Prince, but being armed with spiritual armour, openly pronounced that he would not obey his commandment. Then said the judge: of what stock or kindred art thou come? 
The con●●cy and zeal of Alban.  Alban answered, what is that to you, of what stock soever I am come of, if you desire to hear the verity of my Religion, I do ye to wit that I am a Christian, and apply myself altogether to that calling. Then said the judge, I would know thy name, and see thou tell me the same without delay. Then said he, my parents named me Alban, and I worship and honour the true and living God, which hath created all the world. Then said the judge fraught with fury, if thou wilt enjoy the felicity of this present life, 
The confession of Alban.  do sacrifice (and that out of hand) to these mighty Gods. Alban replieth: these sacrifices which ye offer unto devils, can neither help them that offer the same, neither yet can they accomplish the desires and prayers of their suppliants: But rather shall they, what soever they be, that offer sacrifice to these Idols, receive for their meed everlasting pains of hell fire. The judge, when he heard these words, was passing angry, and commanded the tormentors to whip this holy Confessor of God, 
The suffering and martyrdom of Alban.  endeavouring to overcome the constancy of his hart with stripes, which had prevailed nothing with words. And when he was cruelly beaten, yet suffered he the same patiently, nay rather joyfully, for the lords sake. Then when the judge saw that he would not with torments be overcomen, nor be reduced from the worship of Christian Religion, he commanded him to be beheaded.  
The rest that followeth of this story in the narration of Bede, 
Superfluous miracles in this story written by Bede omitted.  as of drying up the River, as Alban went to the place of his execution: then of making a wellspring in the top of the hill, and of the falling out of the eyes of him that did behead him (with such other prodigious miracles mentioned in his story) because they seem more legendlike, then truthlike: again, because I see no great profit, nor necessity in the relation thereof, I leave them to the free judgement of the Reader, to think of them, as cause shall move him.  
The like estimation I have of the long story, 
The legend of S Alban disproved.  wherein is written at large a fabulous discourse of all the doings & miracles of S. Alban, taken out of the Library of S. Albans, compiled (as there is said) by a certain Pagan, who (as he saith) afterward went to Rome, there to be baptized. But because in the beginning or Prologue of the Book, the said writer maketh mention of the ruinous walls of the town of Verolamium, containing the story of Albanus, and of his bitter punishments: which walls were then falling down for age, at the writing of the said book, as he saith: Thereby it seemeth this story to be written a great while after the martyrdom of Alban either by a Britain, or by an English man. If he were a Britain, how then did the Latin translation take it out of the English tongue, as in the Prologue he himself doth testify. If he were an Englishman, how then did he go up to Rome for baptism, being a Pagan, when he might have been baptized among the Christian Britain's more near at home.  
But among all other evidences and declarations sufficient to disprove this Legendary story of S. Alban, nothing maketh more against it, than the very story itself: as where he bringeth in the head of the holy martyr, to speak unto the people after it was smitten of from the body. Also where he bringeth in the Angels going up, & coming down in a pillar of fire, & singing all the night long. Item in the river which he saith, S Alban made dry, such as were drowned in the same before in the bottom, were found alive. With other such like Monkish miracles and gross fables, 
S. Alban the first martyr in this realm of England.  wherewith these Abbey Monks were wont in time past to deceive the Church of God, and to beguile the whole world for their own advantage. Notwithstanding this I writ not to any derogation of the blessed and faithful martyr of God, who was the first that I did ever find in this Realm, to suffer martyrdom for the testimony of Christ. And worthy no doubt of condign commendation, especially of us here in this land: whose Christian faith in the Lord, and charity toward his neighbour: I pray God all we may follow. As also I wish moreover that the stories both of him, and of all other Christian Martyrs might have been delivered to us simply as they were, without the admixture of all these Abbey like additions of Monkish miracles, 
The stories of the Saints corrupted with lies.  wherewith they were wont to paint out the glory of such saints to the most, by whose offerings they were accustomed to receive most advantage.  
As touching the name of the Clerk mentioned in this story, 
Amphibalus, Martyr. Flores Historiarum. The martyrdom of Amphibalus.  whom Alban received into his house, I find in the English stories to be Amphibalus, although the latin authors name him not, who the same time flying into Wales was also set from thence again to the same town of Uerolamium, otherwise called Uerlancaster, where he was martyred, having his belly opened, and made to run about a stake, while all his bowels were drawn out, then thrust in with sword and daggers: and at last was stoned to death, as the foresaid legend declareth.  
Moreover the same time with Alban, suffered also ij. citizens of the foresaid City of Uerlancaster, whose names were Aaron and julius: 
Aaron, julius, Martyrs.  beside other, whereof a great number the same time no doubt, did suffer, although our Chronicles of their names do make no rehearsal.  
The time of the Martyrdom of this blessed Alban and the other, seemeth to be about the second or third year of this tenth persecution, under the tyranny of Dioclesian, and Maximinianus Herculius, bearing then the rule in England, about the year of our Lord 301. before the coming of Constantius to his government. 
Persecution in this realm of Britain.  Where, by the way is to be noted, that this realm of Britain being so christened before, yet never was touched with any other of the nine persecutions, before this tenth persecution of Dioclesian & Maximinian. In which persecution our stories and Polichronicon do record, that all Christianity almost in the whole Ilelande was destroyed, the Churches subverted, all books of the Scripture burned, many of the faithful both men & women were slain. Among whom the first and chief ringleader (as hath been said) was Albanus. And thus much touching the martyrs of Britain. Now from England to return again unto other countries, where this persecution did more vehemently rage: we will add hereunto (the Lord willing) the stories of other, although not of all that suffered in this persecution (which were impossible) but of certain most principal, whose singular constancy in their strong torments are chief renowned in latter histories: beginning first with Romanus the notable and admirable soldier and true servant of Christ, whose history set forth in Prudentius, doth thus proceed: so lamentably by him described, that it will be hard for any man almost with dry cheeks to hear it.  

The lamentable story of Romanus Martyr.  Pitiles Galerius with his grand captain Asclepiades violently invaded the city of Antioch, intending by force of arms to drive all Christians to renounce utterly their pure religion. The Christians as god would, were at that time congregated together, to whom Romanus hastily ran, declaring that the Wolves were at hand, which would devour the christian flock, but fear not (said he) neither let this imminent peril disturb you, my brethren: brought was it to pass, by the great grace of God working in Romanus, that old men and matrons, 
The exhortation of Romanus to the christians.  fathers and mothers, young men and maidens were all of one will and mind, most ready to shed their blood in defence of their Christian profession. Word was brought to the captain that the band of armed soldiers was not able to wrest the staff of faith, out of the hand of the armed congregation: and all by reason that one Romanus so mightily did encourage them, that they stick not to offer their naked throats, wishing gloriously to die for the name of their Christ. Seek out that rebel (quoth the captain) and bring him to me that he may answer for the whole sect. Apprehended he was, & bound as a sheep appointed to the slaughter house, was presented to the Emperor: who with wrathful countenance beholding him, said: What? Art thou the author of this sedition? art thou the cause why so many shall lose their lives? By the gods I swear thou shalt smart for it, and first in thy flesh shalt thou suffer the pains, 
The Christian boldness of Romanus.  whereunto thou hast encouraged the hearts of thy fellows. Romanus answered: Thy sentence O Emperor I joyfully embrace, I refuse not to be sacrificed for my brethren, and that by as cruel means as thou mayest invent: and whereas thy soldiers were repelled from the christian congregation, that so happened, because it lay not in Idolaters and worshippers of Devils to enter into the holy house of God, and to pollute the place of true prayer. Then Asclepiades wholly inflamed with this stout answer, commanded him to be trussed up, and his bowels drawn out. The executioners themselves more pitiful in hart then the captain, said: not so sir, this man is of noble parentage: unlawful is it to put a noble man to so unnoble a death: scourge him then with whips (quoth the captain) with knaps o● lead at the ends. In stead of tears, 
The noble patience of Romanus in his suffering.  sighs & groans, Romanus song psalms all the time of his whipping, requiring them not to favour him for nobilities sake, not the blood of my progenitors (said he) but Christian profession maketh me noble. Then with great power of spirit he inveighed against the captain, laughing to scorn the false gods of the heathen, with the idolatrous worshipping of them, affirming the God of the Christians to be the true God that created heaven and earth, before whose judicial seat all nations shall appear. but the wholesome words of the Martyr were as oil to the fire of the captains fury. The more the Martyr spoke, the madder was he, in so much that he commanded the Martyr's sides to be lanced with knives, until the bones appeared white again. Sorry am I, O captain (quoth the Martyr) not for that my flesh shall be thus cut and mangled, but for thy cause am I sorrowful, who being corrupted with damnable errors, seducest others. The second time he preached at large, the living God, and the Lord jesus Christ his well-beloved son, 
The preaching of Romanus to the Captain.  eternal life through faith in his blood, expressing therewith the abomination of idolatry, with a vehement exhortation to worship & adore the living God. At these words Asclepiades commanded the tormentors to strike Romanus on the mouth, that his teeth being stricken out, his pronunciation at least wise might be impeired: The commandment was obeyed, his face buffeted, his eye lids torn with their nails, his cheeks scorched with knives, the skin of his beard was plucked by little and little from the flesh, finally his seemly face was wholly defaced. The meek Martyr said: I thank thee, O captain, that thou hast opened unto me many mouths, whereby I may preach my Lord & Saviour Christ. Look how many wounds I have, so many mouths I have lauding and praising God. The captain astonished with this singular constancy, commanded them to cease from the tortures. He threateneth cruel fire, he revileth the noble martyr, 
Antiquity alleged of the pagans.  he blasphemeth god, saying: Thy crucified Christ, is but an yesterdays God, the gods of the Gentiles are of most antiquity.  
here again Romanus taking good occasion, made a long Oration of the eternity of Christ, of his human nature, of the death & satisfaction of Christ for all mankind. Which done, he said: give me a child (O captain) but seven years of age, which age is free from malice and other vices, wherewith riper age is commonly infected, and thou shalt hear what he will say, his request was granted. A pretty boy was called out of the multitude, and set before him. Tell me my babe (quoth the Martyr) whether thou think it reason that we worship one Christ, and in Christ one father, or else that we worship infinite gods? Unto whom the babe answered: 
The confession of a child against Idolatry.  That certainly, whatsoever it be, that men affirm to be God, must needs be one: which with one, is one and the same: and in as much as this one is Christ, of necessity Christ must be the true God, for, that there be many gods, we children cannot believe. The captain hereat clean amazed, said: thou young villain & traitor, where and of whom learn thou this lesson? Of my mother (quoth the child) with whose milk I sucked in this lesson, 
A child martyred for the testimony of Christ.  that I must believe in Christ. The mother was called, and she gladly appeared, the captain commanded the child to be horsed up, and scourged. The pitiful beholders of this pitiless act, could not temper themselves from tears: the joyful and glad mother alone, stood by with dry cheeks: yea, she rebuked her sweet babe for craving a draft of cold water, she charged him to thirst after the cup, 
An example of virtuous education.  that the infants of Bethleem once drank of, forgetting their mother's milk and paps, she willed him to remember little Isaac, who beholding the sword wherewith, & the altar whereon he should be sacrificed, willingly proffered his tender neck to the dent of his father's sword. Whilst this counsel was ingening, the boucherly torture plucked the skin from the crown of his head, 
A godly mother of a godly child.  hear and all. The mother cried, suffer my child, anon thou shalt pass to him that will adorn thy naked head, with a crown of eternal glory. The mother counseleth, the child is counseled: the mother encourageth, the babe is encouraged: & received the stripes with smiling countenance. The captain perceiving the child invincible, and himself vanquished, committeth the silly soul, the blessed babe, the child uncherished, to the stinking prison, commanding the torments of Romanus to be renewed and increased, as chief author of this evil.  
Thus was Romanus brought forth again to new stripes and punishments, to be renewed and received upon his old sores, in so much the bare bones appeared, the flesh all torn away: wherein no pity was showed, but the raging tyrant puffing out of his blasphemous mouth, like a mad man these words, cried out to the tormentors, saying: 

Where is quoth the Captain, where is your might?  
What? 
The cruel words of the tyrant.  are ye not able one body to spill?  
Scant may it, so weak is it, stand upright:  
And yet in spite of us, shall it live still?   

The Gripe with talon, the dog with his tooth,  
Can soon ye dastards, this corpses rend and tear,  
He scorneth our gods in all that he doth,  
Cut, prick, and pounce him, no longer forbear.    
Yea, no longer could the tyrant forbear, but needs he must draw nearer to the sentence of death: is it painful to thee (said he) to tarry so long alive? a flaming fire doubt thou not shallbe prepared for thee, by and by, wherein thou and that boy, thy fellow of rebellion shall be consumed into ashes. Romanus and the babe were led to the place of execution. As they laid hands on Romanus, he looked back saying: I appeal from this thy tyranny, O judge unjust, to the righteous throne of Christ that upright judge: not because I fear thy cruel torments and merciless handlings, but that thy judgements may be known to be cruel and bloody. Now when they were come to the place, the tormentor required the child of the mother, for she had taken it up in her arms: 
The Christian child beheaded for confessing of Christ.  And she only kissing it, delivered the babe. Farewell she said my sweet child, and as the hangman applied his sword to the babes neck, she sang on this manner.  
All laud and praise with heart and voice,  
O Lord we yield to thee: 
Nature overcome of religion.   
To whom the death of all thy Saints,  
We know most dear to be.  
The innocentes head being cut off, the mother wrapped it up in her garment, and laid it to her breast. On the other side a mighty fire was made, wherinto Romanus was cast: who said, that he should not burn: wherewith a great storm arose (if it be true) and quenched the fire. 

The fire quenched with rain that should burn Romanus.  
Romanus speaketh after his tongue was plucked out.   The captain gave in commandment that his tongue should be cut out, out was it plucked by the hard roots and cut of: Nevertheless, he spoke▪ saying: he that speaketh Christ shall never want a tongue, think not that the voice that uttereth Christ, hath need of the tongue to be the minister. The captain at this, half out of his wit, bare in hand that the hangman deceived the sight of the people by some subtle sleight and crafty conveyance. Not so (quoth the hangman) if ye suspect my deed, open his mouth and diligently search the roots of his tongue. The Captain at length being confounded with the fortitude and courage of the Martyr, straightly commandeth him to be brought back into the prison, 

Romanus after long torments strangled in prison.  
Prudent. in hymnis de coro●i● Martyrum.  
The story of Gordius a Centurion Martyr.   and there to be strangled. Where his sorrowful life and pains being ended, he now enjoyeth quiet rest in the Lord, with perpetual hope of his miserable body to be restored again with his soul into a better life: where no tyrant shall have any power: Prudentius in hymnis de coronis Martyrum.  
Gordius was a citizen of Caesaria, a worthy soldier, and Captain of an hundredth men. He in the time of extreme persecution, refusing any longer to execute his charge did choose of his own accord willing exile, and lived in the desert many years a religious and solitary life. But upon a certain day when a solemn feast of Mars was celebrated, in the city of Caesarea, and much people were assembled in the Theatre to behold the games: he left the desert, and got him up into the chief place of the Theatre, 
Gordius of his accord uttereth himself to be a Christian.  and with a loud voice uttered this saying of the Apostle: Behold I am found of them which sought me not, and to those which asked not for me, have I openly appeared. By which words he let it to be understood, that of his own accord he came unto those games. At this noise, the multitude little regarding the sights, looked about to see who it was that made such exclamation. As soon as it was known to be Gordius, and that the crier had commanded silence, he was brought unto the sheriff, 
Gordius brought to examinat●●●.  which at that instant was present, and ordained the games. When he was asked the question who he was, from whence, and for what occasion he came thither, he telleth the truth of every thing as it was. I am come, 
The confession of Gordius.  saith he, to publish, that I set nothing by your decrees against the Christian religion: but that I profess jesus Christ to be my hope and safety. And when I understood with what cruelty ye handle other men: I took this as a fit time to accomplish my desire. The Sheriff with these words was greatly moved, and revengeth all his displeasure upon poor Gordius, commanding the executioners to be brought out with scourges, while gibbet, & whatsoever torments else might be devised. Whereunto Gordius answered, saying, that it should be to him an hindrance and damage if he could not suffer and endure divers torments and punishments for Christ his cause. The sheriff being more offended with this his boldness, commanded him to feel as many kind of torments as there were, with all which Gordius notwithstanding, could not be mastered or overcome: but lifting up his eyes unto heaven singeth this saying out of the Psalms. The Lord is my helper, I will not fear the thing that man can do to me: and also this saying, I will fear none evil, because thou Lord art with me. 
The bold constancy & courageous spirit of Gordius.   
After this, he against himself provoketh the extremity of the tormentors, & blameth them if they favour him any thing at al. When the Shrife saw, that hereby he could win but little, he goeth about by gentleness and enticing words, to turn the stout and valiant mind of Gordius. He promiseth to him great and large offers if he will deny Christ: 
Gordius attempted with fair promises and good gifts.  as to make him a Captain of as many men as any other is, to give him richesse, treasure, & what other thing so ever he desireth. But in vain as the Proverb is, pipeth the minstrel to him that hath no ears to hear, for he deriding the foolish madness of the Magistrate saith, that it lieth not in him to place any in authority, which he worthy to have a place in heaven. The Magistrate with these words thoroughly angered and vexed, prepareth himself to his condemnation. 
Gordius condemned to be brent.  Whom after that he had condemned, he caused to be had out of the City to be brent. There runneth out of the City great multitudes by heaps to see him put to execution, some take him in their arms, & lovingly kiss him, persuading him to take a better way and save himself, 

The answer of Gordius to his friends. A subtle kind of disswaders.  
None ought to deny Christ with his mouth, and confess him with his hart.  
The martyrdom of Gordius. Ex Basili. in Ser. in Gordium militem Caesariensem.  
Menas Martyr. Ex simeon Metaphr. tom. 9   and that with weeping tears. To whom Gordius answered, weep not I pray you for me, but rather for the enemies of God which always make war against the Christians: weep I say for them which prepare for us a fire, purchasing hell fire for themselves in the day of vengeance: And cease of further, I pray you, to molest and disquiet my settled mind. Truly (saith he) I am ready for the name of jesus Christ, to suffer and endure a thousand deaths if need were. Some other came unto him which persuaded him to deny Christ with his mouth, & to keep his conscience to himself. My tongue (sayeth he) which by the goodness of God I have, cannot be brought to deny the author and giver of the same: for with the heart we believe unto righteousness, and with the tongue we confess unto salvation. Many more such like words he spoke: but especially uttering to them such matter, whereby he might persuade the beholders to death, and to the desire of martyrdom. After all which, with a merry and glad countenance, never changing so much as his colour, he willingly gave himself to be brent. Basilius in Sermone in Gordium militem Caesariensem.  
Not much unlike to the story of Gordius is the story also of Menas an Egyptian, who being likewise a soldier by his profession, in this persecution of Dioclesian forsook all, & went into the desert, where a long time he gave himself to abstinence, watching, and meditation of the Scriptures. At length returning again to the City Cotys, there in the open threatre, as the people were occupied upon their spectacles or pastimes, he with a loud voice openly proclaimed himself to be a christian, and upon the same was brought to Pyrrhus the Precedent: 
The confession of Menas.  of whom, he being demanded of his faith, made this answer: convenient it is that I should (saith he) confess God in whom is light and no darkness, for so much as Paul doth teach that with hart we believe to righteousness, with mouth confession is given to salvation. After this the innocent Martyr was most painfully pinched and cruciate with sundry punishments. In all which, notwithstanding he declared a constant heart, and faith invincible, having these words in his mouth being in the midst of his torments. 

The words of Menas, in his torments.  
All the world is not to be weighed with one soul saved.   There is nothing in my mind that can be compared to the kingdom of heaven. Neither is all the world, if it were weighed in balance able to be conferred with the price of one soul. And said, who is able to separate us from the love of jesus Christ our Lord: shall affliction or anguish? And moreover (said he) I have thus learned of my Lord & my king, not to fear them which kill the body and have no power to kill the soul, but to fear him rather, who hath power to destroy both body and soul in hell fire. To make the story short, after manifold torments borne of him, and suffered, when the last sentence of death was upon him pronounced which was to be beheaded: 
The prayer of Menas at his death.  Menas being then had to the place of execution said: I give thee thanks my Lord god, which hast so excepted me to be found a partaker of thy precious death, & hast not given me to be devoured of my fierce enemies, 
Menas martyred.  but hast made me to remain constant in thy pure faith unto this my later end: And so this blessed soldier fight valiantly under the banner of Christ, lost his head, 
simeon Metaphr. tom. 5. The story of ●0. martyrs.  & won his soul. simeon Metaphrast. tom. 5. In the which author there followeth a long narration of the miracles of this holy man, which here for prolixity I do omit,  
Basilius in a certain Sermon of 40. Martyrs rehearseth this story not unworthy to be noted. There came (saith he) into a certain place (which place he maketh no mention of) the emperors Marshal or officer, with the edict which the Emperor had set out against the Christians, that whosoever confessed Christ, should after many torments suffer death. And first they did privily suborn certain which should detect & accuse the Christians whom they had found out, or had laid wait for: upon this the sword, 
Torments brought out to terrify the Christians.  the gibbet, the wheel, & the whips were brought forth: At the terrible sight whereof, the hearts of all the beholders did shake & tremble. Some for fear did flee, some did stand in doubt what to do: Certain were so terrified at the beholding of these engines & tormenting instruments that they denied their faith. Some other began the game, and for a time did abide the conflict and agony of Martydome, but vanquished at length, by the intolerable pain of their torments, 
The courageous boldness, and Christian confession of these 40. martyrs.  made shipwreck of their consciences, & lost the glory of their confession. Among other xl. there were at that time young gentlemen all soldiers, which after the Marshal had showed the emperors Edict, and required of all men the obedience of the same, freely & boldly of their own accord confessed themselves to be Christians & declared to him their names. The Marshal somewhat amazed at this their boldness of speech, standeth in doubt, what was best to do. Yet forthwith he goeth about to win them with fair words, advertising them to consider their youth, neither that they should change a cruel and untimely death, 
martyrdom and death for Christ▪ preferred before life and riches of this world.  ●or a sweet and pleasant life: After that he promiseth them money, and honourable offices in the emperors name. But they little esteeming all these things break forth into a long and bold Oration, affirming that they did neither desire life, dignity, nor money, but only the celestial kingdom of Christ, saying further that they are ready for the love and faith they have in god, to endure the affliction of the wheel, the cross, and the fire. The rude Marshal being herewith offended, 
The Martyrs in a cold pond all a winter's night.  deviseth a new kind of punishment. He spied out in the middle of the city a certain great pond, which layfull, upon the cold Northern wind, for it was in the winter time, wherein he caused them to be put all that night, but they being merry & comforting one another, received this their appointed punishment, and said, as they were putting of their clothes: we put off (said they) now not our clothes, but we put of the old man, corrupt with the deceit of concupiscence. We give thee thanks (O Lord) that with this our apparel we may also put of by thy grace, the sinful man: for by means of the Serpent we once put him on, and by the means of jesus Christ we now put him of. 

The Martyrs taken out of the pond were cast into the fire.  
A good mother caring more for the soul then for the body of her son.  
Ex Basil. in Serm. de. 40. Martiribus. Another story of 40. Martyred in a cold pond at Sebastia.  
Cyrus. joannes. Athanisia, with her three daughters.  
Theoctiste, Theodota, Eudoxia, Martyrs.   When they had thus said: they were brought naked into the place where they felt most vehement cold: in so much that all the parts of their bodies were stark & stiff therewith. assoon as it was day, they yet having breath, were brought into the fire, wherein they were consumed, and their ashes thrown into the flood. By chance there was on of the company more lively, and not so near dead as the rest, of whom the executioners taking pity, said unto his mother standing by, that they would save his life. But she with her own hands taking her son brought him to the pile of wood where the residue of his fellows (crooked for cold) did lie ready to be brent, admonished him to accomplish the blessed journey he had taken in hand with his companions. Basil.  
A like history of 40. Martyrs, which were married men, we read of in Niceph. & Zozomenus. Lib. 9 cap. 2. which were killed likewise in a lake or pond at Sebastia, a town of Armenia, under Licinius, if the story be not the same with this, Niceph. Zozom.  
In this fellowship and company of martyrs can not be left out and forgot the story of Cyrus: This Cyrus was a Physician borne in Alexandria, which fleeing into Egypt, in the persecution of Dioclesianus, and Maximianus, led a solitary life in Arabia, being much spoken of for his learning and miracles, unto whose company after a certain time did joannes, borne in the City of Edessa, beyond the river Euphrates, join himself, leaving the soldiers life which before that time he had exercised. But whilst as yet the same persecution raged in a city in Egypt called Canope, there was cast into prison for the confession of their faith, a certain godly Christian woman, called Athanasia, and her three daughters, 
The loving 〈◊〉 of one Christian toward an other.  Theoctiste, Theodota, and Eudoxia: with whom Cyrus was well acquainted. At whose infirmity he much fearing accompanied with his brother john, came and visited them for their better confirmation: at which time Lyrianus was chief captain and Lieutenant of Egypt, of whose wickedness and cruelty, especially against women and maidens: Athanasus maketh mention in his Apologies, and in his Epistle to those that lead a solitary life. This Cyrus therefore and joannes, being accused and apprehended of the Heathen men, as by whose persuasions, the maidens and daughters of Athanasia contumelyously, 
Cyrus to do others good, lost his life.  despised the Gods and the emperors religion, & could by no means be brought to do sacrifice, were after the publication of their constant confession put to death by the sword. Athanasia also and her three daughters being condemned to death. This history writeth simeon Metaphrastes▪ 

The story of Sebastian Martyr.  
A worthy example of a captain to be followed.  
Marcus, Marcellinus, Nicostratus with Zoe his wife.  
Tranquillinus with Martia his wife.  
Traglinus, Claudius, Castor.  
Tiburtius, Castellus, Martyrs. Barlaam.    
Sebastian being borne in the part of France called Gallia Narbonensis was a Christian, and was Lieutenant general of the vawward of Dioclesian the Emperor, who also encouraged many martyrs of Christ by his exhortations, unto constancy, and kept them in the faith. He being therefore accused to the Emperor, was commanded to be apprehended, and that he should be brought into the open field, where of his own soldiers he was thrust through the body with innumerable arrows, and after that his body was thrown into a jakes or sink. Ambrose maketh mention of this Sebastian the martyr in his Commentary upon the 118. Psalm. & simeon Metaphrastes amongst other Martyrs that suffered with Sebastian numbereth also these following: Nicostratus with Zoe his wife, Tranquillinus with Martia his wife: Traglinus Claudius, Castor, Tiburtius, Castullus, Marcus, and Marcellinus with other more.  
Basilius in an other Sermon also maketh mention of one Barlaam being a noble and famous Martyr, which abode all the torments of the executioners even to the point of death, which thing when the tormentors saw, they brought him and laid him upon the altar, where they did use to offer sacrifices to their idols, 
What desire the Heathen had by some means to allure the Christians to offer sacrifice.  and put fire & frankincense into his right hand wherein he had yet some strength, thinking that the same his right hand, by the heat & force of the fire, would have scattered the burning incense upon the altar and so have sacrificed. But of that their hope, the pestiferous tormentors were disappointed: for the flame eat round about his hand, and the same endured even as though it had been covered with hot embers, when Barlaam, recited out of the Psalms this saying: 

Agricola, with his servant Vitalis, martyrs.  
Ex Ambro. in▪ Serm aa Virgins.  
Vitalis first martyred.   Blessed is the Lord my God which teacheth my hands to fight.  
To this narration of Basilius touching the martyrdom of Barlaam, we will anexe consequently an other story of Ambrose: He making a certain exhortation to certain virgins, in the same Oration commendeth the martirdomes of Agricola & Vitalis, who suffered also in the same persecution under Dioclesian and Maximinian (as they so affirm) at Bononie. This Vitalis was servant to Agricola, who both together between themselves had made a compact to give their lives with other Martyrs for the name of Christ. Whereupon Vitalis, being sent before of his master to offer himself to martyrdom, fe●l first into the hands of persecutors, who laboured about him by all manner of means to cause him to deny Christ. Which when he would in no case do▪ but stoutly persisted in the confession of his faith, they began to exercise him with all kinds of torments: So unmercifully that there was no whole skin left in all his body. So Vitalis in the midst of the agony, & painful torments, after he had in a short prayer, commended himself to God, gave up his life. After him the tormentors set upon Agricola his Master, whose virtuous manners & gentle conditions, because they were singularly well liked and known to the enemies, his suffering therefore was the longer deferred. But Agricola not abiding the long delay and driving of, and provoking moreover the adversaries to quicker speed, at length was fastened unto the cross and so finished his martyrdom, 

Agricola, desirous of martyrdom.  
Agricola died martyr upon the Crosse.   which he so long desired, Ambros in Exhortatione ad Virgins.  
No less worthy of commemoration is the lamentable martyrdom of Vincentius, whose history here followeth. This Vincentius was a Spaniard, and a Levite most godly and virtuous, who at this time suffered Martyrdom at Valence, under Dacianus the Precedent, as we may gather by Prudentius in his hymn. 
The cruel martyrdom of Vincentius. Ex August. in Sermon.  Bergomensis in his supplement reciteth these words concerning his martyrdom, out of a certain sermon of S. Augustine: Our heart conceived not a vain and fruitless sight (as it were in beholding of lamentable tragedies) but a great sight & marvelous, certainly, and there with singular pleasure received it, when the painful passion of Victorius Vincentius was read unto us. Is there any so heavy hearted, that will not be moved in the contemplation of this immovable Martyr so manly, or rather so godly fight against the craft and subtlety of that Serpent, against the tyranny of Dacianus, against the horrors of death, & by the mighty spirit of his God conquering all: But let us in few words rehearse the degrees of his torments though the pains thereof in many words can not be expressed. First Dacianus caused the Martyr to be laid upon the torture, 
The torments exercised upon Vincentius.  and all the joints of his body to be distended and racked out, until they cracked again. This being done in most extreme and cruel manner all the members of his painful and pitiful body were grievously indented with deadly wounds. Thirdly (that his dolours & griefs might be augmented) they miserably vexed his flesh with iron combs sharply filled. And to the end the tormentors might vomit out all their vengeance on the meek & mild martyrs flesh, the tormentors themselves also were vilely scourged at the Presidents commandment. And lest his passion through want of pains might seem imperfect or else to easy, they laid his body being all out of joint, on a grate of iron, which body when they had opened with iron hooks, they seared it with fiery plates, with hot burning salt sprinkling the same. Last of all into a vile dungeon was this mighty Martyr drawn, the flower whereof first was thick spread with the sharpest shells that might be gotten, his feet then being fast locked in the stocks, there was he left alone without all worldly comfort: but the Lord his God was with him, the holy spirit of God (whose office is to comfort the godly afflicted) fulfilled his hart with joy & gladness. Hast thou prepared a terrible rack (O cruel tyrant, O devouring Lion) for the martyrs bed: 
The comfort of the Lord upon his Saints.  the Lord shall make that bed soft and sweet unto him. Rackest thou his bones and joints all a sunder, His bones, his joints, his hears are all numbered. Tormentest thou his flesh with mortal wounds: the Lord shall pour abundantly into all his sores of his oil of gladness. Thy scraping combs, thy sharp fleshookes, thine hot searing irons, thy parched salt, thy stinking prison, thy cutting shells, thy pinching stocks shall turn to this patiented Martyr to the best. Altogether shall work contrary to thine expectation, great plenty of joy shall he reap into the barn of his soul, out of this mighty harvest of pains that thou hast brought him into. Yea thou shalt prove him Vincentius indeed: that is, a vanquisher, a tryumpher, a conqueror subduing thy madness, by his meekness, thy tyranny by his patience, thy manifold means of tortures, by the manifold graces of God, wherewith he is plentifully enriched.  
In this catalogue or company of such holy martyrs, as suffered in this foresaid tenth persecution, many more and almost innumerable there be expressed in authors, beside them whom we have hitherto comprehended, as Philoromus, a man of noble birth, 
Philoromus, Martyr.  & great possessions in Alexandria, who being persuaded by his friends to favour himself, to respect his wife, to consider his children and family did not only reject the counsels of them, 

Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 9  
The confession and martyrdom of Philoromus.  
Procopius Martyr.  
The torments and constancy of Procopius to death.  
Nicephor. lib. 7. cap. 15.  
Gregorius Martyr. The sundry torments of Georgius.   but also neglected the threats and torments of the judge, to keep the confession of Christ inviolate unto the death, & losing of his head. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 9 Niceph. Lib. 7. cap. 9 of whom Euseb. beareth witness that he was there present himself.  
Of like estate and dignity was also Procopius in Palestina, who after his conversion broke his images of silver, and gold, and distributed the same to the poor and after all kind of torments, of racking, of cording, of tearing his flesh, of goring and stabbing in, of firing, at length had his head also smitten of, as witnesseth. Niceph. Lib. 7. cap. 15.  
To this may be joined also Georgius, a young man of Capadocia, who stoutly inveighing against the impyous idolatry of the Emperors, was apprehended, and cast in prison, then torn with hooked irons, burnt with hot lime, stretched with cords, after that his hands and feet with other members of his body being cut of, at last with a sword had his head cut of. Niceph. ibid.  
With these aforenamed add also Sergius, 
Sergius. Bacchius▪ Panthaleon▪ Theodorus, Faustus, Gereon, with 318. fellows. Hermogenes, Menas a man of Athens. Eugraphus, Samonas, Gurias, Abibus, Hieron, with his fellows. judes, Dom. Eualasius, Maximinus, Thiesus, Lucius, Callinicus, Apollonius, Philemon, Asilas, Leonides, Arrianus the Precedent. Cyprianus, Bishop of Antioch. justina, Glicerius, Felix Priest. Fortunatus and Achilleus Deacons. Carpophorus, Abundus his Deacon. Claudius, Syrinus, Antonius, Cucusatus, Felix Bishop. Adauctus, and januarius, Fortunatus, Septimus, Martyrs.  and Bacchius, Panthaleon, a physician in Nicomedia, mentioned in Supplem. Lib. 8. Theodorus of the City Amasia in Hellesp. mentioned of Vincentius. Lib. 3. Faustus a martyr of Egypt, mentioned of Niceph. Lib. 8. cap. 5. Gereon with 318. fellow martyrs which suffered about Colour. Petr. de nat. Lib, 9 cap. 49. Hermogenes the Precedent of Athens, who being converted by the constancy of one Menas, and Eugraphus in their torments, suffered also for the like faith. Item Samonas, Gurias and Abibus, mentioned in simeon Metaphrast. Hieron also with certain of his confessors, under Maximinus, mentioned in Metaphrastes. judes, and Domuas, who suffered with many other Martyrs above mentioned, at Nicomedia, as recordeth Metaphrastes. Euelasius, Maximinus the Emperor's officers, whom Fausta the virgin in her torments converted. Also Thyrsus, Lucius, Callinicus, Appollonius, Philemon, Asilas, Leonides, with Arrianus precedent of Thebaide, Cyprianus, likewise a Citizen of Antioch, who after he had continued a long time a filthy Magician, or sorcerer, at length was converted, & made a Deacon then a Priest, and at last the Bishop of Antioch, Vincent lib. 12. cap. 120. of whom partly we touched somewhat before. Pag. 72. This Cyprian with justina a virgin suffered among the martyrs, Item, Glycerius at Nicomedia, Felix a minister, Fortunatus, Achilleus, Deacons in the city of Valent. Arthemius of Rome, Cyriacus Deacon to Marcellus the bishop. Carpophorus Priest at Thuscia, with Abundus his deacon. Item, Claudius, Syrinus, Antonius, which suffered with Marcellinus the Bishop sabel Enead. 7. Lib. 8. Cucusatus, in the city Barcinona. Felix Bishop of Apulia, with Adauctus & januarius his priests, Fortunatus & Septimus his readers, who suffered in the City Venusina under Dioclesian. Bergom. Lib. 8.  
It were to long a travel or trouble to recite all and singular names of them particularly, 
The Lamentable story of Cassianus Martyr. Ex Aurel. Prudentius. lib. peristephanon.  whom this persecution of Dioclesian did consume. The number of whom being almost infinite is not to be collected or expressed: One story yet ramayneth, not to be forgotten of Cassianus, whose pitiful story being described of Prudentius we have here inserted, rendering metre for metre as followeth.  

1  
THrough Forum, as in Italy,  
I passed once to Room:  
Into a Church by chance came I,  
And stood fast by a tomb.   

2  
Which church sometime a place had been,  
Where causes great in law:  
Were scanned and tried, and judgement given,  
To keep brute men in awe.   

3  
This place Sylla Cornelius,  
First built: he raised the frame:  
And called the same Forum, and thus,  
That City took the name.   

4  
In prayer fervent as I stood,  
casting mine eye aside:  
A picture in full piteous mood,  
(Imbrued) by chance I spied.   

5  
A thousand wounded marks full bad,  
All mangled, rend, and torn:  
The skin appeared as though it had,  
Been iagde and pricked with thorn.   

6  
A skull of pictured boys did band,  
About that loathsome sight:  
That with their sharpened gads in hand,  
His members thus had dight.   

7  
These gads were but their pens wherewith,  
Their Tables written were:  
And such as scholars often sith,  
Unto the schools do bear.   

8  
Whom thou seest here thus pictured sit,  
And firmly dost behold:  
No fable is, I do thee wit,  
Vnaskte a Prelate told   

9  
That walked thereby: but doth declare,  
The history of one,  
Which written, would good record bear,  
What faith was long agone.   

10  
A skilful schoolmaster this was,  
That here sometime did teach:  
The Bishop once of Brixia as,  
And Christ full plain did preach.   

11  
He knew well how to comprehend▪  
Long talk in few lines:  
And it at length how to amend,  
By order and by times.   

12  
His sharp precepts, and stern looks,  
His beardless boys did fear:  
When hate in hart (yet for their books)  
Full deadly they did bear.   

13  
The child that learns, I do ye weet,  
Terms aye his tutor crule.  
No discipline in youth seems sweet,  
Count this a common rule.   

14  
Behold the raging time now here,  
Oppressing sore the faith:  
Doth persecute gods children dear,  
And all that Christ bewraith.   

15  
This trusly teacher of the swarm,  
Professed the living God:  
The chief good thing, they count their harm,  
Perhaps he shakes his rod.   

16  
What rebels ask the precedent,  
Is he, There so loud  
Unto our youth an instrument,  
They say, and low they bowed.   

17  
Go bring the caitiff forth he bids,  
And make no long delay:  
Let him be set the boys amids,  
They do as he doth say.   

18  
Let him be given unto them all,  
And let them have their will:  
To do to him what spite they shall,  
So that they will him kill.   

19  
Even as they list let them him fray  
And him deride so long:  
Till weariness provokes their play,  
No longer to prolong.   

20  
Let them I say then uncontrolled,  
Both prick and scotch his skin:  
To bathe their hands let them be bold,  
In the hot blood of him.   

21  
The scholars hereat make great game,  
It pleaseth them full well:  
That they may kill and quench the flame,  
They thought to them a hell.   

22  
They bind his hands behind his back●,  
And naked they him stripe:  
In bodkinne wise at him they nacke,  
They laugh to see him skip.   

23  
The privy hate that each one hath,  
In hart it now appears:  
They pour it forth in galley wrath,  
They wreak them of their tears.   

24  
Some cast great stones, some other break,  
Their tables on his face:  
Lo here thy Latin and thy Greek,  
(Oh barren boys of grace.)   

25  
The blood runs down his cheeks and doth,  
Imbrue the boxen leams:  
Where notes by them were made (though loath)  
And well proponed themes.   

26  
Some whet, some sharp, their penseles points,  
That served to write with all:  
Some other gage his flesh and joints,  
As with a pointed nall.   

27  
Sometimes they prick, sometime they rend,  
This worthy martyrs flesh:  
And thus by turns they do torment,  
This confessor a fresh.   

28  
Now all with on consent on him,  
Their bloody hands they lay:  
To see the blood from limb to limb,  
Drop down they make a play.   

29  
More painful was the pricking pang,  
Of children oft and thick:  
Then of the bigger boys that strange,  
And near the hart did stick.   

30  
For by the feeble strokes of the one,  
Death was denied his will:  
Of smart that made him wo begon,  
He had the better skill.   

31  
The deeper strokes the great ones gave,  
and nearer touched the quick:  
The welcomer he thought the same,  
Whom longing death made sick.   

32  
God make you strong he saith I pray,  
God give you might at will:  
And what you want in years I say,  
Let cruelty fulfil.   

33  
But whilst the hangman breatheth still,  
and me with you do match:  
That weakly work, yet want no will,  
my 〈…〉 to dispatch.   

34  
My griefs wax great, what gronest thou now?  
Said some of them again?  
In school, advised well art thou?  
Whom there thou pu●st to pain?   

35  
Behold we pay, and now make good,  
as many thousand stripes:  
As when with weeping eyes we stood,  
In danger of thy gripes.   

36  
Art thou now angry at thy band,  
that always cried writ●, writ,  
And never wouldst that our right hand,  
Should rest in quiet plight▪   

37  
We had forgot our playing times,  
Thou churl deniedst us of:  
We now but prick and point our lines,  
And thus they grin and scof.   

38  
Correct good sir your viewed verse,  
If ought amiss there be:  
Now use thy power and then rehearse,  
that have not marked thee.   

39  
Christ pitying this groaning man,  
With tormments torn and tired:  
Commands his hart to break even then,  
And life that was then hired.   

40  
He yields again to him that gave,  
And thus he makes exchange:  
Immortal▪ for mortal to have,  
That in such pain did ●aunge.   

41  
This is saith he, that this pleasure,  
Thou so beholdest, Oh g●●t:  
Of Cassianus Martyr pure, 
Cassianus Martyr.   
Doth preach I do protest.   

42  
If thou Prudence have aught in store,  
In piety to deal:  
In hope of just reward therefore,  
Now show thy loving zeal:   

43  
I could not but consent, I weep,  
His tomb I do embrace:  
Home I return, and after sleep,  
This pitiful preface,   

44  
I writ as a memorial,  
For ever to endure:  
Of Cassianus schoolmaster,  
All others to allure.   

45  
To constancy under the cross,  
Of their profession:  
Accounting gain what ever loss,  
For Christ they take upon.   
No less admirable than wonderful was the constancy also of women and maidens, who in the same persecution gave their bodies to the torments & their lives for the testimony of Christ, with no less boldness of spirit, than did the men themselves above specified, to whom how much more inferior they were in bodily strength, so much more worthy of praise they be, for their constant standing. Of whom some examples here we mind (Christ willing) to infer, such as in our stories and Chronicles seem most notable, first beginning with Eulalia, whose story we have taken out of the foresaid Prudentius as followeth.  
In the West part of Spain called Portugal, is a City great and populous, named Emerita, wherein dwelled and was brought up a virgin borne of noble parentage, whose name was Eulalia, 
Eulalia Martyr.  which Emerita although for the apt situation thereof, was both rich & famous, yet more adorned and famous was the renown thereof, by the martyrdom, blood, 
Ex Arel. Prudentio. lib. peristephano●.  and sepulture of this blessed virgin Eulalia. Twelve years of age was she and not much above, when she refused great and honourable offers in marriage, as one not skilful, nor yet delighting in courtly dalliance, neither yet taking pleasure in purple and gorgeous apparel, or else in precious balms, or costly ornaments and jewels: 
The chaste and continent behaviour of Eulalia.  But forsaking and despising all these and such like pompous allurements, than showed she herself most busy in preparing her journey to her hoped inheritance, and heavenly patronage. Which Eulalia as she was modest and discrete in behaviour, sage and sober in conditions, so was she also witty and sharp in answering her enemies. But when the 〈◊〉 rage of persecution enforced her to join herself amongst God's Children in the household of faith, and when the Christians were commanded to offer incense and sacrifice to devils or dead Gods: Then began the blessed spirit of Eulalia to kindle, and being of a pro●tipt & ready wit thought forthwith (as a courageous captain) to give a charge upon this so great, and disordered a battle: and so she, 
Eulalia giveth the onset, denying to sacrifice to devils.  silly woman, pouring out the bowels of her innocent hart before God, more provoketh thereby the ●orce and rage of her enemies against her. But the godly care of her parents, fearing lest the willing mind of the Damsel, so ready to die for Christ's cause, might make her guilty of her own death, 
Eulalia kept secret by her parents.  hide her and kept her close at their house in the country, being a great way out of the City. She yet misliking that quiet life, as also detesting, to make such delay, softly stealeth out of the doors (no man knowing thereof) in the night and in great haste leaving the common way, openeth the hedge gaps, and with weary feet (god knoweth) passed through the thorny & bryery places, accompanied yet with spiritual guard: & although dark & dreadful was the silent night, yet had she with her the Lord & guider of light. And as the children of Israel coming out of Egypt, had by the mighty power of God, a cloudy pillar for their guide in the day, & a flame of fire in the night, so had this godly virgin, traveling in this dark night, when she fleeing & forsaking the place where all filthy idolatry abounded, & hastened her heavenly journey, was not oppressed with the dreadful darkness of the night, But yet she before the day appeared in this her speedy journey, with herself considered & mused on a thousand matters, & more. 
Eulalia disproveth the Heathen judge.  In the morning betime with a bold courage she goeth unto the tribunal or judgement seat, & in the midst of them all with a loud voice, crying out said: I pray you what a shame is it for you thus rashly, and without advisement to destroy and kill men's souls, and to throw their bodies alive against the rocks, and cause them to deny the omnipotent god? 
The godly confession of Eulalia.  Would you know (O you unfortunate) who I am? behold, I am one of the Christians: an enemy to your devilish sacrifices, I spurn your idols under my feet: I confess God omnipotent with my hart and mouth. Isis, Apollo, and Venus, what are they? Maximinus himself, what is he? The one a thing of nought, for that they be the works of men's hands, the other but a cast away because he worshippeth the same work. Therefore frivolous are they both, and both not worthy to be set by. Maximinus is a Lord of substance, and yet he himself falleth down before a stone, and voweth the honour of his dignity unto those that are much inferior to his vassals. Why then doth he oppress so tyrannically, more worthy stomachs and courages than himself? He must neds be a good guide, and an upright judge, which feedeth upon innocent blood: and breathing in the bodies of godly men doth rend and tear their bowels, and that more is, hath his delight in destroying and subverting the faith.  
Go to therefore thou hangman, burn, cut and mangle thou these earthly members. It is an easy matter to break a brittle substance, but the inward mind shalt not thou hurt for any thing thou canst do. The praetor then or judge with these words of hers, set in a great rage, saith, hangman take her and pull her out by the hear of her head & torment her to the uttermost. Let her feel the power of our country gods, and let her know what the Imperial government of a Prince is. 
Eulalia alured with fair persuasions.  But yet, O thou sturdy girl, feign would I have thee (if it were possible) before thou die, to revoke this thy wickedness. Behold what pleasures thou mayest enjoy by the honourable house thou camest of. Thy fallen house and progeny followeth thee to death with lamentable tears, & the heavy nobility of thy kindred maketh doleful lamentation for thee. What meanest thou, wilt thou kill thyself so young a flower, & so near these honourable marriages and great dowries that thou mayest enjoy? Doth not the glistering and golden pomp of the bried bed move thee? Doth not the reverend piety of thine ancestors prick thee? whom is it not, but that this thy rashness and weakness sorroweth? behold here the furniture ready prepared for thy terrible death. Either shalt thou be beheaded with this sword, or else with these wild beasts shalt thou be pulled in pieces, or else thou being cast into the fiery flames shallbe (although lamentably bewailed of thy friends and kinsfolks) consumed to ashes. What great matter is it for thee I pray thee, to escape all this? If thou wilt but take & put with thy fingers a little salt & incense into the censers, thou shalt be delivered from all these punishments. To this Eulalia made no answer, but being in a great fury she spiteth in the tyrants face, she throweth down the Idols, and spurneth abroad with her feet the heap of incense prepared to the censers: then without further delay, the hangmen with both their strengths took her, & pulled one joint from an other, and with the talons of wild beasts, scotched her sides to the hard bodes: she all this while singing and praising God in this wise. Behold, O Lord I will not forget thee: what a pleasure is it for them O Christ that remember thy triumphant victories, to attain unto these high dignities, and still calleth upon that holy name, 
Eulalia singeth an● praiseth God in he torment.  all stained and imbrued with her own blood. This sang she with a bold stomach, neither lamentyngly nor yet wepingly, but being glad and merry, abandoning from her mind all heaviness and grief, when as out of a warm fountain her mangled members with fresh blood bathed her white and fair skin. Then proceed they to the last and final torment, which was not only the goring and wounding of her mangled body with the iron great, & hurdle, and terrible harrowing of her flesh, but burned, on every side with flaming torches her tormented breasts, 

Eulalia put in the fire.  
The end and martyrdom of Eulalia.   and sides: her hear hanging about her shoulders in two parts divided (wherewith her shamefast chastity and virginity was covered) reached down to the ground: but when the cracking flame fleeth about her face, kindled by her hear, and reacheth the crown of her head: them she desiring swift death, opened her mouth and swallowed the flame, and so rested she in peace.  
The said Prudentius and Ado, 
Ex Prude●●  also Equilinus add moreover, writing of a white dove issuing out of her mouth at her departing, and of the fire quenched about her body, also of her body, covered miraculously with snow, with other things more, whereof let every reader use his own judgement.  
As ye have heard now the Christian life and constant death of Eulalia, 
Agnes martyr.  much worthy of praise & commendation: So no less commendation is worthily to be given to blessed Agnes, that constant Damsel and martyr of God, who as she was in Rome of honourable parents begotten, so lieth she there as honourably entombed & buried. Which Agnes for her unspotted & undefiled virginity, deserveth no greater praise and commendation, then for her willing death and martyrdom. 
Strange and unnecessary miracles omitted.  Some writers make of her a long discourse, more in my judgement then necessary, reciting divers & sundry strange miracles by her done in the process of her history, which partly for tediousness, partly for the doubtfulness of the author, (whom some father upon Ambrose) and partly for the strangeness and incredibility thereof I omit, being satisfied with that which Prudentius, briefly writeth of her, 
Ex pruden. lib. de C●ronis.  as followeth: She was (saith he) young & not marriageable, when first she being dedicated to Christ, boldly resisted the wicked Edicts of the Emperor: lest that through idolatry she might have denied and forsaken the holy faith: but yet first proved by divers and sundry policies to induce her to the same (as now with the flattering and enticing words of the judge, now with the threatenings of the storming executioner) stood notwithstanding, 
Agnes constant in the confession of her faith,  steadfast in all courageous strength: and willingly offered her body to hard & painful torments, not refusing as she said, to suffer whatsoever it should be, yea though it were death itself. Then said the cruel tyrant: if to suffer pain & torment, be so easy a matter and lightly regarded of thee & that thou accountest thy life nothing worth: yet the shame of thy dedicated or vowed virginity is a thing more regarded I know, and esteemed of thee. Wherefore this is determined, that unless thou wilt make obeisance to the altar of Minerva, and ask forgiveness of her for thy arrogancy, 
Agnes threatened to the brothel house.  thou shalt be sent or abandoned to the common stews or brothelhouse. Agnes the virgin, with more spirit and vehemency inneieth against both Minerva & her verginitie: the youth in skulls flock and run together, and crave that they may have Agnes their ludibrious prey: 
Agnes bold upon the help of Christ.  them saith Agnes, Christ is not so forgetful of those that be his, that he will suffer violently to be taken from them their golden and pure chastity, neither will he leave them so destitute of help: he is always at hand and ready to fight for such as are shamefast and chaste virgins, neither suffereth he his gifts of holy integrity or chastity to be polluted. Thou shalt saith she, willingly bathe thy sword in my blood if thou wilt, but thou shalt not defile my body with filthy lust for any thing thou canst do. She had no sooner spoken these words, but he commanded that she should be set naked at the corner of some street, (which place at that time, such as were strumpets commonly used, the greater part of the multitude both sorrowing and shaming to see so shameless a sight, 
The incontinent eyes of a young man beholding Agnes strunken out.  went their ways, some turning their heads, some hiding their faces. But one amongst the rest, with uncircumcised eyes, beholding the Damsel, and that in such opprobrious wise: behold a flame of fire like unto a flash of lightning, falleth upon him, striketh his eyes out of his head, whereupon he for dead falling to the ground, sprauleth in the channel dirt, whose companions taking him up, & carrying him away, bewailed him as a dead man. But the virgin for this her miraculous delivery from the danger and shame of that place, singeth praises unto God and Christ.  
There be (saith Prudentius) that report how that she being desired to pray unto Christ for the party, that a little before with fire from heaven for his incontinency was stricken was restored by their prayer, 
The young man restored again to his health by the prayer of Agnes.  both unto his perfect health & sight. But blessed Agnes after that she had climbed this her first grief and step unto the heavenvly palace, forthwith began to climb an other: for fury engendering now, the mortal wrath of her bloody enemy, wring his hands crieth out saying, I am undone: O that the executioner draw out thy sword, and do thine office that the Emperor hath appointed thee. And when Agnes saw a sturdy and cruel fellow (to behold) stand behind her, or approaching near unto her with a naked sword in his hand: I am now gladder saith she, & rejoice, that such a one as thou, being a stout, fierce, strong and sturdy soldier art come, than one more feeble, weak, & faint should come, or else any other young man sweetly enbalmed, 
Agnes desirous of martyrdom.  and wearing gay apparel that might destroy me with funeral shame. This, even this is he I now confess, that I do love. I will make haste to meet him and will no longer protract my longing desire: I will willingly receive into my papes the length of his sword, and into my breast will draw the force thereof even unto the hilts: That thus I being married unto Christ my spouse, 
The prayer of Agnes.  may surmount and escape all the darkness of this world, that reacheth even unto the skies. O eternal governor, vouchsafe to open the gates of heaven once shut up against all the inhabitants of the earth, and receive (oh Christ) my soul that seeketh thee. Thus speaking and kneeling upon her knees, she prayeth unto Christ above in heaven, that her neck might be the readier for the sword, 
Agnes beheaded.  now hanging over the same. The executioner then with his bloody hand, finished her hope, & at one stroke cutteth off her head, & by such short & swift death doth he prevent her of the pain thereof.  
I have oftentimes before complained that the stories of Saints have been powdered and sawsed with divers untrue additions and fabulous inventions of men, 
The history of Katherine martyr. All things be not true and probable, that be written of Saints lives.  who either of a superstitious devotion, or of a subtle practice, have so mingle mangled their stories and lives, that almost nothing remaineth in them simple and uncorrupt, as in the usual Portues wont to be read for daily service, is manifest and evident to be seen, wherein, few Legends there be, able to abide the touch of history, if they were truly tried. This I writ upon the occasion specially of good Katherine, whom now I have in hand. In whom although I nothing doubt, but in her life was great holiness, in her knowledge excellency, in her death constancy: yet that all things be true that be storied of her, neither dare I affirm, neither am I bound so to think: So many strange fictions of her be feigned diversly of divers writers, whereof some seem incredible, some also impudent. As where Petrus de Natalibus, 
Petrus de Natalibus. lib. 10.  writing of her conversion declareth, how that Katherine sleeping before a certain picture or table of the Crucifix, Christ with his mother Mary appeared unto her: And when Mary had offered her to Christ to be his wife, he first refused her for her blackness. The next time, she being baptized, Mary appearing again, offered her to marry with Christ, who then being liked, was espoused to him and married, having a golden ring the same time put on her finger in her sleep. etc. Bergomensis writeth thus, that because she in the sight of the people openly resisted the Emperor Maxentius to his face and rebuked him for his cruelty, 
Katherine resisteth the Emperor openly to his face.  therefore she was commanded and committed upon the same to prison, which seemeth hitherto not much to digress from truth. It followeth moreover, that the same night an angel came to her, 
Katherine committed to prison and comforted by an Angel.  comforting and exhorting her to be strong and constant unto the martyrdom, for that she was a maid accepted in the sight of God, and that the Lord would be with her, for whose honour she did fight, and that he would give her a mouth and wisdom, which her enemies should not withstand: with many other things more, which I here omit. As this also I omit concerning the 50. Philosophers, whom she in disputation convicted, and converted unto our religion, and died martyrs for the same. Item, of the converting of Porphyrius kinsman to Maxentius and Faustina the emperors wife. At length (saith the story) after she proved the rack, and the four sharp cutting wheels, 
The torments and end of Katherine.  having at last her head cut off with the sword, so she finished her martyrdom, about the year of our Lord (as Antoninus affirmeth) 310 simeon Metaphrastes, writing of her, discourseth the same more at large, to whom they may resort, which covet more therein to be satisfied.  
Among the works of basil a certain Oration is extant concerning julitta the martyr, 
The history of julitta Martyr.  who came to her martyrdom (as he witnesseth) by this occasion. A certain avaricious and greedy person, of great authority, and as it may appear, the Emperor his deputy, or other like officer, 
Ex Basil. in Serm.  (who abused the decrees and laws of the Emperor against the Christians, to his own lucre and gain) violently took from this julitta all her goods, lands, cattle, and servants, contrary to all equity and right. She made her pitiful complaint to the judges, a day was appointed, when the cause should be heard. 
julitta violen●●ly spoiled of her goods.  The spoiled woman, and the spoiling extortioner stood forth together, the woman lamentably declareth her case, the man frowningly beholdeth her face. When she had proved that of good right the goods were her own & that wrongfully he had dealt with her: the wicked & bloodthirsty wretch, preferring vile worldly substance, before the precious substance of a Christian body, affirmed her action to be of no force, for that she was as an outlaw in not serving the Emperor's Gods, since her christian faith hath been first abjured. 
julitta once abjured.  His allegation was allowed as good and reasonable. Whereupon incense & fire were prepared for her to worship the Gods, which unless she would do, 
julitta standeth to the confession of her faith.  neither the Emperor's protection, nor laws, nor judgement, nor life, should she enjoy in that common weal. When this handmaid of the Lord heard these words, she said, farewell life, welcome death: farewell riches welcome poverty. All that I have if it were a thousand times more, 
A Christian voice of a true martyr.  would I rather lose, then to speak one wicked & blasphemous word against God my creator. I yield thee thanks most hearty, O my God, for this gift of grace, that I can contemn & despise this frail and transitory world, esteeming Christian profession above all treasures. Hence forth when any question was demanded, her answer was: 
The answer of julitta.  I am the servant of jesus Christ. Her kindred & acquaintance flocking to her, advertised her to change her mind. But that vehemently she refused, with detestation of their Idolatry. Forthwith the judge, with the sharp sword of sentence not only cutteth of all her goods & possessions, but judgeth her also to the fire most cruelly. The joyful Martyr embraceth the sentence as a thing most sweet and delectable. 
julitta condemned to the fire.  She addresseth herself to the flames, in countenance, gesture, and words, declaring the joy of her hart, coupled with singular constancy. To the women beholding her, sententiouslye she spoke: Stick not, 
The words and exhortations of julitta to women about her  O sisters, to labour and travel after true piety and godliness. Cease to accuse the fragility of feminine nature. What? are not we created of the same matter, that men are? Yea, after God's Image and similitude are we made, as lively as they. Not flesh only God used in the creation of the woman, in sign and token of her infirmity, & weakness, but bone of bones is she, in token that she must be strong in the true and living God, all false Gods forsaken. Constant in faith all infidelity renounced patiented in adversity, all worldly ease refused. Wax weary, (my dear sisters) of your lives lead in darkness, & be in love with my christ, my God, my redeemer, my comforter which is the true light of the world. Persuade yourselves, or rather the spirit of the living God persuade you, that there is a world to come, wherein the worshippers of idols and devils shall be tormented, perpetually, the servants of the high god shallbe crowned eternally. With these words she embraced the fire, and sweetly slept in the Lord.  
There have been moreover beside these above recited divers godly women and faithful Martyrs, 
Barbara, Fausta, Euclatius, Maximinus, juliana, Anysia, justina, Tecla, Martyrs.  as Barbara a noble woman in Thuscia, who after miserable prisonment sharp cords, & burning flames put to her sides, was at last beheaded. Also Fausta the virgin, which suffered under Maximinus by whom Euelasius a ruler of the emperors palace, and Maximinus the Precedent were both converted and also suffered martyrdom, as witnesseth Metaphrastes. Item juliana a virgin of singular beauty in Nicomedia, who after divers agonies suffered likewise under, Maximinus. Item, Anysia a maid of Thessalonica, who under the said Maximinus suffered. Metaphr. ibid. justina which suffered with Cyprianus bishop of Antioch, not to omit also Tecla although most writers do accord that she suffered under Nero. Platina in vita Caij, maketh also mention of Lucia, & Agatha. All which holy maids and virgins glorified the Lord Christ with their constant martyrdom in this tenth & last persecution of Dioclesian.  
During the time of which persecution these bishops of Rome succeeded on after another▪ 
Caius, Marcellinus, Marcellus, Eusebius, Miltiades Bishops of Rome and martyrs.  Caius who succeeded next after Xistus mentioned. pag. 71. Marcellinus Marcellus (of whom, Eusebius in his story maketh no mention) Eusebius, & then Miltiades: all which, died martyrs in the tempest of this persecution. First Marcellinus after the martyrdom of Caius was ordained Bishop, he being brought by Dioclesian, to the Idols, 
Marcellinus denieth and repenteth. Ex Lib Concilior &. Platina.  first yielded to their Idolatry & was seen to sacrifice, wherefore being excommunicated by the Christians, fell in such repentance, that he returned again to Dioclesian, where he standing to his former confession, and publicly condemning the idolatry of the heathen, recovered the crown of martyrdom: suffering with Claudius, Cyrinus, and Antoninus.  
Marcellus likewise was urged of Maxentius to renounce his bishopric & religion, 
Euseb. in Chro.  & to sacrifice with them to idols. which when he constantly refused, was beaten with cudgels, and so expelled the city. Then he entering into the house of Lucina a widow, assembled there the congregation, which when it came to the ears of Maxentius the tyrant, he turned the house of Lucina into a stable, and made Marcellus the keeper of the beasts, and so with the stinch thereof and miserable handling was put to death. Eusebius late bishop of Rome, as Euseb. in Chron. saith. 7. months: Marianus Scotus saith 8. months. 
Author's dissent. Ex Sabel. Enead. 7. Lib. 8.  Damasus affirmeth 6. years, Sabellicus allegeth certain authors that say, that he was slain by Maximinianus: but correcteth that himself, affirming that Maximinianus died before him.  
Miltiades by the testimony of Platina, and other that follow him sat 3. years, & 7. months, & suffered under Maximinianus. But that seemeth not to be true, as both Sabellicus doth rightly note, 
Sabel. ibid.  affirming that the same cannot stand by the supputation of time: Forasmuch as the said Galerius Maximinus reigned but 2. years, and died before Miltiades. Also Eusebius manifestly expresseth the example of a letter of Constantine written to this Miltiades Bishop of Rome, 
A place of Platina confuted.  plainly convicting that to be false, which Platina affirmeth.  

The order and proceeding described in judgement against the Bishop of Rome.  In the book collected of general counsels among the decretal epistles, there is a long tractation about the judgement and condemnation of Marcellinus: whereof the Masters & patrons of popery, in these our days, take great hold to prove the supremacy of the pope to be above all general counsels, and that he ought not to be subject to the condemnation of any person or persons, for that there is written: Nemo unquam iudicavit Pontificem, nec Praesul sacerdotem suum, 
An objection of the Papists answered unto.  quoniam prima sedes non iudicabitur a quoquam. etc. Although this sentence of Miltiades seemeth apparently to be patched in, rather by some Heldibrandus, then by Miltiades: both for that it hangeth with little order of sense, upon that which goeth before: & again because that prima sedes here mentioned, was not yet ordained nor attributed to the sea of Rome before the council of Nice, where the order and placing of bishops was first established. But to let this sentence pass, yet notwithstanding the circumstance & proceeding of this judgement, if it be rightly weighed, maketh very little to the purpose of these men. Neither is it true that the bishops of this council of Sinuesse, did not condemn Marcellinus: for the words of the council be plain. Subscripserunt igitur in eius damnationem & damnaverunt eum extra civitatem. That is: They subscribed therefore to his comdemnation, and condemned him to be expelled out of the city. Moreover by the said council were brought in, the 42. witnesses against Marcellinus. In the said council the verdict of the same witnesses was demanded and also received. Furthermore, Quirinus there, one of the Bishops openly protested, that he would not departed the council, before the malice of the bishops were revealed: what doth all this declare, but that the bishop of Rome was called there, 
The Bishop of Rome cited up and appeareth before the council.  and did appear before the judgement seat of the Council, and there stood subject to their sentence & authority, by the which he was expelled out of the City? As for the words of the council, whereupon our Papists stand so much. Non enim nostro, sed tuo ipsius judicio condemnaberis, etc. Item: Tuo ore judica causam tuam. etc. These words import not here the authority of the Roman bishop to be above the council, neither do they declare what the council could not do, but what they would and wished rather to be done, that is, that he should rather acknowledge his crime before God & them, with a voluntary yielding of his hart, then that the confession of such an heinous fact should be extorted from him through their condemnation: for that they saw to be expedient for his soul's health. Otherwise their condemnation should serve him to small purpose. And so it came to pass. For he being urged of them to condemn himself, 
The Bishop of Rome condemned by the Council.  so did: prostrating himself and weeping before them. Whereupon immediately they proceeded to the sentence against him, condemning & pronouncing him to be expelled the city. Now whether by this may be gathered, that the Bishop of Rome ought not to be cited, accused, and condemned by any person or persons, let the indifferent Reader judge simply.  


The decretal Epistles and constitutions of these Bishops of Rome examined.  
The chief scope of the constitutions decretal, to magnify the Church ●● Rome.  
The Epistle of Caius.  
A great part of the Epistle of Caius, taken out of the Epistle of Leo, to Leo the Emperor.   As touching the decretal epistles, which be entitled under the name of these foresaid bishops: who so well adviseth them, and with judgement will examine the stile, the time, the argument the hanging together of the matter, & the constitutions in them contained (little serving to any purpose, and nothing serving for those troublous days then present) may easily discern them: either in no part to be theirs, or much of the same to be clouted and patched by the doings of other, which lived in other times: specially seeing all the constitutions in them for the most part tend to the setting up and to exalt the sea of Rome above all other, Bishops and churches, and to reduce all cames & appeals to the said sea of Rome. So the epistle of Caius beginning with the commendation of the authority of his sea, endeth after the same tenor, willing and commanding all difficult questions in all provinces whatsoever emerging, to be referred to the sea Apostolical. Moreover, the greatest part of the said epistle from this place. Quicunque illi sunt ita obcaecati. etc. to the end of this period: Quoniam sicut ait. B. Apostolus Magnum est pietatis. etc. is contained in the epistle of Leo, unto Leo the Emperor: & so rightly agreeth in all points with the stile of Leo, that evident it is the same to be borrowed out of Leo, out of the epistle of Caius, or to be patched into the epistle of Caius taken out of Leo.  
Likewise the epistle of Marcellinus to get more authority with the reader, 
The Epistle of Marcellinus.  is admixed with a great part of S. Paul's epistle to the ephesians, word, for word. And how is it like that Marcellinus which died in the 20. year of Dioclesian could write of consubstantiality of the divine persons, when that controversy and term of Consubstantiality, was not heard of in the Church, 
The epistle decretal of Marcellus.  before Nicene council, which was 23. years after him? But especially the two epistles of Marcellus bewray themselves, so that for the confuting thereof needeth no other probation, more than only the reading of the same. Such a glorious stile of ambition therein doth appear, as it is easy to be understood, not to proceed either from such an humble Martyr, or to savour any thing of the misery of such a time. 
24. q. 1. Regamus un fratres.  His words of his first epistle written to the brethren of Antioch, and alleged in the pope's decrees by Gratianus are these:  
We desire you brethren that ye do not teach nor conceive any other thing, but as ye have received of the blessed Apostle S. Peter, and of other Apostles & fathers. For of him ye were first of all instructed. 
In what chapter or leaf in all the Bible doth the Lord command the sea of Pete● to be translated from Antioch to Rome.  wherefore you must not forsake your own father and follow others. For he is the head of the whole Church to whom the Lord said: Thou art Peter and upon this rock I will build my church. etc. whose seat was first with you in Antioch: which afterward by the commandment of the Lord was translated from thence to Rome, of the which church of Rome I am this day placed (by the grace of god) to be the governor. From the which church of Rome, neither ought you to separate yourselves, seeing to the same church all manner causes ecclesiastical, being of any importance (God's grace so disposing) are commonded to be referred: by the same to be ordered regularly, from whence they took their first beginning. etc. And followeth consequently upon the same. And if your Church of Antioch, which was once the 1. will now yield herself unto the sea of Rome, there is no other Church else, 
The church of Rome ●●●eth to the Church of Antioch to yield unto her.  which will not subject itself to our dominion: to whom all other Bishops, who so ever listeth, and as they must needs do (according to the decrees of the the Apostles and of their successors) ought to flee unto, as to their head, and must appeal to the same, there to have their redress, and their protection from whence they took their first instruction and consecration. etc.  
Whether this be like matter to proceed from the spirit of Marcellus that blessed martyr, in those so dreadful days, I say no more, 
The second Epistle of Marcellus written to Maxentius.  but only desire thee (gentle reader) to judge.  
In his second Epistle moreover, the said Marcellus, writing to Maxentius, the bloody tyrant, first reprehendeth him for his cruelty, sharply admonishing him how & what to do: to learn and seek the true religion of God, to maintain his Church, to honour and reverence the Priests of God, and specially exhorteth him to charity, and that he would cease from persecution. etc. All this is possible, 
The Epistle of Marcellus to Marentius blanched.  and like to be true: but now mark (good reader) what blanched stuff here followed withal: as where he alleging the statutes and sanctions of his predecessors, declareth and discusseth that no bishop nor minister aught to be persecuted, or deprived of his goods. And if they be, then ought the to have their possessions and places again restored (by the law) before they were bound (by the law) to answer to their accusations laid in against them. And so after that, in convenient time, to be called to a council. The which council notwithstanding, without the authority of the holy sea, cannot proceed regularly (albeit it remain in his power to assemble certain Bishops together.) Neither can he regularly condemn any Bishop, appealing to this his Apostolical sea, before the sentence diffinite do proceed from the foresaid sea. etc. And it followeth after: and therefore (saith he) let no Bishop of what crime soever he be attached, come to his accusation or be heard, but in his own ordinary Synod at his convenient time: the regular and Apostolicalll authority being joined withal. Moreover in the said Epistle writing to Maxentius, he decreeth that no lay men, or any suspected Bishop, aught to accuse Prelates of the Church: so that if they be either lay men, or men of evil conversation, or proved manifest enemies, or incensed with any hatred, their accusations against any Bishops ought not to stand. With other such matters more, concerning the disposition of judicial court. Which matter, if Pope Gregory the seventh, had written to henry the third Emperor, or if Pope Alexander the third, had written to the Emperor Predericus the first: it might have stand with some reason and opportunity of time. But now for Marcellus to write these decrees in such persecution of the Church, to Maxentius the Heathen and most cruel Emperor: how unlike it is to be true, and how it served then to purpose, the Reader may soon discern. And yet these be the epistles and constitutions decretal, whereby (under the pretenced title of the fathers) all churches of late time, 

The church of England governed by the pope● Canon law without sufficient ground of antiquity.  
The Epistles decretal of Eusebius and Miltiades.   & all ecclesiastical causes have been, & yet are in this realm of england to this day governed, directed, and disposed.  
The like discussion & examination I might also make of the other epistles that follow of Eusebius and Miltiades, which all tend to the same scope, that no Prelate or bishop ought to come to his answer (or ad litem contestatam, as the words of their writing do term it) before they be orderly & fully restored again to their possessions. Who moreover in the said their epistles still harp upon this key of the scripture: Tu es Petrus, & super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam, Declaring more over that this privilege of judging all men and to be judge of no man, but only to be left to the judgement of the Lord: was given to this foresaid holy sea of Rome, from time of the Apostles, & chief left with Peter the holy key keeper: so that although the election of the Apostles was equal, yet this was chiefly granted to Saint Peter; to have preheminenes above the rest. Concluding in the end hereby. 
Ex Epist. Decretal. Miltiades.  Quod semper maiores causae, sicut sunt episcoporum, & potiorum curae negotiorum, ad unam beati principis Apostolorum Petri sedem confluerent: That is: that always all greater causes, as be the matters of bishops, and such other cares of weighty importance, should be brought to the sea of S. Peter, the blessed prince of the Apostles. etc. These be the words of Miltiades and Eusebius, whereby it may partly be smelled of him that hath any nose, what was the meaning of them which forged these writings and letters, upon these ancient holy martyrs.  
This I cannot but marvel at, in the third Epistle of Eusebius the bishop of Rome, that where as marcelius his late predecessor before, 
A place of the third Epistle decretal of Eusebius sound untrue.  in his own time and remembrance did fall so horribly, and was condemned for the same justly to be expulsed the City by the counsel of 300. bishops: yet notwithstanding the foresaid Eusebius in his third epistle alleging the place of Tu es Petrus, bringeth in for a proof of the same and saith: Quia in sede Apostolica extra maculam semper est Catholica seruata religio. etc. That is, for in the Apostolical sea, always the Catholic Religion hath been preserved without any spot or blemish.  
But howsoever the forgers of these decretal Epistles have forgotten themselves, 
Miltiades the last Bishop of Rome being in danger of persecution.  most certain it is that these holy bishops, upon whom they were and are ascribed: lived perfect good men, and died blessed martyrs. Of whom this Miltiades was the last among all the Bishops of Rome here in the west Church of Europe, that ever was in danger of persecution to be martyred, yet to this present day.  
And thus have ye heard the stories and names of such blessed Saints, which suffered in the time of persecution, from the nineteen. year of Dioclesian, to the seven. and last year of Maxentius with the deaths also & plagues described upon these tormentors, 
The end of these persecutions in all the West Churches.  and cruel tyrants, which were the captains of the same persecution. And here cometh in (blessed be Christ) the end of these persecutions here in these West Churches of Europe, so far as the dominion of blessed Constantinus did chief extend.  
Yet notwithstanding in Asia all persecution as yet ceased not for the space of four years, as above is mentioned by the means of wicked Licinius. 
The persecution under Licinius.  Under whom divers there were holy and constant martyrs, that suffered grievous torments: as Hermylus a Deacon, and Stratonicus a keeper of the prison, which both, after their punishments sustained, 

Hermylus, Straconicus Martyrs. Theodorus Captain, Martyr. mills, martyr.  
The kings of Persia were commonly called by the name of Sapores.   were strangled in the flood Ister. Metasth. Also Theodorus the Captain, who being sent for of Licinius, because he would not come, and because he broke his Gods in pieces, and gave them to the poor, therefore was fastened to the cross, and after being pierced with sharp pricks or bodkins, in the secret parts of his body, was at last beheaded. Add to this also mills, who first being a Soldier, afterward was made bishop of a certain City in Persia, where he seeing himself could do no good to convert them, after many tribulations and great afflictions among them, cursed the City and departed. Which city shortly after by Sapores king of Persia was destroyed.  
In the same country of Persia, about this time suffered under Sapores the king (as recordeth simeon Metasthenes) divers valiant & constant martyrs, 

Persecution in Persia.  
Acindimus, Pegacius, Anempodistus, Epidephorus. simeon Archbishop.  
Cresiphon. Bishop, Martyrs.  
128. Martyrs in Persia.  
The story of simeon Archb. of Seleucia. Ex Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 8.9.10.   as Acindymus, Pegasius, Anempodistus, Epidephorus, also simeon Archbishop of Seleucia, with Ctesiphon an other bishop in Persia, with other ministers & religious men of that region, to the number of 128. Of this simeon and Ctesiphon thus writeth Zozomenus lib. 2. That the idolatrous Magicians in Persia, taking counsel together against the Christians, accused simeon & Ctesiphon, to Sapores the king, for that they were grateful & accepted unto the Roman Emperor & bewrayed to him, such things as were done in the land of Persia. Whereupon Sapores being moved, took great displeasure against the christians, oppressing them with taxes & tributes unto their utter impoverishing, killing also their Priests with the sword: After that calleth for simeon the Archbishop, who there before the king declared himself a worthy & a valiant captain, of Christ's church. For when Sapores had commanded him to be led to suffer torments, he neither shrunk for any fear, nor showed any great humble suit of submission for any pardon: whereat the king partly marveling, partly offended, asked why he did not kneel down, as he was wont before to do. simeon to this answered, for that saith he, before this time I was not brought unto you in bonds to betray the true God, 
The worthy answer of simeon unto the king.  as I am now, so long I refused not to accomplish that which the order & custom of the Realm of me required: but now it is not lawful for me so to do, for now I come to stand in defence of our Religion and true doctrine. When simeon thus had answered, the king persisting in his purpose, offereth unto him the choice, either to worship with him after his manner (promising to him many great gifts, if he would so do) or if he would not, 
The constancy of Simeon.  threateneth to him and to all the other christians within his land, destruction. But simeon neither alured with his promises, nor terrified with his threatenings, continued constant in his doctrine professed, so that neither he could be induced to Idolatrous worship, nor yet to betray the truth of his religion. For the which cause he was committed into hands, and there commanded to be kept to the king's pleasure further known.  
It befell in the way as he was going to the prison, there was sitting at the king's gate a certain Eunuch, 
The fall of Vsthazare●.  an old Tutor or schoolmaster of the kings, named Vsthazares, who had been once a christian, and afterward falling from his profession, fell with the Heathen multitude to their Idolatry. This Vsthazares sitting at the door of the kings palace, and seeing simeon passing by led to the prison, rose up and reverenced the Bishop. simeon again with sharp words (as the time would suffer) rebuked him & in great anger cried out against him: 
The fruit of Ecclesiastical discipline and chastisement.  which being once a christian, would so cowardly revolt from his profession, & return again to the Heathenish Idolatry. At the hearing of these words the Eunuch forthwith brasting out in tears, laying away his courtly apparel, which was sumptuous & costly & putting upon him a black and mourning weed, sitteth before the court gates weeping and bewailing, thus saying with himself: 
The repentance of Vsthazares.  woe is me, with what hope, with what face, shall I look hereafter for my God, which have denied my god: when as this simeon my familiar acquaintance, thus passing by me, so much disdaineth me, that he refuseth with one gentle word to salute me?  
These things being brought to the ●ares of the King (as such tale carriers never lack in Princes courts) procured against him no little indignation. whereupon Sapores the king sending for him, first with gentle words & courtly promises began to speak him fair, ask him what cause he had so to mourn, & whether there was any thing in his house, which was denied him, or which he had not at his own will and ask. 
The answer of Vsthazares to the king.  Whereunto Vsthazares answering again said: That there was nothing in that earthly house, which was to him lacking, or whereunto his desire stod. Yea would god (said he) O king any other grief or calamity in all the world, whatsoever it were, had happened unto me, rather than this for the which I do most justly mourn and sorrow. For this sorroweth me that I am this day alive, who should rather have died long since, & that I see this son, which against my hart and mind, for your pleasure dissemblingly I appeared to worship, for which cause doublewise I am worthy of death. First, for that I have denied Christ. Secondly, because I did dissemble with you. And incontinent upon these words, swearing by him that made both heaven & earth, affirmed most certainly, that although he had played the fool before, he would never be so mad again, as in steed of the creator and maker of all things, to worship the creatures which he had made and created. Sapores the king being astonished at the so sudden alteration of this man, and doubting with himself, whether to be angry with those enchanters, or with him, whether to entreat him with gentleness, or with rigour, at length in this mood commanded the said Vsthazares his old ancient servant, 
Vsthazares the kings tu●or condemned to be beheaded.  and first Tutor & bringer up of his youth, to be had away, and to be beheaded: as he was going to the place of execution, he desired of the executioners, a little to stay, while he might send a message unto the king, which was this (sent in by certain of the kings most trusty eunuchs) desiring him that for all the old and faithful service he had done to his Father, 
The message of Vsthazares To the king.  & to him, he would now requite him with this one office again, to cause to be cried openly by a public crier in these words following: that Vsthazares was beheaded not for any treachery or crime committed against the king or the Realm, 
The cause openly cried, why Vsthazares was beheaded.  but only for that he was a Christian, and would not at the kings pleasure deny his God. And so according to his request it was performed and granted. For this cause did Vsthazares so much desire the cause of his death to be published: because that as his shrynking back from Christ, was a great occasion to many Christians to do the like: so now the same hearing that Vsthazares died for no other cause but only for the religion of Christ, should learn likewise by his example to be fervent and constant in that which they profess. And thus this blessed Eunuch did consummate his martyrdom. 
The end and martyrdom of Vsthazares.  Of the which his martyrdom, simeon hearing being in prison was very joyful, and gave god thanks. Who in the next day following, being brought forth before the King, and constantly refusing to condescend to the Kings request, 
The martyrdom of simeon Archb.  to worship visible creatures, was likewise by the commandment of the King beheaded, with a great number more, whithe the same day also did suffer, to the number as is said of an hundredth and more. All which were put to death before simeon, 
The exhortation of simeon the Archbishop to the martyrs at their death, when he also himself should suffer.  he standing by, and exhorting them, with comfortable words: admonishing them to stand firm and steadfast in the Lord, Preaching and teaching them concerning death, resurrection, and true piety, and proved by the Scriptures that to be true which he had said. Declaring moreover that to be true life in deed, so to die: and that to be death in deed, to deny or to betray God for fear of punishment. And added further, that there was no man alive, but needs once must die. For so much as to all men is appointed necessarily, here to have an end. But those things which after this life follow hereafter, to be eternal, which neither shall come to all men after one sort. But as the condition and trade of life in divers men doth differ, and is not in all men like: so the time shall come, when all men in a moment shall render and receive according to their doings in this present life immortal rewards: such as have here done well, of life and glory, such as have done contrary, of perpetual punishment: As touching therefore our well doing, here is no doubt but of all other our holy actions and virtuous deeds, there is no higher or greater deed, then if a man here lose his life, for his Lord God. With these words of comfortable exhortation, the holy Martyrs being prepared, willingly yielded up their lives to death. After whom at last followed simeon, with two other Priests or ministers of his Church, 
Abedecalaas, Ananias, Martyrs.  Abedecalaas, and Ananias, which also with him were partakers of the same martyrdom. At the suffering of those above mentioned, it happened that Pusices one of the Kings officers, and overseer of his Artificers, 
The story of Pusices Martyr.  was there present: who seeing Ananias being an aged old Father, somewhat to shake and tremble at the sight of them that suffered: O Father (said he) a little moment shut thine eyes, and be strong, and shortly thou shalt see the sight of God. Upon these words thus spoken, Pusices immediately was apprehended & brought to the King. 
The free speech and boldness of Pusices.  Who there confessing himself constantly to be a Christian, and for that he was very bold and hardy before the king in the cause of Christ's faith, was extremely and most cruelly handled in the execution of his martyrdom. 

The cruel martyrdom of Pusices.  
The daughter of Pusices Martyr.   For in the upper part of his neck they made a hole to thrust in their hand, and plucked out his tongue out of his mouth, and so he was put to death. At the which time also the daughter of Pusices, a godly virgin, by the malicious accusation of the wicked, was apprehended & put to death.  
The next year following, upon the same day, when the Christians did celebrate the remembrance of the Lords passion, 
A cruel edict of Sapores against the Christians.  which we call good friday before Easter (as witnesseth the said Zozomenus.) Sapores the king directed out a cruel and sharp Edict throughout all his land, condemning to death all them, whosoever confessed themselves to be Christians. 
Innumerable martyrs in Persia.  By reason whereof an innumeble multitude of Christians, through the wicked procuring of the malignant Magicians suffered the same time by the sword, both in City and in Town: some being sought for, some offering themselves willingly, lest they should seem by their silence to deny Christ. Thus all the Christians that could be found, without pity were slain and divers also of the kings own court and household. Among whom was also Azades an Eunuch, 
Azades, a noble 〈◊〉 yet Martyr.  and whom the King did entirely love and favour. Which Asades after that the King understood to be put to death, being greatly moved with the sorrow thereof commanded after that, 
The pro●●●● of God 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉.  no Christians to be slain, but them only which were the Doctors and teachers of Christian Religion.  
In the same time it happened that the Queen fell into a certain disease: 

Trabula 〈◊〉 her sister, martyrs.  
Trabula 〈◊〉 sister of Sym●●on.  
False accusation rashly believed.  
Trabula and her sister sawn in s●●der.  
The blind charm of the wicked Queen.   upon the occasion whereof the cruel jews with the wicked Magicians, falsely and maliciously accused Trabula, the sister of simeon, the Martyr, a godly virgin, with an other sister also of hers: that they had wrought privy charms to hurt the Queen, for the revenging of the death of simeon. This accusation being received and believed: innocent Trabula, with the other were condemned, and with a saw cut in sunder by the middle. Whose quarters were then hanged upon stakes: the Queen going between them, thinking thereby to be delivered of her sickness. This Trabula, was a maid of a right comely beauty, and very amiable, to whom one of the Magicians cast great love, much desiring and labouring by gifts and rewards sent into the prison to win her to his pleasure: promising that if she would apply to his request she should be delivered and set at liberty. 
Example of maidenly chastity. in Trabula.  But she utterly refusing to consent unto him, or rather rebuking him for his incontinent attempt did choose rather to die, then to betray either the Religion of her mind or the virginity of her body. Zozom.  
Now forsomuch as the king had commanded that no Christians should be put to death, 
Ex ecclesiast. Hist. Zozom. lib. 2. cap. 13. Persecution against the ●●shops and teachers of the church in Pe●sia.  but only such as were the teachers and leaders of the flock: the Magicians and Archmagitians, left no diligence untried, to set forward the matter. Whereby great affliction and persecutions was among the Bishops and teachers of the Church, which in all places, went to slaunghter, especially in the country of Diabenor, for that part of Persia above all other was most Christian. 

Acepsimas bishop Martyr. jacobus Priest Martyr.  
Example of true Christian charity and singular piety in jacobus.   Where Acepsimas the Bishop with a great number of his flock and clergy, were apprehended and taken: upon the apprehension of whom the Magicians to satisfy the kings commandment, dismissed all the rest, only depriving them of their living and goods. Only Acepsimas the bishop they retained, with whom one jacobus a Minister or priest of his church was also joined: not of any compulsion, but only as himself so desired and obtained of those Magicians, that he might follow him, & be coupled in the same bonds to serve the aged bishop, and to relieve (so much as he might) his calamities, and heal his wounds. For he had been sore scourged before of the Magians, 

Athal●● Deacon, Azadanes Deacon, Abdiesu● Deacon, Martyrs. This Archimagus, and magi (as ●onophon. saith) was as order of religion among the Persians, which had the greatest str●ke in the land next to the king.  
The end and martyrdom of Acepsimas Bishop. Athalas lost the use of both his arms being plucked from the joints of his body.   after they had apprehended him, and brought him to worship the sun, which thing because he would not do, they cast him into prison again, where this jacobus was waiting upon him. At the same time likewise Athalis a Priest or Minister, also Azadanes and Abdiesus Deacons were imprisoned, and miserably scourged for the testimony of the Lord jesus. After this the Archimagus espying his time, complaineth to the king of them, having authority and commission given him (unless they would worship the sun) to punish them as he pleased. This commandment received of the king, the master Magus doth declare to them in prison. But they answered again plainly, that they would never be either betrayers of Christ, or worshippers of the sun. whereupon without mercy they were put to bitter torments. Where Acepsimas strongly persisting in the confession of christ, endureth to death. The other being no less rend & wounded with scourges, yet continued marvelously alive. And because they would in no case turn from their constant sentence, were turned again into prison. Of whom Athalas in the time of his whipping was so drawn & racked with pulling, that both his arms being loosed out of the joints, hanged down from his body: which he so carried about without use of any hand to feed himself, 
Ex Sozo. li. ●. cap. 13. ex Nicepho. Lib. 8. cap. 17. Barbasimes, Paulus, Gaddiabes, Sabinus, Mareas, Mocius, johannes, Hormisdas, Papas, jacobus. Romas, Maares, Agas, Bochres, Abdas, Abiesus, joannes, Abramius  but as he was fed of other.  
Miserable and almost innumerable were the slaughters under the reign of this Sapores, of Bishops, Ministers, Deacons, religious men holy virgins, and other ecclesiastical persons such as did then cleave to the doctrine of Christ and suffered for the same. The names of the bishops besides the other multitude taken in that persecution, is recited in Sozom. lib. 2. and in Niceph. lib. 8 cap. 37. in this order following, Barbasymes, Paulus, Gaddiabes, Sabinus, Mareas, Mocius, johannes, Hormisdas, Papas, jacobus, Romas, Maares, Agas, Bochres, Abdas, Abiesus, joannes, Abramius, Agdelas, Sabores, Isaac, Dausas' Bicor. also with Maureanda his fellow bishop, and the rest of his Churches under him, to the number of 250. persons, which were the same time apprehended of the Persians. 

Agdelas, Sabores, Isaac, Dausa●, Bico●, Maureanda. with 250. other martyrs. The number of the martyrs that suffered in Persia, were 16. thousand. Constantinus the Emperor writeth to the king of Persia in the behalf of the afflicted Christians.  
The copy and effect of the Epistle of Constantine Sapores.   etc. Briefly to comprehend the whole multitude of them that suffered in that persecution, the manner of their apprehension, the cruelness of their torments, how and where they suffered, & in what places it is not possible for any history to discharge. Neither are the Persians themselves (as Zozomenus recordeth) able to recite them. In sum, the multitude and number of them whom they are able to recite by name, cometh to the sum of xuj. thousand men and women.  
The rumour and noise of this so miserable affliction of the Christians in the kingdom of Persia, coming to the ears of Constantinus the Emperor, put him in great heaviness, studing and revolving with himself, how to help the matter, which in deed was very hard for him to do. It so befell the same time, that certain Ambassadors were then at Rome from Sapores king of Persia, to whom Constantinus did easily grant, and consent, satisfying all their requests, and demands, thinking thereby to obtain the more friendship at the king's hands, that at his request, he would be good to the Christians to whom he writeth his Epistle in their behalf, and sendeth the same by his messengers beginning thus:  
Divinam fidem seruans veritatis lucem sortior. Veritatis luce ductus divinam fidem cognosco. Per ea igitur, quibus illa res agendas confirmat, sanctissimam religionem cognitam redd●, & hunc m● cultum doctorem cognitionis sancti dei habere confiteor. etc. Eusebius. de vita. Constantinus. lib. 4. The contents whereof, briefly do tend to this effect. Declaring unto him how he should stand much beholden to him, if at his request he would show some quiet and rest to the Christians. In whose religion there was nothing which he could justly blame. For so much as in their sacrifices they use to kill nothing, nor to shed no blood, but only to offer up unbloody sacrifices, to make their prayers unto God, who delighteth not in blood shedding, but only in the soul that loveth virtue, and followeth such doctrine and knowledge, which is agreeing to true piety. And therefore such men as do lead him and learn so to believe, and to worship God, are more to be commended. Moreover he assureth him to find God more merciful to him, if he would embrace the godly piety and truth of the Christians. And for example thereof, bringeth in the stories of Galienus and Valerianus, 
Of this Galienus and Valerianus read the pag. 75.  who so long as they were favourers of the Christians did prosper and flourish. But as soon as they moved any persecution against them, it happened to them, as it did to all other Emperors before them, that all went backward with them, as especially might appear by Valerianus, who after he had raged so cruelly against the Christians, was eftsoons overcome of the Persians, the revenging hand of God falling upon him, where he led ever after a miserable life, in wretched captivity. Farther also for the more evidèce of the same, inferreth the examples of those Emperors and tyrants in his time, whom he vanquished & subdued only by his faith in Christ, for the which faith, God was his helper, and gave him the victory in many battles, and triumph over great tyrants, whereby he hath also enlarged the dominion of the Roman monarchy from the west Ocean, to the uttermost parts well near of all the East. To the doing and working whereof, he neither called to him the help of any charmer, or divination of soothsayer, nor used the kill of any sacrifice: but only the following of the cross, and prayer made to almighty God, without any other bloody sacrifice, was the armour wherewith he overcame, etc. And in the end of the Epistle addeth these words What joy (saith he) what gladness would it be to my hart, to hear the state also of the Persians to flourish, as I wish it to do, by embracing this sort of men, the Christians I mean? so that both you with them, and they with you in long prosperity may enjoy much felicity together as your hearts would desire, & in so doing no doubt ye shall. For so shall you have God, which is the author and creator of all this universal world, to be merciful and gracious to you. These men therefore I commend unto you upon your kingly honour, And upon your clemency and piety, wherewith you are endued, I commit them unto you, desiring you to embrace & receive them according to your humanity and benignity, agreeing and convenient to your estate: who in so doing shall now both procure to yourself grace through your faith, and also shall declare to me a great pleasure and benefit worthy of thanks.  
This Epistle wrote Constantinus to king Sapores Such care had this godly Prince for them that believed in Christ not only in his own Monarchy, 

The general care of godly Constantinus for all christians in all places.  
Other foreign persecutions in Persia.  
Andas Bishop martyr.   but also in all places of the world: neither is it to be doubted but this intercession of the Emperor did something mitigate the heat of the Persians persecution. Although thereof we read no certain thing in our histories.  
Of other troubles and persecutions we read of, which happened afterward in the said country of Persia, under Isdigerdes the king, but these followed long after about the time of the Emperor Theodosius. At which time suffered Andas their bishop, and Hormisda a great noble man's son, and of great reputation among the Persians: 
The story of Hormisda Martyr. Ex Theodor. Lib. 5. cap. 39 The faithful constancy of Hormisda. Hormisda banished the country of Persia. Suenes' Martyr.  whom when the king understood to be a Christian, and to deny to turn from his religion, condemned him to keep his Elephants naked. In process of time the king looking out, and seeing him all swarted and tanned in the sun, commanded him to have a shirt put on, & to be brought before him. Whom then the king asked, if he would deny Christ. Hormisda hearing this, tore of his shirt from his body, and cast it from him saying: If ye think that I will deny my faith to Christ for a shirt, have here your gift againce etc. And so was upon that expelled the country. Theodor. lib. 5.  
An other there was that same time, named Suenes, which had under him an hundredth servants. The king taking displeasure with him, for that he would not alter from his religion and godly truth, asked who was the worst of all his servants. And him the king made ruler of all the rest, and coupling him with his masters wife, 
The constancy of Suenes.  brought also Suenes under his subjection, thinking thereby to subdue also the faith of Suenes, but it was builded upon a sure foundation.  
Of Benjamin the Deacon thus writeth the said Theoret, 
The story of Benjamin Deacon and Martyr.  in his fift book, that after two years of his imprisonment, at the request of the Roman Legate he was delivered, who afterward contrary to the king's commandment he preached and taught the Gospel of Christ, was most miserable excarnificate, having xx. sharp pricks of reeds thrust under his nails, but when he did laugh at that, then in his privy yard had a sharp reed thrust in with horrible pain. After that a certain long stalk ragged and thorny being thrust into his body by the nether part, was forced into him with the horribleness of the pain, 
Benjamin tormented. The martyrdom of Benjamin.  whereof the valiant and invincible soldier of the Lord gave over his life. Theodor. ibid. And thus much concerning the martyrs and persecutions among the Persians, although these persecutions belong not of this time, which came (as it is said) long after the days of Constantinus, about the year of our Lord. 425.  
Likewise under julianus the wicked Apostata, certain there were which constanly suffered martyrdom by the Heathen Idolaters, 
The martyrs under julianus Apostata. Aemilianus Domitius Martyrs.  as Emilyanus, who was burned in Thracia, and Domitius, which was slain in his cave. Theodorus also for singing of a Psalm at the removing of the body of Babylas (whereof mention is made of before pag 60.) being apprehended, was so examined with exquisite torments, and so cruelly excruciate from morning almost to noon, 

The story of Theodorus Martyr.  
Ruff. Lib. 5. cap. 36. Theodor. lib. 3. cap. 11. Zozom. lib. 5. Cap. 10.  
A miracle to be noted.  
Artemius. Martyr. Eusebius, Nestabus, brethren. Nestor. Martyrs. Eupsychius, with other men of Cesar●a martyr.  
Miserable cruelty against the Christian virgins of Arethusia.  
The people made to be plucked from their old customs, though it be never so wicked.   that hardly he scaped with life. Who being asked afterward of his friends, how he could abide so sharp torments, said that at the first beginning he felt some pain but afterward there stood by him a young man, who as he was sweeting, wiped of his sweat, and refreshed him with cold water, oft times: wherewith he was so delighted, that when he was let down from the engine, it grieved him, more than before. Ruff. lib. 5. cap 36. Theodor. lib. 3. cap. 11. Zozom. lib. 5. cap. 10.  
Artemius also the captain of the Egyptian soldiers the same time lost his head for his religion indeed: although other causes were pretended against him. Theo. Niceph. lib. 10. cap. 11.  
Add to these moreover, Eusebius and Nestabus two brethren, with Nestor also, which for their christianity were dragged through the streets, and murdered of the idolatrous people of Gaza. Sozo. Lib. eod. cap. 11.  
But especially the cruelty of the Arethusians, a people of Syria, exceeded against the Christian virgins, whom they set out naked before the multitude to be scorned, after that being shaven, they covered them with swill and draff wont to be given to their hogs, & so caused their bowels and flesh to be devoured of the hungry swine. This rage & fury of the wicked Arethusians, Zozomenus supposeth to come of this, because that Constantinus before had broken them from their country manner, of setting forth and exposing their virgins, filthily to whom soever lusted, and destroyed the temple of Venus in Heliopolis, restraining the people there from their filthiness and vile whoredom. Sozom. Lib. 5 cap. 10.  
Of the lamentable story or rather Tragedy of Marcus Arethusius, their Bishop, thus writeth the said Sozomenus, and also Theodoretus in his third book, in these words as follow.  
This Tragedy (saith he) of Marcus Arethusius, 
The story of Marcus Arethusius.  doth require the eloquence and worthiness of Aeschilus, and Sophocles, which may, as the matter deserveth, set forth, and beautify his great afflictions. This man at the commandment of Constantinus, pulled down a certain temple dedicated to Idols, and in the stead thereof built up a church where the Christians might congregate. The Arthusians remembering the little good will that julianus bore unto him accused him as a traitor and enemy to him. At the first, according as the scripture teacheth he prepared himself to flee. But when he perceived that there were certain of his kinsmen or frynds apprehended in his steed, 
The true conscience of Marcus Arthusius.  returning again of his own accord he offered himself to those that thirsted for his blood. whom when they had gotten as men neither pytiing his old age & worn years, nor abashed at his virtuous conversation, being a man so adorned both with doctrine & manners, first strypt him naked, & pitifully beat him, then within a while after, they cast him into a foul filthy sink, & from thence being brought, they caused boys to thrust him in with sharpened sticks, made for the nonce to provoke his pain the more. 
Great cruelty showed.  Lastly, they put him into a basket, and being anointed with honey, & broth, they hung him abroad in the heat of the sun as meat for wasps and flies to feed upon. And all this extremity they showed unto him, for that they would enforce him to do one of these things (that is either to build up-againe the temple, which he had destroyed, or else to give so much money as should pay for the building of the same: 
Covetousness the cause of cruelty.  but even as he purposed with himself to suffer & abide their grievous torments, so refused he to do that they demanded of him. At the length they taking him to be but a poor man, and not able to pay such a sum of money, promised to forgive him the one half, so that he would be contented to pay the other half. But he hanging in the basket wounded pitifully with the sharpened sticks of boys & children, and all to be bitten with wasps & flies, did not only conceal his pain & grief, but also derided those wicked ones and called them, base, low, and terrene people, and he himself to be exalted and set on high. At length they demanding of him but a small some of money, he answered thus, it is a great wickedness to confer one half penny in case of impiety, 
A notable saying.  as if a man should bestow the whole. Thus they being not able to prevail against him, let him down. And leaving him went their way, so that every man might learn at his mouth the example of true piety and faithfulness.  
Although the tractation of these foresaid stories & persecutions of Persia, above premised, do stray somewhat out of the order & course of time and place, as which came neither in the time of Constantine, nor be pertinent to the monarchy of Rome: yet because in this present history we are in hand with the holy martyrs and Saints of Christ, for as much as these also gave such a faithful testimony of the Lord jesus with their blood, I thought therefore not to pass them over with some testimony in this our Catalogue of holy Martyrs. And here an end of these persecutions of the primitive church.  
¶ It may peradventure be marveled of some, reading the history of these so terrible persecutions above specified, why God the almighty director of all things, would suffer his own people and faithful servants, believing in his own and only begotten son jesus, so cruelly to be handled, so wrongfully to be vexed, so extremely to be tormented and put to death, & that the space of so many years together, as in these foresaid persecutions may appear. To the which admiration I have nothing to answer, but to say with the words of Jerome: 
Hierony. in Aba cap. 1.  Non debemus super hac rerum iniquitate, perturbare videntes, etc. We ought not to be moved with this iniquity of things, to see the wicked to prevail against the godly: for so much as in the beginning of the world we see Abel the just to be killed of wicked Cain. 
The wicked in this world do most flourish and prevail.  And afterward jacob being thrust out, Esau to reign in his father's house. In like case the Egyptians with brick and tile, afflicted the sons of Israel. Yea and the Lord himself, was he not crucified of the jews, Barrabas the thief being let go? Time would not suffice me, to recite, & reckon up how the godly in this world go to wrack, the wicked flourishing and prevailing. Hiero. Briefly, howsoever the cause hereof proceedeth, whetherfor our sins here in this life, or how else, soever, yet this is to us, & may be to all men a sufficient stay, 
Persecution cometh by no chance.  that we are sure these afflictions and persecutions of God his people in this world, not to come by any chance, or blind fortune, but by the provident appointment, and forewarning of God. For so in the old law by the affliction of the children of Israel, 
Persecution of God's people prefigured and forewarned of God.  he hath prefigured these persecutions of his Christians. So by the words of Christ's own mouth in the Gospel, he did forewarn his church of these troubles to come. Again neither did he suffer these so great afflictions to fall upon his servants, before that he had premonished them sufficiently by special Revelation in the apocalypse of john his servant, 
The Church forewarned of Christ by special revelation in the Apoc.  in the which apocalypse he declared unto his church before, not only what troubles were coming at hand toward them, where, and by whom, they should come, but also in plain number, if the words of the prophecy be well understood assigneth the true time, 
The beast 〈◊〉 the Apoc. expounded.  how long the said persecutions should continue, and when they should cease. For as there is no doubt, but by the beast with seven heads, bearing the whore of Babylon, drunken with the blood of saints, is signified the City of Rome: So in my judgement, the power of making forty two months (in the thirteen of the apocalypse) is to be expounded, 
42. months in the Apoc. cap. 13. expounded.  taking every month for a Sabbath of years, that is, reckoning for seven years a month: so that forty and two such Sabbots of years, being gathered together make up the years just, 
The beast had power to make 42. months.  between the time of Christ's death, to the last year of the persecution of Maxentius, when Constantinus fighting under the banner of Christ, overcame him, and made an end of all persecution, within the monarchy of Rome. The number of which years, 

The persecuting time of the primitive Church under the be●● lasted 300. years.  
The Israelites 300. years.   by plain computation come to 294. to the which 294. years, if ye add the other six years, under the persecution of Licinius in Asia, than it filleth up full the three hundredth years. And so long continued the persecution of Christ's people, under the heathen tyrants and Emperors of the Monarchy of Rome, according to the number of the forty two months which the beast had power to make, specified in the thirteenth of the apocalypse. For the better explication whereof, because the matter, being of no small importance greatly appertaineth to the public utility of the Church, & lest any should misdoubt me herein to follow any private interpretation of mine own, I thought good to communicate to the Reader, that, as hath been imparted to me, in opening these mis●ycall numbers in the foresaid book of Revelation contained, by occasion as followeth.  
As I was in hand with these histories, and therein considered the exceeding rage of these persecutions, the intolerable torments of the blessed Saints, so cruelly racked, rend, torn, and plucked in pieces, with all kind of tortures pains and punishments that could be devised, more bitter than any death itself, I could not without great sorrow & passion of mind, behold their sorrowful afflictions, or write of their bloody passions. Wherein much like it happened to me, as did to T. Livius, who writing of the wars of Carthage, was so moved in the writing thereof: Ac si in part aliqua laboris ac periculi ipse pariter fuisset. Further I proceeded in the story, & the hotter the persecutions grew, the more my grief with them, & for them increased, not only pitying their woeful case, but also almost reasoning with God, thus thinking like a fool with myself, why God of his goodness would suffer his children and servants, so vehemently to be cruciated and afflicted. If mortal things were governed by heavenly providence (as must needs be granted) why did the wicked so rage & flourish, & the godly so to go to wrack? If sins deserved punishment, yet neither were they sinners alone, & why was their death above all other so sharp and bitter? At lest why would the Lord suffer the vehemency of these so horrible persecutions to endure so long time against his poor Church, showing to them no certain determined end of their tribulations, whereby they knowing the appointed determination of almighty God, with more consolation might endure out the same. As the Israelites in the captivity of Babylon had 70. years limited unto them. And under Pharaoh they were promised a deliverance out. Also under the Syrian tyrants. 62. Weeks were abriged unto them. Only in these persecutions, I could find no end determined, nor limitation set for their deliverance. Whereupon much marveling with myself, I searched the book of Revelation, to see whether any thing there might be found. Where although I well perceived, the beast there described to signify the Empire of Rome, which had power to overcome the Saints: yet concerning the time & continuance of these persecutions under the beast, I found nothing to satisfy my doubt. For albeit I read there of. 42. months, of a time, times and half a time, of 1260. days, yet all this by computation coming but to 3. years & a half, came nothing near the long continuance of these persecutions, which lasted. 300. years. Thus being vexed and turmoiled in spirit, about the reckoning, of these numbers and years, it so happened upon a Sunday in the morning lying in my bed, & musing about these numbers, suddenly it was answered to my mind, as with a majesty, thus inwardly saying within me: thou fool count these months by Sabbots, as the Weeks of Daniel are counted by Sabbots. The Lord I take to witness thus it was. Whereupon thus being admonished, I began to reckon the 42. months by Sabbats, first of months, that would not serve, them by Sabbots of years wherein I began to feel some probable understanding. Yet not satisfied herewith, to have the matter more sure, eftsoons repaired to certain merchants, of mine acquaintance. Of whom one is departed a true faithful servant of the Lord, the other two be yet alive, and witness hereof. To whom the number of these foresaid 42. months, being propounded and examined by Sabbots of years, the whole sum was found to surmount to 294. years, containing the full and just time of these foresaid persecutions neither more nor less.  
Now this one clasp being opened, the other numbers that follow, are plain and manifest to the intelligent reader to be understood. For where mention is made of three years and a half: of one time, two times, & half a time, also of 1260. days, all these come to one reckoning, & signify 42. months, by which months, as is said, is signified the whole time of these primitive persecutions, as here in order may appear.  

The mystical numbers in the apocalypse opened.  FIrst, where mention is made, Apocal. chap. 11. that the two Prophets shall prophesy 1260. days. And also that the woman fleeing into the desert shall there be fed. 1260. days: who knoweth not, that. 1260. days make three years & a half: that is, months 

1 MCCLX. Revelation. 11.12.  42  Secondly, where we read, chap. 11. the bodies of the two foresaid Prophets shall lie in the streets of the great city unburied, the space of iij. days & a half, and after the said iij. days & a half they shall revive again, etc. let the hours of these iij. days and a half (which be 42.) be reckoned every day for a Sabbath of years, or else every day for a month, and they come to months 

2 Three days and a half. Revela. cap. 11.  42  Thirdly, where as in the same book is expressed that the woman had ij. wings given her to fly unto the desert for a time, times, and half a time, give for one time, one year, or one day: for ij. times ij. years, or ij. days: for half a time, half a year, or half a day. And so it is manifest, that those three years & a half, mounteth to months 

3 A time, times and half a time. Revela. cap. 12.  42  Fourthly, account these 42. months aforesaid (which the beast had power to make. Apoc. 11.) by Sabbots of years, that is, seven years for a month: or every month for seven years, & it amounteth to the sum of years 

4 Xlii months or 3. years and a half. Revel. cap. 11.  294   
And so have ye the just years, days, times, & months of these foresaid persecutions under the beast, neither shorter nor longer, reckoning from the death of john Baptist under Herode the Roman king to the end of Maxentius, and of Licinius, ij. last great persecutors, the one in the West the other in the East, who were both vanquished by godly Constantinus. And so peace was given to the Church, albeit not in such ample wise, but that divers tumults and troubles afterward ensued, but they lasted not long: & the chief brunt, to speak of these Roman persecutions, which the holy ghost especially considered above all other, in this his Revelation thus ended, in the time of this Constantinus. Then was the great Dragon the devil, to wit, the fierce rage & power of his malicious persecuting, tied short for a thousand years after this, so that he could not prevail in any such sort, but that the power and glory of the gospel by little and little increasing and spreading with great joy and liberty, so prevailed that at length it got the upperhand, & replenished the whole earth, 
Ezech. cap. 47.  rightly verifying therein, the water of Ezechiel, which issuing out of the right side of the altar, the farther it ran, the deeper it grew, till at length it replenished the whole Ocean Sea, & healed all the fishes therein. No otherwise the course of the Gospel proceeding of small & hard beginnings kept still his stream, the more it was stopped, the swifter it ran: by blood it seeded, by death it quickened: by cutting it multiplied, through violence it sprung, till at last out of thraldom and oppression it braced forth into perfect liberty, & flourished in all prosperity, had it so been, that the christians wisely & moderately could have used this rest & liberty, & not abused the same, forgetting their former estate to their own pride, pomp & worldly ease, as it came afterward to pass, whereof more is to be seen & said (the Lord willing) in place & time convenient.  
And thus much touching the prophetical numbers in the apocalypse. Wherein is to be noted and magnified the eternal wisdom, and high providence of almighty God, so disposing and governing his church, that no adversity or perturbation happeneth at any time unto it, which his provident wisdom doth not foresee before & preordain, neither doth he preordain or determine any thing, which he doth not most truly perform, both foreseeing the beginning of such persecutions, and limiting the end thereof how long to continue and when to cease. 
The persecuted Israelites bearing a figure of the persecuted Church of Christ.  In much like sort we read in the books of Genesis, how the stock of Israel, was. 400. years in the land of Egipte. During the space of which 400. years, after the death of joseph, (who beareth a plain figure of Christ) they were hardly entreated and cruelly afflicted of the Egyptians, about the space of. 300. years, reckoning from after the death of joseph, to their deliverance out of the bondage of Egypt, semblably as these Christians, after Christ's time suffered the like bondage under the Roman tyrants.  
Thus much by the way I thought to insinuate, lest any should ●●se, or take any offence in himself, to see or read of the Church, so long & so many years to be under so miserable & extreme afflictions. 

From the first persecution of the primitive Church to the last persecution▪ 294. years.  
Universal persecution ceaseth for a 1000 years in the Church. Apoc. 10.  
From the time of Liquorous. to Wirkliffe 1000 years.  
Satan bound up for a thousand years.  
The time of Satan's binding opened.   Wherein neither chance nor fortune, nor disposition of man, hath had any place: but only the forecounsaile & determination of the Lord so governed and disposed the same. Who not only did suffer them to fall, and foresee those persecutions before they fell: but also appointed the times and years how long they should last & when to have an end. As by the foresaid. 42. months in the 13. and 11. chap. of S. john's apocalypse have been declared. Which months containing. 294. years, if they be rightly gathered, make the full time between the first year of the persecution of Christ under the jews & Herode, till the last year of persecution under Licinius, which was from the nativity of Christ, an. 324. from the first persecution of Christ, an. 294. as is aforesaid. After the which year, according to the preordinate counsel of God, when his severity had been sufficiently declared upon his own house, it pleased him to show mercy again, & to bind up Satan the old serpent, according to the xx. chap. of the Revelation for the space of a thousand years, that is, from this time of Licinius, to the time of john Wickleffe, and john hus. During all which time, albeit certain conflicts and tumults have been among Christian bishops themselves in the church, yet no universal murdering persecution was stirring, before the preaching of john Wickleffe, of hus, and such other, as in the further process of this history (Christ willing and aiding us) shall more appear hereafter.  
Thus having at large discoursed these horrible persecutions passed, and heavy afflictions of Christian Martyrs, now by the grace of God, coming out of this red sea of bloody persecution, leaving Pharaoh and his host behind: let us sing gloriously to the worthy name of our god, who through the blood of the lamb, after long & tedious afflictions at length, hath visited his people with comfort, hath tied up Satan short, hath sent his meek Moses (gentle Constantine I mean) by whom it hath so pleased the Lord to work deliverance to his captive people, to see his servants at liberty, to turn their morning into joy, to magnify the church of his son, to destroy the Idols of all the world, to grant life and liberty (and would God also not so much riches) unto them which before were the abjects of all the world: and all by the means of godly Constantinus, the meek and most christian Emperor of whose divine victories against so many tyrants and Emperors persecutors of Christ's people, and lastly against Licinius, an. 324. of whose other noble acts & prowesses of whose blessed virtues and his happy birth and progeny, part we have comprehended before, part now remaineth (Christ willing) to be declared.  
This Constantine was the son of Constantius the Emperor, 
Doxologia.  a good and virtuous child, of a good and virtuous father, borne in Britain, as saith Eutropius whose Mother was named Helena, daughter, in deed of King Coilus, although Ambrose in his funeral Oration of the death of Theodosius, saith was an Inhoulders daughter. He was a most bountiful and gracious Prince, having a desire to nourish learning and good arts, 
The good qualities of Constantinus.  and did oftentimes use to read, writ, and study himself. He had marvelous good success & prosperous achieving of all things he took in hand, which then was (and truly) supposed to proceed of this, for that he was so great a favourer of the Christian faith. 
The cause of all his prosperous success.  Which faith when he had once embraced, he did ever after most devoutly and religiously reverence: and commanded by especial commission and proclamations, that every man should profess the same Religion throughout all the Roman Monarchy. 
Constantine sometime by means of hy● wife was an Idolater.  The worshipping of Idols, whereunto he was addict, by the allurement of Fausta his wife: in so much that he did sacrifice unto them: after the discomfit of Maxentius in battle, he utterly abjured. But Baptism he deferred even unto his old age, because he had determined a journey into Persia, and thought in jordan to have been baptized. 
Euseb. lib. 4. de vita Constant.  Eusebius. lib. 4. de vita Constantini.  
As touching his natural disposition and wit, he was very eloquent, a good philosopher, & in disputation sharp and ingenious. 
The common saying of Constantinus.  He was accustomed to say, that an Emperor ought to refuse no labour, for the utility of the common weal: yea, & that to adventure the mangling of his body for the remedy thereof, but if otherways it may be helped to cherish the same. This Aurelius, Victor, Pomponius, Letus, & Ignatius write of him. And Aelius Lampridus saith writing upon the life of Heliogabalus, that Constantinus was wont to say, that an Empire was given by the determinate purpose of God, that he to whom it was given should so employ his diligence, as he might be thought worthy of the same at the hands of the giver. Which same saying also Augustine noteth in his 3. book against Cresconius. 
August. contra. Crescon epist. 49.50.  epist. 49. and 50.  
He first entered into the Empire, by the mercifulness of God minding after long waves of doleful persecution to restore unto his church peace and tranquility, an. 311. as Eusebius accounteth in his Chronicle. 
The reign of Constantinus.  His reign continued, as Eutropius affirmeth, 30. years, Letus saith 32. years lacking, 2. months. Great peace and tranquility enjoyed the Church under the reign of this good Emperor, which took great pain and travel for the preservation thereof. First, yea and that before he had subdued Licinius, he set forth many edicts for the restitution of the goods of the church, 
The effect of some of his constitutions.  for the revoking of the Christians out of exile, for taking away the dissension of the Doctors out of the Church, for the setting of them free from public charges, and such like, even as the copies of his constitutions here under declare, which Eusebius in his 10. book, and 5. chapter, repeateth in this wise.  
The copy of an Epistle of Constantinus, sent to his subjects inhabiting in the East. 
Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 5.   
VIctor Constantinus Maximus, Augustus, to our loving subjects inhabiting throughout the east parts, sendeth greeting.  
The thing itself, which in the sure and most firm law of nature is contained, doth give unto all men (even as God hath ordained the same) sufficient perseverance and understanding, 
The law of nature made perfect, compared with the knowledge of God.  both of such things as man ought to foresee, as also what things presently he ought to meditate. Neither is there any thing therein to be doubted, of such as have their minds directed to the scope or mark of perfect understanding: so that the perfect comprehending of sound reason, and the perseverance thereof, be compared with the knowledge of God, 

Lithernes' the nurse of ignorance, and ignorance the enemy to wisdom.  
Tyranny depriveth Emperors.   being the true and perfect virtue. Wherefore let no wise man be troubled, although he see divers men of divers dispositions. For wisdom which springeth of virtue cannot abide, or acquaint herself with fond idiots, unless, that (on the other side) the malice of perverse lithernes prolong her days, and cause the same Ideocie to survive. Wherefore assuredly the crown and price of virtue lieth open unto all men, & the most mighty God ordereth the judgement of the same. I undoubted as manifestly as possible is, will endeavour myself to testify and confess unto you all, the hope which is in me. I think verily that the Emperors which before this time have lately been, even for their tyranny had the Empire taken from them: & my father only exercising and using all meekness and lenity in his affairs, calling upon God the father, with great devotion & humility, hath been exalted to the same. And all the rest, as men wanting their wits, and in comparison as savage beasts, rather did give themselves to like cruelty, then unto any lenity & gentleness towards their subjects: in which tyranny every one for his time being nooseled, 

Bloody tyrants make civil wars.  
Apollo gave answer out of a cave in the ground, that he was disquieted by the Christians.   utterly subverted the true and unfallible doctrine. And so great malice was their kindled in their breasts, that when all things were in peaceable tranquility, they made and raised most cruel and bloody intestine or civil wars. It is credibly informed us, that in those days, Apollo gave answers but not by any man's mouth, but out of a certain cave & dark place (saying) that he was much disquieted by those that were the just men and livers upon the earth, so that he could or would not for them, declare a truth of such things as others demanded: & hereby it came to pass that such false divinations were given from the golden tables in Apollo's temple. And this thing did his prophetical priest complain of, when he took up again the hear of his head, that other had contemptuously cast down, & that the neglecting of his divination was the cause of so many evils, amongst men. But let us see what was the end hereof: we now boldly & without all fear invocate & worship the omnipotent God▪ when I was a child I heard, that he which then was chief Emperor of Rome, unhappy, yea, most unhappy man being seduced, and brought into error, by his soldiers, curiously inquired who were those just men upon the earth that Apollo meant: and one of his priests which was near about him, made answer that they were the christians. This answer hereupon unto him being as delectable, as honey unto the mouth, drew the sword given unto him to be a revenger upon evil doers and malefactors against the professors of the irreprehensible sanctimony and religion. 
The 〈◊〉 given for to be 〈◊〉 upon malefactor.  And strait way he gave forth a commission (to bloody homicides as I may well call them) & gave commandment to all the judges, that they should endeavour themselves with all the cunning they had to the devising of more grievouser, & sharper punishments against the poor Christians. Then, than I say, a man might have seen, how greatly the honest professors of that religion, were molested with cruelty, and daily suffered no small injuries and contumelies, 
A great commendation of the christians.  and that also they suffered and sustained the same with such temperancy as though they had had no injuries done unto them at all. Which temperancy and patience of theirs was the cause why the furious citizens were the more madder & raging against them. What fires, what tortures, what kind of torments were there, but they without respect either of age, or sex were enforced to feel?  
Then did the earth without doubt, 
The earth bewailed the martyr deaths.  herself bewail her children and the round world which containeth all things, being sprinkled and imbrued with their blood made doleful lamentation for them, and the day itself provoked for to mourn, was made amazed for them. But what is this to purpose. Now the very barbarous nations rejoice for their sakes which received and harboured them, when they were afraid and fled from us: keeping them as it were in most loving & amiable captivity. And they saved not only their lives, but also were a defence for their religion. And now also the Roman nation remembreth and hath before there eyes this blame and spot, which the Christians that were of that time, worthily gave unto them when they by them were banished (as unfit members of their common wealth) amongst the barbarous people. What needeth to make further rehearsal of the mourning lamentation, which the heathen people themselves throughout all the world, made for the pitiful murder and slaughter of them? After this it came to pass that they which were authors of all these mischiefs died also, 
The authors of all mischief punished.  and were committed for there reward to the most filthy & horrible dungeon of hell. They being so entangled with intestine and civil wars, left alive neither name nor kinsmen of their own: which thing undoubtedly had not chanced unless the wicked divinations of Apollo's oracles had deceived & bewitched them. 
Apollo lying oracles the cause of so many martyrs deaths.  To thee therefore now I pray, oh most mighty God, that thou wilt vouchsafe to be merciful, and pardon all the east parts and inhabitants of the same, being oppressed with present calamity: and that by me thy servant thou wilt of thy goodness help and relieve the same. And these things rashly crave I not at thy hands: oh Lord, most mighty and holiest God of all. 
Constant. prayer.  For I being persuaded by the only oracles have both begone and also finished wholesome and profitable things, and further by the bearing and showing of thine ensign, have overcome a mighty and strong host, and when any necessity of the common weal (to my charge committed) requireth thereunto, (following those signs & tokens of thy virtues) I boldly go forth and fight against mine enemies: and for this cause have I sacrificed my soul unto thee, purified and cleansed both with thy love and fear. Yea truly, thy name do I sincerely love, 
Constant. Faith confirmed by the miracles of the cross.  and thy power do I reverence, which by many tokens and wonders hast showed and confirmed thereby my belief & faith. Therefore will I do my endeavour, and bend myself thereunto, that I may re-edify thy most holy house, which those wicked & ungodly Emperors have with so great ruin laid waste, thy people do I desire to bring & 'stablish, in firm peace & tranquility, & that for the public utility of all the inhabitants of the earth. Those which yet err & are out of the way, enjoy the benefit of peace and quietness, with, and amongst the number of the faithful sort: for I trust the restitution of the like society, and participation may be a means to bring them also that err into the perfect way of verity. Let no man therefore be grievous one unto another but what every man thinketh best that let him do. 
The clem●●●cy of a good Emperor.  For such as are wi●e ought thoroughly to be persuaded, that the only mean to live holily and as they should do, whom the spirit of God moveth, 
A good judgement.  to take their delight and recreation in reading his holy will. And if others wilfully will go out of the way, cleaving to the Synagogues of false doctrine, they may at their own peril: as for us we have the most worthy house or congregation of God's verity, which he according to his own goodness & nature hath given us. And this also we wish unto the, that with like participation & common consent, 
One religion from the beginning of the world.  they may feel with us the same delectation of mind. For this our religion is neither new nor newly invented, but is as old as we believe the creation of the world to be: and which God hath commanded to be celebrated with such worship as both seemed and pleased him. But all living men are lycas, 
The prayer of Constantine was fulfilled. Each thing in their creation preach the very and true God.  and are deceived with divers and sundry illusions. Thou O God for Christ thy sons sake, suffer not this wickedness again to take root: thou hast set up a clear burning light, that thereby as many as thou hast chosen may come unto thee. These thy miracles approve the same. It is thy power that keepeth us in innocency and fydelitye. The Sun and the Moon run their appointed course: neither yet in ranging wi●e, wander the stars to what place of the world they list themselves. The days, years, months, and times, keep their appointed turns The earth abideth firm and unremovable at thy word, and the wind at the time (by thee directed) stormeth & bloweth. The streaming watery floods, ebb in time according as they flow. The raging sea abideth within her bounded limits And for that the Ocean Sea stretchech out herself in equal length and breadth with the whole earth: this must needs be wrought with some marvelous workmanship of thine own hand: which thing unless it were at thy will made and disposed, 
The earth stayd up by the power of God.  without all doubt, so great difference and partition between, would or this time have brought utter ruin & destruction, both to the life of man, as to all that belongeth to man beside. Which for that they have such great and huge conflicts amongst themselves, as also the invisible spirits have: we give thee thanks, O Lord most mighty God of all Gods, that all mankind hath not been destroyed thereby. Surely, 
Who they be that Constant. accounteth wise in deed.  even as greatly as thy benignity and gentleness, is manifested by divers & sundry benefits bestowed upon us: so much also is the same set forth and declared in the discipline of thy eternal word, to those that be heavenly wise, & apply themselves to the attainment of sincere & true virtue. But if any such there be, that little regard or have but small respect unto the consideration thereof▪ let them not blame or lay a fault in others that do the same. 
Experience a trial of the truth.  For that Physic whereby health is obtained, is manifestly offered unto all men: now therefore let no man go about to subvert that, which experience itself doth show (of necessity) to be pure and good. Let us therefore altogether use the participation of this benefit bestowed upon us, that is to say, the benefit of peace and tranquility, setting a part all controversy. And let no man hurt or be prejudicial to his fellow for that thing, wherein he thinketh himself to have done well. If by that, which any man knoweth and hath experience of, he thinketh he may profit his neighbour, let him do the same, if not, let him give over, and remit it till on other time. For there is a great diversity betwixt the willing and voluntary embracing of religion, and that when a man is thereunto enforced and coacted. Of these things have I made a more larger discourse, then in deed, the scope of mediocrity requireth: especially because I would not have my faith (touching the verity) to be hid. 
Constantinus neither for fear dissembleth his faith, neither through policy defaceth God's glory.  For that I hear there be some, which complain the old accustomed haunting of their temples, & that the power of such darkness is cut of and taken away: which thing surely I would take in better part, were it not that the violent rebellion of flagitious error, were so fixed in many men's hearts, whereby they thirst after the utter subversion of the common weal and Empire.  
Such was the goodness of this Emperor Constantinus, or rather such was the providence of almighty God toward his Church, in stirring him up: that all his care and study of mind was set upon nothing else, but only how to benefit & enlarge the commodities of the same. Neither was it to him enough to deliver the Church and people of God, 
Constantinus compared to Moses, in deliviring the people, and agreeing them together. The letter of Constantinus to A●ilinus his captain.  from outward vexation of foreign tyrants and persecutors. No les beneficial was his godly care also in quieting the inward dissensions and disturbance within the Church among the Christian bishops themselves, according as we read of Moses the deliverer of the israelites, in agreeing the brethren together, when he saw them at variance. Exod. 2. No less also did his vigilant study extend in erecting, restoring, & enriching the Churches of God in all Cities, and in providing for the ministers of the same. And therefore writing to Anilinus his chief captain, declareth his will & mind to him in letters, concerning the goods which did appertain to the Churches of the Christians: that he should procure vigilantly for the same: that all such goods, houses, and gardens, belonging before to the right of Churches, should again be restored in all speedy wise: and that he therein might be certified with speed. etc.  

Another letter of Constantine to A●ilinus.  Moreover, he writing to the said Anilinus in an other letter, signifieth unto him in this effect: that for so much as the contempt of God his reverent religion, is & hath been ever the greatest decay to the name & people of Rome, as contrary the maintaining and reverencing the same, hath ever brought prosperity to all common weals: 
The contempt of god's religion, chiefest decay of common weals.  Therefore he in consideration thereof, hath taken that order, & giveth to him in charge, that through the province, where he hath to do, which was in Aphrica where Cecilianus was Bishop, he should there see & provide, that all such ministers and Clerks, whose vocation was to serve in the Church, should be freed and exempted from all public duties and burdens: whereby they being so privileged, and all impediments removed, which should hinder their divine ministration: thereby the common utility of the people might the better flourish, 
another letter of Constantine to Miltiades Bishop of Rome.  etc.  
Furthermore, the said Constantinus in an other letter writing to Miltiades, Bishop of Rome, and to Marcus, declareth in his letters to them, how Cecilianus Bishop of Carthage, hath been accused unto him by divers of his colleages and fellow bishops. Wherefore his will is, that the said Cecilianus, with x. bishops his accusers, with x. other his defendants should repair up to him at Rome, 
The fervent desire of Constantinus to peace and unity.  where in the present assistance of the foresaid Miltiades, Rheticus, Maternus, Marinus, and of other their fellow Colleages, the cause of Cecilianus might be hard, and rightly examined, so that all schism and division might be cut of from among them: wherein the fervent desire of Constantinus to peace and unity, may well appear.  
Upon the like cause and argument also, 
The letter of Constantine to Crestus Bishop of Syracuse.  he writeth to Chrestus Bishop of Syracuse, so desirous to nourish peace and concord in the church, that he offereth to him with his under Ministers and three servants, his free carriage to come up to him unto the Council of other bishops, for the agreeing of certain matters belonging to the Church.  
He writeth also an other letter to the forenamed Cecilianus Bishop of Carthage.  
To the provinces likewise of Palestina & those parts about, 
The edict of Constantinus to the rulers of the province of Palestina.  he directeth his Edict in the behalf of the Christians: for the releasing of such as were in captivity: and for the restoring again of them, which had sustained any loss in the former persecution before, & for the refreshing of such as heretofore had been oppressed with any ignominy, or molestation, for their confession sake: declaring in the said Edict, how that his whole body, life and soul, and what soever is in him, he oweth to God, and to the service of him, etc.  
Moreover an other letter he writeth to Eusebius, 
The letter of Constantine to Eusebius.  for the edifying of new Christian Churches, & restoring of them which had been wasted before by foreign enemies. And after he had collected the Synod of Nice, for the study of peace and unity of the Church, 
The council of Nice. The effect of the letter of Constantine to Alexander and Arrius, ex Euseb. de vita Constan. Lib. 2.  he writeth upon the same to Alexander and Arrius. In which his letters he most lamentably uttered the great grief of his hear●, to see and hear of their contention and division: whereby the peace and common harmony of the Church was broken, the Synod provoked & resisted, the holy people of the Lord divided into parts and tumults, contrary to the office of good and circumspect men, whose duty were rather to nourish concord and to seek tranquillity. And though in some small points and light trifles they did disagree from other: yet as the example of Philosophers might teach them, who although in some part of a sentence or piece of a question, some might dissent from other: yet in the unity of their profession, they did all join as fellows together. In like case were it their duty in such fruitless questions (or rather pieces of questions) to keep them in the conceptions of their minds, in silence unto themselves, and not to bring them forth into public Synods, to break therefore from the communion of the reverent Council. Declaring moreover in the said Epistle, the first origine and occasion of this their contentious dissension to rise upon vain & trifling terms, vile causes, and light questions, and pieces rather of questions: about such matters as neither are to be moved, nor to be answered unto, being moved, more curious to be searched, and perilous to be expressed, then necessary to be inquired, magisque puerilibus ineptijs, quam sacerdotum ac cordatorum virorum prudentiae convenientia, as he there doth term them. Wherefore by all manner means he doth labour them, doth entreat them, and persuade them, not only with reasons, but also with tears and sighing sobs, that they would restore again peace unto the Church, and quietness to the rest of his life (which otherwise would not be sweet unto him) and that they would return again to the communion of the reverent Council. Who in so doing should open his way and purposed journey into the East parts, which otherwise hearing of their discord and dissension, would be sorry to see with his eyes, that which grieveth him now to hear with his ears: with much more in the same Epistle contained, but this is the effect of the whole. Euseb. de vita Constant. Lib. 2. Thus much I thought summarely to comprehend, 
Constantine set forth a spectacle to all Princes to follow.  whereby the divine disposition and singular gentle nature of this meek & religious Constantine might more notoriously appear to all Princes: for them to learn by his example, what zeal and care they ought to bear toward the Church of Christ, & how gently to govern, and how to be beneficial to the same.  
Many other Edicts & Epistles written to other places and parties, be expressed at large in the second book of Euseb De vita Constantini: wherein the zealous care and Princely beneficence of this noble Emperor toward the Church of Christ may appear. Whereof in a brief recapitulation such specialties we have collected as here followeth, and is to be seen in Zozo. Lib. 1. Cap. 8.9.  
First he commanded all them to be set free, who soever for the confession of Christ, had been condemned to banishment, or to the mines of metal, 
A brief recapitulation of such benefits as w●re wrought by Constantine upon Christ's Church.  or to any public or private labour to them inflicted. Such as were put to any infamy or open shame among the multitude, he willed them to be discharged from all such blemish of ignominy. Soldiers which before were deprived either of their place, or put out of their wages: were put to their liberty, either to serve again in their place, or quietly to live at home. Whatsoever honour, place, or dignity had been taken away from any man, should be restored to them again. The goods and possessions of them that had suffered death for Christ, howsoever they were alienated, should return to their heirs, or next of kin: or for lack of them should be given to the Church. He commanded moreover that only Christians should bear office. The other he charged and restrained, that neither they should sacrifice, nor exercise any more divinations and ceremonies of the Gentiles, nor set up any Images, nor to keep any feasts of the heathen Idolaters. He corrected moreover and abolished all such unlawful manners and unhonest usages in Cities, as might be hurtful any ways to the Church, as the custom that the Egyptians had in the flowing of Nilus, at what time the people used to run together like brute beasts, 
Where wickedness is punished there goodness followeth.  both men & women, and with all kind of filthiness and Sodomitry to pollute their Cities, in celebrating the increase of that river. This abomination Constantine extinguished, causing that wicked order called Androgynae, to be killed. By reason whereof the River afterward (through the benefit of God) yielded more increase in his flowing, to the greater fertility of the ground, than it did before.  
Among the Romans was an old law, that such as were barren having no fruit of children, should be amerced of half their goods. Also, that such as being above the years of xxv. unmarried, should not be numbered in the same privileges with them that were married, neither should be heirs to them, to whom notwithstanding they were next in kind. These laws because they seemed unreasonable, to punish the defect of nature, or gift of virginity, by man's law, he abrogated and took away. another order was among the Romans, that they which made their wills being sick, had certain prescribed and conceived words appointed to them to use, which unless they followed, their wills stood in none effect. This law also Constantine repealed, permitting to every man in making his testament to use what words, or what witnesses he would. Likewise among the Romans he restrained and took away the cruel and bloody spectacles & sights, where men were wont with sword one to kill an other. Of the barbarous and filthy fashion of the Arethusians in Phoenicia, I have mentioned before, pag. 104. where they used to expose and set forth their virgins to open fornication, before they should be married, 
The liberality of Constantine in giving to Churches.  which custom also Constantine removed away. Where no Churches were, there he commanded new to be made: where any were decayed, he commanded them to be repaired: where any were to little, he caused them to be enlarged, giving to the same great gifts and revenues: not only of such tributes and taxes coming to him from certain sundry Cities, which he transferred unto the Churches, but also out of his own treasures. When any Bishops required any Council to be had, he satisfied their petitions: And what in their Counsels and Synods they established, being godly & honest, he was ready to confirm the same.  
The armour of his soldiers, which were newly come from Gentility, he garnished with the arms of the cross, whereby they might learn the sooner to forget their old superstitious idolatry. Moreover like a worthy Emperor he prescribed a certain form of prayer in stead of a Catechism for every man to have, & to learn how to pray and to invocate God. The which form of prayer is recited in the fourth book of Eusebius De vita Constantini, 

Euseb. lib 4. de vita Constantini.  
The form of prayer appointed of Constantine for his soldiers. The soldiers prayer.   in words as followeth.  
Te solum noulmus Deum, te regem cognoscimus, te adiutorem invocamus, abs te victorias referimus, per te victorias inimicorum constituimus, tibi praesentium bonorum gratiam acceptam ferimus, & per te futura quoque speramus, tibi supplices sumus omnes: Imperatorem nostrum Constantinum, ac pientissimos eius filios, in longissima vita incolumes nobis ac victores custodire supplices oramus, per Christum dominum nostrum. Amen. In English.  
We knowledge thee only to be our God, we confess thee only to be our king, we invocate and call upon thee our only helper, by thee we obtain our victories, by thee we vanquish and subdue our enemies, to thee we attribute whatsoever present commodities we enjoy, & by thee we hope for good things to come, unto thee we direct all our suit & petitions: most humbly beseeching thee to conserve Constantine our Emperor, and his noble children in long life to continued, and to give them victory over all their enemies, through Christ our Lord. 
The sunday appointed to be kept holy.  Amen.  
In his own palace, he set up an house peculiar for prayer and doctrine, using also to pray and sing with his people. Also in his wars he went not without his tabernacle appointed for the same. The Sunday he commanded to be kept holy of all men, and free from all judiciary causes, from markets, martes, fairs, & all other manual labours, only husbandry excepted: especially charging that no Images or Monuments of Idolatry should be set up.  
Men of the Clergy and of the ministry in all places he endued with special privileges and immunities, 
Liberties and privileges granted to the clergy.  so that if any were brought before the civil Magistrate, and listed to appeal to the sentence of his Bishop, it should be lawful for him so to do: and that the sentence of the Bishop should stand in as great force as if the Magistrate or the Emperor himself had pronounced it.  
¶ But here is to be observed & noted by the way, that the Clerks & ministers then newly creeping out of persecution, were in those days, neither in number so great nor in order of life, of the like disposition to these in our days now living.  
No less care and provision the said Constantinus also had to the maintenance of schools pertaining to the Church and to the nourishing of good arts and liberal sciences, 
The provision and liberality of Constantine in maintaining schools.  especially of Divinity: not only with stipends and subsidies furnishing them, but also with large privileges and exemptions defending the same, as by the words of his own law is to be seen: and read as followeth: Medicos, Gramaticos, & alios professores literarum & doctores legum, cum uxoribus & liberis. 
The privilege granted by Constant. to universities and schools.  etc. In English: Physicians, grammarians, and all other prefessors of liberal arts, and Doctors of the law, with their wives and children, and all other their possessions, which they have in Cities: we command to be freed from all civil charges and functions, neither to receive foreign strangers in provinces, nor to be burdened with any public administration, nor to be cited up to civil judgement, nor to be drawn out, or oppressed with any injury. And if any man shall vex them, he shall incur such punishment, as the judge at his discretion shall award him. Their stipends moreover and solaries, we command truly to be paid them, whereby they may more freely instruct other in arts and sciences. etc.  
Over and besides this, 
The provident care of Constant. to have the scripture in Churches. Ex Euseb. lib. 4. de vitae Constant.  so far did his godly zeal and princely care and provision extend to the Church of Christ, that he commanded and provided books and volumes of the Scripture, diligently and plainly to be written and copied out, to remain in bublique Churches to the use of posterity, Whereupon writing to Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia in a special letter (recorded in the 4. book of Eusebius, De vita Constant.) he willeth him with all diligence to procure 50. volumes of parchment well bound and compacted: wherein he should cause to be written out of the scripture in a fair legeable hand, such things as he thought necessary and profitable for the instruction of the Church. And alloweth him for that business two bublique Ministers. Also writeth concerning the same, to the general of his army, to support and further him with such necessaries, as thereunto should appertain. 
A wish of the author admonitory to Princes.  etc.  
¶ In viewing, perusing, and writing this story, and in considering the Christian zeal of this Emperor, I wish that either this our Printing and plenty of books had been in his days: or that this so heroical hart toward Christ's Religion, as was in this so excellent Monarch, might something appear in inferior Princes reigning in these our Printing days. 
The liberality of Constant. towards the poor and needy.  etc.  
The liberal hand of this Emperor, borne to do all men good, was no less also open and ready toward the needy poverty of such, which either by loss of parents, or other occasions were not able to help themselves: to whom he commanded and provided dew subvention both of corn and raiment to be ministered out of his own coffers, to the necessary relief of the poor men, women, children, orphans, and widows, Euseb. de vita Constant. Lib 4.  
Finally, 
Constant. remitteth the fourth part of his rents and revenues.  among all the other monuments of his singular clemency and munificence, this is not to be pretermitted: that through all the Empire of Rome and provinces belonging to the same, not only he diminished such taxes, revenues, and impostes, as publicly were coming to him, but also clearly remitted and released to the contributers, the fourth part of the same.  
This present place would require something to be said of the donation of Constantine whereupon as upon their chiefest anchor hold, 
Devotion of Constantine.  the Bishops of Rome do ground their supreme dominion and right, over all the political government of the West parts, & the spiritual government of all the other Seas and parts of the world. Which donation to be falsely feigned and forged, and not to proceed from Constantine, many arguments might here be inferred, if laisure from other matters would suffer me. 
Reasons and arguments proving the donation of Constantine to be falsified.   
1. First, for that no ancient history, nor yet Doctor maketh any mention thereof.  
2. Nauclerus reporteth it to be affirmed in the history of Isidorus: but in the old copies of Isidorus no such thing is to be found.  
3. Gracianus the compiler of the decrees, reciteth that decree, not upon any ancient authority, but only under the title of Palea.  
4. Gelasius is said to give some testimony thereof, in Dist. 15. Sancta Romana, but that clause of the said distinction touching that matter, in the old ancient books is not extant.  
5 Otho Phrisingensis, who was about the time of Gracian, after he hath declared the opinion of the favourers of the Papacy: affirming this donation to be given of Constantine, to Silvester the Pope: induceth consequently, the opinion of them that favour the Empire, affirming the contrary.  
6. How doth this agree, that Constantine did yield up to Silvester all the political dominion over the West, when as the said Constantine at his death, dividing the Empire to his three sons, gave the West part of the Empire to one, the East part to the second, the middle part to the third?  
7. How is it like that Theodosius after them, being a just and a religious Prince, would or could have occupied the City of Rome, if it had not been his right, but had belonged to the pope, & so did many other Emperors after him?  
8. The phrase of this decree being conferred with the phrase and stile of Constantine, in his other Edicts and letters above specified doth nothing agree.  
9 Seeing the papists themselves confess that the decree of this donation was written in Greek, how agreeth that with truth: when as both it was written not to the Grecians, but to the Romans, and also Constantine himself for lack of the Greek tongue, was feign to use the Latin tongue in the Council of Nice?  
10. The contents of this donation (who soever was the forger thereof) doth bewray itself. For if it be true which there is confessed, that he was baptized at Rome of Silvester, & the iiij. day after his baptism this patrimony was given (which was before his battle against Maximinus or Licinius, An. 317. as Niceph. recordeth) how then accordeth this with that which followeth in the donation, for him to have jurisdiction given over the other iiij. principal seas of Antioch, Alexandria, Constantinople and Jerusalem? when as the City of Constantinople was not yet begun, before the death of Maximinus or Licinius, and was not finished, before the xxviij. year of the reign of Constantine, an. 339. or if it be true, as Jerome counteth, it was finished the twenty-three. year of his reign, which was the year of our Lord 334. long after this donation by their own account.  
11. Furthermore, where in the said constitution is said that Constantine was baptized at Rome of Silvester, & thereby was purged of Leprosy: the fable thereof agreeth not with the truth of history: for so much as Eusebius, lib. 4. De vita Constantini, Hieronymus in Chron. Ruffin. lib. 1. cap. 11. Socrates, lib. 1. cap. 39 Theodor. lib. 1. cap. 31. Sozomenus, lib 2. cap. 34. do altogether consent that he was baptized not at Rome, but at Nicomedia: and that moreover, as by their testimony doth appear, not of Silvester but of Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, not before his battle against Maximinus, or Licinius, but in the xxxj. year of his reign, a little before his death.  
12. Again, where as Constantine in this donation appointed him to have the principality over the other iiij. patriarchal Seas: that maketh Constantine contrary to himself. Who in the Council of Nice afterward agreed with other bishops, that all the iiij. patriarchal seas should have equal jurisdiction, every one over his own territory and precinct.  
13. In sum, briefly to conclude: who so desireth more abundantly to be satisfied touching this matter, let him read the books of Marsilius Patavinus, entitled: defensor pacis, An 1324. of Laurentius Valla, An. 1440. of Antoninus' archbishop of Florence, who in his history, plainly denieth the tenor of this donation to be found in the old books of the decrees. Of Cusanus Cardinalis. Lib. 3. Cap. 2. writing to the Council of Basil, Anno 1460. Of Aeneas Silvius in Dialogo, of Hier. Paulus Cattalanus, An. 1496. of Raphael Volateranus, An. 1500. of Lutherus, An. 1537. etc. all which by many and evident probations, dispute and prove this donation taken out of a book De gestis Syluestri, and translated (as they feign) by one Bartholomeus Picernus, out of Greek into Latin: not to proceed from Constantinus, but to be a thing untruly pretenced, or rather a fable imagined, or else to be the deed of Pipinus or Charles, or some such other, if it were ever the deed of any.  
And thus hast thou (beloved Reader) briefly collected the narration of the noble acts and heavenly virtues of this most famous Emperor Constantine the great: 
Commendation of Constantine▪ the Emperor.  a singular spectacle for all Christian Princes to behold and imitate, and worthy of perpetual memory in all congregations of Christian Saints. Whose fervent zeal & piety in general, to all congregations, and to all the servants of Christ was notable: but especially the affection and reverence of his heart toward them was admirable, which had suffered any thing for the confession of Christ, in the persecutions before, them had he principally in price and veneration, in so much that he embraced and kissed their wounds and stripes, and their eyes, being put out. And if any such Bishops or any other Ministers brought to him any complaints one against an other, 
Constantine kissed the wounds of them that suffered for Christ. Constantine burneth the bills of complaints, and breaketh strife among the Bishops.  (as many times they did) he would take their bills of complaint, and burn them before their faces: so studious and zealous was his mind to have them agree, whose discord was to him more grief, than it was to themselves. All the virtuous acts and memorable doings of this divine & renowned Emperor to comprehend or commit to history: it were the matter alone of a great volume: wherefore contented with these above premised, because nothing of him can be said enough, I cease to discourse of him any further.  
One thing yet remaineth not to be omited, 
Note, that the oration ad conventum sanctorum is wrongly ascribed to Eusebius, which in deed is the oration of Constantine.  wherein (as by the way of a note) I thought good to admonish the learned Reader, such as love to be conversant in reading of ancient authors: that in the Ecclesiastical history of Eusebius, where in the latter end of the book, is added a certain Oration, Ad conventum Sanctorum, under the name of Eusebius Pamphilus, here is to be understand, that the said Oration is wrongly entitled upon the name of Eusebius, which in very truth is the Oration of Constantinus himself. For the probation whereof, beside the stile and matter therein contained, and tractation heroical) lively declaring the religious vain of Constantine) I allege the very testimony of Eusebius himself in his fourth book De vita Constantini, where he in express words not only declareth that Constantine wrote such an Oration entitled Ad Conuentum Sanctorum, but also promiseth in the end of his book, to annex the same: declaring moreover what difficulty the interpreters had, to translate the same from the Roman speech, to their Grecian tongue. Eusebius de vita Constantini. Lib. 4 pag. 211.  
And here an end of these lamentable & doleful persecutions of the primitive Church, during the space of the 300. years from the passion of our Saviour Christ, till the coming of this Constantinus, by whom, as by the elect instrument of God, it hath so pleased his almighty majesty, by his determinat purpose to give rest after long trouble to his church, according to that S. Cyprian declareth before, 
Look above pag. 68 Col. ●. line. 52.  pag. 68 to be revealed of God unto his Church: that after darkness and stormy tempest should come peaceable calm, & stable quietness to his church, meaning this time of Constantine now present. 
Satan bound up for a M. years.  At which time it so pleased the almighty, that the murdering malice of Satan should at length be restrained, and he himself to be tied up for a thousand years, through his great mercy in Christ, to whom therefore ●e thanks and praise now and for ever. AMEN.   
The end of the first Book.    

THE SECOND BOOK, CONTAINING the next 300. years following, with such things specially touched, as have happened in England, from the time of king Lucius, to Gregorius, and so after to the time of king Egebert.  
BY these persecutions hitherto in the Book before precedent, thou mayest understand (Christian reader) how the fury of Satan and rage of men, have done what they could to extinguish the name and religion of Christ. For what thing did lack, that either death could do, or torments could work, or the gates of hell could devise: all was to the uttermost attempted. And yet all the fury and malice of Satan, all the wisdom of the world, & strength of men, doing, devising, practising what they could: notwithstanding the religion of Christ (as thou seest) hath had the upper hand. Which thing I wish thee greatly (gentle reader) wisely to note, and diligently to ponder, in considering these former histories. And because thou canst not consider them, nor profit by them, unless thou do first read & peruse them: let me crave therefore thus much at thine hands, to turn & read over the said histories of those persecutions above described: 
A petition to the reader, diligently to read over the former book of the x. persecutions.  especially above all the other histories of this present volume: for thy especial edification, which I trust thou shalt find not unworthy the reading.  
Now because the tying up of Satan giveth to the Church some rest, & to me some leisure to address myself, to the handling of other stories: I mind therefore (Christ willing) in this present book, leaving a while the tractation of these general affairs, pertaining to the universal Church: to prosecute such domestical histories, as more near concern this our country of England & Scotland, done here at home: beginning first with king Lucius, with whom the faith first begun here in this Realm, as the sentence of some writers doth hold. 
The first planting of Christian faith in England.  And for somuch as here may rise, yea and doth rise, a great controversy in these our Popish days, concerning the first origine & planting of the faith in this our Realm: it shall not be greatly out of our purpose, 
Question.  somewhat to stay & say of this question, whether the Church of England first received the faith from Rome or not. The which, although I grant so to be, yet being so granted, it little availeth the purpose of them which would so have it: for be it so, that England first received the Christian faith and Religion from Rome, both in the time of Eleutherius their Bishop. 180. years after Christ: and also in the time of Austen, whom Gregory sent hither 600. years after Christ: yet their purpose followeth not thereby, 
Whether Christian Religion in this Realm came first from Rome.  that we must therefore fetch our Religion from thence still, as from the chief welhead and fountain of all godliness. And yet as they are not able to prove the second, so neither have I any cause to grant the first: that is, that our Christian faith was first derived from Rome, which I may prove by vj. or seven. good coniectural reasons. Whereof the first I take of the testimony of Gildas, 
Answer.  our countryman, who in his history affirmeth plainly, 
1 Gildas.  that Britain received the Gospel in the time of Tiberius the Emperor, under whom Christ suffered. Lib. De victoria Aurelij Ambrosij. And saith moreover, that joseph of Arimathie after dispersion of the jews, was sent of Philip the Apostle from France to Britain, about the year of our Lord. 63. and here remained in this land all his time: and so with his fellows, laid the first foundation of Christian faith among the Britain people. Whereupon other preachers and teachers coming afterward confirmed the same, and increased it.  

2 Ex Tertul. contra judaeos.  2. The second reason is out of Tertullian, who living near about, or rather somewhat before the time of this Eleutherius, in his book Contra judaeos, manifestly importeth the same: where the said Tertullian testifying how the Gospel was dispersed abroad by the sound of the Apostles, & there reckoning up the Medes, Persians, Parthians, and dwellers in Mesopotamia, jewry, Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia, Phrigia, Egypt, Pamphilia, with many more, at length cometh to the coasts of the Moorrians, and all the borders of Spain: with divers nations of France, & there amongst all other reciteth also the parts of Britain, which the Romans could never attain to, and reporteth the same now to be subject to Christ, as also reckoneth up the places of Sarmatia, of the Danes, the Germans, the Scythians, with many other provinces and Isles to him unknown: in all which places, saith he, reigneth the name of Christ, which now beginneth to be common. This hath Tertullian. Note here, how among other divers believing nations, he mentioneth also the wildest places of Britain to be of the same number. And these in his time were Christened, who was in the same Eleutherius time, as is above said. Then, was not Pope Eleutherius, the first which sent the Christian faith into this Realm, but the Gospel was here received before his time, either by joseph of Arimathia, as some Chronicles record, or by some of the Apostles or of their scholars, which had been here preaching Christ, before Eleutherius wrote to Lucius.  
3. My third probation I deduct out of Origen, Home. 4. in Ezechielem, 
3 Ex Origen hom. 4. in Ezech●.  whose words be these: Britamniam in Christianam consentire religionem. Whereby it appeareth that the faith of Christ was sparsed here in England before the days of Eleutherius.  
4. For my fourth probation I take the testimony of Bede, where he affirmeth that in his time, and almost a thousand year after Christ, here in Britain: Easter was kept after the manner of the East Church, 
4 Ex Bed●.  in the full moon: what day in the week soever it fell on, and not on the Sunday, as we do now. Whereby it is to be collected, that the first preachers in this land, have come out from the East part of the world, 
5 Ex Niceph. Lib. 2. cap. 40.  where it was so used, rather than from Rome.  
5. Fiftly, I may allege the words of Nicephorus, Lib. 2. cap 40. where he sayeth, that Simon zealots did spread the gospel of Christ to the West ocean, and brought the same unto the Isles of Britain.  
6. Sixtly may be added here also the words of Petrus Cluniacensis, who writing to Bernard, affirmeth that the Scots in his time did celebrate their Easter, 
6 Ex Pet. Cluniacensi. ad Bernardum.  not after the Roman manner, but after the Greeks. etc. And as the said Britain's were not under the Roman order in the time of this Abbot of Cluniake: so neither were they nor would be, under the Roman legate, in the time of Gregory: nor would admit any primacy of the bishop of Rome, to be above them.  
7. For the seventh argument, moreover I may make my probation by the plain words of Eleutherius, by whose Epistle written to king Lucius, 
7 Ex Epist. Eleutherij. ad Luc●●●.  we may understand, that Lucius had received the faith of Christ in his land, before the king sent to Eleutherius for the Roman laws: for so the express words of the letter do manifestly purport, as hereafter followeth to be seen. By all which conjectures, it may stand probably to be thought, that the britains, were taught first by the Grecians of the East Church, rather than by the Romans.  
Peradventure Eleutherius might help something, either to convert the king, or else to increase the Faith then newly sprung among the people: but that he precisely was the first, that cannot be proved. But grant he were, as in deed the most part of our English stories confess, neither will I greatly stick with them therein: yet what have they got thereby, when they have cast all their gain? In few words to conclude this matter, if so be that the Christian faith and religion was first derived from Rome to this our nation by Eleutherius, then let them but grant to us the same faith and religion, which then was taught at Rome: and from thence derived hither by the said Eleutherius, and we will desire no more. For than neither was any universal Pope above all Churches and Counsels, 
What difference between the late church of Rome, from the old Church of Rome, and in what matters.  which came not in before Bonifacius time, which was 400. years after: neither any name or use of the Mass, the parts whereof how and by whom they were compiled, here after in this book following appeareth to be seen. Neither any sacrifice propitiatory for the scouring of Purgatory was then offered upon hallowed altars, but only the Communion frequented at Christian tables: where oblations and gifts were offered, as well of the people, as of the Priests to God: because they should appear neither empty nor unkind before the Lord, as we may understand by the time of Cyprian▪ Neither was then any transubstantiation heard of, which was not brought in before a thousand year after. Neither were then any images of Saints departed, set up in Churches, yea a great number of the Saints worshipped in this our time, were not as yet borne, nor the Churches wherein they were worshipped, were yet set up: but came in long after, especially in the time of Irene & Constans the Emperor. Likewise neither Relics nor peregrinations were then in use. priests Marriage was then as lawful, and no less received as now: neither was it condemned before the days of Hildebrand, almost a thousand years after that. Their service was then in the vulgar tongue, 
De consecrat. Dist. 2.  as witnesseth Jerome. The Sacrament ministered in both kinds, as well to lay men, as to Priests, the witness whereof is Cyprian. Yea, and that temporal men which would not then communicate at Easter, Whitsuntide, and Christenmasse: were not counted for catholics, the Popes own distinction can testify. In funerals, Priests than flocked not together, selling trentals and diriges for sweping of Purgatory: but only a funeral contion was used, with Psalms of praises, & songs of their worthy deeds: and hallelujah sounding on high, which did shake the gilded ceilings of the temple, as witnesseth Nazianzene, Ambrose, and Jerome, etc.  
In the Supper of the Lord, & at Baptism, no such ceremonies were used, as now of late hath been intruded, in so much that as in this story is showed hereafter, both Austen and Paulinus baptized then in Rivers not in hallowed fountes, 
●abianus. cap. 119. & 120.  as witnesseth Fabianus. The Portuis of Sarum, of York, of Bangor, with Matins and Evensong of the day: again neither the orders and religions of Monks & Friars, were not yet dreamt of, to the space almost of a thousand years after, etc. So that, as I said, if the Papists would needs derive the faith & religion of this Realm, from Rome: then let them set us & leave us there, where they had us: that is, let them suffer us to stand content with that faith and religion, which then was taught & brought from Rome by Eleutherius (as now we differ nothing from the same) and we will desire no better. And if they will not, then let the wise Reader judge, where the fault is, in us or them which neither themselves will persist in the antiquity of the Romish religion, which they so much brag of, neither will they permit us so to do.  
And thus much by the way, to satisfy the foresaid objection: whereby we may have now a more ready passage into the order and course of the History. 
Eleutherius Bishop of Rome.  Being therefore granted unto them, which they so earnestly stick upon, that the Christian faith and Religion of this Realm was brought from Rome, first by Eleutherius, then afterward by Austen: thus writeth the Chronicles of that matter.  
About the time and year of the Lord. 180. king Lucius son of Coilus, 
Austen. 2. The faith of Christ brought into this Realm. Lucius' first christened king of the Britons.  which builded Colchester, king of the Britain's, who then were the inhabiters & possessors of this land (which now we Englishmen call England) hearing of the miracles & wonders done by the Christians at that time in divers places (as Monumetensis writeth) directed his letters to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome, to receive of him the Christian faith. Although about the computation of the year and time: great difference there is in authors, when this should be. Nauclerus saith it was An. 156. but that cannot be, forsomuch as Eleutherius was not yet Bishop by the space of 20. years after that. Henricus de Erfordia saith, 
Ex Monumetensi & alijs.  it was An. 169. in the 19 year of Verus Emperor, but that agreeth not with approved histories: which all consent, that Verus reigned not 19 years, and if he had, yet that year cometh not to the year of our Lord. 169. but to the year. 181. Some other say, that Eleutherius was made Bishop, in the 6. year of Commodus, which was the year of our Lord. 186. but that seemeth to go to far, but let the authors agree as they can. Let us return to Eleutherius the good Bishop, who hearing the request of this king, & glad to see the godly towardness of his well disposed mind: sendeth him certain teachers & preachers, 
Paganus, Damianus.  called Fugatius, or by some Faganus, and Damianus, or Dimianus: which converted first the king and people of Britain, and baptized them with the Baptism and Sacrament of Christ's faith. The Temples of Idolatry and all other Monuments of Gentility they subverted, converting the people from their divers & many gods to serve one living God. Thus true religion with sincere faith increasing, superstition decayed, with all other rites of Idolatry. There were than in Britain 28. head Priests, which they called Flamines, & 3. Archpriests among them, which were called Archflamines: having the oversight of their manners, 
28. Bishops within this Realm. 3. Archb.  & as judges over the rest. These 28. Flamines they turned to 28. Bishops. And the 3. Archflamines, to 3. Archishops, having then their seats in three principal Cities of the Realm: that is, in London, in York, and in Glamorgantia, videlicet, in Vrbe legionum, by Wales. Thus the Countries of the whole Realm, being divided every one under his own Bishop, and all things settled in a good order: the foresaid king Lucius sent again to the said Eleutherius, for the Roman laws: thereby likewise to be governed as in Religion now they were framed accordingly. Unto whom Eleutherius again writeth, after the tenor of these words ensuing.  
The Epistle of Eleutherius Bishop of Rome, 
Ex vetusto codice regum antiquorum. The Epistle of Eleutherius to king Lucius.  sent to king Lucius.  
ANno. 169. a Passione Christi scripsit Dominus Eleutherius Papa Lucio Regi Britanniae, ad correctionem Regis & procerum regni Britanniae, and so forth, as followeth in English.  
Ye require of us the Roman laws and the Emperors, to be sent over to you: which you may practise & put in ure within your Realm. The Roman laws, & the Emperors, we may ever reprove, but the law of God we may not. Ye have received of late through God's mercy in the realm of Britain, the law and faith of Christ: ye have with you within the Realm both the parties of the Scriptures. 
The king, God's vicar within his own kingdom.  Out of them by god's grace, with the Council of your realm, take ye a law, and by that law (through gods sufferance) rule your kingdom of Britain. For you be God's Vicar in your kingdom, according to the saying of the Psalm. Deus judicium tuum Regi da, etc. That is. O God give thy judgement to the King, and thy righteousness to the king's son. etc. He said not the judgement & righteousness of the Emperor, but thy judgement and justice: that is to say, of God. The kings sons be the Christian people & folk of the Realm, which be under your government, and live and continue in peace within your kingdom, as the Gospel sayeth: like as the hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, so doth the king his people. The people and folk of the Realm of Britain be yours, whom if they be divided ye ought to gather in concord and peace: to call them to the faith and law of Christ, and to the holy church, to cherish and maintain them, to rule and govern them, and to defend them always from such as would do them wrong, from malicious men and enemies. A king hath his name of ruling, and not of having a Realm. You shallbe a king while ye rule well, but if you do otherwise, the name of a king shall not remain with you, & you shall lose it, which God forbidden. The almighty God grant you so to rule the Realm of Britain, that you may reign with him for ever, whose Vicar ye be in the Realm.  
After this manner, as you have heard, was the Christian faith either first brought in, or else confirmed in this realm of Britain, by the sending of Eleutherius, not with any cross or procession, but only at the simple preaching of Fagane and Damian, through whose ministery this realm & Ileland of Britain was eftsoons reduced to the faith & law of the Lord, 
Esay. 42.  according as was prophesied by Esay, as well of that, as other Ilelands' more, where he saith, chap. 42. he shall not faint, nor give over till he hath set judgement in earth, and Ilelands shall wait for his law. etc. The faith thus received of the britains continued among them and flourished the space of 216. years, till the coming of the saxons: who then were Pagans: whereof more followeth hereafter to be said, the Lord Christ assisting thereunto. In the mean time something to speak of this space before, which was betwixt the time of Lucius, and the first coming in of the saxons: first is to be understanded, that all this while as yet the Emperors of Rome had not received the faith, what time the kings of Britain, & the subjects thereof, were converted now, as is said, to Christ: for the which cause much trouble and perturbation, was sought against them, not only here in Britain, but through all parts of Christendom by the Heathen infidels. In so much that in the persecution only of Dioclesian & Maximinian reigning both together within one month xvij. thousand martyrs are numbered to have suffered for the name of Christ, as hath been hitherto in the book before sufficiently discoursed.  
Thus therefore although the foresaid Lucius, the Britain king, through the merciful providence of God, was then Christened and the gospel received generally almost in all the land: 

H. Huntendon. Lib. 1  
What incommodity cometh by lack of succession.   yet the state thereof as well of the Religion, as of the common wealth, could not be quiet, for that the emperors & nobles of Rome were yet infidels, & enemies to the same: but especially for this cause, the cause so happening, that Lucius the Christian king died without issue: for thereby such trouble & variance fell among the Britain's (as it happeneth in all other Realms, namely in this our Realm of England when soever succession lacketh) that not only they brought upon them the Idolatrous Romans, & at length the Saxons: but also in wrapped themselves in such misery and desolation, as yet to this day amongst them remaineth. Such a thing it is (where a Prince or a King is in a kingdom) there to lack succession, as especially in this case may appear. For after the death of Lucius, when the Barons and Nobles of the land could not accord within themselves upon succession of the crown: stepped in the Romans, & got the crown into their own hands, whereupon followed great misery and ruin to the realm: for sometimes the Idolatrous Romans, sometimes the britains reigned and ruled, as violence and victory would serve, one king murdering an other, till at length the saxons came and deprived them both, as in process hereafter followeth to be seen.  
In the mean season touching the story of king Lucius, here is to be reproved the fable of some writers falsely feigning of him, that he should after his Baptism received, put of all his kingly honour, and forsake the land & be made a preacher: who after long travail in preaching and teaching, in France, in Germany, in Augusta, & in Suevia, at length was made Doctor and Rector of the Church of Cureak: where (as this fable sayeth) he suffered martyrdom. But this fantasy of whomsoever it first did spring, disagreeeth from all our English stories: Who with a full consent do for the most part concord in this, that the said Lucius, after he had founded many Churches, and given great riches and liberties to the same: deceased with great tranquility in his own land, 
The decease of King Lucius. Ex Florilego.  and was buried at Gloucester, the 14. year after his Baptism, as the book of Flores Historiarum, doth count, which was the year of our Lord (as he sayeth) 201. and reckoneth his conversion to be. An. 87. In some I find his decease to be the fourth, & in some the tenth year after his Baptism, and hold that he reigned all the space of lxxvij. years, and thus much concerning king Lucius.  
Now to proceed in order of the story, briefly to touch the state of the foresaid land of Britain, between the time of king Lucius, and the entering of the saxons, who were the kings thereof: and in what order they succeeded, or rather invaded one after an other, this Catalogue here under written will specify.  

Kings of Britain from the time of Lucius till the coming of the Saxons.  Lucius, 

Ex Beda Polyero, monumetensi.  a Britain.  Severus, 
a Roman.  Bassianus, 
a Roman by the father.  Cerausius, 
a Britain.  Alectus, 
a Roman.  Asclepiodotus, 
a Britain.  Coilus, 
a Britain.  Constantius, 
a Roman.  Constantinus, 
a Britain by the Mother, named Helena, who being the daughter of Coel, & married to Constantius, father of Constantinus, is said to make the walls first of London, also of Colchester, much about the year of the Lord, 305. and borne in Britain.  Octavius, 
a Gewissian.  Maximinianus, 
a Roman borne, but his mother a Britain.  Gratianus, 

An. D. 390. second fab. Bed. An. 433. fab. An. 443. An. 448. An. 464.  a Roman.  Constantinus, 
a Britain by the mother.  Constans, 
a Roman by the father.  Votigerus, 
a Gewissian or Bri.  Vortimerus, 
a Brit.  Vortigernus. 
again.   
By this table may appear a lamentable face of a common wealth so miserably rend and divided into two sorts of people, differing not so much in country, as in religion. For when the Romans reigned: so were they governed by the Infidels. When the britains ruled, so they were governed by Christians. Thus what quietness was or could be in the Church, in so unquiet and doubtful days, it may easily be considered.  
Albeit, notwithstanding all these foresaid Heathen rulers of the Romans, which here governed, yet (God be praised) we read of no persecution, during all these x. persecutions above mentioned, that touched the christian britains, before the last persecution only of Dioclesian, 
The britains never touched with any persecution before the time of Dioclesian.  and Maximianus Herculius, which here then exercised much cruelty. This persecution, as it was the last among the Roman Christians, so it was the first of many & divers that followed after in this Church and Realm of England: whereof we will here after entreat (Christ willing) as order of the matter shall lead us. In the mean time this rage of Dioclesian as it was universally through all the churches in the world fierce & vehement: so in this realm of Britain also it was so sore, that as all our English Chronicles do testify, and record, all Christianity almost in the whole land was destroyed: Churches were subverted, all books of the Scripture burned, many of the faithful both men and women were slain. Among whom the first and chief was Albanus, than julius, Aaron, and Amphibalus. Of whom sufficiently hath been said before. What were the other, or how many they were that suffered beside, stories make no rehearsal. And thus much thereof.  
Now as concerning the government of these above named kings of Britain, 
Constant. the great, borne and bred in Britain.  although I have little or nothing to note, which greatly appertaineth to the matter of this Ecclesiastical history: yet this is not to be passed over: first how in the order of these kings cometh Constantinus the great & worthy Emperor, 
The cause how this Realm of Britain was first weakened.  not only a Britain borne by his mother Helina being king Coilus daughter, but also by the help of the britains army (under the power of God) which the said Constantine took with him out of Britain to Rome: obtained with great victory, peace and tranquility to the whole universal Church of Christ: having iij. legions with him out of this realm, of chosen & able soldiers. Whereby the strength of the land was not a little impaired & endangered, as afterward in this story followeth.  
After him likewise Maximian following his steps, took with him also (as stories record) all the power and strength which was left: and whatsoever he could make, of able and fight men, to subdue France: besides the garrisons which he had out with him before, sending for more to the number of C.M. soldiers at once, to be sent to him out of Britain into France. 
Britain spoiled of soldiers.  At which time also Conanus his partner being then in France, sent over for virgins from Britain to the number of xi. M. who with Ursula, the Prince Dionets daughter being shipped over, many perished in the sea: 
Ursula, with a xi. thousand virgins.  some were taken of the infidels, marching upon the borders, with whom because they would not be polluted, all were destroyed, being miserably dispersed (some one way, some an other) so that none escaped.  
Thus poor Britain being left naked and destitute on every side, as a maimed body without might or strength: was left open to his enemies, not able to secure itself, without help of foreign friends. To whom they were then constrained to fly, especially to the Romans to whom the britains sent this word or message. Aetio ter Consuli gemitus Britannorum. Repellunt nos Barbari ad mare. Repellit nos mare ad Barbaros. Hinc oriuntur duo sunerum genera, quia aut iugulamur, aut submergimur. But the Romans then began to forsake them, whereby they were in nearer danger to be oppressed by Gwanus and Melga, 
Gueteli●●● Archb. of London. Ex Chronico. Mon●metensi. Constantinus. Constant. Aurelius, Ambrose, Uter Pendragon.  had not Gwetelinus the Archbishop of London made over to lesser Britain, and obtaining their help, had brought Constantinus the king's brother, to rescue his country against the infidels. This Constantinus was brother to Aldroenus king of little britain, and father to Constans, Aurelius Ambrose, & Uter, who after reigned kings in Britain.  
Thus by the means of the good Archbishop and Constantinus, the state of the Religion and Realm of Britain was in some mean quiet & safety, during the time of the said Constantine and of the good Archbishop. But as the Realm of Britain almost from the beginning was never without civil war, at length came wicked Vortigerne, who cruelly causing Constans his Prince to be murdered, 
The Saxons sent for to Britain. King Constans slain by Vortigerne. Hengist and Horsu● Captains of the Saxons.  ambitiously invaded the crown: who then fearing the other two brethren of Constans, which were Aurelius & Uter, being then in little Britain: did send over for the aid of the Saxons being then infidels, and not only that: but also married with an infidel, the daughter of Hengist called Rowen. Whereupon the said Vortigerne not long after, by the said Hengist and the saxons was with like trayterie dispossessed of his kingdom, & the people of Britain driven out of their country, after that the Saxons had slain of their chief Nobles & Barons at one meeting, joining together subtlety with cruelty, to the number of CC.lxxi. some stories say CCCC. lx. 
A wicked murder of the Saxons.  This wicked act of the saxons, was done at Almisbury, or at a place called Stonehenge, by the monument of which stones there hanging, it seemeth that the noble britains there were buried.  
This fabulous Story of the Welshemen, of bringing these stones from Ireland by Merlin I pass over. Some stories record that they were slain being bid to a banquet, other do say that it was done at a talk or assembly, where the Saxons came with privy knives contrary to promise made, with the which knives they giving a privy watchword, in their saxons speech, neme your sexes) slew the britains unarmed: and thus far concerning the history of the britains. As this great plague could not come to the britains without God's permission, so Gildas showeth in his Chronicle, the cause thereof, writing thus: Quòd Britones propter avaritiam & rapinam Principum, propter iniquitatem & iniustitiam judicum, propter desidiam praedicationis Episcoporum, propter luxuriam & malos mores populi, patriam perdidisse. etc.  

A description of England, as it was divided in the saxons time into seven. kingdoms.  
 

The entering and reigning of the Saxons.  
THis was the coming in first of the Angles or saxons into this realm, being yet unchristened and infidels: which was about the year of our Lord, as William Malmesbury testifieth 
Aurelius and Uter. sons to Constantinus. . CCCC. lxix. the Captains of whom were Hengistus and Horsus. Although the said Hengist and saxons at their first coming, for all their subtle working and cruel attempt, had no quiet settling in Britain, but were driven out divers times by the valiantness of Aurelius Ambrose, and his brother Uter above mentioned, who reigned after that among the britains: yet notwithstanding they were not so driven out, but that they returned again, and at length possessed all, driving the britains (such as remained) into Cambria, 

Ex Gaufrido.  
Ex Alfrido in suo Britannico.   which we call now Wales. Hengistus, as some Chronicles record, reigned. 43. years, and died in Kent. Galfridus in suo Britannico sayeth: that he was taken in war by Aurelius Ambrose, and beheaded at Coningesburgh, after he had reigned xxxix. year.  
After the death of Hengist, his son Osca, reigned xxiv. years leaving his son Octa, to whose reign with his son Ymenricus, histories do attribute liij. years, who also were slain at length by Uter Pendragon, 
Ex Policron. lib. 5. cap. 4.  Polichroni. Lib. 5. cap. 4.  
The saxons after they were settled in the possession of England, distributed the Realm among themselves, first in seven parts: every part to have his king, that is: The first to be the king of Kent. The second to be king of Sussex and Southerye, holding his Palace at Cicester. The third king was of Westsexe. The fourth king of Essex. The fift king was of the Eastangles, 
Seven kings ruling in England.  that is, of Cambridgeshire, Norfolk, and Southfolke. The vj. king of Merceland, or Mercia, and in his kingdom were contained the Countesses of Lincoln, Leycester, Huntyngdon, Northampton, Orford, Derby, Warwick. etc. The seven. king had all the countries beyond Humber, and was called king of Northumberland.  
Of these seven kingdoms, although they continued not long, but at length joined all in one, coming all into the possession & subjection of the Westsaxons: yet for the space they continued (which was with continual trouble & wars among themselves) this is the race and order of them, as in this Table particularly followeth to be seen.   

A Table describing the seven kingdoms of the Saxons, reigning here in England.  
IN the time of Vortiger above mentioned, began the reign of the Saxons in this land, the which coming out of 3. sorts of the german people (to wit) the Saxons, the Intes and Angles, replenished the land, of them called now Anglia. Of whom first Hengistus reigned in Kent, which country of Kent he had obtained by Rowen his daughter, of king Vortiger, which was about the year of our Lord as some do count, 476. or as I find in the computation of our English Tables, 456. in some, 463. After Hengist, came in Octha, with Eosa, or Icy his kinsman: who afterward succeeded the said Hengist in Kent. Not long after came in an other company of the Saxons, with Elle their Captain, which planted themselves in Southsexe. And after them again an other garrison of the Saxons with Cerdice their Captain, which did occupy the West part of the land, called by them Westsaxon. And so likewise the other multitude of the Saxons after them, which as yet being unchristened and Infidels, divided the whole land among themselves into seven. kingdoms, as in this Table followeth.  
456. ¶ The Kings of Kent, with the years how long they reigned. Kent. Hengistus, slain. 31   Eosa, or Icy. 24   Ocha, or Octha.   Emenricus, or Emericus. 26   Ethelbertus, the first of the Saxon kings that received the faith by Aug. an. reg. 35.56 This Ethelbert first of all the Saxons received the faith, and subdued all the other vj. kings, except only the king of Northumberland.  Edbaldus. 24   Ercombertus. 24 Ercombert commanded Lent first to be fasted in his dominion. The kings of Kent. Egebertus, or Edbrieth slain. 9 Egebert killed two Sons of his Uncle.  Lotharias slain. 12  Eadrichus. 6 Unto the time of Eadrick all the bishops of Canterbury were Italians.  Nidredus. 7 Some Chronicles do place these two, Nidredus and Wilhardus, after Edricke, and give to them seven years, some again do omit them.  Wilhardus. 7  Withredus. 33  Egfertus, or Edbert. 23  Ethelbert. 11   Alricus. 34 Between the reign of Alricke, and Cuthred, some Stories do insert the reign of Eadbert, which reigned two years.  Eadbertus, surnamed Pren. 2  Cuthredus. 18  Baldredus, expulsed. 81   
In the reign of this Baldred the kingdom of Kent was translated to Egbertus, otherwise called Egbrict, king of the Westsaxons, who subduing the foresaid Baldred, an. 832. gave the said kingdom to Athelstan his younger son. After whose decease it came to Ethelwolfe the elder son of Egbrict, and so was united to the Westsaxons, who then began to be the Monarch of the whole land. This kingdom began near about the year of our Lord, 456. and continued 342. years, and had xv. kings.  
478 ¶ The Kings of Southsaxe, with the years of their reign. Southsaxe. Elle, or Alle. 31 Cissa. Of this Cissa came Cicester, which he builded, and where he reigned. Now called Sussex. Nancanleus, or Nancanleodus. This Nathanleod seemeth by some old stories to be a Britain, & the chief Marshal of king Uter, whom Porth the Saxon slew.  Porth. This Porth a Saxon, came in at the haven, which now is called of him Porthmouth.  Ethelwelfus. Because I find but little mention of these two I think it rather like to be the same Ethelwold or Ethelwaldus, which after followeth. The kings of Sussex. Redwallus. Condebertus. Of Condebertus and Ethelred I find no mention but in one table only, supposing therefore that the true names of these were Ercombertus and Egebertus, which were kings of Kent the same time, and peradventure might then rule in Sussex.  Ethelredus, or Ethereus.  Adelwood, or Ethelwaldus, slain. This Adelwold was the first king of Sussex Christened, and as Fabian saith, the iiij. king of the Southsaxons: as other say the seven. so uncertain be the histories of this kingdom.  Adelbrich, or Berethunus, slain. 5  Adhumus. 15  
¶ This kingdom endured the shortest season of all other, and soon passed into other kingdoms, in the days as some writ of Iue king of Westsaxe, and so endured not above an hundred & twelve years under seven or at most xj. kings, beginning first in the year of the Lord, 47● and about the 30. year of the first coming of the Saxons.  
Westsaxe. 522. ¶ The principal kingdom of the Westsaxons, and of their reigns. Cerdicus, or Credicus. 17 This kingdom contained Sommersetshire, Berkshire, Dorsetshire, Devonshire, Cornwall, etc.  Kenricus. 26  Chelingus 30.33. lib. cycls.   Celricus, or Ceolfricus. 5   Celwulfus, or Ceolulfus. 14   Kynigilsus & Quicelinus. 32 This Kynigilsus was first King Christened in that province, converted by Birinus after made Monk.  Kinewalkins. 31   Sexburga. ●   Escwynus, Ascwynus, or Elkwinus. 2  The kings of Westsaxe. Centwinus, died at Rome. 7  Cedwalla. 3 Cedwalla went to Rome, and there was Christened and died. Ina, or Iue. 35  Edelardus, or Athelardus. 14 Ina also went to Rome, and was made Monk.  Cuthredus, or Cuthbert. 16   Sigebertus, or Sigherus, slain. 1 Sigebert for his pride and cruelty was deposed of his people. And as he had killed before one of his faithful counsel giving him wholesome counsel: so after was he slain of the same counsellors Swynard, as he hide himself in a wood.  Kynulfus, or Kynewlfus, slain. 31  Brithricus. 13  Egbertus, or Egbrichtus, otherwise Athelbertus, or Athelbrich, etc. 37 This Egbert was first expelled by Brithricus, who after returning again and reigning, was much derided and scorned with mocking runes for a coward of Bernulfus king of Mercia. At length the said Egbert subdued him first, than all the rest, to his kingdomed causing the whole land to be called no more Britain, but Anglia. Concerning the other kings after him in that Lordship hereafter followeth.  
¶ This Egebert subdued all the other seven kingdoms, and first began the Monarchy of all the saxons, which after by Alured was perfected, as hereafter followeth (the lord willing) to be declared. This kingdom of the Westsaxons began the year of grace, 522. & as it subdued all the other, so it did the longest continue, till about the coming of William Conqueror, which is about the time of 554. years.  
547. Northumberland. ¶ The Kings of Northumberland, with the years of their reign. Ida. 12 This Ida of his wife had vj. children, Adda, Elricus, Osmerus, Theodledus, of concubines other 6. After Ida the kingdom of Northumberland was divided into two provinces, Deyra and Bernicia.  Alle, or Elle, Deirorum. 30 This Alle was the son of Iffe, & reigned in Deyra, 30.  Adda, Bernicorum. 7   Some Chronicles set under Adda, to reign in Bernicia these kings, Glappa or Claspa, Theonulfus, or Hussa, or Theowalnus, Frihulfus, Theodoricus.  Alricus, or Alfricus Deirorum. 5 This Alfricus was the son of Ida and reigned five years.   This Ethelfridus was he that slew the monks of Bangor, to the number of 2200. which came to pray for the good success of the britains, and by his wife Accan, the daughter of Elle, had seven. sons, Eaufridus, Osualdus, Oswius, Oslacus, Osmundus, Os●, Of●a. Flor. Histor.  Ethelfridus Bernicorun.  Edwinus, Northumberland, slain. 17 This Edwinus was the first of the Northumberland kings, which was converted and Christened by Paulinus Bishop of London.  Osricus Deirorum, slain. These two are put out of the race of kings, because they revolted from the Christian faith, and were both slain miserably by Cedwalla a Britain, which then reigned in Northumberland, and in Mercia.  Eaufridus Bernicia, slain. The kings of Northumberland. Oswaldus, Northumberland, slain. This Oswaldus, called S. Oswald, fought with Cedwalla, & Penda with a small army, and by strength of prayer vanquished them in the field. He sent for Aedanus into Scotland to preach in his country, & as he preached in Scottish, the king expounded in English. He was a great giver of alms to the poor. Of his other acts more appeareth hereafter.  Oswius, Northumberland. 28 This Oswius lighting against Penda, vowed to make his daughter Elfred a Nun, giving with her .12. Lordships, to build 12. Monasteries uj in Bernicia uj in Deira.  Oswinus reigned together with Oswius in Deira slain. 7 The same Oswius in the beginning of his reign took one Oswinus the son of Edwyne to be his partner over the country of Deyra. Afterward causing him to be killed, took to him an other called Edelwald, the son of Oswalde. Of this Oswynus more followeth hereafter to be declared.  Egfridus, Northumberberland. slain. 15 This Egfrid married Etheldrida, who being xij. years married to him, could after, by no means be alured to lie with him, but obtaining of him licence, was made Nun, & then Abbes of Elye. She made but one meal a day, & never wear linen. At last the same Egfrid fight against the Scots, was slain in the field by a train of the Scots, feigning themselves to flee.  Alridus, Northumberland, slain. 20 Of this Alfride, Bede in his history testifieth that he was exactly and perfectly seen in the holy Scriptures, & recovered much that his predecessors had lost before. Bed. lib. 4. cap. 24. Some say he reigned not 18. years.  Osredus, Northumberland, slain. 11 Osred began his reign being but viii. years old, and reigned the space of x. years.  Kenredus, North. 2  Oriscus, North. 20 Some affirm that Oriscus reigned but xi. years.  Celulfus, Northumb. made a Monk. 9 This Celulf after he had reigned .8. years was made a Monk. To him Beda wrote his story.  Egbertus, or Eadbertus, Northumberland, Monk. 21  Osulfus, Northumber. slain. 1   Mollo, or Ethelwold, North. 11. Mollo by the subtle train of Altredus was made away, which Altredus also himself after he had reigned x. years, was expulsed by his own people.  In some Chronicles vj. years.  Altredus, Northum. expulsed. 10 In some Chronicles this Altredus reigned but viij. years.  Ethelbertus, or Edelredus, Northumberland, expulsed. 5  Alfwoldus, Northumberland slain, 11  Osredus.   Ethelbertus, or Adelwaldus, North. slain. 16  
¶ After this Ethelbert, the kingdom of Northumberland ceased the space of xxv. years, till Egbertus King of the Westsaxons subdued also them, as he did the other Saxons to his dominion. After the which Egbert king of the Westsaxons succeeded in Northumberland his son.  

Kings of Westsaxons, reigning in Northumberland.  
Ethelwolfus.  
Ethelbertus.  
Ethelbaldus.  
Ethelredus.   
In the time of this Ethelredus there were two under Kings in Northumberland Ella, and Osbright, whom the Danes overcame and reigned in their place, whose names were these.  

Danes.  
Exbertus.  
Richsi.  
Egebert.  
Gurthed.  
Guthrid.   
¶ After the reign of these foresaid Danes, the kingdom of Northumberland came into the hands of the Westsaxons, in the time of Athelstane and his brother Edmundus. It began first. An. 547. and so endured. 409. years. It contained yorkshire, Notinghamshyre, Darbishyre, the Bishopric of Dyrham, Copeland and other.  
(561) ¶ The kings of Mercia, or Merceland with the years of their reign. Mercia. Grida, or Creodda. 35   Wibba. 20   Ceorlus. 10   Penda, slain. 30 Penda slew in battle edwin and Oswald kings of Northumb. Also Sigebert, Edrike, and Anna, kings of the Eastangles. Also he drove out Kenwalkins king of the Westsaxons.  Peda, or Weda, slain by his wife. Under Peda, and Wlferus, Chris●●s faith was received in those parts, they being converted by Finianus Bishop.   The same Peda reigned in a part of Mercia, with his brother Wlferus, which were both the sons of Penda.  Wlferus. 29 This Wlferus by his wife Ermeburg had three daughters, Milburg, Mildrith, and Mildgith, holy virgins,  Adelredus, or Ethelred, made Monk. 30 or. 19 This Adelredus, or Ethelredus was Monk of Baroney, whose sisters were Kynedrid, and Kynswith, holy virgins.  Kenredus made also Monk at Rome. 5 The Kings of Mercia. Ceolredus, or Kelredus. In the time of this Ceolred was Guthlake otherwise called S. Guthlake, the Popish Eremite of Crouland. Ethelbaldus, slain. 41 Under Ethelbaldus died Beda. Ethelbad gave that all churches should be free from all exactions and public charges.  Bernredus. 1 This Bernred for his pride & stoutness toward his people, was by them deposed, & the same year by the just judgement of God burned. Histor. Cariens. Offa causing or consenting to the death of good Ethelbert king of the Eastangles, peaceably coming to marry his daughter, for repentance caused the Peter pence first to be given to Rome, and there did his penance.  Offa. 39  Egfredus. 1  Kenulphus, slain, 20 or. 16.  Kenelmus, murdered Ceolwolfus expulsed, 1. or 3. This Kenelm being of seven. years of age, was wickedly slain after he had reigned vi. months.  Bernulphus, slain. 3   Ludecanus, slain. 2Some Chronicles here insert Milefredus. This Ludicane after the 2. year of his reign was slain of Egbert, king of the Westsaxons, by whom the rest of the Saxons were also subdued.  Wilafius, or Withlacus beheaded. 12  
¶ This Withlacus in the beginning of his reign was vanquished by Egfrid king of Westsaxe, to whom he became tributary with his successors here following.  

¶ Some writers say that these kings were subdued by the Danes.  
Berthulfus. 12  
Buthredus. 20  
Celustus. 1  
Elfredus. 1   
After this Elfride the kingdom of the Mercians was translated unto the Westsaxons, in the latter time of king Alfred, or in the beginning of Edwardus Senior, and so was adjoined to the Westsaxons, beginning. An. 561. It endured the space of 250. years, till about the latter end of Aluredus, by whom it was joined to the kingdom of Westsaxons. This kingdom stretched out to Huntingtonshire, Hertfordshire, Glocestershire, Worceter, Warwick, Lichfield, Coventry, Chester, Darbishire, Staffordshire, Shrosebury, Oxford, Buckingham Dorceter, Lincoln, Leicester. etc.  
(561) ¶ The kings of the Eastsaxons, with the years of their reign. Eastsaxons. Erchwinus. 35  Sledda. 17   Sebertus, or Sigebertus. 14 This Sebertus n●phew to Ethelber● king of Kent among these kings was first Christened by Mellitus, which made the Church of Paul's.  Sexredus, and Sewardus, brethren slain. 7 Sexred, & Seward, and Sigebert, expelled Mellitus the Bishop, because he would not minister to them the sacramental bread, they being not baptized. Sigebertus' parvus. 23 This Sigebertus parvus with his brother Sebertus were slain of Kynegilsus and Swithelinus his brother, by the just judgement of God, for they revolted again from their Faith, and expelled Mellitus Bishop of London.  Segebertus Bonus, or Sibertus, slain. This Segebertus Bonus or Sibertus, much resorting to Oswy, king of Northumberland, by his persuasion was brought to Christian baptism, baptized of Finlanus Bish. to whom also was sent Cedde with other ministers to preach & to baptise in his country. At last he was slain of his men about him, using to much to spare his enemies, & to forgive their injuries that repented. Flor. The kings of the East saxons. Swythelinus. 14  Sigherius, son of Segebertus parvus. This Sigherius and Sebbi first fell to Idolatry, then through the means of Wolferus King of Mercia, were reduced, & at last Sebby became a Monk.  Sebbi Son of Sewardus, which was made a Monk.  Sigehardus, and Suefridus, brethren. 8   Offa. 5 Offa after he had reigned a while, became a Monk at Rome.  Selredus, or Colredus, slain. 38  Swithredus,   
This Swithredus was subdued unto Egbert King of Westsaxons, Albeit London remained under the Mercias' to the time that they also were subdued to the Westsaxons. This kingdom began. An. 561. and so continued till the time of Egbertus. Some stories say it continued to the time of Edward son of Aluredus, about the coming of the Danes, and contained under it the Lordship of Midlesex and London. The Metropolitan sea of this province of Essex was London, where the famous Church of S. Paul was builded by Ethelbert king of Kent, and Sigebert king of Essex, whom Ethelbert had lately before turned to Christ's faith: whereof the first bishop was Mellitus, the ij. bishop was Ceddus, the third came in by Simony, whose name was Wine. Malmesb. de vitis Pont. After him was Erkenwaldus, of whom writeth Bede, that he being diseased in his legs that he could neither go nor ride, yet would be carried about in a litter to preach in his Diocese. etc. Although W. Malmesb. writing of the bishops of London in his book De vitis Ponti. saith that Mauritius first the king's Chancellor, than Bishop there, did first begin this so large and famous building of the Church of S. Paul in London: Which work after him Richardus his successor did prosecute, bestowing all the rents of his Bishopric upon the same, and yet was scarcely seen: yet herein may be answered peradventure, that the Church builded before by King Ethelbert, and king Sigebert, might be overthrown by the Danes, and afterward was re-edified by these Bishops above mentioned.  
(561) ¶ The kings of the Eastangles, with the years of their reign. Eastangles. Vffa, or Vlfa, 30 Of this Vffa the people of Norfolk were then called Vfkyns.  Titulus, or Titila. 13 Redwaldus first was converted in Kent: afterward through the wicked persuasion of his wife and other, joined Idolatry with Christianity.  Redwaldus. 12  Erpwaldus, or Corpwaldus, slain. 38 notwithstanding his son Erpwaldus through the means of Edwin king of Northumberland, was brought to the perfect faith of Christ, & therein faithfully did continue.  Sigebertus, or Sibrect first a monk slain. 3 This Sigebert made himself a Monk, and afterward brought out to fight against Penda, with a white stick in his hand, was slain in the field. The kings of the Eastangles. Egnicus, or Egricus, slain. 3 Anna, slain. 3 The daughters of Anna were Sexburga, Ethelberta, and Saint Etheldreda. Adelhere, or Adelredus, slain. 2  Adelwoldus, or Ethelbaldus. 9   Adulphus. 25   Elkwoldus. 12 This Ethelredus for his holiness & godly virtues is counted for a Saint, he innocently coming to Offa king of Mercia to marry with Althrid his Daughter, by the sinister suspicion of Offa, and wicked counsel of Kineswina his wife, was cruelly put to death in the house of Offa. For the which cause Offa afterward repenting went to Rome, where he made himself a Monk.  Beorna. 26  Ethelredus, slain. 52  Ethelbritus, slain. 5  
¶ After this sinful murder of Ethelbert, the kingdom of Eastangles during the time of certain years, was in great trouble and desolation, under divers kings and tyrants, sometime the king of Westsaxe, sometimes of Kent, or of Mercia, having dominion over them, till the coming of S. Edmund, which was the last King there ruling under the Westsaxons.  

S. Edmund, Martyred. 16.   
¶ After the death of S. Edmund, being slain of the Infidel Danes, the kingdom remained with the Danes .50. years, till at length Edward King of the Westsaxons, expulsed the Danes, and joined it to his kingdom. It began about the year of our Lord .561. and continued near about 377. years. Fabian numbereth but 12. kings, but in other I find more.  
The Metropolitan sea of this province of Eastangles, which was first at a town called Dunmoke or, 
This Dunwich, lieth upon the sea side in Suffolk.  or Dunwich (which in time past hath been a famous & populous town with a mayor & 4. bailiffs, & also divers Parish Churches, & hospitals, whereunto great privileges by divers kings have been granted, which town is now fallen into ruin and decay, and more than half consumed by the eating in of the Sea, as also greatly impoverished by loss of the Haven, which heretofore hath flourished with divers tall ships belonging to the same (the inhabitants thereof being not able of themselves to repair it without the help of other good people,) where the first bishop was Felix, a Burgundian, who sat there 14. years. After this, unto the time of Egbert King of Westsaxe, this province was ever ruled by two Bishops, whereof the one had his sea at Dunmoke, now called Dunwich. The other at Demaham, where 12. sat, one after an other. From thence it was translated to Thetford, where sat three Bishops. At last by bishop Herbert it was removed to Norwich, where he erected a Monastery of Monks.  
And thus standeth the order and race of the Saxon kings, reigning together with the Britain's in this Realm. Now followeth the description of the Britain kings, reigning with the Saxons in like manner.  
Although the miserable Britain's thus were bereaved of their land, by the cruel subtlety of the Saxons, yet were they not so driven out or expulsed, but that a certain kingdom remained among them, in some part of the land, namely about Cornwall, and the parts of Cambria, which is divided in two parts, Southwales, called Demetia, and North-wales called Venedocia. The said Britain's moreover through the valiant acts of their kings, sometimes reigned also in other countries, displacing the Saxons, & recovering again their own: sometimes more, sometimes less, till the time of Carecius, when as the Britain's being deposed by Godmundus, (whose help they themselves sent for out of Ireland, against Carecius their wicked King) utterly lost their land and kingdom: being thence driven utterly into Wales and cornwall, the year of our Lord 570. What the order of these kings was, what were their acts, their names, and times when they reigned: in this brief table under written is expressed. Wherein first is to be premonished that Constantinus secundus had three children, to wit, Constans, which was made a Monk in Winchester, and after made a king: the second was Aurelius Ambrose: the third was Uter Pendragon. This being premised, we will now enter the description of our Table, beginning with Vortigernus.  

¶ A Table declaring the Kings of Britain, which reigned together with the saxons, after their coming into this land. 
 Kings of Britain which here reigned in the time of the saxons.  
Vortigernus.  
Vortimerius.  
Vortigernus, again.  
Aurelius Ambrose.  
Uter Pendragon.  
Arthurus.  
Constantinus 3.  
Aurelius.  
Conanus.  
Vortiperius.  
Malgo.  
Carecius.   
Here is to be understand that these Britain kings above mentioned, did not so reign here in this land, from the time of Vortigerne, that they had the full possession and government over all the whole realm: but only over parcels or parts, such as by force of arms, they could either hold or win from the Saxons: 
Example what it is to let in strange nations.  which coming in daily and growing upon them, did so replenish the land with multitudes of them, that the Britain's at length were neither able to hold that which they had, nor to recover that which they lost: Leaving exaple to all ages & countries, what it is, first to let in foreign nations into their dominion, 
Marriage with Infidels what destruction it worketh.  but especially what it is for Princes to join in marriage with infidels: as this Vortiger did with Hengistus daughter, which was the mother of all this mischief: giving to the Saxons not only strength, but also occasion and courage to attempt that which they did. Neither was this unconsidered before of the Britain Lords and Nobility: who worthily being therewith offended, justly deposed their king, & enthroned Vortimerus his son in his room. By the which Vortimer being a punant prince, the Saxons were then repulsed and driven again into Germany, where they stayed a while till the death of Vortimer whom Rowen daughter of Hengistus caused traitorously to be poisoned. 
The second return of Engist. into Britain.  Then Vortiger being again restored to his kingdom, through the entreaty of Rowen his wife, sent into Germany again for Engist, who eftsoons making his return, came in with a name of 300. ships well appointed. 
The dissembling words of the Saxons to deceive the britains.  The Nobles of Britain hearing this, prepared themselves to the contrary side in all forcible wise to put them of. But Engist through Rowen his daughter so laboured the king: excusing himself, and saying that he brought not the multitude, to work any violence either against him or against his country, but only thinking that Vortimer had yet been alive, whom he minded to impugn for the king's sake, and to take his part. And now for so much as he heareth of the death of Vortimer his enemy, he therefore committeth both himself & his people to his disposition, to appoint how few or how many of them he would to remain within his land: the rest should return. And if it so pleased the King, to appoint day & place, where they might meet and talk together of the matter, both he and his would stand to such order as the king with his counsel should appoint. With these fair words the king and his nobles (well contented) did assign to them both day & place, which was in the town of Ambry: where he meant to talk with them, adding this condition with all, that each part should come without any manner of weapon. Engist showing himself well agreed thereto, 
Neme your sexes, the watcheword. All the Nobility of the Brittaynes destroyed in one day. The king ransomed. The Saxons enter possession of the land. The Christian britains persecuted of the Infidel Saxons.  gave privy intelligence to his side, that each man should carry with him secretly in his hose a long knife, with their watch word also given unto them when they should draw their knives: wherewith every Saxon should (and so did) kill the Britain, with whom he talked, as is above declared. The Britain Lords being slain, the Saxons took Vortigerne the King, and bound him: for whose ransom they required to be delivered to them the City of London, York, Lincoln, Winchester, with other the most strongest holds within the land which being to them granted, they begin to make spoil & havoc of the Britain nation, destroying the Citizens, plucking down Churches, killing up the Priests, burning the Books of the holy Scripture, leaving nothing undone that tyranny could work, which was about the year of our Lord. 462. The King seeing this miserable slaughter of the people fled into Wales.  
This while Aurelius Ambrose, & Uter Pendragon brethren to king Constans above mentioned, whom Vortigerne wickedly caused to be killed, 
An. 462.  were in little Britain. To whom the britains sent word, desiring their aid in helping their country. Aurelius understanding the woeful state of the Realm, 
Aurelius Ambrose returneth into Britain,  speedeth him over to satisfy their desire, and to rescue (what in him was) their necessity. Who at his first coming eftsoons being crowned for their king seeketh out wicked Vortigerne, the cause of all this trouble and murder of king Constans his brother. And finding him in Wales in a strong tower, wherein he had immured himself, 
Aurelius crowned king of Britain.  setteth him and his castle on fire. That done he moved his power against the Saxons, with whom, and with Elle Captain of the Southsaxons (who then was newly come over) he had divers conflicts.  

Vortigerus burned in his tower.  Our English old Chronicles make record that Horsus the brother of Engist was slain before in the time of Vortimer. The same also do record, that this Engist was taken prisoner in the field, fight against Aurelius Ambrose▪ who then consulting with his Nobles and Barons, what was to be done with him: the Bishop of Gloucester, called Eldadus, 

Horsus slain. Engist taken in the field.  
The counsel of Eldadus Bishop of Gloucester. Engist beheaded.  
Anno. 490. Ex Henr. Huntingtonensi. Galfrido. Ex Chronico quodam Cariensi.   standing up, gave this counsel, saying: that 〈◊〉 all men would deliver him, yet he with his own hands would cut him in pieces, alleging the example of Samuel against Agag King of the Ameleches, taken by King Saul in the field: whom the said Samuel caused to be cut in pieces. Even so (saith he) do you to this Agag here: that as he hath made many a woman widow, and without children: so his mother mai be made this day of him likewise. And so was Engist taken out of the City by Eldo Consul or Mayor of Gloucester, and there was beheaded: if truth or credit be to be given to these our old Britain stories: whereof I have nothing certainly to pronounce, but that I may suspect the truth thereof, which was about the year of our Lord. 490. Henr. Hunting. Galfr. cum alijs.  
A certain ancient written history I have in Latin, compiled in the xiiij year of king Richard the second, and by him caused to be written as the title declareth: which because it beareth no name of the author: I call it by the name of him of whom I borrowed this book, 
The uncertainty of our old Britain stories.  with many other likewise without name, Historia Cariana. This history recordeth that Hengistus died in Kent the xxxii. year of his reign: which if it be true, then is it false that he was taken at Cunynburgh, and slain in the North. This Aurelius Ambrose before mentioned, 
Ex historia Cariana, Aurelius Ambrose Brit. king.  is thought of Polidorus Vergilius citing the authority of Bede, to descend of the stock of the Romans: which as it is not unpossible to be true: so this is certain by the full accord of all our old written stories, that both the said Aurelius, and his brother Uter Pendragon being the sons of Constantinus, brother to Andoenus king of little Britain, were nursed and brought up in England, in their tender age, and instructed by Gultelinus Archbishop of London, and after the murder of Constans their elder brother, were conveyed from hence to little Britain: whereby it is manifest that they were borne in this land, and though their father were a Roman as Polydorus pretendeth, yet like it is that they were Britain's borne, and had a Britain to their mother.  
After the death of Aurelius, who (as the story sayeth) was poisoned by the crafty means of Pascentius, 
Anno. 497.  son of Vortigernus (suborning one, under the weed of a Monk to play the Physician, and so to poison him) next succeeded his brother Uter, surnamed Pendragon, about the year of our Lord. 497. who fighting against Octa and Cosa, 
Uter Pendragon. Brit. King.  took them and brought them to London there to be kept. But they breaking out of prison returned into Germany for more aid. In this mean time daily recourse was of Saxons, with great companies coming out of Saxony: with whom the Britain's had divers & sundry conflicts, 
Remember the words of Gildas. 633. hist. Caria.  sometimes winning, sometimes losing. Not long after Octa & Cosa, renewing their power in Germany, in all most speedy haste did return again, and join with the other Saxons against the Britain's. here began the state of miserable Britain daily more and more to decay, 
The Christian britains persecuted by the Heathen Saxons.  while the idolatrous Saxons prevailed in number and strength against the Christian Britain's: oppressing the people, throwing down Churches and Monasteries, murdering the Prelates, sparing neither age nor person, but wasting christianity almost through the whole realm. To these miseries it fell moreover that Uter their king was sick & could not come out. notwithstanding being grieved with the lamentable destruction of his people, caused his bed to be brought into the camp, where God gave him victory: Octa & Cosa there being slain. After this victory in short space Uter died of poison (as is said) put into a fountain of water, whereof the king was wont to drink, about the year of our Lord. 516. Hor. Hist.  
About which time and year, 
Anno. 516.  came in Stuph and Wigarius two nephews of Certhice king of Westsaxons, with their companies so violently upon the Britain's, that they of the West part of the realm, were not able to resist them. Then the merciful providence of almighty God, raised up for them King Arthure, 
King Arthur.  the son of Uter: who was then crowned after him and victoriously reigned. To this Arthure the old Britain histories do ascribe xij. great victories against the Heathen Saxons: whose notorious & famous conquests, mentioned in the Britain stories, I leave them as I find them: referring them to the credit of their authors in whom they are found. Notwithstanding as I do not think contrary, but God by the foresaid Arthure, gave to the Britaines some stay and quietness during his life, 
The tales of King Arthur.  and certain of his successors: so touching certain of great victories & conquests, not only over this land, but also over all Europe, I judge them more fabulous, then that any credit should be given unto them, more worthy to be joined with the Iliads of Homer, then to have place in any Ecclesiastical history. 
Constantinus. 3. Aurelius. Conanus. Vortipor●u●. Malgo. Carecius. Kings of Britain.  After Arthure next King of the Britain's, was Constantinus the third. After him Aurel●us Conanus. Then Vortiporius, after whom followed Malgo, noted in stories to be a Sodomite. And after him the last King of the Britain's, was Carecius, all given to Civil war, execrable to God & man. Who being chased out by the Britain's themselves, the land fell to the possession of the Saxons: about the year of our Lord. 568. by whom all the Clergy and the Christian ministers of the Britain's, were then utterly driven out: In so much that Theonus Archbishop of London, 
The Archb. of London and the Archbishop of York flee into Wales.  & Thadeoseus Archbishop of York, seeing their Churches all wasted, and Parishes dispersed, with their carriages and monuments: left their seas in Britain, and fled into Cambria, which we now call Wales. Touching which matter, and touching also the cause of this desolation & ruin of the Britain's kingdom, the first fountain & origin thereof partly before is declared, where was showed in the time of Constantinus Magnus and Maximinian, pag. 108. how these noble Princes with other more, achieving their venturous affairs in other countries, took with them great multitudes & armies out of Britain: through the occasion whereof, the land was greatly impaired and deprived of his most chief and principal nobles, being carried away to serve in foreign wars. Which was no small cause, why the realm of Britain (being so wasted) was the less able to help itself against their enemies. Although this was not the chief occasion, but other causes there were greater, wherefore God by his just judgement, suffered this plague and overthrow to fall upon that people, as here out of an old author, 
Ex historia quadam Cariensi.  and partly out of Gildas, as I have found it, so I thought to annex it in his own words, first in Latin, than afterward Englishing the same, for the more credit of that which shallbe alleged, in tenor as followeth.  
Nobiliores totius regni praedictos duces sequ●ti fuerunt & ignobiles remanebant, 
The causes of the destruction of the Brit. declared.  qui cum vicem nobilium obtinere coepissent, extulerunt se ultra quod dignitas expetebat. Et ob affluenciā divitiarum superbi coeperunt, tali & tantae fornicationi indulgere, qualis nec inter gentes audita est. Et, ut Gildas historicus testatur, non solùm hoc vitium sed omnia quae humanae naturae accidere solent, & praecipue quod totius boni evertit statum, odium veritatis, amor mendacij, susceptio mali pro bono, veneratio nequitiae pro benignitate: exceptatio Sathanae pro angelo lucis: ungebantur reges, non propter dominium, sed qui caeteris crudeliores essent. Si quis verò eorum mitior, & veritati aliquatenus propior videretur, in hunc quasi Britanniae subversorem omnia odia, telaque torquebantur. Omnia quae Deo placebant & displicebant aequali lance inter eos pendebantur. Et non solùm hoc seculares viri, sed & ipse grex domini, eiusque pastores sine discretione faciebant. Non igitur admirandum est degeneres tales patriam illam amittere quam praedicto modo maculabant.  

In English thus.  In English thus: The nobles of this realm following the Princes and Captains above named: by the reason thereof the vulgar and rascal sort remained behind at home. Who when they had gotten the rooms and places of the nobles, they advanced themselves above that their dignity required. And through their abundance of riches, they surprised with pride, began to fall into such & so great fornication, as was never heard of even among the Gentiles. And as Gildas the historiographer witnesseth, not into vice only, but also into all manner of wickedness, whereto man's nature is inclined: and especially into that which is the overthrow of all good estates, the hatred of the truth, love of lies, embracing of evil in stead of goodness, regarding of mischief in stead of virtue, receiving of the devil in stead of an Angel of light. They anointed kings not such as could well rule a common wealth, but those which exceeded all other in cruelty. And if any might be perceived to be somewhat more humble or meek, or to be more inclined to favour the truth than the residue, him did every one hate and backbite as the overthrower and destroyer of Britain. All things whether they pleased or displeased God, they regarded alike. And not secular men only did this. but also the congregation of the Lord and their Bishops and teachers without any difference at all. Therefore it is not to be marveled, that such people so degenerating and going out of kind should lose that country, which they had after this manner defiled.  
And thus much hitherto concerning the history of the Britain's, till, by the grace of Christ, the order of time shall bring us hereafter to the treatise of Cedwalla and Calwalladrus. Now remaineth, in returning again to the matter of the Saxons, to discourse particularly, that which before in the table above we have sommarely comprehended.  
In this order and raze of the Saxon kings, above specified which had thus thrust out the britons, & now divided their land in seven kingdoms: as there were many naughty and wicked kings (whose pernicious examples, being all set on war and bloodshed, are greatly to be detested and eschewed of all true godly Princes) so some there were again (although but few) very sincere & good. But none almost from the first to the last, which was not either slain in war, or murdered in peace, or else constrained to make himself a monk. Such was the rage then and tyranny of that time. Whether we should impute it to the corruption of man's nature, or to the just judgement of God's hand, so disposing the matter, that as they had violently & falsely dispossessed the Britons of their right: so they most miserably were not only vexed of the Danes, and conquered at last by the Normans: but also more cruelly devoured themselves, one warring still against an other, till they were neither able to help themselves, nor yet to resist others. Of them which are noted for good among these Saxon kings, 

This 〈◊〉 being a Christi●● was 〈◊〉 unto Ethelbert upon the condition that she should be suffered 〈◊〉 enjoy her religion. Ethelbe●● king of Kent. Oswaldus' king of Northumberland. Edwinus king of Northumberland. Sigebertus of Eastangles.  
Sebert or Sexbrieth of Essex. The first building 〈◊〉 the Ch●●c● of Paul●● London. Ethelbert king of the Eastangles.   the first and principal is Ethelbertus, or Ethelbrict the first king of Kent above specified, who by the means of Austen, and partly through his wife, named Berda, first received and preferred the Christian faith, in all this land of the English Saxons, whereof more followeth hereafter to be said (the Lord so permitting) as place and opportunity shall require. The next place I give to Oswaldus of Northumberland, who not only did his endeavour in furthering the faith of Christ amongst his people: but also being king, disdained not himself to stand up and interpret to his nobles & subjects the preaching of Aidanus, preaching Christ to them in his Scottish language. In the same commendation also, like as in the same line, cometh his uncle Edwin, king of Northumberland, a good Prince, and the first receiver of Christ's faith in that land, by the means of his wife, and Paulinus Bishop. Add to these also Sigebert, first Christened king of the Eastangles, & Sebert, first Christened king of Essex: of whom the one was a great furtherer of Religion, & setter up of schools: the other which is Sebert or Sexbrieth, was nephew to Ethelbert of Kent, under whom he ruled in Essex. By the which Ethelbert, in the time of the said Sebert the Church of Paul's was builded at London, and Christian faith much enlarged. etc. Of the same name there was also an other Ethelbert King of the Eastangles, a good Prince: who by the advise of his counsel persuaded to marriage (though against his will) went peaceably to King Offa for despousage of Athilride his daughter, where the good king meaning innocently through the sinister and devilish counsel of king Offa his wife, was secretly beheaded and made away. Whereupon Offa through repentance thereof, made the first Peter pence to be given to S. Peter's church in Rome.  
In the Cathologue of these good kings is also to be numbered Kenelmus king of the Mercians, and Edmundus king of the Eastangles: 
Peter pence 〈◊〉 they first came upon be paid to Rome. Kenelmu● king of the Mercians. S. Edmund▪ king of Eastangles.  of the which ij. the first was falsely & abominably circumvented & beheaded, by the means of his cruel sister and his tutor; as he was in his hunting at Corfcastle. The other which is called king Edmund the Martyr, was slain at Bury, or as some write at the Castle of Halesdon by the Danes: upon what occasion, histories do vary. The author of Flores Historiarum sayeth, it was by reason of one Lothebrocus a Dane: who being of the king's blood, & being with his Hawk on the sea side in a little boat, was driven by force of weather into the coast of Norfolk, where he being presented to king Edmund, was retained in his Court with great favour: till at length one Bericke the king's Falconer, envying and despiting him, for his great dexterity in that faculty, privily did murder him in a wood. This being at last spied (as murder lightly will come out) Bericke was set in Lothbrockes boat alone without all tackling, to be committed unto the Sea: and as it chanced so, was driven into Denmark, who there being seen in Lothbrockes boat, was straightly examined of the party. He then to excuse himself, falsely said he was slain by the commandment of the king. Upon the occasion whereof Inguar and Hubba sons to the said Lothebroke gathering an army of Danes, invaded first Northumberland: after that bursting into Norfolk on every side, sent this message to king Edmund after this tenor: Signifying that king Inguar the victorious Prince (dread both by sea and land) as he had subject divers other lands under him, 
The message of Inguar to King Edmund.  so arriving now to the coasts of Norfolk, where he intendeth to winter: chargeth and commandeth him to divide with him his old treasures, and his father's riches, and so to rule under him: which if he would not do, but would contemn his power so strongly furnished with such an army, he should be judged as unworthy both of kingdom & life. etc. The king hearing this message, not a little astonished thereat, calling his counsel about him, consulted with them, especially with one of his Bishops, being then his Secretary, what was best to be done: who fearing the kings life, exhorted him by words & divers examples to agree to the message. At this a while the king holding his peace, at length thereto made answer again in these words, saying: Go (saith he) tell your Lord, and let him know that Edmundus the Christened King, for the love of this temporal life, will not subject himself to a pagan Duke, unless before he become a Christian, etc. The messenger taking his answer was not so soon out of the gates, as Inguar meeting him and bidding him to be short in declaring his answer, caused all the king's garrison to be set round about. Some say that the king flying to Thetford, there pitched a field with the Danes, but the Danes prevailing, 
The martyrdom of K. Edmund in Norfolk.  the good king from thence did fly to the Castle of Halesdon above mentioned: where he being pursued of the Danes was there taken, and at length being bound to a stake, there, of the raging Danes was shot to death. And thus much for the good kings.  
Now as concerning those kings which made themselves Monks (which in number be seven. or viij.) although the example be rare & strange, 
A Question, Whether kings which made themselves Monks did well in so doing or not.  and much commended of the chroniclers of that time: yet I cannot rashly assent to their commendation, albeit the case thereof is no matter of our history. First in altering their estate from kings to monks, if they did it to find more ease, and less trouble thereby: I see not how that excuse standeth with the office of a good man, to change his public vocation, for respect of private commodity. If fear of jeopardy & danger did drive them thereunto: what praise and commendation they deserve, in so doing let the monkish histories judge what they list: me seemeth so much praise as they deserve in providing their own safety, so much they deserve again to be discommended in forsaking the common wealth. If they did it (as most like it is) for holiness sake, thinking in that kind of life to serve and please God better: or to merit more toward their salvation then in the estate of a king, therein they were far deceived: not knowing tha● the salvation which cometh of God, is to be measured & esteemed, not by man's merits, or by any perfection of life or by difference of any vocation more of one than another, but only by the free grace of the gospel, which freely justifieth all them, that faithfully believe in Christ Iesu. But here will be said again peradventure, in the solitary life of Monkery, be fewer occasions of evils, then in king's courts, wherefore that life serveth more to holiness, 
Answer. Where vocation bindeth to tarry there not to fly but to resist the occasions of evil, it is a good man's part.  & more is to be preferred then the other. To this I answer, to avoid the occasions of evil is good where strength lacketh to resist. But otherwise, where duty & charge bindeth to tarry, there to avoid the occasions of evil, where rather they are to be resisted: rather declareth a weakness of the man, them deserveth any praise. As it is truly said of Tully: Out of Asia, saith he, to live, a good life, is no god a mercy: but in Asia where so great occasions of evils abound, there to live a good man that is praise worthy. With the like reason I may infer, if a man be called to be a king, there not to change the vocation for voiding of occasions, but rather to resist occasions, & to keep his vocation, declareth a good & perfect man. But of these bymatters hitherto sufficient.  


Four persecutions in Britain before the coming of Austen into England.  
The persecution of Dioclesian about the year of our Lord. 210.  
The persecution of Gnavius and Melga.  
The persecution of Hengist in Britain.  
The fourth destruction of Christian faith in Britain by Gurmundus. an 595.  
This Gurmundus as some stories record, leaving his kingdom at home to his brother said he would possess no kingdom, but which he should win with his sword   These things now thus premised, concerning the order & reign of kings, as is above prefixed: consequently it remaineth to enter the tractation of such things, as in the time and reign of the foresaid kings happened in the Church: first putting the Reader again in mind of the former persecutions within the realm, partly before touched in the time of the Britain kings, which specially were three or four before the coming of Austen into England.  
1, The first was under Dioclesian, and that not only in England but generally throughout all the Roman Monarchy, as is above specified. In this persecution Albanus julius, Aaron, with a great number more of other good Christian Britanes, were martyred for Christ's name.  
2. The second persecution or destruction of Christian faith, was by the invading of Gnavius and Melga, whereof, the first was captain of the Huns, the other of the Pictes. These two tyrants, after the cruel slaughter of Ursula, and other. 11000 noble virgins, made their road into britain hearing the same to be destitute of the strength of men. At what time they made miserable murder of Christ's Saints, spoiling & wasting Churches, without mercy either of women or children, sparing none.  
3. The third persecution came by Hengist, and the saxons: who likewise destroyed and wasted the christian congregations within the land, like raging Wolves fleeing upon the sheep, & spilling the blood of Christians, till Aurellus Ambrose came, and restored again the Churches destroyed.  
4. The fourth destruction of Christian faith & Religion was by Gurmundus a Pagan king of the Africanes: who joining in league with the Saxons, wrought much grievance to the christians of the land. In so much that Theonus Bishop of London, and Thadioceus Bishop of York, with the rest of the people so many as were left, having no place wherein to remain with safety, did flee some to Cornwall, and some to the mountains of Wales about the year of our Lord 550. and this persecution remained to the time of Ethelberd king of Kent, an. 589.  
In the reign of this Ethelbert, which was then the 5. king of Kent, the faith of Christ was first received of the Saxons or Englishmen, by the means of Gregory bishop of Rome, in manner and order as here followeth, out of old histories collected and recorded.  
First then to join the order of our history together: The Christian faith first received of king Lucius, endured in Britain till this time, near upon the season of CCCC. years and odd: when by Gurmundus Africanus, (as is said) fighting with the Saxons against the britains, it was near extinct in all the land, during the space about forty four years. 
King Lucius died 428. before the coming of Austen.  So that the first springing of Christ's Gospel in this land, was an. 180. The coming of the Saxons was. an. 449. or an. 469. The coming of Austen, was an. 596. From the first entering in of the Saxons to their complete conquest, and the driving out of the Britons (which was about the latter time of Gadwalader) were 240. years. 
The computation of times concerning the continuance and decay of Christ's Gospel between the britains and the Saxons:  In sum from Christ to Lucius were, 180. years. The continuance of the gospel from Lucius to the entering of the Saxons was 302. years. The decay of the same to the entering of Austen, was. 143. years which being added together make from Lucius to Austen. 445. from Christ to Austen they make 598. years. In this year then. 598. Austen being sent from Gregory came into England: the occasion whereupon Gregory sent him hither was this.  
In the days of Pelagius Bishop of Rome, 
Anno. 598.  Gregory chancing to see certain children in the market place of Rome (brought thither to be sold out of England) being fair and beautiful of visage, 
Beda Polychronico●. li. 5. ca 8.6. Malesburiensis de regib. Henr. Huntingdon lib 3. Fabianus part. 5. cap. 119. Liber bibliothecae tornalensis.  demanded out of what country they were: and understanding they were Heathenish out of England, lamented the case of the land being so beautiful and Angelical, so to be subject under the Prince of darkness. And ask moreover out of what province they were it was answered, out of Deyra, a part of Northsaxons: whereof as it is to be thought, that which we now call Deyrham taketh his name. Then he alluding to the name of Deyra, these people (saith he) art to be delivered the Deiira, which is from God's wrath, Moreover understanding the king's name of that province to be Alle (above mentioned) alluding likewise to his name: there (saith he) ought Alleluia to be song to the living God. 
Deyrham in Northumberland.  Whereupon being moved and desirous to go and help the conversion of that country, was not permitted of Pelagius and the Romans for that time to accomplish his desire. But afterward being Bishop himself next after Pelagius, he sent thither the foresaid Austen with other preachers near about to the number of xl. But by the way, how it happened I cannot say: As Austen with his company were passing in their journey, such a sudden fear entered in their hearts (that as Antonius saith) they returned all. Other writ that Austen was sent back to Gregory again, to release them of that voyage so dangerous and uncertain, amongst such a barbarous people: whose language neither they knew, nor whose rudeness they were able to resist. Then Gregory with pithy persuasions confirming and comforting him, sent him again with letters both to the Bishop of Arelalensis, willing him to help and aid the said Austen, 
Episcopus Arelalensis.  and his company in all whatsoever his need required. Also other letters he directed by the foresaid Austin, unto his fellows, exhorting them to go forward boldly in the Lords work, as by the tenor of the said Epistle here following may appear.  
Gregorius servus servorum Dei, 
Ex Henr. Huntingtonensi. li 3. The Epistle of Gregory to them which went to preach in England.  servis Domini nostri. Quia melius fuerat bona non incipere, quam ab ijs quae coepta sunt cogitatione retrorsum redire, etc. In English. Gregory the servant of God's servants, to the servants of the Lord. Forasmuch as it is better not to take good things in hand, then after they be begun, to think to revolt back from the same again therefore now you may not nor cannot (dear children) but with all fervent study and labour, must needs go forward in that good business, which through the help of God you have well begun. Neither let the labour of your journey, nor the slanderous tongues of men appal you, but that with all instance and fervency ye proceed, and accomplish the thing which the Lord hath ordained you to take in hand: knowing that your great travel shallbe recompensed with reward of greater glory hereafter to come. Therefore as we send here Austen to you again, whom also we have ordained to be your governor, so do you humbly obey him in all things, knowing that it shall be profitable so for your souls, whatsoever at his admonition ye shall do. Almighty God with his grace defend you and grant me to see in the eternal country the fruit of your labour, that although I can not labour as I would with you, 
The Bishop of Rome calleth the Emperor his Lord.  yet I may be found partaker of your retribution, for that my will is good to labour in the same fellowship with you together. The Lord God keep you safe, most dear and well-beloved children. Dated the x before the kalends of August, in the reign of our sovereign Lord Mauritius most virtuous Emperor, the xiiij of his Empire.  

Austen and his company cometh to England.  Thus they emboldened & comforted through the good words of Gregory, sped forth their journey till they came at length to the isle of Thene●▪ lying upon the East side of Kent. Near to the which landing place, was then the Manory or palace of the king, not far from Sandwiche (Eastward from Caunterbury) which the inhabitants of the Isle, 
Ethelbert King of Kent.  then called Richbourgh: whereof some part of the ruinous walls is yet to be seen. The king then reigning in Kent, was Ethelbert, as above appeareth, the fift King of that province: who at that time had Married to wife a French woman being Chrystened, 
What goodness cometh, to have a good and godly wife.  named Berda: whom he had received of her parents upon this condition, that he should permit her with her Bishop committed unto her, called Lebardus, to enjoy the freedom of her faith and Religion: by the means whereof he was more flexible, and sooner induced to embrace the preaching and doctrine of Christ. Thus Austen being arrived sent forth certain messengers and interpreters to the King, signifying that such a one was come from Rome, bringing with him glad tidings to him and all his people, of life and salvation eternally to reign in heaven, with the only true and living God, for ever: if he would so willingly hearken to the same, as he was gladly come to preach and teach it unto him.  
The King, who had heard of this Religion before by means of his wife, within a few days after cometh to the place where Austen was to speak with him: but that should be without the house, after the manner of his law. Austen against his coming, as stories affirm, erected up a banner of the crucifix (such was then the grossness of that time) and preached to him the word of God. 
The kings answer to Austen.  The King answering again saith in effect as followeth: the words be very fair that you preach and promise. Nevertheless, because it is to me uncouth and new, I can not soon start away from my country law wherewith I have been so long enured and assent to you. 
The king stayeth upon old custom.  Albeit yet notwithstanding for the ye are come, as ye say, so far for my sake: ye shall not be molested by me, but shall be rightwell entreated, having all things to you ministered necessary for your supportation. Besides this, neither do we debar you, but to have free leave to preach to our people and subjects to convert, whom ye may to the faith of your Religion.  
When they had received this comfort of the king, they went with procession to the City of Dorobernia, or Caunterbury, singing hallelujah with the Litany, which then by Gregory, had been used at Rome in the time of the great plague reigning them at Rome, mentioned in old histories. The words of the Litany were these: 
The Litany of Austen.  Deprecamur te Domine in omni misericordia tua, ut auferatur furor tuus & ira tua a civitate ista, & de domo sancta tua: quoniam peccavimus. hallelujah. That is. We beseech thee O Lord in all thy mercies, that thy fury and anger may cease from this City, & from thy holy house for we have sinned. hallelujah. Thus they entering in the City of Dorobernia, the head City of all that dominion at that time, where the king had given them a mansion for there abode: there they continued preaching and baptising such as they had converted in the east side of the City in the old church of S. Martin (where the Queen was wont to resort) unto the time that the king was converted himself to Christ. At length when the king had well considered the honest conversation of their life, 
Miracles wrought by God for the conversion of the land.  and moved with the miracles wrought through god's hand by them, he heard them more gladly, and lastly by their wholesome exhortations, and example of godly life he was by them converted and christened in the year above specified. 586. and the 36. year of his reign. After the King was thus converted, innumerable other daily came in, & were adjoined to the Church of Christ: whom the King did specially embrace but compelled none: for so he had learned that the faith and service of Christ ought to be voluntary, and not coacted. Then he gave to Austen a place for his bishops sea at Christ's Church in Dorobernia, & builded the Abbey of Saint Peter and Paul, 
Austen made Archbishop.  in the East side of the said City, where after Austen, and all the Kings of Kent were buried, and that place is now called S. Austen.  
In this while Austen sailed into France to the Bishop Arelatensis, called Ethereus: by him to be consecrated Archbishop, by the commandment of Gregory, & so was. Also the said Austen sent to Rome, Laurentius one of his company, to declare to Gregory how they had sped, and what they had done in England: sending with all to have the counsel and advise of Gregory, concerning ix. or x. questions, whereof some are partly touched before.  
The tenor of his questions or interrogations, with the answers of Gregory to the same: here follow in English briefly translated.    

The questions of Austen Archbishop of Caunterbury sent to Gregory, with the answer again of Gregory to the same.  

The first interrogation.  
MY first question (reverend father) is concerning Bishops, 
Ex decre● Gregorij primi●● council. tom. 2. 1. Interrogation.  how they ought to behave themselves toward their clerks Or of such oblations as the faithful offer upon the altar: what portions or dividentes ought to be made thereof.   

The answer.  
How a Bishop ought to behave himself in the Congregation, 
The answer.  the holy scripture testifieth which I doubt not but you know right well, especially in the Epistles of S Paul to Timothy: wherein he laboureth to inform the said Timothe, how to behave his conversation in the house of the Lord. The manner is of the sea apostolic, to warn and charge all such as be ordained Bishops, of all their stipend or that which given, to make four pertitions. One to the Bishop for hospitality, and receiving comers in. An other to the Clergy, 
Distribution of Church goods.  The third to the poor. The fourth to the repairing of Churches. But because your brotherhood instructed with rules of Monastical discipline, cannot live separated from your clerks about you, therefore in the English Church (which now through the providence of God is brought to the faith of Christ) you must observe this institution, concerning your conversation, which was in the first Fathers in the beginning of the primitive Church, among whom there was not one which counted any thing to be his own proper, of all that he did possess: but all was common among them.   

The second interrogation.  
I desire to know and to be instructed, 
2. Interrogation.  whether Clerks that cannot contain, may marry. And if they do marry whether then they ought to return to the secular state again or no?   

The answer.  
If there be any Clerks out of holy orders, 
The answer. The gloze upon the 12. q. 1. 〈◊〉 rag. Si. 〈◊〉 saith that this now holdeth not, and allegeth 〈◊〉 extran. Decler. coming ca job. & Whereby note how the Pope's decrees be repugnant to themselves. Luke. 11.  which can not contain, let them have their wives, and take their stipends or wages without. For we read it so written of the foresaid fathers, that they divided to every person, according as their work was. Therefore as concerning the stipend of such, it must be provided and thought upon. And they must be also holden under Ecclesiastical discipline, to live a godly conversation: to employ themselves in singing Psalms, & to refrain their tongue, hart and body (by the grace of God) from all things unseemly, and unlawful▪ As for the vulgar and common sort, which live after the common condition of men: to describe what partitions to make, what hospitality to keep, or what works of mercy to exhibit to such, I have nothing to say but to give (as our master teacheth) in all our deeds of mercy; of that which aboundeth. Of that (saith he) which aboundeth or is overplus, give alms, and behold all things be clean unto you.   

The third interrogation.  
Seeing there is but one faith, how happeneth it then, the ceremonies and customs of Churches to be so divers. 
3. Interro●▪  As in the Church of Rome there is one custom, and manner of Mass▪ and the French Church hath an other?   

The answer.  
The custom of the Church of Rome, 
The answer.  what it is you know: wherein ye remember that you 〈◊〉 been brought up from your youth: but rather it pleaseth me better, that whether it be in the church of Rome, or in any French Church: where ye find any thing that seemeth better to the service and pleasing of God: that ye choose the same: and so infer & bring into the English Church (which is yet new in the faith) the best & pikedst things chosen out of many Churches: for things are not to be beloved for the place sake, 
Note a 〈◊〉 thy saying of Gregory.  but the place is to be beloved for the things that be good: wherefore such things as be good, godly, and religious: th●●● chose out of all Churches, and induce to your people, that they may take root in the minds of Englishmen.   

The fourth interrogation.  
I pray you what punishment judge you for him, 
4. Interrogation.  that shall steal or pylfer any thing out of the Church.   

The answer.  
This your brotherhood may soon discern, 
The answer.  by the person of a thief, how it ought to be corrected. For some there be which having sufficient to live upon yet do steal. Other there be which steal of mere necessity. Wherefore considering the quality & difference of the crime, necessary it is that some be corrected by loss of goods, some by stripes some other more sharply, and some more easily: yea, & when sharpee correction is to be executed, yet that must be done with charity, and with no fury: for in punishing offenders this is the cause and end wherefore they are punished, because they should be saved & not perish in hell fire. And so ought discipline to proceed in correcting the faithful, as do good Fathers in punishing their children, whom both they chasten for their evil, and yet being chastened, they look to have them their heirs, and think to leave them all they have, notwithstanding they correct them sometimes in anger. Therefore this charity must be kept in mind. And in the correction there is a measure to be had, so that the mind never do any thing without the rule of reason. Ye add moreover with what recompense of measure those things ought to be required again which be stolen out of Churches. But God forbidden that the Church should ever require again with increase, that which is lost in outward things, and to seek her gain by endamaging other.   

The fift interrogation.  

5. Interrogation.  Item, whether two brethren may marry two sisters, being far of from any part of kindred?   

The answer.  
This in no part of scripture is forbidden, but it may well and lawfully be done. 
The answer.    

The sixth interrogation.  
Item, to what degree of kindred may the matrimony of the faithful extend with their kindred, 
6. Interrogation.  or wheth●● 〈◊〉 it lawful to marry with the stepmother and her kinsfolks?   

The answer.  
A certain terrene law amongst the old Romans doth permit, that either brother or sister, or the son & daughter of two brethren may marry together. 

The answer.  
In what degree of kindred a man may marry.   But by experience we learn, that the issue of such marriage doth never thrive, nor come forward. Also the holy law of God forbiddeth to reveal the turpitude of thy blood or kindred.  
Wherefore necessary it is, that in the third or fourth degree the faithful may lawfully marry, for in the second as being unlawful, they must needs refrain. To be coupled with the stepmother is utterly abominable, for it is written in the law. Thou shalt not reveal the turpitude of thy Father. Forsomuch then as it is so written in the law and they shall be two in one flesh: the son then that presumeth to reveal then the turpitude of his stepmother, which is one flesh with his Father, what doth he then but reveal the turpitude of his own father. 
By this rule the marriage of King Henry with Queen Katherine Dowager. was unlawful.  Likewise it was forbidden and unlawful to marry with thy kinswoman, which by her first Marriage was made one flesh with thy brother. For the which cause john the Baptist also lost his head, and was crowned a Martyr. Who though he died not for the confession of Christ: yet for so much as Christ saith: I am the truth, therefore in that john Baptist was slain for the truth, it may be said his blood was shed for Christ.   

The seventh interrogation.  
Item, whether such as be so coupled together in filthy and unlawful matrimony ought to be separated and denied the partaking of the holy Communion. 
7. Interrogation.    

The answer.  
Because there be many of the nation of English men which being yet in their infidelity, 
The answer.  were so joined & coupled in such execrable marriage: the same coming now to faith, are to be admonished hereafter to abstain from the like, & that they know the same to be grievous sin. That they dread the dreadful judgement of God, least for their carnal delectation, they incur the torments of eternal punishment. And yet notwithstanding they are not to be secluded therefore from the participation of Christ's body & blood, 
A discrete saying of Gregory to be noted.  lest we should seem to revenge those things in them which they before their baptism, through ignorance did commit. For in this time the holy Church doth correct some faults more fervently, some faults she suffereth again through mansuetude and meekness, some wittingly and willingly she doth wink at, and dissemble: that many times the evil which she doth detest, through bearing and dissembling she may stop & bridle. All they therefore which are come to the faith, must be admonished that they commit no such offence. Which thing if they do, they are to be deprived of the Communion of the Lords body & blood. For like as in them that fall through ignorance, their default in this case is to be tolerate: so in them again it is strongly to be ensued, which knowing they do nought, yet fear not to commit.   

The eight interrogation.  

8. Interrog.  Item, in this I desire to be satisfied, after what manner I should deal or do with the Bishops of France, and of Britain's.   

The answer.  
As touching the Bishops in France, 
The answer.  I give you no authority or power over them. For the Bishop of Arolas, or Orliance hath by the old time of our predecessors received the pall, whom now we ought not to deprive of his authority. Therefore when your brotherhood shall go unto the Province of France, what soever ye shall have there to do with the Bishop of Orliance, so do, that he lose nothing of that which he hath found and obtained of the ancient ordinance of our foreelders. But as concerning the Bishops of Britain, we commit them all to your brotherhood, 
25. q 2. cap. in Galliarum.  that the ignorant may be taught the infirm by persuasion may be confirmed, the wilful by authority may be corrected.   

The ninth interrogation.  
Whether a woman being great with child, 
9 Interrog.  aught to be baptized, or after she hath children, after how long time she ought to enter into the Church. Or else that which she hath brought forth, lest it should be prevented with death, after how many days it ought to receive Baptism. Or after how long time after her childebyrth is it lawful for her husband to resort to her? Or else if she be in her monthly course, after the disease of women, whether then she may enter into the Church, and receive the Sacrament of the holy Communion? Or else her husband after the lying with his wife, before he be washed with water, whether is it lawful for him to enter the Church, and to draw unto the mystery of the holy Communion? All which things must be declared and opened to the rude multitude of Englishmen.   

The Answer.  
The childing or bearing woman, 
The answer.  why may she not be baptized: seeing that the fruitfulness of the flesh is no fault before the eyes of almighty God. For our first parents in Paradise, after they had transgressed: lost their immortality by the just judgement of God which they had taken before. Then, because almighty God would not mankind utterly to perish because of his fall (although he lost now his immortality for his trespass) yet of his benign piety, left notwithstanding to him the fruit and generation of issue. Wherefore the issue and generation of man's nature, which is conserved by the gift of almighty God, how can it be debarred from the grace of holy Baptism?  
As concerning the churching of women after they have travailed: where ye demand after how many days they ought to go to the Church, this you have learned in the old law, 
The Churching of women.  that for a man child .30. days, after a woman child .66. days be appointed her to keep in. Albeit this you must take to be understand in a mystery. For if she should the hour after her travail enter into the Church to give thanks, she committed therein no sin. For why the lust and pleasure of the flesh, and not the travail and pain of the flesh is sin. In the conjunction of the flesh is pleasure, but in the travail and bringing forth of the child is pain & groaning. As unto the mother of all it is said: In sorrow thou shalt travail. Therefore if we forbidden the woman after her labour to enter the church, then what do we else but count the same the punishment given unto her, for sin? Therefore for the woman after her labour to be baptized, 
He speaketh here after the custom of the tyme.  either that which she hath travailed forth (if present necessity of death doth so require) yea in the self same hour, either she that hath brought forth, either that which is borne in the same hour when it is borne, to be baptized we do not forbid.  
Moreover, 
Mother's that nurse not their own Children reprehended.  for the man to company with his wife, that he must not: before the child that is borne be waned. But now there is a lewd and naughty custom risen in the condition of married folks, that mothers do contemn to nurse their own children, which they have borne, but set them to other women out to nurse: which seemeth only to come of the cause of incontinency. For while they will not contain themselves, therefore they put from them their children to nurse. etc.  
As concerning the woman in her menstruous course whether she ought to enter the Church? To this I answer: she ought not to be forbid. For the superfluity of nature in her ought not to be imputed for any fault, neither is it just that she should be deprived of her access to the Church, for that which she suffereth against her wil And if the woman did well, presuming in touching the Lords coat in the time of her bloody issue: why then may not that be granted unto all women infirmed by the fault of nature, which is commended in one person done in her infirmity? Therefore to receive the mystery of the holy communion, it is not forbidden them. Albeit if she dare not so far presume in her great infirmity, she is to be praised: but if she do receive, she is not to be judged. For it is a point of a good mind in some manner to knowledge his sins there, where is no sin: because many times that is done without fault, which cometh of fault. As when we be hungry, we care without fault, notwithstanding it cometh by the fault of our first father to us that we are hungry, etc.  
Where ye ask, if a man after the company with his wife, may resort to the Church or to the holy Communion, before he be purged with water. The law given to the old people, commanded that a man after the company with his wife, both should be purified with water, and also should tarry the Suns set before he came to the congregation. Which seemeth to be understand spiritually: for then most true it is, that the man companieth with the woman, when his mind through delectation is joined to unlawful concupiscence in his hart and cogitation. At what time, before the said fire of concupiscence shall be removed, let the person think himself unworthy the entrance to the congregation, through the viciousness of his filthy will. But of this matter sundry nations have every one their sundry customs: some on way & some an other. The ancient manner of the Romans from our forefathers, hath been, that in such case, first they purged themselves with water, then for a little they abstain reverently, and so resort to the Church. etc.  
After many other words debated of this matter, thus he inferreth: but if any person not for voluptuousness of the flesh, but for procreation of children, do company with his wife, that man concerning either the coming to the Church, or the receiving the mysteries of the Lords body & blood, is to be left to his own judgement: for he ought not to be forbid of us to come, which when he lieth in the fire will not burn. etc.  
There is an other question also to these adjoined, with his answer likewise to the same, concerning pollutions in the night, but I thought these at this present to our english ears, sufficient.    

To return now to the story again, Gregory after he had sent these resolutions to the questions of Austen, sendeth moreover, to the Church of England more coadjutors, and helpers, as Mellitus, justus, Paulinus, and Ruffianus, with books and such other implements as he thought necessary, for the English Church. He sendeth moreover to the foresaid Austen a pall with letters wherein he setteth an order between the two Metropolitan seats, the one to be at London the other to be at York. Notwithstanding he granteth to the said Austen during his life to be the only chief Archbishop of all the land: and after his time, then to return to the two foresaid seats of London and York, as is in the same letter contained, the tenor whereof here followeth in his own words as ensueth.  
The copy of the Epistle of Gregory, sent to Augustinus into England.  
REuerendissimo & sanctis. fratri Augustino coepiscopo, Gregorius servus servorum Dei. Cum certum sit, pro omnipotent Deo laborantibus ineffabilia aeterni Regis praemia reseruari, nobis tamen eis necesse est bonorum beneficia tribuere, ut in spiritualis operis studio ex remuneratione valeant multiplicius insudare: and so forth as followeth here in English.  
TO the reverend and virtuous brother Augustine, his fellow Bishop, Gregorius the servant of the servants of God. Although it be most certain that unspeakable rewards, of the heavenly king, be laid up for all such, as labour in the words of almighty God, yet it shall be requisite for us, to reward the same also with our benefits, to the end, they may be more encouraged, to go forward in the study of their spiritual work. And for as much now, as the new church of Englishmen is brought to the grace of almighty God, through his mighty help, and your travail, therefore we have granted to you the use of the pall, only to be used at the solemnity of your Mass: so that it shall be lawful for you to ordain twelve Bishops, such as shall be subject to your province or dition. So that hereafter always the Bishop of the City of London, shall be ordained and consecrate by his own proper Synod: and so to receive the pall of honour from the holy and apostolic seat, wherein I here (by the permission of God) do serve. And as touching the City of York, we will send also a Bysh. thither, whom you may think meet to ordain. So that if that City with other places bordering thereby, shall receive the word of God, he shall have power likewise to ordain twelve bishops, and have the honour of a Metropolitan: to whom also if God spare me life, I intend by the favour of God, to send a pall: this provided, that notwithstanding he shall be subject to your brotherly appointment. But after your decease, the same Metropolitan, so to be over the Bishops whom he ordereth, that he be in no wise subject to the Metropolitan of London after you. And here after betwixt these two metropolitans, of London, & York, let there be had such distinction of honour, that he shall have the priority, which shall in time first be ordained: With common counsel, and affection of hart, let them go both together, disposing with one accord, such things as be to be done, for the zeal of Christ. Let them forethink and deliberate together prudently, and what they deliberate wisely, let them accomplish concordly, not gerring, nor swerving, one from the other. But as for your part, you shall be endued with authority, not only over those Bishops, that you constitute, and over the other constituted by the bishop of York. But also you to have all other Priests of whole Britain, subject to our Lord jesus Christ: to the end that through your preaching and holiness of life, they may learn both to believe rightly and to live purely, and so in directing their life, both by the rule of true faith and virtuous manners, they may attain, when God shall call them, the fruition and kingdom of heaven. 
Gregory calleth t●e Emperor his Lord.   
God preserve you in health reverend brother: the x before the Kalend. of july, in the reign of our sovereign Lord Mauritius, most virtuous Emperor.  
Besides this, the said Gregory sendeth also an other letter to Mellitus, 
A letter 〈◊〉 Gregory to Mellitus.  concerning his judgement what is to be done with the idolatrous temples and Phanes of the Englishmen newly converted, which Phanes he thinketh not best to pluck down, but to convert the use thereof, and so let them stand. And likewise of their sacrifices and killing of Oxen, how the same aught to be ordered, and how to be altered: disputing by the occasions thereof, of the sacrifices of the old Egyptians, permitted of God unto the israelites the end 〈…〉 thereof being altered. etc.  
He sendeth also an other letter to the foresaid Austen, 
A letter 〈◊〉 Gregory● Austen.  wherein he warneth him not to be proud or puffed up, for the miracles wrought of God by him, in converting the people of England, but rather to fear and tremble, lest so much as he were puffed up by the outward work of miracles, so much he should fall inwardly through the vain glory of his hart: and therefore wisely exhorteth him to repress the swelling glory of hart, with the remembrance of his sins rather against God, whereby he rather hath cause to lament, then to rejoice for the other. Not all the elect of God (saith he) worketh miracles, and yet have they their names written in the book of life. And therefore he should not count so much of those miracles done, but rejoice rather with the Disciples of Christ, & labour to have his name written in the book of life, where all the elect of God be contained, neither is there any end of that rejoicing. And whatsoever miracles it hath pleased god by him to have been done, he should remember they were not done for him: but for their conversion, whose salvation god sought thereby, etc.  
Item, 
A letter of Gregory to King ●thelbert.  he directed an other Epistle to king Ethelbert, as is expressed at large in the Chronicle of Henry Huntyngton, Lib. 3. in the which Epistle, first he praised God, then commendeth the goodness of the king, by whom it pleased god so to work such goodness of the people. Secondly exhortteth him to persist and continue in the godly profession of Christ's faith, and to be fervent and zealous in the same: in converting the multitude, in destroying the temples and works of idolatry, in ruling and governing the people in all holiness & godly conversation, after the godly example of the Emperor Constantinus the great. Lastly, comforting him with the promises of life and reward to come, with the Lord that reigneth and liveth for ever: premonishing him besides, of the terrors & distresses that shall happen (though not in his days) yet before the terrible day of God's judgement: wherefore he willeth him always to be solicitous for his soul, and suspectful of the hour of his death, and watchful of the judgement, that he may be always prepared for the same, when that judgement shall come. In the end he desireth him to accept such presents as gifts which he thought good to send unto him from Rome, etc.  
Austen thus receiving his pall from Gregory, 
An. 600. Polycron. lib. 5. ca 9 Fab. part. 5. ca 119. Archbishops of London & of York made by Austen. Mellitus Bishop of London.  as is above said, and now of a Monk being made an Archbishop, after he had baptized a great part of Kent: he after made two Archbyshops or metropolitans, by the commandment of Gregory, as witnesseth Polychronicon, the one at London, the other at York.  
Mellitus, of whom mention is made before, was sent specially of the Eastsaxons in the province of Essex, where after he was made Bishop of London, under Sigebert king of Essex: which Sigebert together with his uncle Ethelbert, first built the church and minster of saint Paul in London, and appointed it to Mellitus for the bishops sea, Austen (associate with this Mellitus and justus through the help of Ethelbert) assembled and gathered together the Bishops & Doctors of Britain in a place, which taking the name of the said Austen, was called Austin's Oak. In this assembly he charged the said Bishops, that they should preach with him the word of God to the Englishmen, 
The britains and Scots used not the rites of Rome.  & also that they should among themselves reform certain rites and usages in their church, specially for keeping of their Eastertyde: baptising after the manner of Rome, and such other like. To these the Scotes and Brytons would not agree refusing to leave the custom, which they so long time had continued, without the assent of them all which used the same. Here the stories both of Bede, Cestrensis in Polychron. Huntyngtonensis, jornalensis, Fabianus and other more, writ of a certain miracle wrought upon a blind English man: whom when the Britons could not help, Austen kneeling down and praying, restored the blind man to sight before them all: for a confirmation (as these authors say) of his opinion in keeping of Easter. But concerning the credit of this miracle, that I leave, to the authors of whom I had it. 
Abbey of Bangor. Ex libro jornalensi. Fabiano & alijs.  Then Austen gathered an other Synod, to the which came seven Bishops of Brytons, with the wisest men of that famous Abbey of Bangor. But first they took counsel of a certain wise and holy man amongst them, what to do: and whether they should be obedient to Austen or not. And he said: if he be the servant of god agree unto him. But how shall we know that, said they? To whom he answered again: If he be meek and humble of hart, by that know that he is the servant of god. To this they said again: & how shall we know him to be humble & meek of hart? By this quoth 〈◊〉 seeing you are the greater number, if he at your coming 〈◊〉 your Synod rise up, & courteously receive you, 〈…〉 him to be an humble and a meek man. But if he shall contemn and despise you (being as ye are) the greater part, despise you him again. Thus the Britain Bishops entering into the Counsel, Austen after the romish manner keeping his chair would not remove. Whereat they being not a little offended, after some heat of words, in disdain & great displeasure departed thence. To whom then Austen spoke: and said, that if they would not take peace with their brethren, they should receive war with their enemies: And if they disdained to preach with them the way of life to the English nation, they should suffer by their hands the revenge of death. 
Ethelfride king of Northumberland. Brockmayl Consul of Chester.  Which not long after so came to pass by the means of Ethelfride king of Northumberlande: who being yet a Pagan, and stirred with a fierce fury against the Britanes came with a great army against the city of Chester: where Brocmayl the Consul of that City, a fryend and helper of the Britain's side, was ready with his force to receive him. There was at the same time at Bangor in Wales an exceeding great Monastery, 
The monastery of Bangor. Galfridus Monumetensis. Polychron. Lib. 5. cap. 10. Liber bibliothecae lornalensis. Gum Malmes●eriensis. lib. 1. de. Reg. Fabian part. 5. cap. 109.120. A pitiful slaughter of unarmed Monks of Bangor.  wherein was such a number of Monks, as Galfridus with other authors do testify that if the whole company were divided into seven parts in every of the seven parts were contained not so few as 300. Monks: which all did live with the sweat of their brows, and labour of their own hands, having one for their ruler named Dinoe. Out of this Monastery came the Monks to Chester to pray for the good success of Brocmayl, fight for them against the Saxons. Three days they continued in fasting and prayer. When Ethelfride the foresaid king, seeing them so intent to their prayers: demanded the cause of their coming thither in such a company. When he perceived it was to pray for their Consul, than (saith he) although they bear no weapon, yet they fight against us, & with their prayers & preachings they persecute us. Whereupon after that Brocmayl, being overcome did flee away, the king commanded his men to turn their weapons against the silly unarmed Monks: of whom he slew the same time, or rather martyred .1100. only fifty persons of that number did flee and escape away with Brocmayl: the rest were all slain. The authors that writ of this lamentable murder, declare & say how the forespeaking of Austen, was here verified upon the Britanes: which because they would not join peace with their friends, he said should be destroyed of their enimis. Of both these parties, the reader may judge what he pleaseth: 
Whether Austen or the britains in this case were more to blame.  I can not see but both together were to be blamed. And as I cannot but accuse the one, so I cannot defend the other. First Austen in this matter can in no wise be excused, who being a monk before, & therefore a scholar & professor of humility: showed so little humility in this assembly, to seven Bishops & an Archbishop, coming at his commandment to the Council, that he thought scorn once to stir at their coming in. Much less would his pharisaical solemnity have girded himself, & washed his brethren's feet, after their travail, as Christ our great master did to his Disciples: seeing his Lordship was so high, or rather so heavy, or rather so proud, that could not find in his hart to give them a little moving of his body to declare a brotherly & humble hart. Again the britains were much, or more to blame, who so much neglected their spiritual duty, in revenging their temporal injury: that they denied to join unto their helping labour, to turn the Idolatrous Saxons to the way of life and salvation. In which respect all private cases ought to give place, and to be forgotten. For the which cause, although lamentable to us, yet no great marvel in them, if the stroke of god's punishment did light upon them: according to the words of Austen, as is before declared. But especially the cruel king, in this fact, was most of all to blame, so furiously to flee upon them, which had neither weapon to resist him, nor yet any will to harm him. And so likewise the same or like, happened to himself afterward. For so was he also slain in the field by Christian Edwine, who succeeded him: as he had slain the Christians before, which was about the year of our Lord. 610. But to return to Austen again, who by report of authors was departed before this cruelty was done: after he had baptized and christened x. thousand Saxons or Angles in the West river, that is called Small, beside York on a Christemmasse day: perceiving his end to draw near, he ordained a successor named Laurentius to rule after him the Archbishop's sea of Dorobernia. 
Laurentius Archbish. after Austen.  Where note by the way Christian Reader, that whereas Austen baptised then in rivers: it followeth, there was then no use of fontes. Again, if it be true that Fabian saith, 

Baptising in rivers, not in foots.  
Baptising among the old Romans was not used with so many ceremonies as since.   he baptised x. thousand in one day: the rite then of Baptising at Rome was not so ceremonial, neither had so many trinkets at that time, as it hath had since, or else it could not be, that he could baptise so many in one day.  
In the mean season, about this time departed Gregory Bishop of Rome: of whom it is said, that of the number of all the first Bishops before him in the primitive time, he was the basest: 
Anno. 60●.  of all them that came after him, he was the best. About which time also died in Wales, David Archbishop first of Kayrleion, who then translated the sea from thence to Menevia, 
S David in Wales, otherwise called Dewy.  and therefore is called David of Wales. Not long after this also, deceased the foresaid Austen in England after he had set there xv. or xvi. years: by the which count we may note it, not to be true that Henry Huntingdon and other do witness, that Austen was dead before that battle of Ethelfride against the Monks of Bangor. For if it be true that Polycronicon testifieth of this murder, 
Computation of time examined.  to be done about the year of our Lord. 609. and the coming of Austen first into the Realm, to be an. 596. then Austen enduring xvi. years could not be dead at this battle. Moreover Galfridus Monumetensis declareth, concerning the same battle, 
Galfridus Monumetensis.  that Ethelbert the king of Kent, being (as is said) converted by Austen to Christ's faith: after he saw the britains to disdain and deny their subjection unto Austen, neither would assist him with preaching to the English nation: therefore stirred up he the foresaid Ethelfride to war against the britains. But that seemeth rather suspicious then true, that he being a Christian king, either could so much prevail with a Pagan Idolater, or else would attempt so far to commit such a cruel deed. But of uncertain things I have nothing certainly to say, less to judge.  
About this present time above prefixed, 
Anno. 610.  which is 610. I read in the story of Ranulphus Cestrensis, the writer of Polychronicon, of john the patriarch of Alexandria who for his rare example of hospitality and bountifulness to the poor: 
Poly. lib. 5. cap. 10. A story of john Patriarch of Alexandria.  I thought no less worthy to have place amongst good men, than I see the same now to be followed of few. This john (being before belike a hard and sparing man) as he was at his prayer upon a time (it is said) there appeared to him a comely virgin having on her head a garland of Olive leaves: which named herself mercy, saying to him and promising that if he would take her to wi●e, he should prosper well. This, whether it were true or not, or else invented for a morality, 
Mercy may live a maiden, for no man will marry her. This john was so bountiful in giving that he assayed to strive in a manner with the Lord, whether the Lord should give more or he should distribute more of that which was given.  I would wish this flourishing damsel so to be married to more than to this john, that she should not live so long a virgin now as she doth, because no man will marry her. But to return to his Patriarch, who after that day (as the story recordeth: was so merciful and so beneficial, especially to the poor and needy, that he counted them as his masters, and himself as a servant and steward unto them. This Patriarch was wont commonly twice a week to sit at his door all the day long, to take up matters, and to set unity, where was any variance: One day it happened, as he was sitting all the day before his gate, and saw no man come, lamented that all that day he had done no good: To whom his Deacon standing by, answered again, that he had more cause to rejoice, seeing he had brought the City in that order and in such peace, that there needed no reconcilement amongst them. another time as the said john the patriarch was at the Service and reading the Gospel in the church, the people (as their used manner is) went out of the church to talk and jangle: he perceiving that, went out likewise, and sat amongst them: whereat they marvelling to see him do so. My children said he, where the flock is, there ought the shepherd to be: wherefore either come you in, that I may also come in with you, or else if you tarry out, I will likewise tarry out together with you, etc.  

The acts of Gregory the first.  As touching the acts and deeds of Gregory above mentioned, how he withstood the ambitious pride of john, patriarch of Constantinople, which would be the universal Priest, and only chief Bishop of all other: declaring him to be no less than the forerunner of Antichrist, that would take that name upon him: how and with what reasons he answered again the letters of the Emperor Mauritius in that behalf, sufficient relation is made thereof in the first entry and beginning of this book. This Gregory among many other things induced into the Church (the specialties whereof hereafter shall follow Christ willing more at large) first began and brought in this title among the Roman Bishops, to be called servus servorum Dei: 
Whereupon the Roman Bishop, use in their stile, servus servorum Dei.  putting them in remembrance thereby both of their humbleness, and also of their duty in the Church of Chryst. Moreover as concerning his act for the sole life of priests first begun, and then broken again. Also concerning the order of Gregoryes Mass book, to be received in all churches, hereof who so lifteth to read more, shall find the same in other places hereafter, namely when we come to the time of Pope Adrian the first.  

Sabinianus bishop of Rome.  After the death of Gregory, above mentioned, first came Sabinianus, who as he was a malicious detractor of Gregory & of his works, so he continued not long, scarce the space of two years. After whom succeeded next Bonifacius the 3. which albeit he reigned but one year, 
Boni●acius 3. Bishop of Rome.  yet in the one year he did more hurt than Gregory, with so great labours, and in so many years could do good before: for that which Gregory kept out, he brought in, obtaining of Phocas the wicked Emperor for him and his successors after him, that the sea of Rome above all other churches should have the pre-eminence: and that the Bishop of Rome should be the universal head, through all Churches of Christ in Christendom: alleging for him this frivolous reason, that S Peter had and left to his successors in Rome the keys of binding and losing, etc. And thus began first Rome to take an head above all other Churches, by the means of Boniface the 3. 
How Rome began first to take an head above other churches. Phocus traitor and murderer of his Emperor.  who as he lacked no boldness nor ambition to seek it, so neither lacked he an Emperor fit and meet to give such a gift. This emperors name was Phocas a man of such wickedness and ambition most like to his own Bishop Boniface, that to aspire to the Empire, he murdered his own master and Emperor Mauritius, & his children. Thus Phocas coming up to be Emperor, after this detestable villainy done: thinking to establish his Empire with friendship and favour of his people, & especially with the bishop of Rome: quickly condescended to all his petitions, & so granted him (as it is said) to be that he would, the universal and head Bishop over all Christian Churches. But as blood commonly requireth blood again, so it came to pass on the said Phocas. For as he had cruelty slain the Lord and Emperor, 
Blood revenged with blood.  Mauritius, before, so he in like manner (of Heraclius the Emperor succeeding him) had his hands and feet cut of, & so was cast into the Sea. And this wicked Phocas which gave the first supremacy to Rome, lost his own. But Rome would not so soon lose his supremacy once given, as the gyner lost his life: for ever since from that day it hath holden, defended, and maintained the same still, and yet doth to this present day, by all force & policy possible. And thus much concerning Boniface, whom, by the words of Gregory, we may well call the runner before antichrist. For as Gregory brought into their stile, servus servorum Dei, 
Volumus ac mandamus: Statuimus ac praecipimus brought in by Boniface the third.  so this Boniface brought into their heads, first Volumus ac mandamus: Statuimus ac praecipimus. That is. We will and command, we enjoin and charge you. etc.  
Mention was made a little before of Ethelbert king of Kent, and also of Ethelfride king of Northsaxone or Northumbria. This Ethelbert having under his subjection all the other Saxon kings, unto Number, after he had first received himself, and caused to be received of other, the Christian faith by the preaching of Austen, being confirmed afterward in the same faith, among other costly deeds, with the help of Sigebert king of Essex his nephew, 
Fabian. cap. 120.  then reigning under him, began the foundation of Paul's Church within the City of London, 
Ethelbert and Sigebert builders of Paul's Church.  & ordained it for the Bishop's sea of London. For the Archbishop's sea which before time had been at London, was by Austen and this Ethelbert at the prayer of the Citizens of Dorobernia translated to the said City Malmesberiensis Lib. de pontific. 
The Archbishop 〈◊〉 translate from London to Dorober●●● Malmesberiensis 〈◊〉 de pontiff▪ H. Huntingdon▪ lib 3.  Wherefore such authors as say that Paul's was divided by Sigebert, say not amiss: which Sigebert was the king o● Essex, ●n which province standeth the City of London. This Ethelbert also founded the Church of Saint Andrew in the City of Dorubres in Kent, now called Rochester, of one Rot, distant from Dorobernia, 24. miles. Of this city, justus was bishop ordained before by Austen. Moreover the forenamed Ethelbert, stirred up a dweller or Citizen of London to make a Chapel or church of Saint Peter in the west end of London, then called Thorny, now the Town of Westminster, which Church or Chapel was after by Edward the confessor enlarged or new builded: 
This Edward was the third of that name before the Conquest.  lastly of Henry the 3. it was newly again re-edified and made as it is now a large monastery. etc. After these Christian and worthy acts this Ethelbert when he had reigned the course of luj. years changed this mortal life about the year of our Lord 616. whom some stories say to be slain in a fight between him and Ethelfride king of Northsaxons. 
The Monastery of Westminster.   
In the mean time the foresaid Ethelfride king of Northumberland, after the cruel murder of the Monks of Bangor, escaped not long unpaid his hire, for after he had reigned. 
An. 616.  24. years he was slain in the field of Edwine, who succeeded in Northumberland after him.  
This Edwyne being the son not of Ethelfride, 
Blood revenged with blood. Edwine first Christened king in North●●berland. Giraldus Gambren●●● The order and manner of the conversion of Edwine, to the faith of Christ. The trouble of Edwine. ) as Galfridus Monumetensis saith) but rather of Alla (as Giraldus Gambrensis 〈◊〉 to witness more truly) was first a Panim or 〈◊〉: afterward by Paulinus was Christened and the first 〈◊〉 king in Northomberland. The occasion of which his calling or conversion, as is in sundry stories contained, was this.  
Edwine being yet a pagan, married the daughter of Ethelbert king of kent, called Edelburge a Christian woman, otherwise called Tace. But before this marriage, Edwyne being yet young, Ethelfride the king, conceiving envy against him: persecuted him so sore, that he was forced to flee to Redwaldus king of Eastangles, as in the table of the kings is expressed. The which Redwaldus what for fear, what with bribes being corrupted of Ethelfride, at length privily had intended to have betrayed Edwyne. But as gods will was, edwin having warning thereof by a secret friend of his, was moved to flee and to save himself being promised also of his friends to be safely conveyed away, if he would thereto agree. To whom edwin said, whether shall I flee which have so long fleene the hands of mine enemies, through all provinces of the Realm? And if I must needs be slain I had rather that he should do it, than an other unworthy person. Thus he remaining by himself alone & solitary, sitting in a great study, there appeared unto him suddenly, a certain stranger, to him unknown, and said, I know well the cause of thy thought and heaviness. What wouldst thou give him that should deliver thee out of this fear, & should reconcile king Redwald to thee again? I would give him (said Edwyne) all that ever I could make. And he said again: And what if he make thee a mightier king, than was any of thy progenitors? He answered again as before. Moreover, (saith he) and what if he show thee a better kind and way of life, than ever was showed to any of thine ancestors before thee: wilt thou obey him & do after his counsel? yea (said Edwyne) promising most firmly, with all his hart so to do. 
The marvelous calling of Edwine.  Then he laying his hand upon his head when (said he) this token happeneth unto thee: then remember this time of thy tribulation, & the promise which thou hast made, and the word which now I say unto thee. And with that he vanished out of his sight suddenly. After this so done as Edwyne was sitting alone by himself pensive and sad: 
Edwine miraculously delivered.  his foresaid friend, which moved him before to i'll cometh to him, bidding him be of good cheer, for the hart (said he) of king Redwaldus which had before intended thy destruction, was now altered through the counsel of the Queen, and is fully bend to keep his promise with you, whatsoever shall fall thereupon. To make the story short Redwaldus the King (although Fabian following Henry Huntyngton) saith it was Edwyne) with all convenient speed assembled an host: 
W. Malmesburiensis. lib. de. Reg.  wherewith he suddenly coming upon Ethelfride, gave battle unto him about the borders of Mercia, where Ethelfryde king of Northumberlande, also with Reyner Redwaldus son was slain in the field. By reason whereof Edwyne (his enemies now being destroyed) was quietly placed in the possession of Northumberland. 
This Queen was Edelburga, daughter to King Ethelbert the Christened King of Kent.  All this while yet Edwyne remained in his old Paganism, albeit his Queen being (as is above declared) king Ethelbertes daughter a Christian woman, with Paulinus the bishop, ceased not to stir and persuade the king to christian faith. But he taking counsel with his nobles and counsellors upon the matter, was hard to be won. Then the Lord, who desposeth all things after his purpose, to bring all good things to pass, sent an other trouble upon him, by means thereof to call him. 
God calleth commonly by affliction and trouble  For by affliction God useth commonly to call them whom he will save, or by whom he will work salvation unto other. So his divine wisdom thinketh good to make them first to know themselves, before they come to know him, or to teach him to other: so it was with Paul, who was stricken down, before he was lifted up, with Constantinus Edwynus and many more. How long was joseph in prison before he bare rule? How hardly escaped this our Queen now being (Queen Elizabeth) by whom yet notwithstanding it hath pleased god to restore this his gospel now preached amongst us? In what conflicts and agonies inwardly in his spirit was M. Luther before he came to preach the justification of Christ openly? And so be all they most commonly, which come to any lively feeling or sensible working of Christ the Lord.  

another danger of Edwyne.  But to return to Edwyne again. The occasion of his trouble was this: Quicelinus with Kynegilsus his brother, Kings of Westsaxons (as above is mentioned in the table of the Saxon kings) conspiring the death of Edwyne now king of Northumberland: 
An. 627.  upon envy and malice sent upon an Easter day, a swordman named Emner, privily to slay the said Edwyne. 
Polycron. lib. 5. ca ●2. Hen. Hunt. lib. 3.  This swordman or cutthroat came to a City beside the water of Darwent in Darbishire, there to wait his time, and lastly found the king smallly accompanied, and intended to have run the ki●● through with a sword invenemed. But one Lilla the kings trusty servant, disgarnished of a shield or other weapon to defend his master, 
Fabianus part. 5. A part of a trusty servant.  start between the king & the sword, and was stricken through the body and died, and the king was wounded with the same stroke. And after he wounded also the third which was a knight, & so was taken, and confessed by whom he was sent to work that treason. The other knight that was secondly wounded died, and the king lay after long sick, or he were healed.  
After this, about whitsuntide the king being scantly hole of his wound, assembled his host, intending to make against the king of westsaxons: promising to Christ to be Christened, if he would give him the victory over his enemies. And in token thereof caused his daughter borne of Edelburge the same Easter day when he was wounded, named Eufled to be baptized: 
Edwyne forgetteth his promise to Christ. Prosperity forgetful. Old custom in matters of religion, not to be followed, but only truth. Old custom letteth Edwyne to be Christened. A miracle of God in the conversion of king edwin. The part of a godly bish. exemplified in Paulinus. edwin baptized. He was baptized in S. Peter's Church at York which he first caused to be made of wood, which after by S. Oswald was builded of stone.  with xij other of his family, of Paulinus. Thus Edwyne proceeded to the battle against Quicelne and Kynegilsus with his son Kenwalcus and other enemies, who in the same battle being all vanquished & put to flight, Edwin through the power of Christ returneth home victorer. But for all this victory & other things given to him of God, as he was in wealth of the world, forgot his promise made, and had little mind thereof, save only that he by the preaching of Paulinus forsook his maumentry. And for his excuse said that he might not clearly deny his old law, which his forefathers had kept so long, and suddenly to be Christened without authority and good advise of his counsel.  
About the same season Pope Boniface the 5. sent also to the said Edwyne letters exhortatory, with sundry presents from Rome to him, and to Edelburge the Queen. But neither would that prevail. Then Paulinus seeing the king so hard to be converted, poured out his prayers unto God for his conversion: who the same time had revealed to him by the holy ghost, the oracle above mentioned, which was showed to the King, when he was with Redwaldus king of the Eastangles. Whereupon Paulinus coming afterward to the king, on a certain day, and laying his hand upon the king's head, asked him if he knew that token. The king hearing this & remembering well the token, was ready to fall down at his feet. But Paulinus not suffering that, did lift up him again, saying unto him: behold, O king, you have vanquished your enemies, you have obtained your kingdom, now perform the third, which you have promised, that is to receive the faith of Christ, and to be obedient to him. Whereupon the king conferring with his Counsel, & his nobles, was baptized of the said Paulinus at York, with many of his other subjects with him: Insomuch that Coyfi the chief of the Prelates of his old maumentry armed himself with his other Idolatrous Bishops, and bestrode good horses, which before by their old law they might not do, nor ride but only a Mare: & so destroyed all the altars of the maumentrye, & their temple of Idols, which was at Godmundham, not far from York, 
An. 628.  and this was the xi. year of his reign,  
From that time ●orth, during the life of Edwyne which was the term of vj. years more, 
Note Paulinus christened in ri●ers.  Paulinus christened, continually in the rivers of Gweny, & Swala, in both provinces of Deira, and in Bernicia, using the said rivers for his fountes, and preached in the shire of Lincesey, where he builded also a Church of stone at Lincoln. 
What true justice of a good Prince may do in a realm. Great peace and truth among the people in the days of Edwyne.   
In this time was so great peace in the kingdom of Edwyne after his conversion, that a woman laden with gold might have gone from the one side of the sea to the other, and no man molest her. Moreover by the high way sides, through all his kingdom he caused by every well or spring to be chained a dish, or bowl of brass to take up water; for the refreshing of such as went by the way, which boles of brass there remained safe, that no man touched them, during all the life of the said Edwyne. Such was then the tender care and study of Christian Princes, for the refreshing of their subjects. But that was then the Brazen world, which now is grown to iron and lead, called Aetas ferrea or rather plumbea.  
This Edwyne, 
Anno. 634.  who first brought in the faith in the North parts continuing after his Baptism. vj. years, at length was slain in battle by Cedwalla, 
Archbishop of Canterbury and York, the one ardayneth the other.  king of the Britain's. and by wicked Penda, king of the Mercians, with his son also Offricus in the field called Hatfield.  
This Paulinus was the first Archbishop of York, and as he was of justus Archbishop of Caunterbury, ordained Archbishop of the sea of York, so he again after the disease of justus, ordained Honorius to be Archbishop of Caunterbury.  
Paulinus after the death of godly Edwyne, seeing unmerciful Cedwalla or Cedwallon with his Britain's, 
Ex Flor. hist.  and wicked Penda with the Idolatrous mercians, to spoil the land in such sort, as they made no spare neither of age nor sex, nor Religion, was compelled to i'll with Edelburg the Queen and Euflede her daughter, by water into Kent: where the said Archbishop Paulinus remained Bishop of Rochester, the space of nineteen. years. And so the Church of Northumberland lacked a Bishop for the space of thirty. years after. Notwithstanding he let there one james his Deacon, 
james a godly Deacon.  a good man, who continued their baptising and preaching, in the North parts, till that peace being recovered, & the number of the faithful increasing, the church came again to his stay. 
A Deacon than might baptise.  Hunting. Lib. 3.  
By the means of this Edwyne Erpwaldus King of the Eastangles son to Redwaldus above mentioned, was reduced to Christ's faith. 
Erpwaldus otherwise na●named Corpwaldus, King of Eastangles converted to the faith of Christ.   
After the decease of Edwyne and his son Offrike, both slain in battle, reigned Ofricus and Eufridus the one in Deyra, the other in Bernicia. Osricus was the son of Elfricus which was brother to Ethelfride. Eaufridus, was the eldest son of Ethelfride (for Ethelfride had three sons to wit, Eaufridus, Oswaldus, & Osricus. These two kings of Desyra and Bernicia, Osricus, and Eaufride, being first Christened in scotland: after being kings returned to their old idolatry, & so in the years following were slain one after the other, by the foresaid Cedwalla, and wicked Penda, as is in the table above expressed. 
S. Oswalde king of Northumberland.   
After whom succeeded in Northumberlaad, the second son of Ethelfride named Oswaldus, having rule on both the Provinces as well Deyra, as of Bernicia. 
Anno. 636.  Whereof when the foresaid Cedwalla, (or Cadwallo) the britain king had understanding: 

Galfridus. Malmesberiensis.  
Polycro. Historia iornalensis.  
Fabian. Strength of prayer overcometh armies.  
Penda beaten in the field. The commendation of king oswald.   who before had made havoc of the Saxons and thought to have rooted them utterly out of England: he sent king Penda with a mighty host of the Britain's, thinking to slay also Oswald, as he had before slain his brother Eaufride, and King Edwyne before them. But Oswald when he was warned of the great strength of this Cadwal, and Penda made his prays to God, and besought him meekly of help to withstand his enemy: for the salvation of his people. Thus after Oswald had prayed for the saving of his people, the two hosts met in a field named Denesburne, some say Hevenfield, where was fought a strong battle. But smally the army and power of Penda, & Cedwall, which were far exceeding the number of Oswaldus host, was chased and most part slain by Oswaldus, after he reigned over the Britanes xxij. years leaving after him a son, whom Gaufridus called Cadwaladrus, the last king of the Britanes.  
Of this Oswald, much praise and commendation is written in authors, for his fervent zeal in Christ's Religion, & merciful pity toward the poor, with other great virtues more. As touching the miracles of S. Oswald, what it pleased the people of that time to report of him, I have not here to affirm: This I find in stories certain, that he being well and virtuously disposed to the setting forth of Christ's faith and doctrine, sent into Scorlande for a certain Bishop, 
King Oswald● disdained not to expound and preach the gospel to his people.  there called Aidanus, which was a famous preacher. The king what time he was in Scotland banished, had learned the scotish tongue perfectly: wherefore as this Aidanus preached in his scotish tongue to the Saxons, the king himself interpreting that which he had said, disdained not to preach & expound the same to his nobles & subjects in the English tongue.  
Moreover, toward the poor and needy, his pity & tenderness was such, being notwithstanding of so high & Princely calling: 
The goodness and charity of Oswald toward the poor.  that upon a time being then Easter day, he sitting with the said Aidanus at meat and served after the manner of kings in silver, there cometh to him one of the servitures bringing him word, that there was a great multitude of poor people sitting in the street, which desired some alms of the king. He hearing this, commandeth not only the meat prepared for his own table to be carried unto them, 
Historia iornalensis. Polycronicon. lib. 5. cap. 12.  but also taking a Silver platter which stood before him, broke it in pieces and sent it among them: And so relieved his poor subjects, not only with the meat of his table, but with his dishes also. Aidanus the Bishop seeing this and marveling thereat, taketh him by the hand, wishing and praying in this wise. This hand, saith he, I pray God may continue and never putrify. What the stories say more concerning this hand of Oswald, I intend not to meddle farther than simple, true, and due probalitie will bear me out. In those days and partly by the means of the said Oswald Kynigilsus king of the Westsaxons was converted to Christ's faith, 
Kinigilsus King of the Westsaxons, converted to Christ's faith.  especially through the godly labour of Berinus which was sent by Pope Honorius to preach in England, and was then made Bishop of Dorchester. To whom Quicelinus brother of Kynigilsus after he had also received baptism of the said Berinus gave to him the said City to make there his sea. 
Ex Polycron. lib. 5. cap. 13. Fabian part. 5. Lands given to Winchester.  And as Guydo witnesseth the said Quicelinus gave after to the Bishop of Winchester, seven miles compass of land, to build there the bishops sea, the which was accomplished and finished Kenwalkus his son.  
Of this Berinus Malmesbery, Polychronicon, with divers other writers do report, a thing strange and miraculous which if it be a fable as no doubt it is, 
Malmesberiensis lib. de pontifi. Angl. Gestrensis. lib. 5. Hist. jornalensis.  I cannot but marvel that so many authors so constantly agree in reporting and affirming the same. The matter is this: this Berinus being sent as is said, by Honorius to preach in England promiseth him to travel to the uttermost borders thereof, and there to preach the Gospel, where the name of Christ was never heard. Thus he setting forward in his journey passeth through France, and so to the sea side, where he found a passage ready, and the wind served so fair, that he was called upon in such haste, that he had no leisure to remember himself to take all things with him, which he had to carry. At length as he was on the sea sailing and almost in the middle course of his passage, remembered himself of a certain relic left behind him for haste: which Honorius had given him at his coming out. Malmesberiensis calleth it Corporalia. Historia jornalensis calleth it Pallulam super quam Corpus Christi consecraret, which we call a Corporas or such a like thing, and what else enclosed with in it I can not tell. Here Berinus in great sorrow could not tell what to do, if he should have spoken to the Heathen mariners, to turn their course back again, they would have mocked him, 
Hunting. lib. 3. Berinus walking on the sea with lie and al.  and it had been in vain. Wherefore as the stories write, he boldly steppeth into the Sea, and walkeing on foot back again, taketh with him that which was left behind, & so returneth to his company again, having not one thread of his garments wet. Of his miracle, or whether I should call it a fable rather, let the reader judge thereof, as he thinketh, because it is not written in the Scripture we are not bound to believe it. But if it were true, it is then thought to be wrought of god not for any holiness in the man: or in the Corporas, but a special gift for the conversion of the heathen, for whose salvation God suffereth oft many wonders to be done. This Berinus being received in the ship again with a great admiration of the Mariners, being therewith converted and baptized: was driven at last by the weather, to the coast of the Westsaxons, where Kynigilsus and his brother Quicelinus above mentioned did reign. 
Oswaldus' godfather and son in law to Kinigilsus, and all in one day.  Which two kings, the same time by the preaching of Berinus were converted, and made Christian men, with the people of the country, being before rude and barbarous. It happened the same time when the foresaid kings should be christened, that Oswaldus (mentioned a little before) king of Northumberland, was then present, and the same day married Kynigilsus his daughter, 
King Oswald slain in the field.  and also was godfather to the king.  

Anno. 643.  Thus Oswald after he had reigned ix. years in such holiness and perfectness of life, as is above specified, was slain at length in the field called Maxfield, by wicked Penda, king of the Mercians, 
Penda King of Mercians slain. Oswy King of Northumberland.  which Penda, at length after all his tyranny was overcome and slain by Oswy brother to Oswald, next king after Oswald of Northumberland, notwithstanding he had thrice the people which Oswy had: this Penda being a Panim had iii. sons Wolferus, Weda, and Egfridus. To this second son Weda, Oswy had before time married his daughter, by consent of Penda his father. The which Weda by help of Oswy was made King of Southmercia, 
The con●uerting o● the Merc●ans to the faith of Christ. Wolfer●● first christened king 〈◊〉 Mercia.  the which Lordship is severed from northmercia by the river of Trent. The same Weda moreover, at what time he married the daughter of Oswy, promised to him that he would become a christian man, which thing he performed after the death of Penda his Father, but afterward within iij. years of his reign, he was by reason of his wife slain: And after him the kingdom fell to Wolferus the other brother, who being wedded to Ermenilda, daughter of Ercomber king of Kente, was shortly after Christened, so that he is accounted the first christened king of Mercia. This Wolferus conquered Kenwalcus King of Kent, and got the isle of Wight, which after he gave to Sigbert King of Theastangles, 
The East-angles reduced to the Chri●●●●an faith.  upon condition he would be Christened. And thus the Eastangles, which before had expulsed Mellitus there bishop,, as is declared recovered again the Christian faith under Sigbert their King, who by the means of the foresaid Wolferus was reduced and baptized by Finanus the Bishop.  
But to return again to Oswy, 
Oswy and Oswyne, fellow kings in Northumberland.  from whom we have a little digressed, of whom we showed before how he succeeded after Oswald in the province of Bernicia, to whom also was joined Oswynus his cousin, over the Province of Deyra, and therewith his fellow, Oswy, reigned the space of seven. year: this oswin was gentle, & liberal to his people and no ●●sse devout toward God: who upon a time had given to Aidanus the bishop above mentioned, a Princely Horse with the trappers, & all that appertained thereto: 
Note the worthy liberality 〈◊〉 the king and no●●e in the birt●●  because he should not so much travel on foot but some time ease himself withal. Thus Aidanus the Scottish Bishop as he was riding upon his kingly horse, by the way meeteth him a certain poor man ask and craving his charity. Aidanus having nothing else to give him: lighted down, 
H Hunting de historic Angloru● lib. 9 Example of true almose.  and giveth to him his horse trapped and garnished as he was. The King understanding this, & not contented therewith, as he was entering to dinner with the said Aidanus what meant you father Bishop, (said he) to give away my horse I gave you, unto the beggar? Had not I other horses in my stable that might have served him well enough, but you must give away that which of purpose was picked out for you among the chiefest? To whom the Bishop made answer again saying or rather rebuking the king, what be these words (O king said he) that you speak? Why set you more price by an horse, which is but the sole of an horse, than you do by him which is the son of Mary, yea which is the son of God? He said but this when the king forthwith ungirding his sword from about him (as he was then newly come in from hunting) falleth down at the feet of the Bishop, 
A perfect example of humility in a Prince.  desiring him to forgive him that, and he would never after speak word to him, for any treasure he should afterward give away of his. The Bishop seeing the king so meekly affected, he then taking him up, & chering him again with words, began shortly after to weep & to be very heavy, his minister ask the cause thereof, Aidanus answered in his scottish language saying to him: I weep saith he for that this king cannot live long. This people is not worthy to have such a Prince as he is to reign among them. 
Oswyne traitorously murdered.  And so as Aidanus said, it came to pass. For not long after Oswy the king of Bernicia disdaining at him, when oswin either being not able or not willing to join with him in Battle, 
An. 651.  caused him traitorously to be slain. And so Oswy, with his son Egfride reigned in Northumberland alone.  
In the time & also in the house, of this Oswy king of Northumberland, was a certain man named Benedict, who was the bringer up of Bede from his youth, & took him to his institution, when he was but seven year old, & so taught him during his life. This Benedict, or Benet, descending of a noble stock and rich kin & in good favour with Oswy: forsook service, house, and all his kindred to serve Christ, & went to Rome (where he had been in his life time v. times) and brought from thence books, 
Benedict● Benet the bringer 〈◊〉 of Bede. The use of glazing first brought into this Realm. Botulpus. Aida●eus. Finiam●s. Colma●●us. Cutbertus. Iarumann●●▪ Cedda●. Wilfridus.  into Monasteries, with other things which he thought then to serve for devotion. This Bennedict surnamed Bishop, was the first that brought in the art and use of glazing into this land. For before that, glass windows were not known, either in churches, or in houses.  
In the reign of the foresaid Oswye and Egfride his son, was Botulphus Abbot: which builded in the East part of Lincoln an Abbey. Also Aidanus, Finianus, & Colmannus, with three Scottish Bishops of Northumberlande holy men, held with the Britain's, against the Romish order, for the keeping of Easter day. Moreover Cutbertus jarumannus, Cedda, and Wilfridus lived the same time, who as I judge to be Bishops of an holy conversation, so I thought it sufficient here only to name them. As touching their miracles wherefore they were made Saints in the Pope's calendar, seeing they are not written in the Gospel, nor in my Crede, but in certain old chronicles of that age so they are no matter of my faith: notwithstanding as touching there conversation, 
O quanta mutatio? Beda. lib. 4. cap. 5. Hunting. Polycr. jornalensis. Fabia.  this I read, and also do credit, that the Clergy both of Britain & England at that time, plied nothing that was worldly, but gave them to preaching and teaching the word of our Saviour, and followed the life that they preached, by giving of good ensample. And over that, as our histories accord, they were so void of covetousness, that they received no possessions or territories as was forced upon them.  
About this season or not much before, under the reign of Oswy & Oswyne, 
An. 664.  kings of Northumberlande, an other Synod or Council was holden against the Britons and the Scottish bishops, for the right, observing of Easter, at Sternehalt. At what time Agilbertus Bishop of westsaxons came to Northumberlande, to instyture Wilfride, Abbot of Rypon, where this question for Easter day began to be moved. 
Controversy about Easter day.  For Colmannus then Bishop of Northumberland followed not the custom of Rome, nor of the Saxons: but followed the britains, and the Scottish Bishops, his predecessors in the same sea before. Thus on the on side was Colmannus the Archbishop of York and Hilda the Abbes of Sternhalt: which alleged for them the doings and examples of their predecessors, both godly and reverend bishops: as Aidanus, Finianus, Archbishops of that sea of York before them, and divers more. Who had used always to celebrate the Easter, from the xiv. day of the first month, till the xxviij. of the same. And specially for that S. john the Evangelist at Ephesus, kept and observed that day, etc. On the otherside was Agilbert bishop of westsaxons, james the Deacon of Paulinus above mentioned: Wilfride Abbot of Ripon: and King Alfride Oswyes son, with his Queen, holding on the same side. The full contents of which disputation here followeth, according as in the story of Beda at large is described: with their reasons and arguments, on both sides as ensueth, etc.  

Ex Beda. lib. 2. cap. 23.  The question of Easter, and of shaving, and other Ecclesiastical matters being moved, it was determined that in the Abbey which is called Streneshalch, of the which Hilda a devout woman was Abbes: a convocation should be had and this question there determined. To the which place came both the kings, the father and the son. Bishop Colman with his clergy of Scotland. Aigelbert with Agathon and Wilfride Priests, 
A disputation between the Roman Bishops and the Scottish bishops for the day of Easter and other ceremonies.  james and Roman were on their sides. Hilda the Abbes with her company was on the Scottish part. And the reverend Bishop Cedda was appointed Prolocutor for both parties in that Parliament. King Oswye begun first with an Oration: declaring that it was necessary for such as served one God, to live in one uniform order, and that such as looked for one kingdom in heaven should not differ in celebration of the heavenly sacraments, but should rather seek for the true tradition & follow the same. This said, he commanded his Bishop Colman to declare what the rite and custom was in this behalf that he used, 
The king beginneth.  and from whence it had the original. Then Colman obeying his prince's commandment, said: the Easter, 
Colman speaketh.  which I observe I received of my ancestors that sent me hither a Bishop. The which, all our forefathers being men of God, did celebrate in like manner, & left it should be coutenned or despised of any man, it is manifestly apparent, to be the very same, which the holy Evangelist S. john (a disciple especially beloved of the Lord) did customably use, in all churches and congregations, where he had authority. When Colman had spoken many things to this effect, the king commanded Aigelbert to declare his opinion in this behalf, and to show the order that he then used, from whence it came & by what authority he observed the same. Aigelbert requested the king, that his scooler Wilfride, a Priest, might speak for him: in as much as they both with the rest of h●● clergy, were of one opinion herein: and that the said Wilfride could uttey his mind better and more plainly in the English tongue than he himself could. 
Wilfride replieth.  Then Wilfride at the king's commandments, began on this sort and said: The Easter which we keep, we have seen at Rome, whereas the holy Apostles, Peter, & Paul, did live and teach, did suffer and were buried. The same also is used in Italy, and in France: the which countries we have traveled for learning, 
Universality alleged.  and have noted it to be celebrated of them all. In Asia also and in africa, in Egypt and in Greece, and finally in all the world, the same manner of Easter is observed, that we use▪ save only by these here present with their accomplice & the Pictes & the Britanes: with the which two (& yet not altogether agreeing) they condescend & strive foolishly in this order against the universal world. 
Colman again speaketh.  To whom Colman replied, saying, I marvel you will call this order foolish, that so great an Apostle as was worthy to lie in the lords lap, did use, whom all the world doth well know to have lived most wisely: and Wilfride answered, 
Wilfride replieth.  god forbidden that I should reprove S. john of folly who kept the rites of Moses law according to the letter (the Church being yet jewish in many points) and the Apostles not as yet able to abdicate all the observations of the law before ordained: as for example that could not reject Images invented of the Devil, the which all men that believe on Christ ought of necessity to forsake, and detest: 
Why Paul circumcised Timothy.  lest they should be an offence to those jews that were amongst the Gentiles. For this cause did S. Paul Circumcise Timothy, for this cause did he sacrifice in the temple, and did shave his head with Aquila and Priscilla, at Corinth. all which things were done to none other purpose, then to eschew the offence of the jews. Hereupon also said james to Paul, thou seest brother how many thousand jews do believe & all these be zealous (notwithstanding) of the law. Yet seeing the Gospel is so manifestly preached in the world, it is not lawful for the faithful to be Circumcised, neither to offer sacrifice o● carnal things to God. Therefore john according to the custom of the law, the xiv. day of the first month at evening, did begin the celebration of the feast of Easter, nothing respecting whether it were relebrated in the Sabbath, or in any other feriall day. But Peter when he preached at Rome, remembering that the Lord did arise from death on the first day after the Sabbath giving thereby an hope to the world of the resurrection, 
Example of Peter alleged, but no proof brought thereof.  thoughht good to institute Easter on the day, & not after the use and precepts of the law (that was) the xiv. day of the first month. Even so john looking for the Moon at night if it did arise, & the next day after were Sunday, which was then called the Sabbath, than did he celebrate the Easter of the Lord in the evening like as we use to do even at this day. But if Sunday were not the next day after the xiv, 
Peter and john did not agree in the celebrating of Easter.  day, but fell on the xvi. day, or xvij or on any other day unto the xxi: he tarried always for it, and did begin the holy solemnity of Easter, on the evening next before the sabbath. And so came it to pass that Easter, was always kept on the Sunday, and was not celebrated but from the xv. day unto the xxj. Neither doth this tradition of the Apostle break the law, but fulfilled the same. In the which it is to be noted, that Easter was instituted from the xiv. day of the first month at evening unto the xxj. day of the same month at evening, the which manner all S. john's successors in Asia, after his death did follow, and the Catholic Church throughout the whole world. And that this is the true Easter, and only of all Christians to be observed, it was not newly decred: but confirmed by the Council of Nice, 
In the counsel of Nice no such matter appeareth.  as appeareh by the Ecclesiastical history. Whereupon it is manifest that you (Colman) do neither follow the example of S. john as ye think, nor of S. Peter whose tradition you do willingly resist, nor of the church nor yet of the gospel, in the celebration of Easter. For S. john observing Easter according to the precepts of the law kept it not on the first day after the Sabbath. But you precisely keep it, only on the first day after the Sabbath. Peter did celebrate Easter from the xv. day of the moon to the xxj. day, but you keep Easter from the xiv. unto the xx, day, so that you begin Easter oftentimes the xiij. day at night: of which manner neither the law nor the Gospel maketh any mention. 
Colman again answereth.  But the Lord in the xiv. day either did eat the old passover at night, or else did celebrate the sacraments of the new Testament in the remembrance of his death and passion. You do also utterly reject from the celebration of Easter the xxj. day, the which the law hath chief willed to be observed. And therefore as I said in the keeping of Easter, you neither agree with S. john, nor with Peter, nor with the law, nor yet with the Gospel. Then Colman again answered to these things, saying. Did then Anatholius a godly man and on much commended in the foresaid Ecclesiastical history, against the law & the Gospel? who writeth that the Easter was to be kept from the xiv. day unto the xx: or shall we think that Columba our reverend father, and his successors being men of God, who observed the Easter, after this manner, did against the holy Scripture? where as some of them were men of such godliness and virtue as was declared by their wonderful miracles. And I hereby (nothing doubting of their holiness) do endenor to fallow their life, 
Wilfride replieth.  order, & discipline. Then said Wilfride, it is certain that Anatholius was both a godly and a learned man, and worthy of great commendation, but what have you to do with him, seeing you observe not his order? For he following the true rule in keeping his Easter, observeth the circle of nineteen. years. The which either you know not, or if you do, you contemn the common order observed in the universal church of Christ. And moreover the said Anatholius doth so count the xiv. day in the observation of Easter, as he confesseth the same to ●e the xv day at night, a●ter the manner of the Egyptians. and likewise noteth the xx. day to be in the feast of Easter, the xxi. in the evening: the which distinction that you know not, by this may appear, for that you keep the Easter on the xiij. day before the full Moon. Or otherwise I can answer you touching your father Columba, and his successors, whose order you say you follow, moved thereto by their miracles on this wise: that the Lord will answer to many that shall say in the day of judgement, 
The authority of men is not to be sticked unto, for their doing of miracles.  that in his name they have prophesied & cast out devils, & have done many miracles. etc. that he never knew them. But God forbidden that I should say so of your fathers, because it is much better to believe well of those we know not, then ill. Whereupon I deny not, but they were the servants of God and holy men, 
The example of them that follow not, for lack of teaching excuseth not them which being taught will not follow.  the which loved the Lord of a good intent, though of a rude simplicity. And I think that the order which they used in the Easter, did not much hurt them, so long as they had none amongst them that could show them the right observation of the same, for them to follow. For I think if the truth had been declared unto them, they would as well have received it in this matter as they did in others. But you and your fellows if you refuse the order of the apostolical sea, or rather of the universal Church, which is confirmed by the holy scripture, without all doubt you do sin: 
Yea sir, Suffragia ecclesiae a non numeranda sunt sed ponderanda. Aug.  and though your forefathers were holy men, * what is their fewnes being but a corner of an Ileland, to be preferred before the universal Church of Christ dispersed throughout the whole world? And if Columba your father (& ours also being of Christ) were mighty in miracles, is he therefore to be preferred before the Prince of the holy Apostles? to whom the Lord said, thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it, & I will give thee the keys of the Kingdom of heaven?  
Wilfride having thus ended his argument, the king said to Colman: Is it true that the Lord spoke these things to S. Peter? 
The king concludeth.  And Colman answered yea. Then said the King: Can you declare any thing that the Lord gave to Colum. Colman answered no. Then quoth the king do both of you agree and consent in this matter, without any controversy, and that these words were principally spoken to Peter, and that the Lord gave him the keys of the kingdom of heaven? And they both answered yea. Then concluded the king on this wise: for as much as S. Peter, is the door keeper of heaven. I will not gainsay him: but in that I am able, I will obey his orders in every point lest when I come to the gates of heaven, he shut them against me.  
Upon this simple & rude reason of the king, the multitude eftsoons consented: 
Mobile mutatur semper cum principe ●ulgus.  and with them also Cedda was contented to give over. Only Colmanus the Sto●, being them Archbishop of York, in displeasure left the Realm, & departed into scotland, carrying with him the bones of Aidanus, Bed. Lib. 3. cap. 25. And thus much concerning this matter of Easter.  
After the decease of Oswy, 
Egfride or Edfride of Northumberland.  Egfride his son was King after him in Northumberland xv. years. By this Egfride Cuthbert was promoted to the Bishopric of the isle of Farne. And Wilfride which before had been Archbishop of York, was displaced through the means of Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury: 
Malmesber. Huntingt. Fab. cap. 135. Wilfride Archbishop of York.  and Cedda possessed that sea, Wilfride when he was put out, went to Rome & complained of him to Agathon the Bishop, and was well allowed in some things. But the king and Theodorus had there such Proctors and friends, that he returned without speeding of his cause. Wherefore he returned into the Southsaxons and builded an Abbey in Silesey, and preached unto the Southsaxons xv. years. The king of the Southsaxons at that time, Ethelwold, to whom he declared a little before, that Wolferus king of the Mercians, gave the isle of wight upon condition, that he would be Christened, and so was baptized by Berinus: 
Southsaxons converted to Christian faith.  the said Wolfer being his Godfather and son in law, both in on day. Wherefore Wolferus now being licenced by Ethelwod the king, preached unto his nobles & people of Southsexe, and converted them to Christ. In the tune of whose baptising the rain which before they lacked three years together, was given them plentifully: whereby their great famine slaked, and the country was made fruitful, 
H Huntingt. Lib. 3.  which before was dried up with barrenness: In so much that as in some stories is said, the people penured with famine, would go▪ xl. together, upon the rocks by the seaside, and taking hands together would throw themselves down to the sea. Moreover, where they lacked before the art of fishing, the foresaid Wilfride taught them how with nets to fish,  
And thus by process have we discoursed from time to time how and by what means the Idolatrous people were induced to the true faith of Christ: 
The 〈◊〉 Wygh●●● conuen●● to Christ Alfride King of Northe●● Wilfride restored ●igayne to the sea of York.  of whom these Southsaxons with the isle of wight was the last.  
After Egfride who was slain in the straights of Scotland, next succeeded Alfride his brother, and bastard son to Oswy, & reigned xviij. or nineteen. years in Northumberland. This Alfride restored again the foresaid Wilfride to the sea of York, whom his brother had before expelled, & put in Cedda. Notwithstanding, the same king within v. years after, expulsed the said Wilfride again and so went he to Rome. But at length by Osrike his successor was placed again, the Archbishop of York: and Cedda was ordained by Theodorus Bishop of Mercia. The which province of Mercia, 
Mercia divided in ● v. byshopprickes.  the said Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury by the authority of the Synod held at Hatfield, did after divide into five bishoprics: that is, one to Chester, the second to worceter, the third to Lichfield, the fourth to Cederna, in Lindesey, the fift to Dorchester, which was after translated to Lincoln.  
Near about this time, 
The wicke● se●t of Mahumet. Apoc. 13.  in the year of our Lord, 666. the detestable sect of mohammed, begun to take strength & place: Although Polychronicon differing a little in years, accounteth the beginning of this sect somewhat before: 
An. 666.  but the most diligent searchers of them which writ now, refer it to this year, which well agreeth with the number of the beast, signed in the apocalypse. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That is. 666. Of this mohammed came the kingdom of Agarenes (whom he after named Saracenes) to whom he gave sundry laws, patched of many sects & religions together, he taught them to pray ever to the South: And as we keep the Sunday, so they keep the friday, which they call the day of Venus. He permitted them to have as many wives as they were able to maintain: to have as many concubines as they list: to abstain from use of wine, except upon certain solemn days in the years: 
Ex Polycron. Ex Giran Cam●●●●. Ex Stepen no Cal●●● riensi.  to have & worship only one God omnipotent: saying that Moses & the Prophets were great men, but Christ was greater, and greatest of all the Prophets, as being borne of the virgin mary by the power of God, without man's seed: and at last was taken up to heaven, but was not slain: but an other in his likeness for him, with many other wicked blasphemies in his law contained. At length this kingdom of the Saracenes began to be conquered of the Turks, & in process of time wholly subdued to them.  
But now to return again to the time of our English Saxons. In this mean season Theodorus was sent from Italy into England by Vitellianus the Pope, to be Archbishop of Caunterbury, & with him divers other monks of Italy, to set up here in England Latin service, Masses, ceremonies, 
Theodorus Archbish. of Cant.  litanies, with such other romish ware, etc. This Theodorus being made Archbishop and Metropolitan of Canterbury began to play the rex, placing & dysplacing the bishops at his pleasure. As for Cedda & Wilfride Archbishops of York he thrust them both out under the pretence, that they were not lawfully consecrated, notwithstanding they were sufficiently authorised by their kings, and were placed against their wills. Wherefore Wilfride as is before touched went up to Rome, but could have no redress of his cause: yet to show what modesty this Wilfride used against his enemy, being so violently molested as he was, because the words of his complaint are expressed in W. Malmesbery, I thought here to express the same both for the commendation of the party, and also for the good example of other, in case any such be, whom good examples will move to well doing. This Wilfride therefore having such injury and violence offered unto him by the hands of Theodore: although he had just cause to do his uttermost, yet in prosecuting his complaint, how he tempered himself: what words of modesty he used, rather to defend his innocency, then to impugn his adversary, by this his suggestion offered up to the Bishop of Rome, may appear: whose words in effect were these: Quid autem acciderit, 
Gis. Malmesbericir sis. lib. 1. de gestis pontifi. Anglorum.  ut Theodorus sanctiss. Archiepiscopus (me superstite in sede) quam, licet indignus dispensabam: absque consensu cuiuslibet Episcopi ex sua autoritate (mea humilitate non acquiescente) ordinavit tres Episcopos: omittere magis quam urgere, pro eiusdem viri reverentia * condecet. Quem quide, pro eo quod ab hac Apostolicae sedis summitate directus est, accusare non audeo, etc. In English. How it chanceth that Theodorus, the most holy & reverend Archbishop (my self being alive in the sea, which I though unworthy did rule and dispose) hath of his own authority, without the consent of any bishop (neither having my simple voice agreeing to the same) ordained iij. Bishops: I had rather pass over in silence, then to stir any farther therein, because of the reverence of that man, and no less thought I it my duty so to do. The which man for that he hath been directed by the authority of this sea Apostolical, 
Bede. lib. 4. cap. 22.  I will not nor dare not here accuse, etc. Thus the cause of the said Wilfride, albeit it was sufficiently known in the Court of Rome, to be well allowed for just and innocent, yet it was not then redressed. In such estimation was this Theodorus then among the Romans. Upon this controversy of these two Bishops I may well here inter the words of W. Malmelbury, not unworthy in my mind, to be noted, which be these in his Latin story. 
Gul. Malmosb. lib. de ghosts pon●ifo. Anglorum. Lib. 1. Polichron. lib. 5. ca 19  Vbi videri & doleri potest humana miseria, quod videlicet quantum libet, quis sanctitate polleat, non ad plenum pervicaces mores exuat, etc. That is: In the which Theodore, saith he, the weak and miserable infirmity of man, may be seen and also lamented, considering, that although a man be never so holy, yet in the same man is some thing, whereby it may be perceived, that he hath not utterly put of all his stubborn conditions, etc.  

An. 680.  In the time of this Theodorus, and by the means of him, a provincial Synod was holden at Thetford, mentioned in the story of Bede: 
Bede. lib. 4. cap. 21.  the principal contents whereof were these.  
First that Easter day should be uniformly kept and observed through the whole Realm, upon one certain day videlicet prima, 14. Luna mensis primi.  
Secondly, that no Bishop should intermeddle within the Diocese of an other.  
Thirdly, that monasteries consecrated unto GOD, should be exempt and free from the jurisdiction of the bishops.  
Fourthly that the Monks should not stray from one place (that is) from one Monastery to another, without the licence of his Abbot: also to keep the same obedience which they promised at their first entering.  
Fiftly, that no Clergyman should forsake his own Bishop, and to be received in any other place, with out letters commendatory of his own Bishop.  
Sixtly, that foreign Bishops & Clergimen coming into the Realm, should be content only with the benefit of such hospitality, as should be offered them: neither should intermeddle any further within the precinct of any bishop, without his special permission.  
seventhly, that Synods provincial should be kept within the Realm at least once a year.  
Eightly, that no Bishop should prefer himself before an other, but must observe the time and order of his consecration.  
Ninthly, that the number of Bishops should be augmented, as the number of the people increaseth.  
Tenthly, that no marriage should be admitted, but that which was lawful, No incest to be suffered: neither any man to put away his wise for any cause, except only for fornication, after the rule of the Gospel. And these be the principal chapters of that Synod. etc.  
In the next year following was the sixth general council kept at constance, whereat, this Theodore was also present under Pope Agatho, where Marriage was permitted to Greek priests, and forbidden to the Latin. In this Council the Latin Mass was first openly said by john Portuensis the Pope's Legate, before the patriarch and Princes at Constantinople, in the temple of S. Sophy.  
After the decease of Alfride king of Northumberlande (from whom he was digressed) succeeded his son Osredus, 
An. 705.  reigning xj. years. After whom reigned Kenredus 2. years. 

Osredus, Kenredus, Osricus, Kings of Northumberland. The kingdom of Britain ceaseth. jua. or Iue, King of Westsaxons. Polycron, lib. 5. cap. 21.  
S. Cuthlake a popish Saint. Crowland the courteous. Lying miracles.   And next Osricus after him xj years.  
In the time and reign of these 4. kings of Northumberland, king jua reigned in westsaxe: who succeeding after Cadwalder, the last king of the Britain's, began his reign about the year of the Lord, 689. and reigned with great valiantness over the westsaxons, the term of xxxvij. years. Concerning whose acts and wars maintained against the Kentish saxons, and other kings: because I have not to entermedie withal, I refer the reader to other Chroniclers.  
About the sixth year of the reign of this jua or Iue, Polychronicon, & other make mentionn of one Cuthlacus, whom they call S. Cuthlake a confessor, who about the 24. of his age, renouncing the pomp of the world, professed himself a Monk in the abbey of Repindon, and the third year after went to Crowlande, where he led the life of an Anchor. In the which Isle and place of his burying was builded a fair Abbey, called afterward for the great resort and gentle entertainment of strangers, Crowlande the courteous: but why this Cuthlake should be sainted for his doings, I see no great cause, as neither do I think the fabulous miracles reported of him to be true: as where the vulgar people are made to believe, that he enclosed the devil in a boiling pot, and caused wicked spirits to erect up houses, 

what strange sights this Berthwalde, or Drithelm, did see after his death, read the ix. book of Henr. Huntingdon. King Etheldred made Abbot of Bardney.  
Adelmus. Gu. Malmes●, lib. 5. de pontific   with such other fables and lying miracles, etc. Among which lying miracles also may be reckoned that, which the stories mention in the xi. year of the reign of jua, to be done of one Brithwalde or Drithelmus: who ●eing dead a long season, was restored to life again, & told many wonders of strange things that he had seen, causing thereby great alms & deeds of charity to be done of the people. And so the disposing of his goods given in iij. parts went to the Abbey of Mailroos, where he continued the rest of his life.  
Moreover, about the xuj. year of the said jua Etheldred king of Mercia, after he had their reigned, 30. years, was made a Monk: and after an Abbot of Bacducy.  
And about the xviij. year of the reign of Iue, died the worthy and learned bishop Aldelmus, first Abbot of Malmesbery, afterward bishop of Schirborn: of whom William Malmesbery, writeth plenteously, with great commendation, and that not unworthily as I suppose: especially for the notable praise of learning and virtue in him above the rest of that time (next after Bede) as the great number of books and Epistles and Poems by him set forth, will declare. Although concerning the miracles which the said author ascribeth to him, 
Lying miracles.  as first in causing an infant of ix. days old to speak at Rome, to clear pope Sergius, which was then suspected the father of the said child. Also in hanging his caviule upon the sun beams. Item, in making whole the altarstone of Marble, brought from Rome. Ite in drawing a length one of the timber pieces, which went to the building of the temple in Malmesbery. Item, in saving the Mariners at Dover, etc. As concerning these and such other miracles, which William Malmesbery, to him attributeth, I can not consent to him therein, but think rather the same to be monkish devices, 
Malmesbery commended for his stile.  forged upon their Patrons, to maintain the dignity of their Houses. And as the Author was deceived (no doubt) in believing such fables himself: so may he likewise deceive us, through the dexterity of his style, 
Lying miracles reproved. Aldelme Bishop. Swithune, Bishop of Wine.  and fine handling of the matter, but that father experience hath taught the world now a days more wisdom, in not believing such practices: this Aldelmus was bishop of Schyrborne, which sea after was united to the sea of Winton. In which Church of Winchester the like miracles also are to be read of Bishop Adelwod, and S. Swithune, whom they have canonised likewise for a Saint.  
moreover near about the xxv. year of Iue, 
Bedo. lib. 5. cap. 23. Ex historia jornalensi do regib us Northumb.  by the report of Bede S. john of Beverley, which was then Bishop of York died, and was buried at the porch of the Minster of Deirwod or Beverley. In the which porch it is recorded in some Chronicles, that as the said john upon a time was praying, being in the porch of S. Michael in York: the holy Ghost in the similitude of a Dove sat before him upon the altar, in brightness shining above the sun. This brightness being seen of other, 
S. john of Beverlay.  first cometh one of his Deacons running unto the portche: who beholding the Bishop their standing in his prayers, 
Anno. 717.  and all the place replenished with the holy ghost, was strooken with the light thereof, having all his face burnt, as it were with hot burning fire. Notwithstanding the Bishop by and by cured the face of his Deacon again, charging him as the story saith, not to publish what he had seen during his life time. etc. which tale seemeth as true, as that we read about the same time done of S. Egwyne, 
Another lying fable of Saint Eguyne.  in Polychron Abbot of Eusham, and Bishop of Worcester (then called Wyctes:) who upon a time when he had fettered both his feet Inyrons fast locked, for certain sins done in his youth, and had cast the key thereof in the sea: 
Ranulphus in Polychro. lib. 5. cap. 23.  afterward a fish brought the key again into the ship, as he was saying homeward from Rome.  
But to leave these monkish fantasies, and return into the right course again of the story. In the time of this foresaid Iue, began first the right observing of the Easter day to be kept of the Pictes, 
Beda. lib. 5. de gests. Angl. Polycron. lib. 5. cap. 17.  and of the Britain's. In the observation of which day (as is largely set forth in Bede, and Polychron, Lib. 5. cap. 17. and 22.) three things are necessary to be observed, the full Moon of the first month, that is of the month of March: Secondly, the Dominical Letter: Thirdly, the Equinoctial day, which Equinoctial was wont to be counted in the East church, and especially among the Egyptians, to be about the 17. day of March. 
A general rule serving for the observation of Easter day. This rule of Easter seemeth to be taken out of the book of Numer.  So that the full Moon either upon the Equinoctial day, or after the Equinoctial day being observed the next dominical day following that full moon, is to be taken for Easter day. Wherein is diligently to be noted two things. First the fullness of the Moon, must be perfectly full, so that it be the beginning of the third week of the move which is the 14. or 15. day of the moon. Secondly, is to be noted, that the said perfect fullness of the moon beginning the third week, 
And they going out of Ramesse the 15. day of the first month, the next day after held their Easter. etc.  must happen either in the very evening of the Equinoctial day, or after the Equinoctial day. For else if it happen either on the Equinoctial day before the evening, or before the Equinoctial day, than it belongeth to the last month of the last year, and not to the first month of the first year, and so serveth not to be observed.  
This rite and usage in keeping Easter day being received in the Latin church, began now to take place among the Pictes & Britain's, through the busy travail of Theodorus Cuthlacus, but namely of Elbert the holy Monk, as they term him: and of Colfrid Abbot of Sirwin in Northumberlande, which wrote to Narcanus, or Naitonus the King of Pictes, concerning the same: who also among other things writeth of the shaven crowns of Priests, saying: 

Why priests crowns were shaven.  
Bede de. gest. lib. 5.   that it was as necessary for the vow of a Monk, or degree of a Priest, to have a shaven crown for restraint of their lusts: as for any Christian man, to bless him against spirits, when they come upon him. Bede Lib. 5. The copy of which letter as it is in Bede, I have here annexed, not for any great reason therein contained, but only to delight the Reader with some pastime, in seeing the fond ignorance of that Monkish age: the copy of the letter thus proceedeth.  

¶ Of the shaving of Priests, out of the fift book of Beda the xxi. chap.  


The copy of a Monkish letter of Colfride to King Naiton for the shaving of priests crowns.  
How proveth he that the Apostles job and joseph were shaven.  
Much said, nothing proved.   COncerning the shaving of Priests (whereof you write also unto me) I exhort you that it be decently observed according to the Christian faith. We are not ignorant that the Apostles were not all shaven, after one manner, neither doth the Catholic Church at this day agree in one uniform manner of shaving, as they do in faith, hope, and charity. Let us consider the former time of the patriarchs, and we shall find that job (an example of patience) even in the very point of his afflictions, did shave his head: and he proveth also: that in the time of his prosperity, he used to let his hear grow. And joseph an excellent Doctor & executor of chastity, humility, piety and other virtues: when he was delivered out of prison & servitude was shaven: whereby it appeareth that whilst he abode in prison he was unshaven. 
Diversity of rites hurteth not the Church. See how these shavelings would father their shaving upon Peter, which is neither found in Scripture, nor in any approved story, but only in painted clothes.  Behold doth these being men of god did use an order in the habit of their body one contrary to the other, whose consciences notwithstanding within did well agree in the like grace of virtues. But to speak truly and freely the difference of shaving hurteth not such as have a pure faith in the Lord, & sincere charity, towards their neighbour: especially for that there was never any controversy amongst the Catholic fathers about the diversity thereof, as there hath been of the difference of the celebration of Easter and of faith. But of all these shavings that we find either in the Church or else where: there is none in mine opinion so much to be followed & embraced, as that which he used on his head, to whom the Lord said, thou art Peter, and upon this rock. I will build my Church and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it, & I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven. And contrariwise there is no shaving so much to be abhorred and detested as that which he used to whom the same S. Peter said, thy money be with thee to thy destruction, 

Why Priests and Monks be shaven in the crown.  
The shaving of the crown what it representeth.  
How doth the sign of the cross defend Churches from evil spirits, when it cannot keep them from evil Priests?   because thou thinkest to possess the gift of God by thy money, therefore thy part nor lot is not in this word. Neither ought we to be shaven on the crown only because Saint Peter was so shaven, but because Peter was so shaven; in the remembrance of the Lords Passion: therefore we that desire by the same Passion to be saved, must wear the sign of the same passion with him upon the top of our head which is the highest part of our body. For as every Church that is made a Church by the death of the Saviour, doth use to bear the sign of the holy cross in the front: that it may the better by the defence of that banner, be kept from the invasions of evil spirits: & by the often admonition thereof, is taught to crucify the flesh, with the concupiscence of the same: In like manner it behoveth such as have the vows of Monks and degrees of the Clergy, to bind themselves with a straighter bit of continency for the Lords sake. And as the Lord bore a crown of thorn on his head in his passion, 
If shaving of the crown doth each men patience in suffering how cometh it that we see none more washpish and ireful than these shorn generations, of Monkish vipers.  whereby he took & carried away from us the thorns and pricks of our sins: so must every one of us by shaving our heads, patiently bear and willingly suffer, the mocks and scorners of the world for his sake: That we may receive the crown of eternal life, which God hath promised to all that love him, & shall by shaving their corporal crowns bear the adversity, & contemn the prosperity of this world. But the shaving which Simon Magus used, what faithful man doth not detest together with his magical art? The which at the first appearance hath a show of a shaven crown, but if you mark his neck, you shall find it curtailed in such wise as you will say it is rather meet to be used of the Symonistes then of the Christians. 
Simon Magus 〈◊〉 as he say●.  And such (of foolish men) be thought worthy of the glory of the eternal crown, whereas indeed for their ill living they are worthy not only to be deprived of the same but also of eternal salvation. 
The difference between the shaving of Peter and Simon Magus.  I speak not this against them that use this kind of shaving, & live catholicly in faith and good works, but surely I believe there be divers of them be very holy and godly men. Amongst the which is Adamnan, the Abbot and worthy Priest of the Columbians: who when he came Ambassador from his country unto king Alfride desired greatly to see our Monastery: where be declared a wonderful wisedowe, humility and Religion both in his manners and words. Amongst other talk I asked him why he, that did believe to come to the crown of life that should never have end, did use contrary to his belief a definite Image of a crown on his head. And if you seek (quoth I) the fellowship of S. Peter, why do you use the fashion of his crown whom S. Peter did accurse, and not of his rather with whom you desire to live eternally? Adamnan answered saying: you know right well brother though I use Symons manner of shaving, after the custom of my country, yet do I detest & with all my heart abhor his infidelity. 
In outward habit christians ought not to reli●●ble wicked doers.  I desire notwithstanding to imitate the footsteps of the holy Apostle as far forth as my power will extend. Then said I: I believe it is so. But than is it apparent you imitate those things which the Apostle Peter did from the bottom of your hart, if you use the same upon your face that you know he did. For I suppose your wisdom understandeth that it is right decent, to differ in the trimming your face or shaving, from his whom in your hart you abhor. And contrariwise as you desire to imitate the doings of him whom you desire to have a 
* There is but one mediator between God and man Christ jesus.  mediator between God & you, so it is meet you imitate the manner of his apparel and shaving. Thus much said I, to Adamnan, who seemed then well to like our Churches: in so much that he returning into Scotland, reform many of his churches there, after our celebration, albeit he could not do so amongst the Monks, 

The Scottish monk and the English monks differed in their shaving.  
If Peter shall let in the elect of God into heaven, Christ the● serveth in little stead.   with whom he had special authority. He endeavoured also to have reform their manner of shaving if he had been able. And now (O King) I exhort your majesty to labour together with your people (over whom the King of Kings and Lord of Lords hath made you governor, to imitate likewise in all these points the Catholic and Apostolical churches. So shall it come to pass that in the end of this your temporal kingdom the most blessed prince of the Apostles shall open you the gates of the heavenly kingdom together with the other elect of god. The grace of the eternal king preserve you most dearly beloved son in Christ long time to reign over us to the great tranquillity of us all.   
When this letter was read before king Nayton with other of his learned men, and diligently translated into his proper language, he seemed to rejoice very much at the exhortation thereof, insomuch as rising up from among his noble men, he kneeled on the ground and gave God thanks that he had deserved to receive so worthy a present out of England, & so caused it forthwith by public proclamation to be written out, learned, & observed through out all the provinces of the Pictes, defacing the errors that had been used there by the space of 700. and 4. years. For all the ministers of the altar & all Monks, were shaven, on the crown. And all the people rejoiced for the new discipline of the most blessed Prince of the Apostles, S. Peter which they had received.  
¶ By this monkish letter above prefixed, 
A note to admonish the reader.  void of all Scripture, of all probation & truth of history, thou mayest note gentle Reader: how this vain tradition of shaven crowns hath come up, & upon how light and trifling occasion: which in very deed was none other but the dreaming fantasies of Monks of that time, falsely grounding upon the example of Peter: when by no old monument of any ancient record they can ever prove, either Peter or Simon Magus to have been shaven. Moreover in the said letter also is to be noted, how the Scottish Clergy at that season, did wear no such Priestly crowns, as our English Churchmen than did.  
But to cut of this matter of shaving, 
Fabia. cap. 141. Guliel. Malmesb, de. Reg.  more worthy to be laughed at than to be storied, let us now again return where as we left at king Iue, of whom W. Malmesbery, and Fabian in his chronicle do record that when the foresaid Iue had ruled the west saxons by the term of 37. years, by the importunate persuasion, and subtle policy of his wife Ethelburga, was alured to go to Rome, & there to be made a Monk. Which Ethelburga, after she had a long time laboured him to leave the world, and could not bring about her purpose: 
An. 724.  upon a season when the king and she had rested them in a fair palace richly behanged, & were upon the morrow thence departed: she by her commandment caused the palace to be replenished with all kind of filth & dung, 
Ethelburge the Queen persuadeth her husband to be a monk.  and hogs and vile beasts therein to be said, as well in the chambers as other houses of office. And in their own chamber where they did lie, there was a Sow laid with her young pigs. And when she knew that this palace was thus deformed, being a certain space out of the town, she besought the king to visit the said palace. And when she had brought him thereunto, she said to him: I pray you my Lord behold now this house, where are now the rich tappets and clothes of gold & silk, 
The crafty head of a woman.  and other rich apparel, that we left here this other day? And where be the delicacies & pleasant servitors, and costly dishes, that you and I lately were served with? Be not all these passed & gone? My Lord (saith she) in like manner shall we vanish away, as suddenly as you see these worldly things been passed. And our bodies which now be delicately kept, shall fall and turn into the filth of the earth. Wherefore have in mind my words that before time to you I have often showed & told, and busy you to purchase that palace that ever shall endure in joy without transmutation.  
By mean of these words and other, the Queen turned so the king's mind, 
King Iue resigning his kingdom, went to Rome and became a Monk.  that shortly after he resigned the governance of his kingdom unto Ethelardus his nephew: & for the love of Christ took upon him the habit of a poor man. And setting apart all the pomp & pride of this wicked world, associated himself in the fellowship of poor men, and travalled to Rome with great devotion, when he had been king of Westsaxons, as before is said 37. years. After whose departing, the foresaid Ethelburga his wife, went unto Barking 7. miles from London, where in the Nunnery of Barking before of Erkenwald founded, 

Ethelburga the Queen made nun of Barking.  
Peter penny first granted and paid to Rome.  
The laws made by King Iue to his people.   she continued & ended the rest of her life, when she had been Abbes of the place a certain time. The said Malmesbery in his story also testifieth, that this Iue was the first king that granted a penny of every fire house through his dominion to be paid unto the Court of Rome, which afterward was called Romescot, or Peter pence, & long after was paid in many places of England.  
This Iue, like as for his time, he was worthy and valiant in his acts: so was he the first of the Saxon kings (that I read of) which set forth any laws to his country: the rehearsal of which laws, to the number of 80. & odd, were not unprofitable here to be inserted together with other laws of the Westsaxon kings after him, before the time of William Conqueror: in case it were not for the length & prolixity of this present volume. And thus much concerning the reign of king Iue, king of Westsaxons by the way. Now to repair again to the course of Northumberland kings something intermitted.  

Celulphus King of Northumberland. Bede.  Next unto the foresaid Osricus, followed Celulfus, whom he had adopted, brother to Kenred above specified. This Celulfus as he was himself learned, so were in his time divers learned men then flourishing in England, among whom was Beda, who unto the same king Celulfus offered his story entitled Anglorum Historia, not only to be ratified by his authority, but also to be amended, as Malmesburiensis writeth by his knowledge and learning.  

An. 729.  And for as much as I have here entered into the mention of Bede, a man of worthy and venerable memory, because of the certifiing of the truth of that man: and for that I see all writers (as touching his life) do not agree, 
The life of Bede, briefly described.  some saying that he was no Englishman borne: I thought so much to report of him, as I find by his own words testified of himself in the latter end of his ecclesiastical history of England, offered to the said Celulfus above mentioned the words of whom be these.  
Thus much by the help of God, I Bede the servant of Christ, and Priest of the Monastery of Peter and Paul at wire, have compiled and digested concerning the Britain history. And so the same Bede proceeding further in his narration, declareth that he being borne in the territory of the said Monastery, being of the age of seven. years, was committed of his parents and friends, 
This Benedict master to Bede, was the first that brought in the use of glass windows into England. Also the said Benet 〈…〉  to the tuition and education of Benedict (of whom above relation is made) and of Celfride Abbots of the foresaid Monastery. In the which place or Monastery he continuing, from that time forth, all his life long, gave himself and all his whole study to the meditating of holy scripture. Whatsoever time or laisure he had from his daily service in the church, that he spent either in learning, or in teaching, or writing something. About nineteen. years of his age, he was made Deacon, the thirty. year of his age he was made priest. From the which time to the age of 59 years, he occupied himself in interpreting the works of the ancient fathers for his own use, and the necessity of others: and in writing of treatises, which came in all to the number of 37. volumes, which he digested into 78. books.  
Some say that he went to Rome either there to defend his books to be consonant to catholic doctrine either else if they should be found faulty, to amend & correct the same as he should thereto be commanded. Albeit the reporter of this his life dare not certainly affirm that ever he was at Rome: but that he was invited and called thither to come: both it is manifest in stories, and also this Epistle of Pope Sergius doth sufficiently prove, declarnig moreover in what price and estimation Bede was accepted, as well in the court of Rome, as in other places besides. The Epistle of Sergius sent to Celfride, thus proceedeth in tenor and form as followeth in Latin.  
The Epistle of Pope Sergius sent to Celfride Abbot of Wire Abbey, requiring Bede to be sent up to him to Rome for the same of his worthy learning.  
SErgius Episcopus servus seruorsi Dei, 
An Epistle of Pope Sergius.  Celfrido religioso Abbati. Sal. Quibus modis ac verbis clementiam Dei nostri, atque inenarrabilem providentiam possumus 〈◊〉 & dignas gratiarum actiones pro immensis eius circa nos beneficijs persoluere qui in tenebris & in umbra mortis positos ad lumen scientia perducit? Et infra Benedictionis gratlam: quam nobis per praesentem portatorem tua devota misir religio; lib●i & hilari animo ficuti ab ea directa est nos suscepisse, cognosce Oportunis igitur ac dignis amplectandae tuae sollicitudinis petitionibus, arctissima devotione satisfacientes: hortamur Deo dilectam religiositatis tuae bonitatem, ut quia exortis quibusdam Ecclesiasticarum causarum capitulis, non sine examinatione longius innotescendis, opus nobis sunt ad conferendum artes literaturae, sicut decet Deo devotum auxiliatorem sanctae matris universalis Ecclesiae obedientem devotionem huic nostrae exhortationi non desistas accommodare: sed absque ulla immoratione religiosum Dei famulum Bedam, venerabilem Monasterij tui Praesbyterum, ad limina Apostolorum principum dominorum meorum Petri & Pauli amatorum tuorum ac protectorum, ad nostrae mediocritatis conspectum non moreris dirigere: Quem, satisfaciente domino sanctis tuis precibus, non diffidas prospere ad te redire (peracta praemissorum capitulorum cum auxilio Dei desiderata solennitate.) Erite enim ut confidimus etiam cunctis tibi creditis profuturum, quicquid Ecclesiae generali claruerit per eius praestantiam impartitum etc.  
So notable and famous was the learning of this foresaid Bede, 
The famous learning of Bede.  that the Church of Rome (as by this letter appeareth) both stood in need of his help, and also requireth the same, about the discussing of certain causes and controversies appertaining to learning. Moreover the whole Latin church at that time, gave him the mastery in judgement and knowledge of the holy Scripture. 
Bede commended for integrity of life.  In all his explanations his chiefest scope and purpose did ever drive, to instruct and inform his Reader simplely and without all curiousness of stile, in the sincere love of god, & of his neighbour. As touching the holiness and integrity of his life, it is not to be doubted: for how could it be, that he should attend to any vicious idleness, or had any laisure to the same, who in reading & digesting so many volumes, consumed all his whole cogitations in writing upon the scriptures: for so he testifieth of himself in the 3. book upon Samuel, saying in these words. If my treatises and expositions, saith he, bring with them no other utility to the Readers thereof: yet to myself they conduce not a little in this, that while all my study and cogitation was set upon them, in the mean while of the slippery intitements and vain cogitations of this world I had little mind. Thus in this travail of study he continued till the age of 62. years. 
Anno. 735.  At length drawing to his latter end, being sick seven. weeks together besides other occupiyngs of his mind, 
S. john's. Gospel translated into English by Bede.  and other studies which he did not intermit: he translated also the gospel of S. john into English. At length with great comfort of spirit departed this life, pronouncing many comfortable sayings to them that stood about him, upon the Ascension day, the same year when Nothelinus was instituted Archbishop of Caunterbury. And thus much concerning the story of Bede.  
This Celulfus king of Northumberland afore mentioned, 
Celulfus of a King made a Monk.  after he had reigned viij. years was made a Monk in the Abbey of Farne, otherwise called Lindefar, or holy Island: where by his means licence was given to the monks of that house to drink wine or ale, which before by the institution of Aidanus above mentioned, drunk nothing but milk and water. After whom succeeded Egbert his cousin, brother to Egbert (the same time being bishop of York) which brought again thither the pall that his predecessors had foregone, 
Egbert King of Northumberland.  since the time that Paulinus had left the sea, & fled to Rochester, as is before declared. The said Egbert also erected a noble Library in York, whose example I would other bishops now would follow.  
About the beginning of the reign of this Egbert, was Cuthbert Archbishop of Canterbury: who collected a great Synod of Bishops and Prelates, in the year of our Lord, 747. in the month of September, 
Anno. 747.  near to the place called Clonesh●. In the which Synod assembled, these decrees were enacted.  

1. First, that Bishops should be more diligent in seeing to their office, 
Ex Malmesb. lib. de. gestis pontifi. Anglo. Cuthbert. Archbishop of Caunterbury.  and in admonishing the people of their faults.  
2. That they should live in a peaceable mind together, notwithstanding they were in place dissevered a sunder.  
3. That every Bishop once a year should go about all the Parishes of his Diocese.  
4. That the said Bishops every one in his diocese should monish their Abbots & monks to live regularly: and that Prelates should not oppress their inferiors, but love them.  
5. That they should teach the Monasteries which the secular men had invaded, and could not then be taken from them, to live regularly.  
6. That none should be admitted to orders, before his life should be examined.  
7. That in Monasteries the reading of holy Scripture should be more frequented.  
8. That Priests should be no disposers of secular business.  
9 That they should take no money for baptising infants.  
10. That they should both learn and teach the lords Prayer and Creed in the English tongue.  
11. That all should join together in their ministry after one uniform rite and manner.  
12. That in a modest voice they should sing in the church.  
13. That all holy and festinall days should be celebrated at one time together.  
14. That the Sabbath day be reverently observed & kept. 
The rogation days had not then that superstition in them as they had afterward.   
15. That the seven. hours Canonical every day be observed.  
16. That the Rogation days both the greater and lesser should not be omitted.  
17. That the feast of S. Gregory, and S. Austen our Patron, should be observed.  
18. That the fast of the four times should be kept and observed.  
19 That Monks and Nuns should go regularly appareled.  
20. That Bishops should see, these decrees not to be neglected.  
21. That the Churchmen should not give themselves to dronkeunesse.  
22. That the Communion should not be neglected of the Churchmen.  
23. Item, that the same also should be observed of the lay men, as time required.  
24. That lay men first should be well tried, before they entered in Monkery.  
25. That alms be not neglected.  
26. That Bishops should see these decrees to be notified to the people.  
27. They disputed of the profit of Alms.  
28. They disputed of the profit of singing Psalms.  
29. That the Congregation should be constitute, after their ability of their goods.  
30. That Monks should not dwell among lay men.  
31. That public prayer should be made for kings and Princes.   

Boniface an English man Archb. of Mentz.  These decrees and ordinances being thus among the Bishops concluded: Cuthbert the Archbishop, sendeth the copy thereof to Boniface, which Boniface otherwise named Winfride an English man borne, was than the Archbishop of Mentz, and after made a Martyr, as the Popish stories term him. 
Ethelwold king of Merceland.   
This Boniface being, as is said, Archbishop of Mentz in the time of this foresaid Synod, wrote a letter to Ethelbald king of Merceland: which Ethelbald was also present in the same Synod, of whom Bede maketh mention in his history, calling him proud Ethelbald, and the greatest of the Saxon kings in his time. First this Ethelbald after the departing of Ceolulphe into his Monkery, invaded and spoiled the country of Northumberland. Moreover he exercised mortal and horrible war a long space with Cudred, otherwise of some named Cuthbert, King of Westsaxons. Furthermore he with other Saxon kings, so impugned the Britain's, that from that time they never durst provoke the Saxons any more. At length the said Cudred refusing the intolerable exactions of proud Ethelbald, doth encounter with him in battle: Where notwithstanding the great power that Ethelbald had to him adjoined, of the Mercians, of the Eastsaxons, of the Eastangles, and of Cantuarites: yet the said Cudred through God's power, and the means of a certain valiant warrior called Edelhim a Consul, 
Edelhim a strong 〈◊〉 valiant warrior. Pride overthrown.  overthrew the pride of Ethelbald, after a sore and terrible conflict. Which Ethelbald notwithstanding repairing his power again the next year after, renewed battle with the foresaid Cudred. In the which battle Ethelbald after her had reigned xli. years in Mercia, was slain by one Beornered, who after reigned in that dition but a small tyme. For Offa nephew to the said Ethelbald expulsed the said Beornered, and succeeded king in that province of Mercia, where he reigned xxxix. years, of whom more followeth hereafter (the Lord jesus speeding therein our purpose) to be declared as place and time shall require. In the mean season not to forget the letter before mentioned of Boniface Archbishop of Mentz, sent unto this Ethelbald: I thought the same not unworthy here to be inserted (at the least the effect thereof) not so much for the author's sake, as for that some good matter peradventure may be picked thereout, for other Princes to behold & consider.  
The copy and tenor of the Letter of Boniface Archbishop of Mentz, and Martyr of God (an Englishman) sent to Ethelbald king of Mercia, freely and yet charitably admonishing him of his adulterous life, and oppression of Churches.  
REgi & filio charissimo, 
A letter of Boniface. otherwise called Winfrid● sent to king Ethelbald.  & in Christi amore caeteris regibus Anglorum praeferendo Ethelbaldo, Bonifacius Archiepiscopus legatus Germanicus Romanae Ecclesiae perpetuam in Christo charitatis salutem. Consistemus coram Deo, qui novit an verè atque ex animo dicam: Quando prosperitatem vestram, & fidem, & bona opera audimus, laetamur. Quando autem aliquid adversum vel in eventu bellorum, vel de periculo animarum de vobis cognoscimus, tristamur. Audivimus enim quòd eleemosinis intentus, furta & rapinas prohibes, & pacem diligis, & defensor viduarum & pauperum es, & inde gratias Deo agimus. Quòd verò legitimum matrimonium spernis, si pro castitate faceres, esset laudabile. Sed quia in luxu & adulterio & cum sanctimonialibus volutaris, est vituperabile, & damnabile. Name & famam gloriae vestrae, coram Deo & hominibus confundit, & inter idololatras constituit, quia templum Dei violasti. Quapropter fili Charissime poenitere, & memorare oportet, quàm turpe sit, ut tu qui multis gentibus, dono dei, dominaris, ad iniurià eius sis libidinis ●er vus. Audivimus praeterea quòd optimates penè omnes gentis Merciorum, tuo exemplo legitimas uxores deserant, & adulteras & sanctimoniales constuprent. Quod quàm sit peregrinum ab honéstate, doceat vos alienae gentis institutio. Name in antiqua Saxonia, ubi nulla est Christi cognitio: si virgo in materna domo, vel maritata, sub coniuge suerit adultera, manu propria strangulatam cremant, & supra fossa sepultae corruptorem suspendunt, aut cingulo tenus (vestibus abscissis) flagellant eam castae matronae, & cultellis pungunt. Et de villa in villam missae occurrunt novae flagellatrices: donec interimant. Insuper & vinuli, quod est faedissimum genus hominum, hunc habent morem ut mulier viro mortuo, se in rogo cremantis pariter arsura praecipiter. Si ergo gentiles Deum ignorantes, tantum zelum castitatis habent: quid tibi convenit fili Charissime, qui Christianus & rex es ' Parce ergo animae tuae: Parce multitudini populi tui pereùtis exemplo tuo: de quorum animabus redditurus es rationem. Attend & illud, quid si gens Anglorum (sicut in Francia, & Italia, & ab ipsis Paganis nobis improperatur) spretis legitimis matrimonijs per adulteria deficit: nascituraque sit ex ea commixtione gens ignava & Dei contemptrix, 
Nihil factum quod non factum prius.  quae perditis moribus patriam pessundet: sicut Burgundionibus & provincialibus, & Hispanis contigit, quos Saraceni multis annis infestarunt propter peccata praeterita? Praeterea nunciatum est nobis, quòd multa privilegia Ecclesiarum & monasteriorum auferens, ad hoc audendù duces tuos exemplo provoces. Sed recogita quaeso quàm terribilem vindictam Deus in anteriores reges exercuit, eiusdem culpae conscios, quam in te arguimus. Nam Celredum praedecessorem tuum stupratorem Sanctimonialium, & ecclesiasticorum privilegiorum fractorem, splendidè cum suis comitibus epulantem spiritus malignus arripuit: & sine confession & viatico, cum diabolo sermocinanti, & legem Dei detestanti animam extorsit. Osredum quoque regem Deiorum & Bernicorum, earundem culparum reum, ita effrenatum regem egit: ut regnum & iwenilem aetatem contemptibili morte amitteret. Carolus quoque princeps Francorum monasteriorum multorum eversor, & Ecclesiasticarum pecuniarum in usus proprios commutator, longa tortione, & verenda morte consumptus est. Et mox infra: Quapropter fili Charissime, paternis & obnixis precibus deprecamur. ut non despicias consilium patrum tuorum, qui pro Dei amore celsitudinem tuam appellare satagunt. Nihil enim bono regi salubrius, quàm, fi talia commissa cum arguuntur, libenter emendentur. Quia per Salomonem dicitur: Qui diligit disciplinam, diligit sapientiam. Ideo, fili Charissime, oftendentes consilium justum, contestamur & obsecramus per viventem Deum & per filium eius jesum Christum, & per spiritum sanctum, ut recorderis quàm fugitiva sit vita praesens, & quam brevis & momentanea delectatio spurcae carnis: & quam ignominiosum sit, ut brevis vitae homo mala exempla in perpetuum posteris relinquat. Incipe ergo melioribus moribus vitam componere, & praeteritos errores iwentutis corrigere: ut hic coram hominibus laudem habeas, & in futuro aeterna gloria gaudeas. Valere celfitudinem tuam, & in bonis moribus proficere optamus.  
In this Epistle here is to be seen and noted, first the corruption and great disorder of life, which always from time to time hath been found in these religious houses of nuns, 
The corrupt life of Nuns noted.  whose professed vow of coacted chastity, hath yet never been good to the Church, nor profitable to the common wealth, and least of all to themselves. Of such young & wanton widows, S. Paul in his time complaineth, 1. Tim. 5. which would take upon them the wilful profession of single life, which they were not able to perform, but falling into damnable luxury deserved worthily to be reprehended. How much better had it been for these lascivious Nuns not to have refused the safe yoke of christian matrimony, then to entangle themselves in this their superstitious vow of perpetual maidenhood, which neither was required of them, nor they were able to keep.  
Secondly, no less are they also to be reprehended, which maintained these superstitious orders of unprofitable Nuns and of other religions: In the number of whom was this foresaid Boniface otherwise called Winfride, who although in this epistle doth justly reprehend the vicious enormities both of secular, and of religious persons: yet he himself is not without the same or rather greater reprehension, 
The popish acts and doings of Boniface Archbishop of Magunce.  for that he gave the occasion thereof in maintaining such superstitious orders of such lascivious Nuns and other religions, & restraining the same from lawful marriage. For so we find of him in stories that he was a great se●ter up & upholder of such blind superstition, and of all Popery. Who being admitted by Pope Gregory the second, Archbishop of Magunce, and endued 〈◊〉 full authority legantine over the Germans, brought divers countries there, under the Pope's obedience: held many great Counsels, ordained Bishops, 
The Monastery of Fulda in Germany, builded by Boniface.  builded Monasteries, canonised Saints, commanded relics to be worshipped, permitted religious fathers to carry about Nuns with them a preaching. Amongst all other he founded the great monastery of Fulda in Germany of English monks: into the which no women might enter, but only Lieba, & Tecla, two English Nuns. Item, by the authority of the said Archbishop Boniface, which he received from Pope Zacharie, Childericus king of France, was deposed from the right of his crown: 
Childericus The French king deposed, and Pipinus intruded. Dist. xl. cap Si Papa. Images in Churches subverted by Emperors, maintained by Popes. Philippicus for holding against Images, lost his Empire & his eyes. The author of the book called the dialogues of Gregory. Memorial of relics, offering and sacrifice for the dead brought into the mass Canon. The Pope's feet first kissed of the Emperors. Segebert king of Westsaxons.  and Pipinus betrayer of his master was confirmed, or rather intruded in. From this Boniface proceeded that detestable doctrine which now standeth registered in the Pope's decrees, Dist. 40. cap. Si Papa which in a certain Epistle of his, is this. That in case the Pope were of most filthy living, and forgetful or negligent of himself, and of the whole christianity, in such sort, that he led innumerable souls with him to hell: yet ought there no man to rebuke him in so doing. For he hath (saith he) power to judge all men, and aught of no man to be judged again.  
In the time of this Archbishop, Pope Gregory the second, also Gregory the third, and Pope Zachary, and before these also Pope Constantine the first: wrought great masteries against the Greek Emperors, Philippicus, & Leo, and others, for the maintaining of Images to be set up in Churches. Of whom Philippicus lost both his Empire and also his eyes. Leo for the same cause likewise was excommunicate of Gregory the third. This Gregory the third (so far as I can conjecture) was he that first wrote the four books of Dialogues in Greek, falsely bearing the name of Gregory the first, which books afterward Zachary his successor translated out of Greek into Latin. Item, the same Gregory the third; first brought into the Mass Land, the clause for relics beginning, Quorum solemnitates hody in conspectu, etc. Item, brought into the said Canon the memorial, the offering, and sacrifice for the dead: Like as Zachary brought in the Priest's vesture and ornaments: & as the foresaid Constantinus also was the first that gave his feet to be kissed of the Emperors. But turn again into the course of our English story.  
In the time of this Egbert king of Northumberland, Sigebert or Sigbert reigned in Westsaxony: a man of so cruel tyranny to his subjects (turning the laws & customs of his forefathers after his own will and pleasure) that when he was somewhat sharply advertised by one of his nobles, an Earl called Combranus, to change his manners, and to behave him more prudently toward his people: he therefore maliciously caused him to be put to cruel death. Whereupon, 
Sigebert slain.  the said king Sigebert continuing in his cruel conditions, by his subjects conspiring against him, was put from his kingly dignity: and brought into such desolation, that wandering alone in a wood without comfort, 
Cruel tyranny with like cruelty revenged.  was there slain even by the swineherd of the said Earl, whom before he had so wrongfully murdered, as partly is above touched: whereby is to be seen, the cruel tyranny of Princes never to prosper well▪ without the just revenge both of God and man. 

Kenulphus king of Westsaxons.  
Anno. 748.    
This Sigebert being slain, in his place succeeded Kenulphus, in the year of our Lord 748. who with the agreement of the westsaxons was one of the chief doers against Sigebert his Master. This Kenulphus kept strongly his Lordship against Offa; and against the power of all his enemies: till at length, after that he had reigned, as Fabian saith 31. years, 
Murder revenged with murder.  he resorting to a paramour which he kept at Merton, was there beset & likewise slain by the train and means of a certain kinsman of the foresaid Sigebert, named Clito or Cliton, in revengement of king Sigebertes death. 
Offa King of Mercia.   
Moreover in the reign of the foresaid Egbert king of Northumberland, and in the viij. year of Kenulphus king of Westsaxons: Offa after he had slain the tyrant Beoruredus, which before had slain Ethelwald king of Mercia, and Uncle to this foresaid Offa: reigned King of that Province.  
Of this Offa are told many notable deeds, which because they concern rather political affairs, and do not greatly appertain to the purpose of this ecclesiastical history, I omit here to recite. 
An untruth noted in the story of Fabianus.  As his wars and victories against Egbert & the Northumbres, as also against Etheldred king of East Angles. Item, against Egbert king of Kent, otherwise called Wren, whom Fabian saith he took prisoner, & led him bound with him to Mercia. Malmesbury witnesseth otherwise, this to be done not by Offa, but by Kenulphus, as Christ willing hereafter shall appear. After these victories Offa had such displeasure unto the Citizens of Canterbury, 

The primacy of Canterbury removed to Lichfield.  
Lambrith Archbishop of Cant.   that he removed the Archbishop's sea, and lands of Lambrith Archbishop of Caunterbury (by the agreement of Pope Adrian) unto Lichfield. He also chased the Britain's or Welshmen into Wales, and made a famous dyke between Wales and the utter bonds of Mercia or middle England, which was called Ofditche. And builded there a Church which long time a●ter was called Offekyrke. 
This Alcuinus is commended for his learning nex to Adelmus and Bede above all Saxons.  This Offa also married one of his daughters to Brightricus that was king of Westsaxons. And for that in his time was variance between him and the Frenchmen, in so much that the passage of merchants was forbidden: therefore he sent Alcuinus a learned man, unto Charles the great, than king of France, to common the means of peace: which Charles had after that, the said Alcuinus in great favour and estimation, and afterward made him Abbot of Turonia in France.  
About the latter time of the reign of Offa, 
Ethelbert king of Eastangles wrongfully murdered by Offa.  king of Mercia: Ethelbert being then king of Eastangles (a learned and a right godly Prince) came to the Court of Offa: provoked by the counsel of his Nobles, to sue for the marriage of his daughter, well accompanied like a prince, with his men about him. Whereupon, the Queen conceiving a false suspicion, and fearing that which was never minded: that Ethelbert with his company under the pretence and made matter of marriage, 
The vain suspicion and wicked counsel of a woman.  was come to work some violence against her husband, and the kingdom of Mercia, so she persuaded with king Offa: and cettrine of her counsel that night: that the next day following, Offa caused him to be trained into his palace alone from his company, by one called Guymbertus: who took him and bound him, & there struck of his head, 
Ex historia jornalensi & Malmesocriensi, Cruel murder revenged.  which forthwith he than presented to the king & Queen. And thus the innocent king Ethelbert was wrongfully murdered, about the year of our Lord, 793. but not without a just revenge at God's hand. For as the story recordeth, the foresaid Queen worker of this villainy, lived not iij. months after: and in her death was so tormented, that she was fain to bite and rend her tongue in pieces with her own teeth. Offa understanding at length the innocency of this king, and the heinous cruelty of his fact: gave the tenth part of his goods to holy church and to the church of Hereford, in remembrance of this Ethelbert, he bestowed great lands. 
Offa and Kenredus of Kings made monks at Rom●.  Moreover, builded the Abbey of S. Albon, with certain other monasteries beside. And so afterward he went up to Rome for his penance, where he gave to the Church of S. Peter a penny through every house in his dominion, which was called commonnly Romeshot, or Peterpence, paid to the Church of S. Peter: and there at length was transformed from a king to a monk, about the year of our Lord .794. with Kenredus king of Northumberland above mentioned, although some stories deny that he was a Monk. 
Egfretus' King of Mercia.   
After Offa king of Mercia, when he had reigned xxxix. years succeeded his son Egfretus, who reigned but four months: of whom thus writeth the foresaid Alcuinus: Non arbitror quòd nobilissimus juvenis Egfretus, 
Alcuinus Osb●● to patritio.  propter peccata sua mortuus sit: Sed quia pater suus, pro confirmatione regni eius multum sanguinem effudit, etc. That is: This noble young man died not so much for offences of his own, as for that his father had spilled much blood, to confirm him in his kingdom.  

The father's fault punished in the child. Egbert King of Kent taken prisoner.  Next to which Egfretus, succeeded Kenulphus in the said kingdom of Mercia, which Kenulphus keeping and retaining the hatred of Offa his predecessor against the Cantuarites, made war against them: where he took Egbert their king otherwise called Wren, whom he bound and led prisoner to Mercia. Notwithstanding, shortly after being mollified with princely clemency in the town of Winchcomb, where he had builded the same time a church: upon the day when he should dedicate the same in the presence of xiij. bishops, 
A princely example of clemency in a noble king.  and of Cuthbert, whom he had placed in the same kingdom of Canterbury before, and x. Dukes, and many other great estates. King Kenulphus brought the said Egbert king of Kent out of prison into the Church, where he enlarged him of imprisonment, and restored him to his place again. 
The Church of Winchcomb builded by K. Kenulphus. Egbert King of Kent released out of prison.  At the sight whereof, not only Cuthbert the foresaid king rejoiced, but also all the estates and people being there present, made such an exclamation of joy and gladness, that the church, (and not only the Church, but also the streets) range withal. At which time such bountifulness of gifts and jewels was then bestowed, that from the highest estate to the lowest, none departed without something given, according as to every degree was thought meet. 
A place of Fabian doubted.  Although Fabian referreth this story to king Offa, yet causes there be, why I assent rather to Malmesbury and to Polychronicon, which attribute the same to Kenulphus the second king of Mercia, after Offa.  
A little before in speaking of certain bishops of Rome, mention was made of Pope Constantine the first, Pope Gregory the second, Pope Gregory the third, & of Pope Zachary, which deposed Childerike, & set up Pipinus the French king, 
Pope Steven the second.  etc. Next after this Zachary, in order followed Pope Stephen the second, to whom the foresaid Pipinus to gratitie again the sea of Rome for this their benefit showed to him, gave and contributed to the said sea of Rome, the exarchat or Princedom of Ravenna, the kingdom of the lombards, and many other great possessions of Italy, with all the Cities thereto adjoining unto the borders of Venice. 
The donation of Pipinus falsely taken to be the donation of Constantine.  And this donation of Pipine, no doubt if the truth were rightly tried, should be found to be the same, which hitherto falsely hath been thought to be the donation of Constantine. For else how could it be, that the exarchate of Ravenna could belong all this while to the Emperors of Constantinople, if Constantine before had given it and all Italy from the Empire to the sea of Rome? 

Ex polyer. lib. 5. cap. 25.  
Pope Paul the first.  
Images again maintained by the Pope against the Emperor.  
A lay man pope who was deposed, and had his eyes put out.  
Pope Steven the third.  
The counsel of Constantinople the 7. condemned of the Pope, for condemning Images.  
The pope also ordained Gloria in Excelsis to be song in the mass at S. Peter's altar by the Cardinals. Pope Hadrian the first.  
Images again maintained by the Pope to be men's Calendars.    
To this Pipinus, as witnesseth Polychronicon, was sent first into France, the mention of the Organs out of Grecia, by Constantine Emperor of Constant. 757.  
Next to this Stephen the two. succeeded Paul the first, who following his predecessors, thundered out great excommunications against Constantinus the Emperor of Constantinople, for abrogating and plucking down Images set up in Temples. notwithstanding this Constantine neglecting the Pope's vain curses persevered in his blessed purpose, in destroying Idolatry till the end of his life. Then came to be Pope, Constantinus the second a lay man, and brother to Desiderius the king of Lombardy: for the which cause he was shortly deposed, and thrust into a monastery, having his eyes put out.  
In whose stead succeeded Stephen the iij. who ordained that after that, no lay man should be Pope: condemning moreover the council of Constantinople the seven. for heretical, because in that council the worshipying of Images was reproved and condemned. Contrary to the which Council, this Pope not only maintained the filthy Idolatry of Images in Christian Temples, but also advanced their veneration, commanding them most Ethnically to be incensed, etc. At this time Carolus Magnus called Charles the great a little before mentioned, began to reign, by whom this Pope caused Desiderius the Lombard king, to be deprived,  
Then in this race of Popes, after this Stephen the iij. cometh Hadrianus the first, who likewise following the steps of his forefathers the Popes, added and attributed to the veneration of Images more than all the other had done before, writing a book for the adoration and the utility proceeding of them, commanding them to be taken for lay men's Calendars, holding moreover a Synod at Rome against Felix, 
The body of S. Peter clothed i● silver.  and all other that spoke against the setting up of such stocks and Images. And as Paul the first, before him made much of the body of Petronilla S. Peter's daughter: so this Hadrian clothed the body of S. Peter all in silver, and covered the altar of S. Paul with a pall of gold, 
The order of the Romish mass book when it came in.  This Pope Hadrian was he, whom we declared in the former part of this treatise, to ratify and confirm by revelation the order of S Gregory's Mass, above the order of S. Ambrose mass, for unto this time which was about the year of our Lord, 780. the Liturgy of S. Ambrose was more used in the Italian churches. The story whereof, because it is registered in Durandus, 
Ex Dura●do Nau●●ro. Iacob●● Voragine▪ in vita. Greg.  Nauclerus, and jacobus de Voragine, I thought here to insert the same, to this especial purpose, for the Reader to understand the time, when this usual Mass of the Papists began first to be universal & uniform, & generally in churches to be received. Thus it followeth in the story by the foresaid authors set forth. jacobus de Voragine in the life of Pope Gregory the first telleth a tale concerning this matter.  
In times past (saith he) when the service which Ambrose made, was more frequented and used in Churches, than was the service which Gregory had appointed, the bishop of Rome then called Adrian, gathered a Council together: in the which it was ordained, that Gregory's service should be observed and kept universally: which determination of the Council, Charles the Emperor did diligently put in execution while he ran about by divers Provinces, & enforced all the Clergy, partly with threatenings, and partly with punishments, to receive that order. And as touching the books of Ambrose service, he burned them to ashes in all places, and threw into prison many priests that would not consent and agree to the matter. Blessed Eugenius the Bishop coming unto the Council, found that it was dissolved iij. days before his coming. Notwithstanding through his wisdom, he so persuaded the Lord Pope, that he called again all the Prelates that had been present at the Council, and were now departed by the space of three days. Therefore when the Council was gathered again together, in this all the fathers did consent and agree, that both the Mass books of Ambrose and Gregory should be laid upon the altar of blessed Peter the Apostle, and the church doors diligently shut, and most warily sealed up with the signets of many and divers bishops. Again, that they should all the whole night give themselves to prayer, that the Lord might reveal, open & show unto them by some evident sign or token, which of these two services he would have used in the Temples. 
Et tame● ipsis commentum placet. Terent.  Thus they doing in all points as they had determined, in the morning opened the church doors, and found both the Myssals or Mass books open upon the altar: or rather, as some say, they found Gregory's Mass book utterly plucked asunder one piece from an other, and scattered over all the church. As touching Ambrose book, they only found it open upon the altar in the very same place where they before laid it. 
Note well the practice of Prelates in planting their popish mass.  This miracle Pope Adrian like a wise expounder of dreams, saith, that as the leaves were torn and blown abroad all the church over, so should Gregory's book be used throughout the world, whereupon they thought themselves sufficiently instructed and taught of God, that the service which Gregory had made, aught to be set abroad & used throughout the world, and that Ambrose his service should only be observed and kept in his own church of Mediolanum, where he sometime was bishop.  
Thus hast thou heard (brother Reader) the full and whole narration of this mystical miracle, with the Pope's exposition upon the same, which seemeth to be as true, as that which Daniel speaketh of, how the Idol Bell did eat up all the meat that was set before him all the night, Daniel, 14. Concerning the which miracle, I need not admonish thee to smell out the blind practices of these night-crow's, to blind the world with forged inventions in stead of true stories. Albeit to grant the miracle to be most true & unfallible, yet as touching the exposition thereof, another man beside the Pope, percase might interpret this great miracle otherwise, as thus: That God was angry with Gregory's book, and therefore rend it in pieces, and scattered it abroad, and the other as good, lay sound untouched, and at the least so to be preferred. Notwithstanding, whatsoever is to be thought of this miracle with the exposition thereof, 
Gregory's mass taketh place in Europe.  thus the matter fell out, that Gregory's service had only the place, and yet hath to this day in the greatest part of Europe, the service of Ambrose being excluded. And thus much touching the great act of Pope Adrian, for the setting up of the Mass. By the relation whereof, yet this knowledge may come to the Reader, at least to understand, how that commonly in christian nations abroad, as yet no uniform order of any Missal or Mass book was received, as hath been hitherto discoursed.  
Now from the Popes to return again to the emperors from whence we digressed, like as Pipinus the father of Charles (as hath been before sufficiently told) had given to the sea Papal all the princedom of Ravenna, with other donations and revenues, & lands in Italy: so this Carolus following his father's devotion, did confirm the same, adding moreover thereunto, the City and dominion of Venice, 
Carolus Magnus beneficial to the sea of Rome.  Histria, the Dukedom Foroiuliense, the dukedom Spoletanum and Beneventanum, and other possessions more, to the patrimony of S. Peter, making him the Prince of Rome and of Italy. The Pope again to recompense his so gentle kindness, made him to be entitled most Christian king, and made him Patricium Romanum Moreover ordained him only to be taken for Emperor of Rome. 
Rex Christianissimus entitled to France.  For these and other causes more, Carolus bore no little affection to the said Adrian above all other Popes: as may well appear by this letter of Carolus Magnus sent to king Offa, what time the said Offa (as is above prefixed) sent to him Alcuinus for entreaty of peace: whereunto the foresaid Carolus answereth again to the message of Offa in a letter, the contents whereof be these.  
The tenor of a Letter sent by Carolus Magnus to king Offa, answering to his request concerning the entreaty of peace between them.  

A letter of Charles the great sent to king Offa.  CArolus Rex Francorum & Longobardorum, Patricius Romanorum viro venerando, & fratri charissimo Offae Regi Merciorum Salut. Primò gratias agimus omnipotenti Deo, de Catholicae fidei sinceritate, quam in vestris laudabilibus paginis reperimus exaratam. De peregrinis verò qui pro amore Dei, & salute animarum suarum, beatorum Apostolorum limina desiderant adire, cum pace sine omni perturbatione vadant. Sed si aliqui religioni non seruientes, sed lucra sectantes inveniantur inter eos, locis opportunis statuta soluant telonia. Negociatores quoque volumus ut ex mandato nostro patrocinum habeant in regno nostrolegitime. Et si in aliquo loco, iniusta affligantur oppressione, reclament se ad nos, vel nostros judices, & plenam ●●stitiam jubemus fieri. Cognoscat quoque dilectio vestta quod aliquam benignitatem de Delmaticis nostris vel pallijs ad singulas sedes Episcopales regni vestri vel Ethelredi direximus, in eleemosinam Domini Apostolici Adriani, deprecantes ut pro eo intercedi iubeatis, nullam habentes dubitationem beatam illius animam in requie esse, sed ut fidem & dilectionem ostendamus in amicum nobis charissimum. Sed & de thesauro humanarum rerum, quum Dominus jesus gratuita pietate concessit aliquid per Metropolitanas civitates: Direximus vestrae quoque dilectioni unum baltheum, & unum gladium & duo pallia serica, etc.  

How the Pope heareth the cry of poor widows and Orphans  The cause why this Carolus writeth so favourably of Adrian partly is touched before, partly also was, for the Carolomane his elder brother being dead, his wife called Bertha with her two Children came to Adrian, to have them confirmed in their father's kingdom: whereunto the Pope to show a pleasure to Carolus would not agree: but gave the mother with her two children, & Desiderius the Lombard king with his whole kingdom, his wife and Children, into the hands of the said Carolus, who led them with him captive into France, and there kept them in servitude during their life.  
Thus, Carolus Magnus being proclaimed Emperor of Rome, through the preferment of Adrian, and of Pope Leo the third which succeeded next after him, was the Empire translated from the Grecians about the year of our Lord 801. 
The Empire translated from Greece to France.  unto the Frenchmen: where it continued about 102. years till the coming of Conracus and his nephew Otho, which were germans: and so hath continued after them among the almains unto this present time. This Charles builded so many Monasteries as there be letters in the row of A. B C. he was beneficial chief to Churchmen also merciful to the poor, in his acts valiant and unchangeable, skilled in all languages, he held a counsel at Francford, where was condemned the Council of Rice and Irene, for setting up and worshipping Images, etc.  
Concerning which Council of Nice, & things there concluded and enacted (because no man shall think, the detesting of Images to be any new thing now begun) thus I find it recorded in an ancient written history of Roger Hoveden, called Continuationes Beda▪ His words in Latin be these: Anno 792. Carolus Rex Francorum misit Sinodalem librum ad Britanniam, sibi à Constantinopoli directum. In quo lib. Heu, proh dolour, multa inconuenientia, & verae fidei contraria reperiuntur, maximè quòd pene omnium orientalium Doctorum non minus quàm 300. vel eo amplius Episcoporum unanimi assertione confirmatum sit, imagines adorari debere: Quod omnino Ecclesia Dei execratur. Contra quod scripsit Albinus Epistolam ex autoritate divinarum scripturarum mirabiliter affirmatam, 
Images written against, as contrary to the true faith.  illamque cum eodem libro ex persona Episcoporum ac principum nostrorum, Regi Francorum attulit. Haec ille. That is. In the year of our Lord, 792. Charles the French King sent a book containing the acts of a certain Synod, unto Britain, directed unto him from Constantinople. 
This Albinus was Alcuinus above mentioned.  In the which book (lamentable to behold) many things inconvenient, & clean contrary to the true faith are there to be found: especially for that by the common consent of almost all the learned bishops of the East Church, not so few as 300. it was there agreed that Images should be worshipped. 
The Bishops and Princes of England against Images.  Which thing the church of god hath always abhorred. Against which book Albinus wrote an Epistle substantially grounded out of the authority of holy Scripture. Which Epistle with the book, the said Albinus in the name and person of our Bishops and Princes, did present to the French king.  
And thus much by the way of Romish matters: now to return again to the Northumberland kings where we left at Egbert. 
King Egbert made a monk.  Which Egbert as is before declared, succeeded after Ceolulphus after he was made Monk. 
Anno. 757.  And likewise the said Egbert also following the devotion of his uncle Ceolulphus, and Kenredus before him: was likewise shorn monk after he had reigned 20. years in Northumberland, leaving his son Osulphus after him to succeed: 

Osulphus, Mollo, otherwise called Adelwold. Alcredus or Aluredus.  
Ethelbert otherwise named Adelred or Eardulphe. Alfweld. Osredus.  
Adelred, again kings of Northumberland.   about which time, and in the sane year when Ceolulphus deceased in his Monastery, which was the year of our Lord, 764. divers Cities were burnt with sudden fire, as the city of Wenta, the city of London, the city of York, Donacester, with divers other towns besides. Roger Hoveden. Lib. Contin. post Bedam, who the first year of his reign, which was the year of our Lord, 757, being innocently slain, next to him followed Mollo, otherwise called Adelwald, who likewise being slain of Alcredus after he had reigned two. years departed. After, Alcredus when he had reigned 10. years, was expulied out of his kingdom by his people. Then was Ethelbert otherwise named Edelred the son of the foresaid Mollo received king of Northumberland. which Ethelbert, or Adelred in like sort after he had reigned v. years, was expulsed. After whom succeeded Alswold, 
Anno. 764.  who likewise when he had reigned two. years, was unjustly slain. So likewise after him his nephew, and the son of Alcredus named Osredus reigned one year & was slain. Then the foresaid Ethelbert the son of Mollo after 12. years banishment, reigned again in Northumberland the space of four years, and was slain: the cause whereof (as I find in an old written story) was that forsaking his old wife, he married a new. Concerning the restoring of whom Alcuinus writeth in this manner: Benedictus Deus qui facit mirabilia solus. Nuper Edelredus filius Edelwaldi de carcere processit in solium, & de miseria in maiestatem, cuius regni novitate detenti sumus ne veniremus ad vos, etc. And afterward the same Alcuinus again speaking of his death, writeth to king Offa, in these words: Sciat veneranda dilectio vestra, quod Do. Carolus amabiliter & fideliter saepe mecum locutus est de vobis, & in eo habetis fidelissimum amicum. Ideo & vestrae dilectioni digna dirigit munera, & per Episcopales sedes regni vestri, similiter & Edelredo Regi, & ad suas Episcoporum sedes direxit dona. Sed heu Proh dolour, donis datis, & Epistolis in manus missorum, superuenit tristis legatio per missos qui de Scotia per nos reversi sunt, De infidelitate gentis, & niece Regis. Ita Carolus retracta donorum largitate in tantum iratus est contra gentem illam, ut ait, perfidam & perversam, & homicidam dominorum suorum, peiorem eam paganis estimans, ut nisi ego intercessor essem pro ea quicquid eis boni abstrahere potuisset, & mali machinari, iam fecisset, etc.  

The kingdom of Northumberland ceaseth.  
Thus as you have heard, 
Northumberland kingdom ceaseth.  after the reign of king Egbert, before mentioned, such trouble and perturbation was in the dominion of Northumberland: with slaying, expulsing, and disposing, their kings one after an other, that after the murdering of this Edelred above specified, none durst take the government upon him, seeing the great danger thereupon ensuing. Insomuch that the foresaid kingdom did lie void and waste the space of xxxiij years together, after the term of which years this kingdom of Northumberland, with the kingdoms also of the other Saxons besides, came all together into the hands of Egbert king of the Westsaxons and his progeny: which Monarchy began in the year of our Lord. 827. and in the 28. year of the reign of the said Egbert: whereof more shall be said (Christ willing) hereafter. 
Alcuinus otherwise called Albinus.  Of this troublesome & ragious time of Northumberland people, speaketh also the said learned man Alcuinus otherwise called Albinus, in the same country borne: writing out of France into England, and complaining of the same in divers his letters, as first to Offa, where he thus writeth. Ego paratus eram eum muneribus Caroli regis ad vos venire, & in patriam reverti. Sed melius visum est propter pacem gentis meae, in peregrinatione remanere, 
The troubles of the kingdom of Northumberland and described by Alcuinus.  nesciens quid fecissem inter eos, ubi nullus securus esse, vel in salubri consilio proficere potest. Ecclesia sancta a Paganis vastata, altaria periurijs faedata, monasteria adulterijs violata, terra sanguine dominorum & principum faedata, etc. Moreover the said Alcuinus writing to the foresaid Edelred a little above mentioned, after the same tenor reporteth: Ecce Ecclesia sancti Cuthberti sacerdotum Dei sanguine aspersa (omnibus spoliata ornamentis) locus, cunctis in Britannia venerabilior. Paganis gentibus datur ad depraedandum. Et ubi primùm post decessum S. Cuthberti ab Eboraco, Christiana religio in nostra gente sumpsit exordium: ibi miseriae & calamitatis caepit initium, etc. Item, writing to Osbert a noble pier of the Mercians, complaining on the same manner, saith: Regnum nostrum Northumbrorum penè perijt, propter intestinas dissentiones, & fallaces coniurationes, etc.  
Item, in another place the said Alcuinus writing to Adelard Archbishop of Caunterbury, complaineth moreover: Hoc dico propter flagellum, quod nuper accidit partibus insulae nostrae, quae prope trecentis & quadraginta annis à parentibus inhabitata est nostris. Legitur in libro Gildae sapientissimi Britonum, quòd ijdem Britones propter avaritiam & rapinam principum: propter iniquitatem & iniustitiam judicum: propter desidiam praedicationis Episcoporum: propter luxuriam & malos mores populi: patriam perdidere. Caveamus haec eadem vitia nostris temporibus inolescere, quatenus benedictio divina nobis patriam conseruet in prosperitate bona, quam nobis misericordissima pietate perdonare dignatus est, etc.  
Over and besides the same author Alcuinus writing to the foresaid Edelred king of Northumberland, 
Ex Historia Malmesberiensi.  maketh record of a strange sight which he himself did see the same time in the city of York, to rain blood: whereof, his words which he wrote concerning the same, 
How it rained blood in York.  to the said king Edelred be these. Quid significat plwia sanguinis, quam quadragesimali tempore in Eboraco civitate, quae caput est totius regni in Ecclesia beatiprincipis Apostolorum, vidimus de borealibus partibus domus, (sereno aëre) de summitate minanter cadere? Nun potest putari, à borealibus partibus venire sanguinem super terram? That is: what signifieth the rain of blood which in time of Lent in the City of York, the chief City of that dominion, and in the church of S. Peter the chief of the Apostles, we ourselves did see to fall from the Church top (the element being clear) out of the North parts of the temple, 
Anno. 780.  etc. This wondrous sight testified by Malmesburiensis, is thought of Fabian to happen in the second year of the reign of Brigthricus (as with the time doth well agree) which was the year of our Lord, 
Brigthricus K. of Westsaxons.  780. & is thought of some expositors to betoken the coming of the Danes into this land, which entered shortly after about seven. years, in the 9 year of the reign of Brigthricus king of the Westsaxons. Which Brigthricus in defence thereof, sent forth his Steward of his household with a small company which shortly was slain: but by the strength of the said Brigthricus and the other Saxon kings, they were compelled to void the land for that time, 
Edelburga daughter to Offa, poisoned her husband.  which was, An. 790. To this Brigthricus king Offa, as is aforesaid, gave his daughter Ethelburga to wife, by whom he at length was empoisoned, be●ides certain other of his nobles: upon whom, the said Queen before him had practised the same wickedness. Who then after that, fled over to Charles the great into France, where she being offered for her beauty to marry either to him, or to his son, because she choosed rather his son, married neither the one nor yet the other: but was thrust in a Monastery, 
Wickedness revenged.  where she then playing the harlot with a Monk, was expulsed from thence, and ended her life in penury and misery.  

Irene.  In the mean time while this Edelburga was thus working her feats in England: Irene Empress of the Greeks, was as busy also for her part at Constantinople. Who first through the means of Pope Adrian, 
Anno. 784.  took up the body of Constantine Emperor of Constantinople, her own husband's father. And when she had burned the same, she caused the ashes to be cast into the sea, because he disannulled, Images. Afterward reigning with her son Constantine the 6. son to Leo the 4. (whom also we declared before to be excommunicate for taking away Images) being at dissension with him, 

Images restored again by Irene at Constantinople.  
The second council at Nicaea.   caused him to be taken & laid in prison. Who afterward through power of friends being restored to his Empire again, at last she caused the same her own son to be cast in prison, and his eyes to be put out so cruelly, that within short space he died. After this the said Irene Empress, with the counsel of Therasius Bishop of Constantinople, held a Council at Nicaea, where it was decreed that Images should again be restored to the church: which Council, after was repealed by an other Council holden at Frankford by Charles the great. 
The wickedness of Irene condingly rewarded.  At length she was deposed by Nicephorus (who reigned after) and was expulsed the Empire: who after the example of Edelburga above mentioned (condignly punished for her wickedness) ended likewise her life in much penury and misery.  
About the time when the foresaid Brigthricus was empoisoned by Edelburga his wife, died also king Offa, 
Kenelmus king of Mercia innocently slain.  which was about the year of our Lord, 795. or as some say, 802. After which Offa (as is aforesaid) succeeded Egfert, than Kenelphus, after whom succeeded Kenelmus his son, who in his younger age was wickedly murdered by his sister Quindreda, and Askebertus, about the year of our Lord, 819. 
Celulphus Ceolulphus, Bernulphus kings of Mercia. The kingdom of Mercia ceaceth.  And in the Church of Winchecombe was counted for an holy Martyr. After him succeeded his uncle Ceolulphus, whom Bernulphus in the first year of his reign expulsed and reigned in his place. Who likewise the third year of his reign was overcome and expulsed by Egbert king of the Westsaxons, and afterward slain by the Eastangles. And the kingdom of Mercia also ceased, and came into the hands of the Westsaxons.  
¶ hitherto I have brought, as thou seest (good Reader) the confused and turbulent reigns of these seven. Saxon kings, who after the expulsion of the Britain's, ruled and reigned asunder in sundry quarters of this land together, unto this present time of Egbert king of the Westsaxons. By whom it so pleased God to begin to reduce and unite all these scattered kingdoms into one monarchical form of dominion. Wherefore, as in the foresaid Egbert beginneth a new alteration of the common wealth here in this land among the Saxons: so my purpose is (the Lord willing) with the same Egbert to enter a new beginning of my third book, after a brief recapitulation first made of such things as in this second book before, are to be collected and noted, especially touching the monasteries builded, the kings which have entered the life and profession Monastike: also Queens & Queen's daughters, which the same time professed solitary life in monasteries, which they or their ancestors had erected.   

The conclusion of the story precedent, concerning the seven kingdoms of the Saxon kings above mentioned.  
¶ And thus hast thou (gentle Reader) concerning the seven. kingdoms of these Saxons, ruling altogether in England, the course and order of their doings briefly described and discoursed unto thee, in such order, as the matter being so intricate, in such confusion & diversity of things incident together, would permit: following especially in this story hitherto, the line of the Northumberland kings as the other stories most follow the line of Westsaxon kings. The which seven kingdoms of these said saxons, after they had untruly expulsed and chased out the Britaines from their land, like as they never were in quietness among themselves, reigning thus together till the time of this Egbert: so also after the reign of Egbert, the whole realm being reduced into one regiment, no less were they impugned & afflicted by the Danes continually from time to time, till the last conquest of William the Normand Thus it pleaseth (God ever) lightly to revenge with blood, 
Unjust dealings of men justly rewarded.  bloody violence, and the unjust dealings of men, with just and like retribution. But of this let the christian Reader consider, as God's grace shall work in him. In the mean time we, as much as in us did lie, satisfying the part of an Historician, have thus hitherto set forth and declared concerning these seven. foresaid kingdoms: first the names and lineal descent of the kings severally by themselves, as by the table precedent may appear, than what were the doings and acts of the same. How first being Pagans, they were converted to the christian faith: what things in their time happened in the church, how many of them, of kings were made monks: how devout they were then to holy church and to the churchmen, and especially to the church of Rome. But the churchmen than were much otherwise in life, than afterward they declared themselves to be. Through which devotion of the said kings, first came in, the Peterpence or Romeschots in this Realm, as by Iue first in his dominion, then by Offa in his Lordship, & afterward by Adelwulph brought in and ratified through the whole Realm: where also is to be noted, that by the foresaid Kings and Queens of the said Saxons, the most part of the greatest Abbais & Nunneries in this realm, were first begun and builded, as partly the names of some here follow to be seen.  

Paul's Church.  First the Church or Minster of S. Paul in London, was founded by Ethelbert king of Kent, and Sigebert king of Essex, about the year of our Lord. 604.  

The first altar and cross set up in England.  The first cross and altar within this realm was first set up in the North parts in Hevenfield, upon the occasion of Oswald king of Northumberland, fight against Cadwalla, where he in the same place set up the sign of the cross, kneeling and praying there for victory, Polychron. lib 5. cap. 12. An. 635.  
The Church of Winchester was first begun and founded by Kingilsus king of Mercians, 
The church of Winchester.  having 9 miles about it: after finished by his son Kewalcus, where Wine, of englishmen was first bishop, An. 636. Guliel. Malmesb. Lib. De gestis pont. Ang.  

The church of Lincoln.  The Church of Lincoln first founded by Paulinus Bishop, An. 629.  
The Church of Westminster began first by a certain Citizen of London, 
The church of Westminster.  through the instigation of Ethelbert king of Kent, which before was an isle of thorns, Bed. An. 614.  

The schools at Cambridge. Abbey of Knovisburgh. Malmesb.  The common schools first erected at Cambridge by Sigebert king of Eastangles, An. 636.  
The Abbey of Knovisburgh builded by Furceus the Hermit, An. 637.  
The monastery of Malmesbery by one Meldulfus a Scot, about the year of our Lord, 640. Afterward enlarged by Agilbert bishop of Winchester.  
The Monastery in Gloucester, first builded by Ofricus King of Mercia, 
Abbey of Gloucester.  as Cestrensis saith. But as William Malmesb. writeth, by Vlferus, and Etheldred brethren to Kineburga Abbess of the same house, An 679.  

Mailrose.  The monastery of Mailrose by the flood of Twide by Aidanus a Scottish bishop.  
The Nunnery of Heorenton by Hevi, who was the first Nun in Northumberland, 
Heorenton.  Bede, Lib. 4. cap. 1.  

Hetesey.  The Monastery of Hetesey by Oswy King of Northumberland, who also with his daughter Elfred, gave possessions for twelve monasteries in the parts of Northumberland, An. 656.  

The monastery of S. Martin at Dover. Lestingey.  The monastery of S. Martin in Dover, builded by Whitred king of Kent.  
The Abbey of Lestingey by Ceadda (whom we call S. Cedd) through the grant of Oswald, son to S. Oswald, King of Northum. An. 651. 
Whitbie. This Hilda was first converted to the faith by Paulinus a godly and learned woman, out of her Monastery came five Bishops Dosa, Eatha, O●●ford, joannes, Wilfride. Hacanos. Abington. joanno at Lincoln. Ely Abbey. Chertsey.   
The Monastery of Whitby called otherwise Strenhalt by Hilda daughter to the nephew of Edwyne King of Northumberland, An▪ 657.  
Item an other monastery called Hacanos, not far from the same place builded by the said Hilda the same year.  
The Abbey of Abbington builded by Cissa King of Southsex, An. 666.  
Item an Abbey in the East side of Lyncolne, called joanno, by S. Botulph. Polychro. Lib. 5. cap. 16. An. 654.  
The monastery in Ely founded by Etheldred or Edeldrida daughter of Anna king of Eastangles, and the wife of Elfrid king of Northumb. An. 674.  
The Monastery of Chertsey in Southrey, founded by Erkenwald bishop of London, an. 674. thrown down by the Danes, after re-edified by king Edgar.  
Item the Nunnery of Berking edified by the said Erkenwaldus bishop of London about the same tyme. 
Berking.   

Peterborough.  The Abbey of Peterborough called otherwise Modehamstede founded by King Ethelwald King of the Mercians, An. 675.  

Bardney.  Bardney Abbey by Etheldredus King of the Mercians, An. 700.  

Glastonbery.  Glastonbury by jua king of the Westsaxons, and after repaired and enriched by King Edgar, an. 701.  

Camesey.  ramsey in the time of king Edgar by one Ailwinus a noble man, an. 973. King Edgar builded in his time 40. monasteries, who reigned, an. 901.  

Winburne.  The Nunnery of Winburne builded by Cuthburga sister to Ingilsus, king jua his brother, an. 717.  

Sealesey.  The Monastery of Sealesey by the isle of Wight, by Wilfridus bishop of York, an. 678.  

Wincombe.  The Monastery of Wincombe by Kenulphus King of the Mercians, an. 737.  

S. Alban's.  S. Albans builded by Offa, King of the Mercians. Anno. 755.  

Eusham.  The Abbey of Eusham by Egwinus Bishop. An. 691.  

Ripon.  Ripon in the North by Wilfridus Bishop. An. 709.  

Echelinghey.  The Abbey of Echelinghey, by king Aluredus, an. 891.  

S. Shaftesbury.  The Nunnery of Shaftesbury by the same Aluredus, the same year.  
Thus ye see what monasteries in what time began to be founded by the Saxons kings, newly converted to the Christian faith, within the space of 200. years: who, as they seemed then to have a certain zeal & devotion to godward, according to the leading & teaching that then was: so it seemeth again to me, two things to be wished in these foresaid kings. 
Two things to be wished in them, that first builded monkish Monasteries.  First, that they which began to erect these monasteries and celles of Monks and Nuns, to live solely and singlely by themselves out of the holy state of matrimony: had foreseen what danger & what absurd enormities might and also did thereof ensue, both publicly to the Church of Christ, & privately to their own souls. Secondly, that unto this their zeal & devotion had been joined like knowledge & doctrine in Christ's gospel, especially in the article of our free justification by the faith of jesus Christ. 
The article of free justification not known.  Because of the lack whereof, as well the builders & founders thereof, as they that were professed in the same, seem both to have run the wrong way, & to have been deceived. For albeit in them there was a devotion & zeal of mind, that thought well in this their doing, which I will not here reprehend: yet the end and cause of their deeds & buildings cannot be excused, being contrary to the rule of Christ's Gospel, for so much as they did these things seeking thereby merits with God, and for remedy of their souls, and remission of their sins, as may appear testified in their own records, whereof one here I thought to set forth for probation of the same. Read this chart (if it please thee gentle Reader) of king Ethelbald his donation, & charter given to churches and religious persons, which Ethelbald was the builder (as is said) of Peterborough, the words of his record and instrument be those.   

* The donations and privileges granted and given by King Ethelbald, to religious men of the Church.  
PLerumque contingere sole●it, 
Ex Crouici● Gul●el. Malmesb. Lib. ●.  pro incerta temporum vicissitudine, ut ea quae multarum fidelium personarum testimonio consilioque roborata fuerint fraudulenter per contumaciam plurimorum, & machinamenta simulationis, sine ulla consideratione rationis, periculose dissipentur, nisi autoritate literarum (testamento Chyrographorum) aeternae memoriae comittantur. Quapropter, ego Ethelbaldus Rex Merciorum, pro amore caelestis patriae, & remedio animae meae studendum esse praevidi: ut eam per bona opera liberam efficerem in omni vinculo delictorum. Quoniam enim mihi omnipotens Deus per misericordiam clementiae suae, absque vllo antecedente merito, sceptra regiminis largitus est: ideo libenter ei, ex eo quod dedit, retribuo. Huius rei gratia hanc donationem, me vivente, concedo, ut omnia monasteria & Ecclesiae regni mei, à publicis vectigalibus, & operibus, & oneribus absoluantur: nisi instructionibus arcium, vel pontium quae nulli unquam prosunt. Praeterea habeant famuli Dei, propriam libertatem in fructibus siluarum & agrorum, & in captura piscium, ne munuscula praebeant vel regi, vel principibus, nisi voluntaria. Sed liberi Deo seruiant, etc.  
By the contents hereof may well be understand (as where he saith, pro amore caelestis patriae, pro remedio animae, pro liberatione animae, & absolutione delictorum, etc.) how great the ignorance and blindness of these men was: who lacking no zeal, only lacked knowledge to rule it withal: seeking their salvation not by Christ only, but by their own deservings and meritorious deeds. Which I recite not here to any infamy or reprehension of them, but rather to put us in mind and memory, how much we at this present are bound to God, for the true sincerity of his truth: hidden so long before to our foreauncetors, and opened now to us by the good will of our God, in his son Christ Iesu. This only lamenting by the way, to see them to have such works, and to lack our faith: and us to have the right faith, and to lack their works. And this blind ignorance of that age, thus above prenoted, was the cause not only why these kings builded so many Monasteries upon zealous superstition, but also why so many of them, forsaking their orderly vocation of Princely regiment, gave themselves over to Monastical profession, or rather wilful superstition. Concerning the names and number of which kings that were professed Monks, is sufficiently in the story before declared: 
A brief catalogue of Queens and Kings daughters, which leaving their estate were made Nuns. Hilda.  the names of whom we showed to be seven or eight, within the space of these two hundredth years. Such was then the superstitious devotion of kings & Princes in that age: and no less also to be noted in Queens and kings daughters, with other noble women, of the same age and time. The names of whom, it were to long here to recite. As Hilda daughter to the nephew of Edwine king of Northumberland. Abbess of the house of Ely. Erchengoda with her sister Ermenilda daughters of Ercombertus king of Kent: 
Erchengod● Ermenilda. ●delberga. Etheldreda.  which Erchengoda was professed in Saint Brigets order in France. Item Edelberga wife and Queen to King Edwyne of Northumberland, and daughter of king Anna, which was also in the same house of S. Brigit made a Nun. Item, Etheldreda whom we term S. Eldride, wife to king Ekfride of Northumberland, who being married to two husbands, could not be obtained to give her consent to either of them during the space of 12. years, but would needs live a Virgin, and was professed Nun at Helings. 
Werburga.  Werburga was the daughter of Vlferus king of Mercians, & made Nun at Ely. 
Kynreda. Kineswida. Sexburga. Elfrida. Mildreda. Milburga. Milguida.  Kinreda sister of king Vlferus and Kinswida her sister, were both Nuns professed. Sexburga daughter of king Anna king of Mercians, and wife of Ercombert king of Kent, was Abbess at Ely. Elfrida daughter of Oswy king of Northumberland, was Abbess of Whitney. Mildreda, Milburga, and Milguida, all three daughters of Merwaldus king of West Mercians, entered the profession and vow of Nunnish virginity. 
Kineburga. Elfleda.  Kineburga, wife of Alfride king of Northumberland, and sister to Ofricus king of Mercians, and daughter of king Penda, was professed Abbess of the Monastery in Gloucester, Elfleda, daughter of Oswy king, and wife of Peda, son of king Penda, likewise enclosed herself in the same profession and vow of Romish chastity. 
Alfritha. Wulfritha. Editha.  Likewise Alfritha wife to king Edgar. And Editha daughter to the said Edgar, with Wolfrith her mother, etc. All which holy Nuns with divers more, the Romish catholics have canonised for saints, and put the most part of them in their Calendar, and only because of the vow of chastity solemnly professed. Concerning the which chastity, whether they kept or no, little I have to say against them, and less to swear for them. But whether they so kept it or not, if this gift of chastity which they professed, were given them of God, small praise worthy was it in them to keep it: If it were not given them, I will not say here of them so much, as hath been said of some other, which sufficiently have painted out to the world, the demeanour of these holy votaries. But this will I say, that although they kept it never so perfectly, yet it is not that which maketh saints before God, but only the blood of Christ jesus, and a true faith in him.  
Likewise remaineth, that as we have declared the devotion of these noble women, which professing Monastic life, have cast of all worldly dignity and delights: so we should also entreat of such noble men, who among the Saxon kings in like zeal of devotion, have given over themselves from the world (as they thought) to the contemplative life of Monkish profession. The names of whom as in the Catalogue of the Saxon kings before is described, be these, to the number of ix.  

A Table of such Saxon Kings, as were after made Monks.  1. 

Kings made Monks.  Kynigilsus, king of Westsaxons.  2. 
Iue, king of Westsaxons.  3. 
Ceolulfus, king of Northumberland.  4. 
Eadbertus, king of Northumberland.  5. 
Ethelredus, king of Mercia.  6. 
Kenredus, king of Mercia.  7. 
Offa, king of Eastsaxons.  8. 
Sebbi, king of Eastsaxons.  9 
Sigebertus, king of Eastangles.   
Of which kings and their doings, what is to be judged, look gentle Reader before▪ pag. 133.  
By these histories it is apparent: what mutations, what perturbations, and what alteration of state hath been in this Realm of Britain, first from britains kings, to Romans, then to britains again, afterward to the Saxons. First to seven. altogether reigning, then to one. etc. And this alteration not only happened in the civil government, but also followed in the state Ecclesiastical. For as in the britains time the Metropolitan sea was in London: so in the Saxons time after the coming of Austen, it was removed to Canterbury, the Catalogue and order of which metropolitans, from the time of Austen to Egbertus, is thus, as in the history of Malmesberiensis described.  

¶ The names and order of the Archbishops of Caunterbury, from Augustine, to the time of king Ethelbert.  1. Augustinus. 16. 2. Laurentius. 5. 3. Mellitus. 5. 4. justus. 3. 5. Honorius. 25. 6. Deus dedit. 10. ●. Theodorus. 22. 
¶ Hitherto from Augustine all the Archbishops of Caunterbury were Italians and foreigners.  8. Berctualdus English. 37 In his time the Monastery of S. Martin was builded in Dorobernia, by Witredus & his brother, kings of Kent. 9 Tacuinus. 3 10. Nothelinus. 5  11. Cuthbertus. 17 This Cuthbert after his death forbade all funeral exequys or lamentation for him to be made. William Malm. De vitis, Lib. 1. 12. Breguinus. 3 13. Lambrihtus, or Lambertus. 27 In his time king Offa translated the Metropolitan sea from Caunterbury to Lichfield by the grant of Pope Adrian, being overcome with Apostolical arguments, as saith Flores Hist. that is with money.  Ethelardus. 13 15. Vlfredus. 28 16. Fegeldus. 3 m. This Ethelardus by his Epistles to Pope Leo, obtained the Metropolitan sea again to Canterbury. 17. Celnochus. 41  
During the course of these 17. Archbishops of Cant. in Rome passed in the mean time 34. Popes, of whom partly heretofore we have declared.  
And thus much touching the time of the seven kingdoms of the saxons, ruling together in England, from the reign of Hengist, unto Egbert, the first King and Monarch of the whole land, after the expulsion of the britains.  
NOw remaineth (by the grace of Christ) in the next book following, to prosecute the order of such kings as principally reigning alone, had this realm in their possession: from the time of Egbert king of Westsaxons, to the coming of William Conqueror the Normand, comprehending therein the rest of the next 300. years, with the acts & state of Religion, as in that space was in the Church: wherein may appear the declining time of the Church, and of true Religion, preparing the way to Antichrist, which not long after followed. For here is to be noted, that during yet this mean time, Satan (as is said) was bound up from his raging and furious violence, counting from the time of Constantinus, to the next losing out of Satan, which was foretold by the Revelation of S. john above mentioned, to be a thousand years. Whereof by the order of the history (Christ granting) more shall be said hereafter.    
The end of the second Book.   

THE THIRD BOOK CONTAINING THE next 300. years, from the reign of King Egbertus, to the time of William Conqueror.  
NOW remaineth likewise as before I did in describing, the descent and diversity of the seven kings altogether reigning and ruling in this land, so to prosecute in like order the lineal succession of them, which after Egbert king of Westsaxones, governed and ruled solely, until the conquest of William the Normand: first expressing their names, & afterward importing such acts as in their time happened in the Church worthy to be noted. Albeit, as touching the acts and doings of these kings, because they are sufficiently and at large described, and taken out of Latin writers into the English tongue by sundry authors, and namely in the story or Chronicle of Fabian. I shall not spend much travail thereupon, but rather refer the reader, to him or to some other: where the troublesome tumulis between the Englishmen and the Danes at that time may be seen, who so listeth to read them. Only the Table of their names and reign, in acts done under their reign, I have compendiously abridged, using such brevity, as the matter would suffer.  

¶ A Table of the Saxon Kings, which ruled alone from King Egbert, unto William Conqueror.  
Egbertus reigned 37. years and had issue. 

Athelwulfus reigned 20. years had by his wife Osburga. 

Ethelbaldus reigned 5. years.  
Ethelbertus reigned 6. years.  
Etheldredus reigned 5. years.  
Aluredus or. Alfredus reigned 28. years 

Edwardus reigned 24. years. 

Adelstanus reigned 16. years.  
Elfrede and Ethelwald●  
Edmond reigned 6. years. 

Edwin reigned 4. years.  
Edgar reigned 16. years. 

Edwardus reigned 4. years.  
Ethelredus reigned 36. years. 

Edmond Irenside reigned 2. years.  
Alfredus.  
Edward the Confessor who reigned 24. years.        
Edredus reigned 9 years.    
Egelwardu●         
Here is to be noted, that before the reign of Edward the confessor, the Danes obtained the crown under their captain Canutus who reigned years 
19  Haraldus harefoot, son of Canutus. 
4  Hardeknoutus son of Canutus. 
2  Edwar. the confessor, an englishmen, son of Etheldred. 
24  Haraldus son of earl Godwine an usurper. 
1  William Conqueror a Normand. 
  

¶ King Egbertus.  
IN the reign of Brigthricus a little before mentioned, 
Egbert king of the Westsaxons, afterward Monarch and king of the whole Realm.  about the year of grace 7●5. there was in his dominion a noble parsonage, of some called Egbert, of some Ethelbert, of some Athelbright, who being feared of the same Brigthricus, because he was of a kingly blood, & near unto the crown, was by the force & conspiracy of the forenamed Brigthricus, chased & pursued out of the land of Britam into France, where he endured till the death of the said Brigthricus. 
In this time came in the Danes▪ Fill into the North part● and were driven out against.  After the hearing whereof, Egbert sped him eftsoons out of France, unto his country of Westsaxe, where he in such wise behaved himself, that he obtained the regiment and governance of the abovesaid kingdom.  
Bernulphus king of Mercia above mentioned, with other kings, had this Egbert in such decision, that they made of him divers scoffing gests, 
Anno. 807.  and scorning rhymes, at which he sustained for a time. But when he was more established in his kingdom, & had proved the minds of his subjects and especially God working withal: 
Example what it is to despise other. Example of patience.  he afterward assembled his knights, and gave to the said Bernulphus, a battle in a place called Elinden, in the province of hanton. And notwithstanding in that fight was great odds of number, as 6. or 8. against one, yet Egbert (through the might of the Lord which giveth victory as pleaseth him) had the better and wan the field: 
Anno. 826.  Which done he seized that Lordship into his hand. And that also done, he made war upon the Kentish saxons, and at length in likewise, of them obtained the victory. 
Of this victory went a proverb Riwscruore rubuit ruina restitit, foetor● tabuit.  And as it is in Polychronicon testified, he also subdued Northumberland, and caused the kings of these three kingdoms to live under him as tributaries or joined them to his kingdom. Ex Flor. Hist. This Egbert, also wan from the Britons or Welshinen, the town of Chester, which they had kept possession of, till that day. After these & other victories, he peaceably enjoying the land, called a Council of his Lords at Winchester, where by their advises he was crowned king & chief Lord over this land. 
This land first called Anglia.  which before that day was called Britain: but then he sent out into all coasts of the land his commandments and commissions, charging straightly that from that day forward the Saxons should be called Angles, and the land Anglia.  
About the 30. year of the reign of Egbert, 
Anno. 833.  the heathenish people of the Danes, which a little before had made horrible destruction in Northumberland, & especially in the isle of Lindesarue, where they spoiled the Churches, and murdered the ministers, 
Danes now the second time entered in this land.  with men, women, and children, after a cruel manner, entered now the second time with a great host into this land, and spoiled the isle of Shepy in Kent, or near to Kent, where Egbert hearing thereof, assembled his people and met with them at Carrum. But in that conflict sped not so well as he was wont in times before, but with his knights was compelled to forsake the field. Notwithstanding in the next battle, the said Egbert with a small power overthrew a great multitude of them, and so drove them back. The next year following, the said Danes presuming upon their victory before, made their return again into the land Westward, 
Anno. 834.  where joining with the Britain's, by the help and power of them, they assailed the lands of Egbert, 

Fabian. cap. 158.  
Rog. Houed. Lab. 5. cap. 1.   & did much harm in many places of his dominion, and else where, so that after this day, they were continually abiding in one place of the realm of england or other▪ till the time of Hardeknutus, last king of the Danes blood, so that many of them were married to English women, and many that now be, or in times past were called Englishmen, are descended of them. And albeit that they were many and sundry times driven out of the land, & chased from one country to an other, yet that notwithstanding, they ever gathered new strengths and power, that they abode still within the land.  
And thus (as by the stories appeareth) this troublesome land of Britain, 
England five tym●s plagued by other nations.  now called England, hath been hitherto by v. sundry outward nations plagued. First, by the Romans, then by the Scots & Pictes, 3. by the Saxons, 4. by the Danes, of whose outrageous cruelty & hostility, our English histories do most exclaim & complain: 
Ex Rog. Houed. Lib. 5.  fifthly by the normans, which I pray God be the last.  
Then it followeth in the story, that the time of this persecution of the foresaid Pagans and Danes continuing, king Egbert when he had ruled the Westsaxons, and over the more part of England, by the term of xxxvij. years, died, and was buried at Winchester, leaving to his son Ethelwolfe his kingdom, which first was bishop of Winchester (as Hoveden recordeth) and after upon necessity made king, leaving withal and pronouncing this saying to his son: Foelicem fore, si regnum, quod multa rexerat industria, ille consueta genti illi non interrumperet ignavia.   

* King Athelwolfus.  

Anno. 837.  AThelwulfus, the son of Egbert, in his former age had entered into the order of Subdeacon, and as some other say was made Bishop of Winchester. But afterward being the only son of Egbert was made king through the dispensation (as Fabian saith) of Pope Paschalis, 
A place in Fabian to be amended.  but that can not be: for Paschalis then was not Byshopp: so that by the computation of time, it should rather seem to be Gregory the 4. This Athelwulfe (as being himself once nuseled in that order) was always good and devout to holy Church and religious orders. 
Guliel. Lib, de gestis pont. Anglor. saith this Pope was Leo iiij.  In so much that he gave to them the rythe of all his goods and lands in Westsaxons, with liberty and freedom from all servage and civil charges. Whereof, his chart instrument beareth testimony after this tenor proceeding: much like to the donation of Ethelbaldus king of Mercians, above mentioned.   

* The Privileges and donations given by king Ethelwulfus to the Clergy.  
regnant Domino nostro imperpetuum. Dum in nostris temporibus per bellorum incendia, & direptiones opum nostrarum, nec non & vastantium crudelissimas depredationes hostium, 
Anno. 844.  barbarum, paganarumque gentium, multiplices tribulationes ad affligendum usque ad internecionem, 
Privileges and temporalties granted to the Church by king Ethelwulfe.  tempora cernimus incumbere periculosa. Quamobrem, ego Ethelwulfus Rex occidentalium Saxonum, cum consilio Episcoporum & principum meorum, consilium salubre, & uniform remedium affirmavi: ut aliquam portionem terrarum haereditariam, Deo & sanctae Mariae, & omnibus sanctis iure perpetuo possidendam concedam, scilicet partem terrae meae, 
Ex Flor. Hist.  ut sit tuta & immunis ab omnibus secularibus seruicijs, nec non regalibus tributis maioribus & minoribus sive taxationibus, quod nos dicimus Wittereden: sitque libera omnium rerum, 
Pro remis. Note the blind ignorance and erroneous teaching in those days.  pro remissione animarum & peccatorum nostrorum, ad Deo soli deseruiendum, sine expeditione, & pontis constructione, & arcis munitione: ut eo diligentiùs pro nobis ad Deum preces sine cessatione fundant, quo eorum servitutem in aliqua part levigamus, etc.  
Hereby may it appear, how when the Churches of England, began first to be endued with temporalties and lands: also with privileges & exemptions enlarged. Moreover (and that which specially is to be considered & lamented) what pernicious doctrine was this, wherewith they were led: thus to set remission of their sins, and remedy of their souls: in this donation and such other deeds of their devotion, contrary to the information of God's word, and no small derogation to the Cross of Christ?  
These things thus done within the Realm, than the said Ethelwulfus the king, taking his journey to Rome, with Alured his youngest son, committed him to the bringing up of Pope Leo the iiij. where he also re-edified the English school at Rome: which being founded by king Offa, or rather by Iue king of Mercians (as in the flowers of Hist. is affirmed) was lately in the time of king Egbert his father, 
Peter 〈◊〉 through the whole Realm granted 〈◊〉 Rome. Money bestowed to burn day light.  consumed with fire. Farther and besides, th●s king gave and granted there unto Rome, of every fire house a penny to be paid through his whole land, as king Iue in his dominion had done before. Also he gave & granted yearly to be paid to Rome. 300 marks, that is to the maintaining of the light of S. Peter. C. marks: to the light of S. Paul. C. marks: to the use of the Pope also an other hundredth. This done, returning home through France, married their judith the daughter of Carolus calvus, ye●rēch king: whom he restored afterward, contrary to the laws of Westsaxons, to the title and throne of a Queen. For before, it was decreed among the Westsaxons (by the occasion of wicked Ethelburga, who poisoned Brigthricus her own husband) that after that, no kings wife there should have the name or place of a Queen.  
And forsomuch as I have here entered into the mention of judith, daughter of Carolus calvus: the occasion thereof putteth me in memory, here to insert by the way a matter bone, although not in this Realm, yet not impertinent to this ecclesiastical history. And first to deduct the narration hereof from the first original. The father of this Carolus calvus, whose name was Ludovicus, first of that name, called Pius king of France, had two wives: whereof by the first, he had iij. sons, Lothary, Pipin, and Lewis. Which iij. sons unnaturally and unkindly, conspiring against their father, 
Note here the holy and wholesome counsellors and doings of the spiritual Lords.  and his second wife, with her son, their youngest brother, persecuted him so, that through a certain council of Lords spiritual and temporal, they deposed the same their natural and right godly father, dispossessing and discharging him of all rule and dominion. Moreover, caused him to renounce his temporal habit, enclosing him in the Monastery of S. Mark, for a monk or rather a prisoner. All which done, they divided his Empire and kingdom among themselves.  
Thus was Ludovicus Pius, 
Ludovicus Pius, Emperor king of France.  of impious sons left desolate. But the power of God, which worketh when all earthly power ceaseth, of his divine mercy so aided and recovered him out of all this tribulation to this Imperial dignity again: that it was to all his enemies confusion, and to all good men a miracle. But this by the way. By his 2. wife whose name was judith, he had this Charles the Bald here mentioned. Which judith was thought and so accúsed to the Pope, to be within such degree of alliance, that by the Pope's law, she might not continue his wife without the pope's dispensation. 
Frederick Bishop of Vtricke.  It so fell out in the mean time that this Ludovicus the Emperor, had promoted a young man named Frederick to be Bishop of Utricke●and to him had given sad and good exhortation, that he remembering and following the constancy of his predecessors, would maintain right and truth without all exception of any person, & punish misdoers with excommunication, as well the rich as the poor, with such like words of godly counsel. Frederick hearing the king thus to say, sitting at dinner with him, as the manner was being newly invested, in these words answered to the Emperor again. I thank your majesty saith he, which with your so wholesome exhortation putteth me in mind of my profession. But I beseech you of your benign favour & patience, that I may freely disclose, that which hath long encumbered and pierced my conscience. To whom leave being given, thus he began. 
Bishop Fridericke openly admonishe●h the Emperor at the table.  I pray you (Lord Emperor) to show me herein your mind (pointing to the fish before him) whether is it more according, to attain this fish here present, beginning first at the head or at the tail? What a tale is this, quoth the Emperor, of the tail & of the head: At the head quoth he. Then Fredrick taking thereof his occasion, proceedeth: Even so let it be (Lord Emperor) saith he, as you have said. Let Christian faith and charity first begin with yourself, as with the head, admonishing you to cease from your face, and error, that your subjects by your example be not boldened to follow your misdoing. Wherefore first forsake you, your unlawful wedlock, 
Note, that were two. judithes one the mother of Carolus calvus, the other his daughter, whom king Ethelwulfe did marry.  which you have made with judith your near kinswoman. These words of the new Bishop, although they moved Ludovicus the Emperor not a little, yet he, with a gentle modesty, and modest silence was contented, suffering the bishop to go home in peace. But the word being uttered in such an audience, could not so be concealed but spread and braced out in much talk in the whole court, and especially among the Bishops, consulting earnestly with themselves about the matter. Through whose counsel and labour so at length it fell, that the Emperor was constrained to leave the company of his wife, till he had purchased a licence of the bishop of Rome, to retain her again, who then forgave the said bishop all that was passed. But the woman hired two knights that slew him in his vestiments, when he had ended his mass. Ranulphus, and Guliel Libro de pontificib, give forth this story in his great commendation to die a Martyr. 
Fridericke Bishop of Vtricke judged of some a Martyr. Example of the women more ready to revenge then the man.  Whereof I have not to judge, nor here to pronounce: but that rather I think him to be commended in his dying, than the women for her kill.  
And for as much as mention hath been made of Ludovicus Pius, here is to be noted, that in France then was vied of Priests and Churchmen, precious and showing vestuce, and golden, and rich staring girldles, with rings and other ornaments of gold. Wherefore the said jews purchased of the Bishop of Rome a correction, for all such as used such disordinate apparel, causing them to wear brown and sad colours, according to their sadness. Fab.  
Of this jews the Papists do fain, that because he converted certain of their Church goods and patrimony to the wages of his soldiers, his body (say they) was carried out of his tomb by devils, and was no more seen.  
And thus a little having disgressed out of our course, now let us return out of France into England again: 
Swithinus Bishop of Winchester.  king Ethelwulfus, who coming from Rome by the country of France, was now returned again into his own dominion, where he continued not long after.  
This Ethelwulfus, had especially about him two Bishops, whose counsel he was most ruled by, Swythinus Bishop of Winchester, and Adelstanus Bishop of Syreborne. Of the which two, the one was more skilful in temporal and civil affairs touching the king's wars, and filling of his coffers, 
Example of a kind scholar to his schoolmaster.  and other furniture for the king. The other (which was Swythinus) was of a contrary sort, wholly disposed and inclined to spiritual meditation, and to minister spiritual council to the king: who had been schoolmaster to the king before. Wherein appeared one good condition of this king's nature, among his other virtues, not only in following the precepts and advertisements of his old schoolmaster: 
monkish miracles feigned of Swithinus.  But also in that he like a kind & thankful pupille did so reverence his bringer up, and old schoolmaster (as he called him) that he ceased not, till he made him Bishop of Winchester, by the consecration of Celnoch then Archbishop of Canterbury. But as concerning the miracles which are read in the Church of Winchester, 

Pope Leo iij. Stephen. iiij. Pascalis i. Eugenius two Valentinus i Gregory. iiij.  
A general Synod at Aquil grave. Every Church to have sufficient to find his own Priests.  
Precious garments of scarlet or, other rich colour forbidden men of the Clergy.  
Great families not lawful for men of the Clergy. Ringe● and gold in their shoes forbidden. The feast of all Saints first ordained.  
Pope Sergius two  
When the Pope's names began the first to be altered.  
Agnus thrice sung at the Mass.  
The host divided in three parts. Pope Leo the 4.   of this Swythinus, them I leave to be read together with the Iliads of Homer, or tales of Robenhood.  
This Gregory the fourth here in this present Chapter above mentioned: was the third pope which succeeded after Paschalis the first, being but. 4. years betwixt them, which Paschalis succeeded after Steven the 4. who followed after Leo the 3. next Pope unto Hadrian above in our history mentioned, whereas we entreated of Charles the great. From the time of that Hadrian the first, unto Pope Hadrian the 3. The Emperors had some stroke in the election (at lest in the confirmation) of the Roman Pope. Notwithstanding, divers of those foresaid pope's in the mean time began to work their practices to bring that purpose about. But yet all their devices could take no full effect, before the said Hadrian the iij. as hereafter (Christ willing) shallbe declared. So that the Emperors all this while bore some rule in choosing the Popes, and in assembling general Counsels. Wherefore by the commandment of Ludovicus the Emperor, in the time of this Gregory the iiij. a general Synod was commenced at Aquisgrave, where it was decreed by the said Gregory and his assistance: first that every Church should have sufficient of his own proper lands and revenues, to find the Priests thereof: that none should need to lack or go about a begging. Item thatnone of the Clergy of what order or degree soever he be, should use any vesture of any precious or scarelet colour. Neither shall wear rings on their fingers, unless it be when Prelates be at Mass, or give their consecrations. Item that Prelates should not keep to great ports or families, nor keep great horse, use dice, or harlots. And the Monks should not exceed measure in gluttony or riot. Item that none of the clergy being either anointed or shaven: should use either gold or silver in their shoes, slippers, or girdles, like to Heliogabalus. By this it may be conjectured, what pomp and pride in those days was crept into the Clergy. Moreover, by the said pope Gregory the 4. at the commandment of Ludovicus Emperor, the feast of all Saints was first brought into the Church.  
After this Pope, came Sergius the second which first brought in the altering of the Pope's names, because he was named before os porci, that is, Swine's snout: which also ordained the Agnus thrice to be song at the Mass, and the host to be divided into three parts.  
After him, was Pope Leo the iiij. to whom this king Ethelwulfus (as in this present chapter is above specified) did commit the tuition of his son Alured. By this Pope Leo, it came in, and was first enacted in a Counsel of his, that no Bishop should be condemned under 72. witnesses, according as ye see in the witnesses, at the condemnation of Stephen Gardiner, orderly practised. 
No Bishop by the Pope's law to be condemned under 72. witnesses. The golden cross first borne before the pope.   
Item contrary to the law of Gregory the iiij. his predicessor: this Pope ordained the cross (all let with gold & precious stone) to be carried before him, like a Pope.  
And here next now followeth & cometh in, the whore of Babylon (rightly in her true colours by the permission of God and manifestly without all tergiversation) to appear to the whole world: and that not only alter the spiritual sense, but after the very letter, and the right form of an whore in deed. For after this Leo above mentioned, the Cardinals proceeding to their ordinary election (after a solemn Mass of the holy Ghost, 
A woman Pope called joan. viij. The Church of Rome after their Mass of the holy Ghost may err.  to the perpetual shame of them & of that sea) in stead of a man Pope, elected an whore in deed to minister Sacraments, to say masses, to give orders, to constitute Deacons, Priests, and bishops, to promote Prelates, to make Abbots, to consecrate Churches and altars, to have the reign and rule of Emperors and kings: And so she did in deed, called by name joan. the 8. This woman's proper name was Gilberta (a Dutch woman of Magunce) who went with an english monk out of the Abbey of Fulda in a man's apparel unto Athens, and after through her dexterity of wit and learning, was promooted to the Popedom, where the sat two years & 6. months. At last openly in the face of a general procession, fell in labour & travail of child, & so died. By reason whereof, the Cardinals yet to this day do avoid to come near by that street where this shame was taken. 

Pope Benedictus. iij.  
Dirge for the dead.   By Benedictus the iij. who succeeded next in the whorish sea, was first ordained (as most writers record) the Dirge to be said for the dead. Albeit before him, Gregory the iij. had done in that matter, worthily for his part already.  
After him sat Pope Nicholas the first, 
Pope Nicolas the first.  who enlarged the Pope's decrees with many constitutions, equalling the authority of them, with the writings of the Apostles. He ordained that no secular Prince, nor the Emperor himself, should be present at their Counsels, unless in matters concerning the faith: to the end that such as they judged to be heretics, they should execute and murder. Also, that no lay men should sit in judgement upon the clergy men, or reason upon the Pope's power. Item that no Christian Magistrate should have any power upon any Prelate, alleging that a Prelate is called God. Item that all Church service should be in Latin: yet notwithstanding, dispensing with the slavonians, and Polonians, to retain still their vulgar language. Sequences in the Mass were by him first allowed. By this Pope, Priests began to be restrained and debarred from marrying: 
The marriage of priests begon to be forbidden.  whereof Hulderike Bishop of Augsburg (a learned & an holy man) sending a letter unto the Pope, gravely and learnedly refuteth and reclaimeth against his undiscreet proceed touching that matter. The copy of which letter, as I thought it unworthy to be suppressed, so I judged it here worthy & meet for the better instruction of the Reader, to be inserted. The words whereof here follow out of Latin into English translated.  

* Anno. 867.  A learned Epistle of Hulderike bishop of Augsburg, sent to Pope Nicholas the first, proving by probations substantial, that Priests ought not to be restrained from Marriage.  
Nicolao Domino & patri, pervigili sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae provisori, Huldericus solo nomine Episcopus, amorem ut filius, timorem ut servus. Cum that (O pater & Domine) decreta super clericorum continentian, etc. 
A letter written to Pope Nicolas concerning Priests not to refrain from Marriage.   

¶ The same in English.  
Hulderike bishop only by name, unto the reverend father Nicholas the vigilant provisor of the holy church of Rome: with due commendation sendeth love as a son, and fear as a servant. Understanding reverend father your decrees which you sent to me concerning the single life of the Clergy, to be far discrepant from all discretion, I was troubled partly with fear, partly with heaviness. With fear, (for that, as it is said) the sentence of the pastor, whether it be just or unjust, is to be feared.  
For I was afraid for the weak hearers of the Scripture (which scarcely obey the just sentence of their Pastor) much more despissing this unjust decreement, through the onerous and importable transgression of their Pastor, should show themselves disobedient. With heaviness I was troubled, and with compassion for that I doubted how the members of the body should do (their head being so greatly out of frame) For what can be more grievous or more to be lamented, touching the state of the church then for you, being the Bishop of the principal seat, to whom appertaineth the regiment of the whole church, to serve never so little, out of the right way Certes, in this you have not a little erred, in that you have gone about to constrain your Clergy to singleness of life, through your imperious tyranny: whom rather ye ought to stir up to the continency of marriage. For is not this to be counted a violence and tyranny to the judgement of all wise men: when a man is compelled by your decrees to do that which is against the institution of the Gospel, 
priests Marriage in the old law permitted, in the new law not forbidden.  and the proceeding of the holy Ghost? Seeing then there be so many holy examples both of the old and new Testament, teaching us (as you know) due information: I desire your patience not to think it grievous for me to bring a few here out of many.  
First in the old law, the Lord permitteth marriage unto the Priests, which afterward in the new law, we do not read to be restrained, but in the Gospel thus he saith: There be some eunuchs which have gelded themselves for the kingdom of heaven, but all men do not take this word, he that can take it, let him take it. Wherefore the Apostle saith, concerning virgins I have no commandment of the Lord, but only I give counsel. Which counsel also all men do not take, as in the commandment of the Lord before, but many there be, false dissemblers and flatterers, 
The inconvenience of single life.  going about to please men and not God, whom we see under a false pretence of continency, to fall into horrible wickedness: Some to lie with their father's wives, some to be Sodomites, and not to abhor to play the beasts with bruit beasts. And therefore, least through the infection of this wicked pestilence, the state of the Church should too much go to ruin: therefore he said, because of fornication, let every man have his own wife. Touching which saying, our false hypocrites falsely do lie, & feign: as though only it pertained to the laity, and not to them. And yet they themselves seeming to be set in the most holy order, are not afraid to abuse other men's wives, and as we see with (weeping eyes) all they do outrage in the foresaid wickedness.  
These men have not rightly understanded the Scripture, whose breasts while they suck so hard (in stead of milk) they suck out blood. 
The saying of the Apostle, let every one have his own wife.  For the saying of the Apostle: let every man have his own wife: doth except none in very deed, but him only which hath the gift of continency, prefixing with himself to keep and to continue his virgin in the Lord. Wherefore (O reverend father) it shallbe your part to cause & oversee, that whosoever, either with hand or mouth, hath made a vow of continency, and afterward would forsake, either should be compelled to keep his vow, or else by lawful authority should be deposed from his order.  
And to bring this to pass, ye shall not only have me, but also all other of my order, to be helpers unto you. But that you may understand, that such which know not what a vow doth mean, are not to be violently compelled thereunto: hear what the Apostle saith unto Timothy. A Bishop (saith he) must be irreprehensible, the husband of one wife. Which sentence, lest ye should turn and apply only to the Church, mark what he inferreth after: he that knoweth not (saith he) to rule his own household and family, how should he rule the Church of God? And likewise the Deacons (saith he) let them be the husbands of one wife, which have knowledge to govern their own house and children. And this wife, how she is wont to be blest of the Priest, you understand sufficiently: I suppose, by the decrees of holy Silvester the Pope.  
To these and such other holy sentences of the Scripture, agreeth also, 
This Decree is contrary to the Bishops and Prelates in Queen mary's tyme.  he that is the writer of the rule of the Clergy, writing after this manner. A Clerk must be chaste and continent, or else let him be coupled in the bands of Matrimony, having one wife. Whereby it is to be gathered, that the Bishop and Deacon, are noted infamous and reprehensible, if they be divided in more women than one: otherwise, if they do forsake one under the pretence of Religion, both they together, as well the Bishop as the Deacon be here condemned by the Canonical sentence, which saith: Let no Bishop or Priest forsake his own wife, under the colour and pretence of Religion. If he do forsake her, let him be excommunicate. And if he so continue, let him be disgraded. Saint Augustine also, a man of discrete holiness, saith in these words: There is no offence so great or grievous, but it is to avoid a greater evil.  
Furthermore, we read in the second book of the Tripartite history: That when the Council of Nice, going about to establish the same decree, would enact that Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, after their consecration, either should abstain utterly from their own wives, or else should be deposed. Then Paphnutius (one of those holy Martyrs, whom the Emperor Maximus had put out the right eye, & hockt their left legs) rising up amongst the, withstood their purposed decreement: confessing Marriage to be honourable, and calling the bed of matrimony to be chastity, and so persuaded the Council from making that law, declaring thereby what occasion might come to themselves & their wives of fornication. And thus much did Paphnutius (being unmarried himself) declare unto them. And the whole Council commending his sentence, gave place thereto, & left the matter freely without compulsion, to the will of every man, to do therein as he thought.  
Notwithstanding there be some, which take S. Gregory for their defence in this matter, whose temerity I laugh at, & ignorance I lament, for they know not, being ignorantly deceived, how dangerously the decree of this heresy was (being made of S. Gregory) who afterward well revoked the same, with condign fruit of repentance.  
For upon a certain day as he sent unto his fishpond to have fish, 
More than 6000 heads of infants found in the Pope's more through the wicked decree of the single life of priests. Let Priests note well the saying of Gregory.  and did see more than six thousand infants heads brought unto him, which were taken out of the same pond or mote: did greatly repent in himself the decree made before, touching the single life of Priests, which he confessed to be the cause of that so lamentable a murder. And so purging the same with condign fruit of repentance, altered again the things which he had decreed before, commending that counsel of the Apostle, which saith: It is better to marry then to turn. Adding moreover of himself thereunto, and saying: It is better to marry, then to give occasion of death.  
Peradventure if these men had read with me this, which so happened: I think they would not be so rash in their doing and judging, fearing at least the lords commandment: Do not judge, that ye be not judged. And S Paul saith: Who art thou that judgest an other man's servant? Either he standeth or falleth to his own master, but he shall stand, for the Lord is mighty and able to make him stand. Therefore let your holiness cease to compel and enforce those, whom only ye ought to admonish: lest through your own private commandment (which God forbidden) you be found contrary, as well to the old Testament, as to the new. For as S. Augustine saith to Donatus: this is only that we do fear in your justice, lest (not for the consideration of christian lenity, 
August ad Donatum.  but for the grievousness and greatness of transgressions committed) you be thought to use violence in executing punishment of that which only we do desire you (by Christ) not to do. For transgressions are so to be punished, that the life of the transgressors may repent. Also an other saying of Augustine we would you to remember, 
Note well the saying of Austen.  which is this: Nil nocends fiat cupiditate, omnia consulendi charitate, & nihil fiat imman●ter, nihil inhumaniter. That is: Let nothing be done through the greediness of hurting, but all things through the charity of profiting: Neither let any thing be done cruelly, nothing ungently. Item of the same Augustine it is written. In the fear and name of Christ I exhort you, which of you soever have not the goods of this world be not greedy to have them. 
August.  Such as have them, presume not to much upon them. For I say, to have them is no damnation, but if ye presume upon them, that is damnation, if for the having of them ye shall seem great in your own fight, or if ye do forget the common condition of man through the excellency of any thing you have. Use therefore therein due discretion, tempered with moderation, the which cup of discretion is drawn out of that fountain of the apostolic preaching which saith: Art thou lose from thy wife? Do not seek for thy wife. Art thou bound to thy wife? Seek not to be loosed from her? Where also it followeth, Such as have wives, let them be as though they had them not, and they that use the world, 
What it is to marry in the Lord.  let them be as not using it.  
Item concerning the widow he saith: Let her marry to whom she will, only in the Lord. To marry in the Lord, is nothing else but to attempt nothing in contracting of matrimony, which the Lord doth forbid, jeremy also saith: Trust not in the words of lies, saying, The temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord. The which saying of jeremy, Jerome expounding, saith thus: this may agree also, & be applied unto such virgins, which brag & vaunt their virginity with an impudent face, pretending chastity, when they have an other thing in their conscience, and know not how the Apostle defineth the virgin, 
What a virgin is by the definition of the Apostle.  that she should be holy in body, and also in spirit. For what availeth the chastity of the body, if the mind inwardly be deflowered? Or if it have not the other virtues, which the prophetical Sermon doth describe? The which virtues, for as much as we see partly to be in you, and because we are not ignorant, that this discretion (although neglected in this part, yet in the other actions of your life to be kept honestly of you) do not despair, but you despair, but you will also soon amend the little lack which is behind. And therefore with as much gravity as we can, we cease not to call upon you, to correct and amend this your negligence. For although according to our common calling, a bishop is greater than a Priest, yet Austen being less than Jerome (notwithstanding the good correction proceeding from the lesser to the greater) was not to be refused or disdained, especially when he which is corrected, is found to strive against the truth to please men. 
August ad Bonifation.  For as S. Austen faith, writing to Boniface: the disputations of all men, be they never so Catholic or approved people: ought not to be had in stead of the Canonical Scriptures. So that we may disprove or refuse (saving the honour & reverence which is due unto them) any thing that is in their writings: if any thing there be found, contrary to truth: and what can be found more contrary to the truth than this? When as the truth himself speaking of continency, not of one only, but of all men together, (the number only excepted of them which have professed continency) saith: He that can take, let him take: the which saying, these men (moved, I cannot tell by what occasion) do turn and say: he that cannot take, let him be accursed. And what can be more foolish amongst men, then when any bishop or Archdeacon, run themselves headlong into all kind of lust, to adultery and incest, and also Sodomitry: yet shame not to say, that the chaste marriage of Priests do stink before them. And as void of all compassion of true righteousness, do not desire or admonish their Clerks, as their fellow servants to abstain, but command them and enforce them as servants, violently to abstain: 
The absurd saying and contrary during of papists.  Unto the which imperious commandment of theirs or counsel (whether you will call it) they add also this foolish and filthy suggestion, saying: that it is more honest, privily to have to do with many women, then apertly in the sight and consciences of many men, to be bound to one wife. The which truly they would not say, if they were either of him, or in him, which saith, woe to you Phariseis which do all things before men. And by the Psalmist: because they please men, they are confounded: for the Lord hath despised them. These be the men, who rather ought to persuade us, that we should shame to sin privily in the sight of him, to when all things be open, them to seem in the sight of men for to be clean. These men therefore, although through their sinful wickedness, deserve no counsel of godliness to be given them: yet we not forgetting our humanity, cease not to give them counsel by the authority of God's word, which seeketh all men's salvation, desiring them by the bowels of charity, & saying with the words of Scripture: Cast out thou hypocrite first the beam out of thine own eye, and then thou shalt see to cast out the mote of the eye of thy brother.  
Moreover, this also we desire them to attend, what the Lord saith of the adulterous woman: which of you that is without sin let him cast the first stone against her. As though he would say, if Moses bid you, I also bid you. But yet I require you that be the competent ministers and executors of the law: Take heed what ye add thereunto, take heed also I pray you, what you are yourselves: for if (as the Scripture saith) thou shalt well consider thyself, thou wilt never defame or detract an other.  
Moreover it is signified to us also, that some there be of them, 
Gregorius.  which (when they ought like good shepherds to give their lives for the lords flock) yet are puffed up, with such pride: that without all reason they presume to rend and tear the Lords flock, with whippings and beatings, whose unreasonable doings Saint Gregory bewailing,, thus saith: Quid fiat de ovibus quando pastores lupi fiunt? That is, what shall become of the sheep when the pastors themselves be Wolves? But who is overcome but he which exerciseth cruelty,? Or who shall judge the persecutor, but he which gave patiently his back to stripes? And this is the fruit which cometh to the Church by such persecutors, also which cometh to the clergy, by such despiteful handling of their bishops or rather Infidels. For why may ye not call them Infidels, 
2. Tim. 3.  of whom Saint Paul thus speaketh and writeth to Tymothie? that in the latter days there shall certain departed from the faith, give heed to spirits of error and doctrine of devils, of them that speak false through hypocrisy, and having their consciences marked with an hot iron, forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats. etc. And this is if it be well marked, the whole handful of the darnel and cockle growing amongst the corn: this is the covent of all madness, that whiles they of the clergy, be compelled to relinquish the company of their own lawful wives: they become afterward fornicators and adulterers with other women, and wicked ministers of other sinful filthiness. These be they which bring into the Church of God this heresy (as blind guides leading the blind) that it might be fulfilled which the Psalm speaketh of: as foreseeing the errors of such men, & accursing them after this manner, let their eyes be blinded that they see not, & bow down always their back. For as much then (O Apostolical Sir) as no man which knoweth you, is ignorant, that if you, through the light of your discretion had understanded and seen, what poisoned pestilence, might have come into the Church through the sentence of this your decree: they would never have consented to the suggestions of certain wicked persons. Wherefore we counsel you by the fidelity of our due subjection, that with all diligence, you would put away so great slander from the Church of God: and through your discreet discipline, you will remove this pharisaical doctrine from the flock of God: so that this only Sunanite of the Lords (using no more adulterous husbands) do not separate the holy people, and the kingly Priesthood from her spouse which is Christ▪ through an unrecoverable divorcement: seeing that no man without Chastity (not only in the virgins state, 
invenitur be Epistola in vetustis mēbranaceis libris (testanet Illyrico in Catologo) Memivit eiusdem Epistola deutas Silvius, in sua peregrinatione, & Germania descriptione.  but also in the state of matrimony) shall see our Lord, who with the father and the holy ghost, liveth and reigneth for ever, Amen.   
¶ By this Epistle of Bishop Huldericke, above prefixed, the matter is plain (gentle Reader) to conceive, what was then the sentence of learned men, concerning the marriage of ministers, but that here by the way, the Reader is to be admoninished. that this Epistle which by error of the writer is referred to pope Nicholas the first, in my mind is rather to be attributed to the name and tune of Nicolas the 2. or 3.  
After this pope, Nicolas succeeded Hadrianus. 2. joannes ix. Martinus. ij. After these came Hadrian the third and Stephen the v. By this Hadrian it was first decred, that no Emperor after that time should intermeddle or have any thing to do in the election of the Pope. And thus began the Emperor's first to decay, 
Pope Hadrian the second. john. ●. Martin ij. Hadrian. iij. Steven v.  and the Papacy to swell and rise aloft. And thus much concerning Romish matters for this time.  
Then to return where we left, touching the story of King Ethelwolfe. About the latter end of his reign, the Danes which before had invaded the Realm, in the time of king Egbert, as is above declared: now made there re-enter again, with 33. ships arriving about hamshire: through the barbarous tyranny of whom, much bloodshed and murder happened here among englishmen, in Dorcet shire, about Pourtchmouth in Kent, in Eastangle, in Lindesey, at Rochester, about London, and in Wests●xe▪ where Ethelwolfe the king was overcome, besides divers other under kings and dukes, whom the Danes daily approaching, in great multitudes in divers victories had put to flight. At length king Ethelwolfe, with his son Ethelbaldus, warring against them in Southrey, at Oclea, drove them to the sea, where they hovering a space, after a while braced in again with horrible rage and cruelty, as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared, so much as to our purpose shall serve, professing in this history, to write not of matters extern and politic, but only pertaining to the Church. The cause of this great affliction sent of God unto this realm thus I found expressed and collectlected in a certain old written story, 
Ex vetusto exemplo historia, Catian●. W.C. ●.  which hath no name: the words of which writer, for the same cause as he thought to recite them, writing as he saith (ad cautelam, futurorum) I thought also for the same here not to be omitted, albeit in all parts of his commendation I do not fully with him accord. The words of the writer be these.  
In Anglorum quidem Ecclesia primitiva, 
The cause of God's wrath, whereby the Realm of England was scourged by the Danes.  religio clarissime, respenduit: ita ut Reges & Reginae et Principes ac Duces, consuls, & Barones etc.  

In English thus.  
In the primitive Church saith he of the Englishmen, Religion did most clearly shine, in so much that king's Queens, Princes and Dukes, Consuls, Barons, and Rulers of Churches, incensed with the desire of the kingdom of heaven, labouring and striving among themselves to enter into Monkery, into voluntary exile and solitary life, forsook all and followed the Lord. Where in process of time, all virtue so much decayed among them, that in fraud and treachery none seemed like unto them: Neither was to them any thing odious or hateful but piety and justice Neither any thing in price or honour, but civil war and shedding of innocent blood. Wherefore almighty God sent upon them pagan and cruel nations, like swarms of Bees, which neither spared women, nor children, as Danes, Norwagians, Goths, suevians, Vandals, and Fresians. Who from the beginning of the reign of king Ethelwolfe till the coming of the normans, by the space near of 230. years, destroyed their sinful land from the one side of the sea, to the other, from man also to beast. For why? they invading England oft times, of every side, went not about to subdue and possess it, but only to spoil and destroy it. And if it had chanced them at any time to be overcome of Englishmen, it availed nothing, when as other navies still with greater power in other places were ready upon a sudden and unawares to approach upon them, etc. Historia Cariana.   
Thus far have ye the words of mine author, declaring the cause, which provoked God's anger, whereunto may be adjoined the wickedness, not only of them but of their forefathers also before them, who falsely breaking the faith and promise made with the Britanes, did crueliye murder their nobles, wickedly oppressed their commons, impiously persecuted the innocent Christians, miliciously possessed their land and habitation: chase the inhabitants out of house and country, besides the violent murder of the Monks of Bangor, and divers soul slaughters against the poor Britons, who sent for them to be their helpers. Wherefore, Gods just recompense falling upon them from that time, never suffered them to be quiet from foreign enemies, till the coming of William the Normande etc.  
Moreover, 
another cause rendered, why England was scourged of the Danes.  concerning the outward occasions given of the Englishmens parts, moving the Danes first to invade the Realm, I find in certain stories two most especially assigned. The one ●●iustly give, & justly taken. The other not given justly, and 〈◊〉 taken. Of the which two, the first was given in Northumberland, by means of Osbryght, 
The first entering of the Dane. Ex historia jornalensi.  reigning under king of Westsaxons, in the North parts. This Osbright upon a time journeying by the way, turned into the house of one of his nobles called Bruer. Who having at home a wife of great beauty (he being absent abroad) the king after his dinner (alured with the excellency of her beauty) took her to a secret chamber, 
Example, what mischief cometh by adultery.  where he forcibly contrary to her will did ravish her, whereupon she being greatly dismayed, and vexed in her mind, made her move to her husband returning, of this violence and injury received. Bruer consulting with his friends, first went to the king, resigning to his hands, all such service and possessions which he did hold of him: that done took shipping and sailed into Denmark, where he had great friends: and had his bringing up before. There making his moan to Codrinus the king, 
Codrinus king of Denmark.  desired his aid in revenging of the great villainy of Osbryght against him and his wife. Codrinus hearing this, and glad to have some just quarrel to enter that land: levied an army with all speed: & preparing all things necessary for the same, sendeth forth Inguar and Hubba two brethren, 
Inguar and Hubba captains of the Danes.  his chief Captains, with an innumerable multitude of Danes into England. who first arriving at holderness, there brent up the country, & killed without mercy both men, women, and children, whom they could lay hands upon. Then marching toward York, entered their battle, with the foresaid Osbryght, where he with the most part of his army was slain. And so the Danes entered the possession of the City of York. Some other say, and is by the most part of story writers recorded, that the chief cause of the coming of Inguar & Hubba with the Danes, 
another cause of the coming of the Danes.  was to revenge king Edmund reigning under the Westsaxons over the Eastangles in Nothfolke and Southfolk: for the murdering of a certain Dane being father to Inguar and Hubba which was falsely imputed to king Edmund. The story is thus told.  

Lothbroke father to Inguar, and Hubba.  A certain noble man of the Danes of the king's stock called Lothebrocus father to Inguar and Hubba entering upon a time with his hawk into a certain schaffe or cockebote alone: by chance through tempest was driven with his hawk to the coast of Nothfolke named Rodhan, where he being found and detained was presented unto the king. The king understanding his parentage, & seeing his case: entertained him in his court accordingly. And every day more and more perceived his activities, and great dexterity in hunting & hawking, bare special favour unto him. In so much that the kings falconer, 
What miserable envy worketh.  or master of game, bearing privy envy against him, secretly as they were hunting together in a wood, did murder him, & threw him in a bush. This Lothebroke, being murdered, within two or three days began to be miss in the kings house: of whom no tidings could be heard, but only by a dog or spaniel of his, 
Murder will out.  which continuing in the wood with the corpse of his master, at sundry times came and fauned upon the king: so long that at length they following the trase of the hound were brought to the place where Lothebroke lay. Whereupon inquisition made, at length by certain circumstances of words and other evidences, it was known how & by whom he was murdered, that was by the king's huntsman name● Berike. Who thereupon being convicted, was set into the same boat of Lothebroke, alone and without any takeling to drive by seas, either to be saved by the weather or to be drowned in the deep. And as it chanced Lothebroke from Dennemarke to be drived to Norfolk, so it happened that from Norfolk he was carried into Denmark. Where the boat of Lothebroke being well known, hands were laid upon him, & inquisition made of the party. In sine in his torments, to save himself, he uttered an untruth of king Egmund, saying, that the king had put him to death in the country of Norfolk. Whereupon grudge first was conceived, them an army appointed, & great multitude sent into England, to revenge that fact: where first they arriving in Northumberland, destroyed (as is said) those parties first. From thence sailing into Norfolk they exercised the like tyranny there, upon the inhabitants thereof, especially upon the innocent prince, & blessed matter of God, king Edmund. Concerning the farther declaration whereof, hereafter shall follow (Christ our Lord, so permitting) more to be spoken, as place and observation of time and years, shall require.  

K. Ethelwulphe deceaseth.  In the mean season, king Ethelwulphe, in this chapter here presently touched, when he had chased the foresaid Daues (as is above rehearsed from place to place, causing them to take the Sea, he in the mean while departeth himself both from land and life: leaving behind him four sons, which reigned every one in his order, after the disease of their father. The names of whom were Ethelbaldus, Ethelbrightus, Ethelredus, and Aluredus.   

¶ King Ethelbalde.  
KIng Ethelbald the eldest son of Ethelwulfe, succeeding his father in the province of Westsaxe: and Ethelbright in the province of Kent: reigned both together, the term of v. years, 
An. 857.  one with the other. Of the which two, Ethelbald, the first le●t this infamy, behind him in stories, for marrying and lying with his stepmother, 
King Ethelbald. K. Ethelbright.  wife to his own father named judith. After these two succeeded Ethelred, the third son, who is his time was so encumbered with the Danes, bursting in on every side: especially about York, (which City they then spoiled and brent up) that he in one year stood in ix. battles against them, 
An. 867.  with the help of Alured his brother. In the beginning of this kings reign, the Danes landed in East England, or Norfolk & Southfolke. But (as Fabian writeth) they were compelled to forsake that country, 
King Ethe●dred. York burned by the Danes.  and so took again shipping, and sailed Northward, and landed in Northumberland: where they were met of the Kings then there reigning, called Osbright, and Ella, which gave to them a strong light. But notwithstanding the Danes, with help of such as inhabited the country, wan the City of York, and held it a certain season as is above foretouched.  
In the reign of this Ethelred, the Northumberlanders rebelling against the king, 
What discord doth in a commonwealth.  thought to recover again the former state of their kingdom out of the Westsaxons hand, by reason of which discord (as happeneth in all lands where dissension is) the strength of the English nation was thereby not a little weakened, 
An. 870.  and the Danes the more thereby prevailed.  
About the latter time of the reign of this Etheldred▪ which was about the year of our Lord. 870. certain of the foresaid Danes being thus possessed of the north country: after their cruel persecution and murder done there, (as partly is touched before) took shipping from thence, intending to sail toward the Eastangles, who by the way upon the sea, met with a flot of Danes: whereof the Captains or leaders were named Inguar & Hubba. Who joining altogether in one counsel, made all one course, & lastly landed in East England, or Norfolk, & in process of time came to Thetior●. Thereof hearing Edmund, then under king of that province: assembled an host, that gave to them battle. But Edmund and his company was forced to forsake the field, & the king with a few persons fled unto the castle of Framingham, 
S. Edmund king of Eastangles  whom the Danes pursued. But he in short while after, yielded himself to the persecution of the Danes: answering in this manner to the messenger, that told him in the name of Inguar Prince of the Danes: 
The message of the Danes to K. Edmund.  which most victoriously (saith he) was come with innumerable legions, subduing both by sea and land many nations unto him: & so now arrived in those parts, requireth him likewise to submit himself, yielding to him his hid treasures, and such other goods of his ancestors, and so to reign under him, which thing if he would not do, he should (said he) be judged unworthy both of life & reign. Edmund hearing this proud message of the pagan, consulted with certain of his fryends: and amongst other, with one of his bishops being then his Secretary, who seeing the present danger of the king: gave him counsel to yield to the conditions. Upon this the king pausing a little with himself, at length rendered this answer: Bidding the messenger go to tell his Lord in these words. 
The answer of K. Edmund.  That Edmund a christian king, for the love of temporal life, will not submit himself to pagan Duke, unless he before would be a Christian Incontinent upon the same, the wicked & crafty Dane approaching in most hasty speed upon the King, encountered with him in battle (as some say) at Thetford: where the king being put to the worse, & pittieng the terrible slaunghter of his men: thinking with himself rather to submit his own person to danger, than his people should be slain did fly (as Fabian saith) to the Castle of Framingham: 
The persecution and death of S. Edmund king of the Eastangles.  or (as my author writeth to Halesdom, now called S. Edmundesbury, where this blessed man, being on every side compassed of his cruel enemies, yielded himself to their persecution. And for that he would not reny or deny Christ and his laws, they therefore most cruelly bound him unto a tree, & caused him to be shot to death: and lastly caused his head to be smitten from his body, 
K. Edmund Martyr.  & cast into the thick bushes. Which head and body at the same time was by his friends taken up, and solemnly buried at the said Halesdon, otherwise now named S. Edmund's bury. Whose brother named Edwoldus (notwithstanding of right, the kingdom fell next unto him) setting a part the liking & pleasure of the world, became an Hermit at the Abbey of Cerum, in the Country of Dorset.  
After the martyrdom of this blessed Edmund, 
reading taken of the Danes.  when the cruel Danes had sufficiently rob and spoiled that country: they took again their ships, and landed in Southrey, & continued their journey till they came to the town of Reading, 
Inguar and Hubba slain.  & there won the town with the castle where (as Cambrensis saith) within three days of their thither coming, the foresaid Inguar and Hubba Captains of the Danes, as they went in purchasing of their prays or booties: were slain at a place called Englefelde. Which Princes of the Danes thus slain, the rest of them kept whole together, in such wise that the Westsaxons might take of them none advantage. But yet within few days after the Danes were holden so short, that they were forced to issue out of the castle, & to defend them in plain battle. In the which (by the industry of king Ethelred and of Alured his brother) the Danes were discomfited, & many of them slain: which discomfort made them fly again into the castle, and there kept them for a certain time. The King then committing the charge of them to Ethelwolde Duke of Baroke or Berkshire, 
Duke Ethelwold slain.  so departed. But when the Danes knew of the king's departure, they broke suddenly out of their hold, and took the Duke unprovided, & slew him, and much of his people. And so adjoining themselves with other that were scattered in the country, enbattelled them in such wise, that of them was gathered a strong host.  
As the tidings hereof was brought to king Etheldred, (which put him in great heaviness) word also was brought the same time of the landing of Osrike, 
Osrike king of Denmark landeth in England.  king of Denmark: who with assistance of the other Danes had gathered a great host, and were enbattelled upon Ashdowne. To this battle king Ethelred with his brother Alured (forced by great need) sped themselves to withstand the Danes. At which time, the king a little staying behind being yet at his service, 

Ex Guliel. Malmesboriensi.  
Ex historia lornalensi. Ex Fabiano & alijs.  
Invocation and prayer, profitable in time of battle.   Alured which was comen before, had entered already into the whole fight with the Danes: who strake together with huge violence. The king being required to make speed (he being then at service, and meditations) such was his devotion: that he would not stir out one foot, before the service was fully complete. In this mean while, the Danes so fiercely invaded Alured and his men, that they wan the hill: and the Christian men were in the valley, and in great danger to lose the whole field. Nevertheless through the grace of God, and their godly manhood, the king coming from his service, with his fresh soldiers recovered the hill of the infidels: and so discomfited the Danes that day, 
The Danes overthrown at Ashdon.  that in fleeing away not only they lost the victory, but most part also of them their lives. In so much that their Duke or king Osride or Osege, and five of their Dukes, with much of their people were slain, and the rest chased unto Reding town.  
After this, the Danes yet resembled their people, and gathered a new host, so that within xv. days, they meet at Basingstoke, 
Another battle fought with the Danes. Another battle fought with Danes at Merton.  and there gave battle unto the king, & had the better. Then the king again gathered his men, which at that field were disparkled, and with fresh soldiers to them accompanied, meet the Danes within two months after at the town of Merton, where he gave to them a sharp battle: so that much people were slain as well of the Christian, as of the Danes, but in the end, the Danes had the honour of the field, and king Ethelred there was wounded, and therefore feign to save himself.  
After these ij. fields thus won by the Danes, they obtained great circuit of ground, and destroyed man & child, that would not yield to them. And Churches and temples they turned to the use of stables, & other vile occupations.  
Thus the king beset with enemies on every side, seeing the land so miserably oppressed of the Danes: his knights and soldiers consumed: his own land of Westsaxons in such desolation: he being also wounded himself: But especially for that he sending his commissions into Northumberland, into Mercia, and Eastanglia, could have of them but small or little comfort (because they through wicked rebellion, were more willing to take the part of the Danes, then of their king) was sore perplexed therewithal, 
What discord and rebellion doth in a realm.  as the other Kings were both before him and after him, at that time. So that, as Malmesbury witnesseth, magis optarent honestum exitium, quàm tam acerbum imperium. That is, They rather wished honestly to die, then with such trouble and sorrow to reign. And thus this King not long after deceased, when he had reigned, as Fabian saith viij. years, as Malmesbury writeth, 
The death of Etheldred.  but v. years. During which time of his reign, notwithstanding his so great troubles and vexations in martial affairs, (as is in some stories mentioned) he founded the house or college of Canons at Exeter, and was buried at the Abbey of Winborn or Woborn. 
The Abbey of Exeter founded.  After whose decease, for lack of issue of his body, the rule of the land fell unto his brother Alured.   

* King Alured otherwise called alfred.  

An. 872.  AMong the Saxon kings hitherto in this history afore mentioned: I find few or none to be preferred (or almost to be compared) to this Alured, 
Alured K. of England.  or alfred for the great and singular qualities in this king worthy of high renown and commendation. Whether we behold in him the valiant acts, and manifold travails which he continually from time to time sustained against his enemies in wars, during almost all the time of his reign, for the public preservation of his people: Or whether we consider in him, his godly and excellent virtues, joined with a public and tender care, and zealous study; for the common peace and tranquillity of the weal public: appearing as well in his prudent laws by him both carefully set forth, and with the like care executed, as also by his own private exercises touching the virtuous institution of his life. Or whether we respect that in him, which with equal praise matcheth with both the other before: That is, his notable knowledge of good letters, with a fervent love and Princely desire, to set forth the same through all his Realm (before his time being both rude and barbarous) All which his heroical properties, joined together in one Prince, as it is a thing most rare, and seldom seen in Princes now a days: so I thought the same the more to be noted and examplefide in this good king. Thereby either to move other rulers and Princes in these our days, to his imitation: or else to show them what hath been in times past, in their anceters, which ought to be, and yet is not found in them. Wherefore of these three parts to discourse either part in order, first we will enter to entreat of his acts and painful travails sustained, in defence of the Realm public: against the raging tyranny of the Danes, as they be described in the Latin histories of Rog. Hoveden, and Huntingdon: 
Ex Rog. Hovedeno. H. Hunting. Polychronicon. Fabiano.  whom Fabian also seemeth in this part somewhat to follow. King Alfred therefore, first of all the English kings, taking his crown and unction at Rome of Pope Leo (as Malmesberiensis and Polycronicon do record) in the beginning of his reign, perceiving his Lords & people much wasted and decayed, by the reason of the great wars of Ethelred, had against the Danes: yet as well as he could, gathered a strength of men unto him, and in the second month that he was made King, he met with the Danes beside Wylton, where he gave to them battle. But being far overmatched, through the multitude of the contrary part, was put there to the worse: although not without a great slaughter of the pagan army. Which army then of the Danes, after that victory, by compaction made with King alfred, to departed out of his dominion of Westsaxe: removed from Reading to London, where they abode all that winter. 
Burhered being expulsed his kingdom went to Rome and there died in the English house.  Where Halden their king, taking truce with Burhered, King of Mercians, the next year following voided those parts, and drew to lindsay: in robbing and spoiling the towns and villages as they went, and holding the common people under their servage. From thence after to Repyngdon: where they joining with the three other Kings of the Danes (called Surdrim, Osketel, and Hamond) grew thereby in mighty force and strength. Who then dividing their army in two parts, the one half remained with Halden in the country of Northumberland: the residue were with the other three kings, wintering and sojourning all the next year at Grantbrige, which was the fourth year of King Alfred. In the which year King Alfred his men had a conflict on the Sea, with six of the Danes ships, of which one they took, the other fled away. 
Rollo a Dane first Duke of Normandy.  In this year went Rollo the Dane into Normandy, where he was Duke thirty year, and afterward was baptized in the faith of Christ, and named Robert The foresaid army of the three Dane Kings above mentioned from Grantebryge, returned again to Westsaxonie, and entered the Castle of warrham: where King Alfrede with a sufficient power of men, was ready to assault them. But the Danes seeing his strength durst not attempt with him, but sought delays, while more aid might come. In the mean season they were constrained to entreat for truce: leaving also sufficient pledges in the kings hand, promising moreover upon their oath, to void the country of the westsaxons. The king upon the surety let them go. But they falsely breaking their league, privily in the night broke out, taking their journey toward Exeter. In which journey, they lost vi. score of their small ships, by a tempest at Sandwich (as Henry Huntingdon in his story recordeth.) Then king alfred followed after the horsemen of the Danes, but could not overtake them, before they came to Exeter, where he took of them pledges and fair promises of peace, and so returned. Notwithstanding the number of the Pagans did daily more and more increase, in so much (as one of my authors saith) that if in one day 30. thousand of them were slain, shortly after they increased double as many again. After this truce taken with King alfred, the Danes then voided to the land of Mercia, whereof part of that kingdom they kept themselves, part they committed to one Ceolulphus: upon condition that he should be vassal to them, and at their commandment, with his people at all times.  

Anno. 879.  The next year ensuing, which was the seven. year of the reign of Alfred, the Danes; who now having all the rule of the Northpart of England, from the river of Tames, with Mercia, London, and Essex: disdained that alfred should bear any dominion on the other side of Tames southward. Whereupon the foresaid three kings with all the force and strength they could make, marched toward Chippenham in Westsexe, 
King alfred flieth into a desert wood.  with such a multitude, that the king with his people was not able to resist them. In so much that the people which inhabited there, some fled over the sea, some remained with the king, divers submitted themselves to the Danes. Thus King alfred being overset with multitude of enemies, and forsaken of his people, having neither land to hold, nor hope to recover that which he had lost: 
Etheling which is to say the isle of Nobles.  withdrew himself with a few of his nobles about him, into a certain wood country in Somersetshire, called Etheling: where he had right scant to live with, but such as he and his people might purchase by hunting and fishing. This Edeling or Ethelying or Ethelyngsey, standeth in a great Maresse or Moor, so that there is no access unto it, without ship or boat: and hath in it a great wood called Selewood, and in the middle a little plain, about of two acres of ground. In which Isle is venison. and other wild beasts, with soul and fishes, great plenty. In this wood, King Alured at his first coming, espied a certain desert cottage of a poor Swynarde, keeping swine in the wood, named Dunwolphus: of whom the King then unknown was entertained and cherished, with such poor fare as he and his wife could make him. 
A swineherd made Bishop of Winchester.  For the which, King alfred afterward, set the poor Swinarde to learning, and made him Bishop of Winchester.  
In the mean season, while King alfred accompanied with a few, was thus in the desert wood, waiting the event of these miseries: certain stories record of a poor beggar, which there came and asked his alms of the King. And the night following he appeared to the King in his sleep: saying his name was Cuthbert, promising (as sent from God, unto him for his good charity) great victories against the Danes. But to let these dreaming fables pass, although they be testified by divers authors, both Wilielmus Lib. de Reg. Polychronicon, Rog. Hoveden, jornalensis, and other more. notwithstanding the king in process of time, was strengthened and comforted more, 
Henr. Hunting. lib. 5. de. Histor. Angl.  through the providence of God: respecting the miserable ruin of the Englishmen. First the brother of King Haldene the Dane before mentioned, coming in with twenty-three. ships, landed about Devonshire: where by chance being resisted by a ambushment of king Alfredes men (who for their safeguard there lay in garrison) were slain to the number of 1300. men, 
Inguar and Hubby slain.  and their ensign called the Ranen was taken. Hovedenus in his book of Continuationis writeth, that in the same conflict both Inguar and Hubba were slain among the other Danes. After this, King alfred being better cheered, showed himself more at large: so that daily resorted to him, men of Wiltshyre, somersetshire, and hamshire, till that he was strongly accompanied.  

A bold adventure or attempt of king alfred, venturing himself into the tents of the Danes.  Then the King put himself in a bold and dangerous venture (as writeth Wilelmus Lib. de Reg. Polychron. and Fabian which followeth them both) for he appareling him in the habit of a Minstrel (as he was very skilful in all Saxon Poems) with his instrument of Music, entered in the tents of the Danes, lying then at Eddendime: and in showing there his interlude and songs, espied all their sloth and idleness, 
Ex Fabiano.  and heard much of their counsel. And after returning to his company, declared unto them the whole manner of the Danes. Shortly upon the same, the King suddenly in the night fell upon the foresaid Danes, & distressed and slew of them a great multitude, chased them from that coast. In so much that through his strong & valiant assaults upon his enemies, out of his tower of Edeling newly fortified: he so encombered them, that he clearly voided the country of them, between that and Selwoodes. His subjects eftsoons, hearing of these his valiant victories, and manful deeds, drew to him daily out of all coasts. Who through the help of God, and their assistamnce, held the Danes so short, that he wan from them Winchester, & divers other good towns. Briefly, at length he forced them to seek for peace: 
Gutrum the Prince of the Danes was Christened.  the which was concluded upon certain covenants. Whereof one and the principal was, that the forenamed Gutrum their King should be Christened. The other was, that such as would not be Christened, should departed and void the country.  

King Gutrum named Athelstane.  Upon these covenants, first the said Gutrum the Danish Prince coming to Winchester, there was Christened with xx. of his greatest Dukes or Nobles. To the which Gutrum King Alured being his Godfather at his Baptism, named him Athelstane. Who after a certain season that he had feasted the said Danes: he according to his promise before made, gave unto their King the country of Eastanglia, containing Norfolk & Suffolk, and part of Cambridshire. Moreover (as saith Polychron.) he granted to the Danes that were Christened, the Country of Northumberland. So the residue that would not be Christened, departed the land, and sailed into France▪ where, what vexation and harm they wrought, the Chronicles of France do partly comprehend.  
King Athelstane thus having the possession of these countries, 
Norfo●●● Suffolk given▪ to king Gutrum.  had all Eastangles under his obedience. And albeit that he held the said province as in fee of the king, & promised to dwell there as his liege man: yet that notwithstanding, he continued more like a tyrant, by the term of xj. year and died in the xij. year. During the which space, King alfred having some more rest and peace, repaired certain towns and strong holds afore by the Danes impaired. Also he builded divers houses of religion, 

The Nun●● of Shaftesbury builded.  
The Monastery of Etheling. The new minster at Winchester besieged 〈◊〉 the Danes.   as the house of Nuns at Shaftesbury. another religious house at Etheling he founded. Item an other in Winchester, named the new monastery. Item, he endued richly the Church of S. Cuthbert in Dyrham. He sent also to India, to pay and perform his vows to S. Thomas of Ind, which he made during the time of his distress against the Danes.  
About the xv. year of the reign of Alfred, the Danes returning from France to England, landed in Kent, and so came to Rochester, and besieged that City: and there lay so long, that they builded a Tower of timber against the gates of the City. But by strength of the Citizens, that tower was destroyed, and the City defended t● King alfred came and received them. Whereby the Danes were so distressed, and so near trapped: that for fear, they left their horses behind them, and fled to their ships by night. But the King, when he was thereof aware: sent after them and took xuj. of their ships, & slew many of the said Danes. This done, the King returned to London, & repaired the same honourably (as saith Hovedenus) & made it habitable, which before was sore decayed and feebled by the Danes.  
The third year after this, 
An. 892.  which was the nineteen. year of the reign of king Alfred: the foresaid Athelstane the Danish king of Norfolk (which by Alfred was Christened before) deceased. Not long after this, about the xxj. year of this kings reign, the Danes again landed in four places of this land: which was, in Eastinglande: in the North: and in the West, in two places. Before the landing of these Danes, it chanced king Elfred, hearing of the death of King Athelstane, and of other complaints of the Danes, was then in Eastengland, when these tidings c●me to him.  
When King alfred was hereof ascertained: forsomuch as some of the Danes were landed in that coast, thinking with themselves the further they went in those parties, the less resistance to have, 
The Danes driven from Norfolk.  and the more speed, as they were wont to have before: Alfride therefore sending messengers in all haste to Etheldred Duke of Mercia, to assemble to him an host, to withstand the Danes which landed in the West, made forth toward his enemies there, where he was in Eastanglia, whom he pursued so sharply, that he drove them out from those parties. They then landed in kent, whether the king with his people sped him, and in like manner drove the Danes from thence, without any great fight, 
The Danes return again to Norfolke●  so far as in our authors we can see. After this, again the Danes took shipping, and sailed into North-wales, and there rob and spoiled the britons, & from thence returned by the sea into Eastanglia, with an hundredth ships, and there rested them, for so much the king than was gone Westward.  
The fourth host of the Danes, the same year came to Chester, which at length they won, but then, the country adjoining pressed so sore upon them, and besieged them so long, 
The Danes driven out of Chester.  keeping themselves within the City, that at the last the Danes wearied with the long siege, were compelled to eat their own horses for hunger. But by appointment, at last they gave over the town, and went about by North-wales to Northumberland, which was about the twenty-three. year of king alfred: Which alfred in the mean while with his host, sped him thetherward. Then the Danes, leaving their strong holds and Castles garnished with men and victual: took again shipping, and set their course in such wise that they landed in Sussex, & so came to the port of jews: and from thence toward London, and builded a Tower or Castle near unto the river of Ley, 
The Danes driven from jews.  xx. mile from London. But the Londoners hearing thereof, manned out a certain number of men of arms, who with the assistance of them of that country, put the Danes from that tower: and after beat it down to the ground. Soon after the king came down thither. And to prevent the dangers that might ensue, 
The river of Luye divided in three.  commanded the river of Luye to be divided in three streams: so that where a ship might sail in times before, than a little boat might scantly row. From thence the Danes, leaving their ships & wives, were forced to fly that country, and took their way again toward Wales, and came to Quadruge near to the River of Severne. Where, upon the borders thereof, they builded then a castle, there resting themselves for a time: whom the King eftsoons with his army pursued. In the mean time, the Londoners at Luye taking the Danes ships: some of them they brought to London, the rest they fired. During all these three years, from the first coming of the Danes to Luye, England was afflicted with three manner of sorrows: with the Danes, 
3. plagues in England.  with pestilence of men, and morreine of beasts. The which troubles notwithstanding, yet the King manfully resisted the malice of his enemies, and thanked God always, what trouble soever fell to him, or unto his Realm, and sustained it with great patience & humility. These three years overpast, 
An. 897.  the next year following, which was the xxviij. of the reign of alfred: the Danes divided their host: of whom part went to Northumberland, some to Norfolk, part sailed over to France, some other came to Westsaxe. 
The Danes ships taken.  Where they had divers conflicts with the Englishmen, both by land and especially upon the Sea: of whom some were slain: many by shipwreck perished, divers were taken and hanged, and thirty. of their ships were taken.  

An. 899.  Not long after this, king Alfred, when he had reigned xxix. years, and vj. months, changed this mortal life. And thus much (and more peradventure, then will seem to this our Ecclesiastical story appertaining) touching the painful labours and travails of this good king: which he no less valiantly achieved, then patiently sustained, for the necessary defence of his Realm and subjects.  

The virtues and godly life of king alfred described.  Now if there be any Prince, who listeth to see and follow the virtuous and godly disposition of this king: both touching the institution of his own life, & also concerning his careful government of the common weal: thus the histories of him do record. That at what time he being young, perceived himself somewhat disposed to the vice of the flesh, & thereby letted from many virtuous purposes: did not as many young Princes, 
The inclination of nature corrected in K. alfred.  and kings sons in the world be now wont to do: that is to resolve themselves into all kind of carnal licence, and dissolute sensuality, running and following without bridle, whether soever their licence given doth lead them (as therefore not without cause the common proverb reporteth of them) that King's sons learn nothing well else, but only to ride. Meaning thereby, that Princes and Kings sons having about them flatterers, which bolster them in their faults: only their horses give to them no more, then to any other: but if they sit not fast, they will cast them. But this young king seeing in himself the inclination of his fleshly nature, minding not to give himself so much as he might take, 
The godly petition of king alfred.  but rather by resistance to avoid the tentation thereof: besought God that he would send to him some continual sickness, in quenching of that vice, whereby he might be more profitable to the public business of the common wealth, and more apt to serve God in his calling. Cestrens. Lib. 5. cap. 1. Fab. cap. 17.  
Then at God's ordinance, he had the evil called Ficus, till he came to the age of xx. years, 
Modwenna.  whereof at length he was cured (as is said in some stories) by the virgin called Modwen, an Irishwoman. After this sickness being taken away, to him fell an other: which continued with him from the xx. years of his age, to xlv (according to his own petition & request made unto God) whereby, he was the more reclaimed & attempered from other more great inconveniences, and less disposed to that which he did most abhor.  
Moreover to behold the bountiful goodness joined with like prudence in this man: 
King Alured how he divided his goods in two parts.  in the ordering & disposing his riches and rents, it is not unworthy to be recited. How he divided his goods in two equal parts: the one appertaining to uses secular, the other to uses spiritual or Ecclesiastical. Of the which two principal parts, the first he divided into three portions: the first to the behoof of his house and family, 
Polycron. Lib. 5. ca 1. Guliel. lib. de regibus.  the second upon his workmen and builders of his new works, whereof he had great delight & cunning: the third upon strangers. Likewise the other second half, upon spiritual uses, he did thus divide in four portions: One to the relieving of the poor: An other to monasteries: The iij. portion to the schools of Oxford, 
The liberal hart of king alfred.  for the maintaining of good letters: The iiij. he sent to foreign Churches, without the Realm. This also is left in stories written to his commendation, for his great tolerance and sufferance: that when he had builded the new Monastery at Winchester, and afterward his son Edward had purchased of the Bishop and the Chapter a sufficient piece of ground for certain offices to be adjoined unto the same, & had given for every foot of ground, mancam auri pleni ponderis (which was as I think a mark of gold) or more: yet alfred therewithal was not greatly discontented to see his coffers so wasted.  
Over and besides, 
How well and godly this king spent his time▪  how sparing and frugal he was of time (as of a thing in this earth most precious) and how far from all vain pastimes and idleness he was: this doth well declare, which in the story of William de Reg. & other writers is told of him. That he so divided the day and night in three parts, if he were not let by wars, or other great business: that eight hours he spent in study & learning: and other eight hours he spent in prayer and alms deeds: and other eight hours he spent in his natural rest, sustenance of his body, and the needs of the realm. The which order he kept duly by the burning of waxed tapers kept in his closet by certain persons for the same purpose. Guliel.  
How studious he was & careful of the common wealth and maintenance of public tranquility: 
The godly laws of King alfred.  his laws most godly set forth and divised by him may declare. Wherein especially by him was provided, for the extirping and abolishing all theft and thieves out of the Realm. Whereby, the Realm through his vigilant care, 
A notable example of thievery and felony banished this Realm.  was brought into such tranquility or rather perfection, that in every cross or turning way, he made be set up a golden brooch at least of silver gilded, through his dominions: and none so hardy neither by day nor night to take it down: for the more credit whereof, the words of the Latin story be these: Armillas aureas iuberet suspendi, quae viantium aviditatem irritarent, dum non essent, qui eas abriperent. etc. Guliel. Lib. de Regibus Angl. And no great marvel therein, if the Realm in those days was brought in such an order, and that justice than was so well ministered, when the king himself was so vigilant in overseeing the doings of his judges and officers. Whereof thus also we read in the said author testified: judiciorum a suis hominibus factorum, inquisitor, perperam actorum asperrimus corrector. 1. he was (sayeth mine author speaking of the king) a vigilant inquisitor of the doings of his judges, and a strict punisher of their misdoings. 
Ex histori● lornalensi.  jornalensis also writing upon the same, thus saith: Facta ministrorum suorum, & potissimè judicum diligenter investigavit, adeo ut quos ex avaritia aut imperitia errare cognosceret, ab officio removebat, that is, he did diligently search out the doings of his officers, & especially of his judges: so that if he knew any of them to err either through covetousness, or unskilfulness: them he removed from their office.  
And thus much concerning the valiant acts, and noble virtues of this worthy Prince: whereunto although there were no other ornaments adjoining besides: yet sufficient were they alone to set forth a Prince worthy excellent commendation. Now besides these other qualities & gifts of God's grace in him, 
King alfred commended for learning.  above mentioned: remaineth an other part of his no little praise & commendation, which is his learning and knowledge of good letters: whereof he not only was excellently expert himself, but also a worthy maintainer of the same through all his dominions: 
When learning first began to be set up in England.  where before, no use of Grammar or other sciences was practised in this Realm, especially about the Westparts of the land: there through the industry of this king, schools began to be erected, and studies to flourish. Although among the britains in the town of Chester in Southwales long before that, 
Chester a place of learning. The University of Graunchester by Cambridge.  in king Arthur's time, as Galfridus writeth: both Grammar, and Philosophy with other tongues was than taught. After that some writer's record, that in the time of Egbert king of Kent, this Island began to flourish with Philosophy. About which time some also think: that the University of Grauntechester, 
The university of Paris 〈◊〉 began by iiij. Rabanus, Alcuinus, Claudius, joan. Scotus.  near to that which now is called Cambrige, began to be founded, by Bede: following this conjecture therein, for that Alcuinus (before mentioned) which after went to Rome, & from thence to France in the time of Charles the great, where he first began the University of Paris: was first traded up in the exercise of studies, at the same school of Grauntechester. Beda Lib. 111. cap. 18. writing also of Sigebert king of Eastangles, 
Sigebert king of Eastangle● a sceptre of Schools.  declareth how the said Sigebert returning out of France into England (according to the examples which he did there see) ordered and disposed schools of learning, through the means of Felix then Bishop: and placed in them masters and teachers, 
Two ancient schools in England, one for Greek, the other for latin.  after the use and manner of the Cantuarites. And yet before these times, moreover is thought to be two schools or universities within the realm: the one Grek, at the town of Greglade, which afterward was called Kyrklade: The other for Latin, which place was then called Latinelade: afterward Letthelade near to Oxford.  
But howsoever it chanced that the knowledge and study of good letters being once planted in this realm, afterward went to decay: yet King alfred deserveth no little praise, for restoring or rather increasing the same. After whose time they have eversince continued, albeit not continually through every age in like perfection. But this we may see, what it is to have a Prince learned himself, who feeling and tasting the price and value of science & knowledge, is thereby not only the more apt to rule, but also to instruct & frame his subjects, from a rude barbarity, to a more civil congruency of life, & to a better understanding of things: as we see in this famous Prince to happen. Concerning whose first education & bringing up, although it was somewhat late before he entered any letter: yet such was the apt towardness & docility of his nature, that being a child, he had the Saxon Poems (such as were used then in his own tongue) by hart and memory. Who afterward with years and time grew up in such perfection of learning and knowledge, in so much, that as mine author sayeth, Nullus Anglorum fuerit vel intelligendo acutior, vel in interpretando elegantior. The which thing in him the more was to be marveled, for that he was xij. years of age before he knew any letter. Then his mother, careful and tender over him, having by chance a book in her hand, which he would feign have: 
Ex historia Guliel. de Regibus Ang.  promised to give him the same, so that he would learn it. Whereupon he for greediness of the book, eftsoons learned the letters, having to his Schoolmaster Pleimundus, after bishop of Canterbury. And so daily grew more and more in knowledge, that at length, as mine author saith, 
Pleimondus teacher to king Alfred, and after Bishop of Canterbury.  Plurimam partem Romanae bibliothecae, Anglorum auribus dedit, optimam praedam peregrinarum mercium, civium usibus convertens. That is. A great part of the Latin Library he translated into English, converting to the uses of his Citizens, a notable pray of foreign ware & merchandise. etc. Of which books by him and through him translated, was Orosius: Pastorale Gregorij. The history of Bede: Boëtius de consolation Philosophiae. 
Books translated out of latin by K. alfred.  Also a book of his own making and in his own tongue, which in the English speech he called a handbooke, in Greek called it Enchiridion, in Latin a Manuel. Besides the history of Bede translated into the Saxons tongue▪ he also himself compiled a story in the same speech, called the story of alfred etc. which both books in the Saxons tongue I have seen, though the language I do not understand. And as he was learned himself excellently well, so likewise did he inflame all his country men to the love of liberal letters, as the words of the story reporteth, Illos praemijs, hos minis hortando, neminem illiteratum, ad quamlibet curiae dignitatem aspirare permittens. 
None permitted to have any dignity in the court except he were learned. Polycron. lib. 6. cap. 1.  That is. He exhorted and stirred his people to the study of learning, some with gifts, some by threats, suffering no man to aspire to any dignity in the Court, except he were learned. Moreover an other story thus saith, speaking of his nobles: Optimates quoque suos ad literaturam addiscendam in tantum provocavit, ut sibi filios suos, vel saltem si filios non haberent, servos suos, literis commendarent. That is. Also his nobles so much he did allure to the embracing of good letters, that they set all their sons to school: or if they had no sons, yet their servants they caused to be learned. Whereby the common proverb may be found not so common, as true. Such as is the Prince, such be the subjects. He began moreover to translate the Psalter in English, 
The Psalter translated into English by king alfred.  & had almost finished the same, had not death prevented him. Guliel. de Regib Angl. In the Prologue of the book entitled Pastorale Grego. thus he writeth: declaring the cause why he was so earnest and diligent in translating good books from Latin into English, showing the cause thereof, why he so did, as followeth: Quòd Ecclesiae in quibus innumerae priscae bibliothecae continebantur, cum libris a Danis incensae sint: quodque in tota insula studium literarum ita abolitum esset ut quisque minus timeret capitis periculum, quam studiorum exercitia adire. Qua propter se in hoc, Anglis suis consulere etc. That is. The cause was, for that innumerable ancient Libraries which were kept in Churches, 
The cause why the king turned latin books into English.  were consumed with fire by the Danes: And that men had rather suffer peril of their life, than to follow the exercise of studies: And therefore he thought thereby to provide before for the people of the English nation. etc.  
It is told of him both in Polychron Malmesb. Ironalensis, and other stories more, whereof I have no names: that he seeing his country (namely Westward) to be so desolate of schools and learning, partly to profit himself, partly to furnish his country & subjects with better knowledge, first sent for Grimboldus a learned Monk out of France, 
Learned men sent for and placed about the king.  to come into England. Also sent for an other learned man out from the parts of Wales, whose name was Asserion, whom he made Bishop of Shyreborne. Item out of Mercia, he sent for Werefrithus, bishop of Worcetor: to whom he put the Dialogues of Gregoy to be translated. 
The dialoges of Gregory translated Neotus ● Abbot. The school and university of Oxford first begonne●▪ King alfred. The new● College in Oxford joan. ●●●tus.  But chief he used the Counsel of Neotus, who then was counted for an holy man, and Abbot of a certain Monastery in Cornwall. By the advisement of which Neotus, he sent for these learned men above recited: and also ordained certain schools of divers arts, first at Oxford, and also fraunchised the same with many great liberties. Guliel. jornalens. Fabi. cap. 171. Whereof perhaps the school, now called the new College (first than began of this Neotus) might take his name: which (afterward peradventure) the Bishops of Winchester after a larger manner did re-edify, and enlarge with greater possessions.  
Moreover, among other learned men which were about king alfred: histories make mention of johannes Scotus (a godly Divine, and a learned Philosopher) but not that Scotus, which now we call Duns. For that johannes Scotus came after this, many years. This johannes is described to be a sharp wit, of great eloquence, and well expert in the Greek tongue: pleasant and merry of nature and conditions, as appeareth by divers his doings & answers. First he coming to France out of his own country of Scotland, by reason of the great tumults of war, was there worthily entertained: 
The answer of joannes Scotus to the French king.  and for his learning had in great estimation of Carolus calvus the French king, whom he commonly and familiarly used ever to have about him, both at table, and in chamber. Upon a time the King sitting at meat, and seeing something (belike in this john Scot) which seemed not very courtly: cast forth a merry word ask of him, what difference there was betwixt a Scot, & a Sot. Whereunto the Scot sitting over against the King, somewhat lower, replied again suddenly, rather then advisedly (yet merely) saying: Mensa tantùm, that is, the table only: importing thereby himself to be the Scot, and so calling the king a Sot by craft. Which word how other princes would have taken to stomach, I know not: but this Charles, for the great reverence he bore to his learning, turned it but to a laughter among his nobles, & so let it pass.  
another time, the same king being at dinner, was served with a certain dish of fish: wherein, were two great fishes, and a little one. After the king had taken thereof his repast, setteth down to johannes Scotus the foresaid fish, to distribute unto the other ij. Clerks sitting there with him: which were two tall and mighty persons, he himself being but a little man. johannes taketh the fish, of the which the two great, he taketh and carveth to himself: the little fish he reacheth to the other two. The king perceiving this his division thus made, reprehended the same. Then johannes, whose manner was ever to find out some honest matter to delight the King, answered to him again, proving his division to stand just and equal. For here (saith he) be two great, and a little, pointing to the two great fishes & himself: And likewise here again is a little one and two great, pointing to the little fish, & two great persons, I pray you (sayeth he) what odds is there, or what distribution can be more equal? Whereat the King with his nobles, being much delighted, laughed merely.  
At the request of this Charles surnamed Bawld, the French king, this Scotus translated the book of Dionysius, entitled De Hierarchia, from Greek into Latin, word for word, quo fit (as my author saith) ut vix intelligatur Latina litera, 
joan Scotus translated Hierarchiam Dion●tij. from Greek to Latin.  quum nobilitate magis Graeca, quam positione construitur Latina. He wrote also a Book De corpore & sanguine Domini, which was afterward condemned by the Pope In Concilio Vercellensi.  
The same johannes Scotus moreover compiled a book of his own, giving it a greek title, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, De naturae division. In which book (as sayeth my foresaid author) is contained the resolution of many profitable questions (but so) that he is thought to follow the Greek Church, 
The book of joannes Scotus called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. joannes Scotus addicted more to the Greek Church then the Latin. joan Scotus accused of the pope for an heretic.  rather than the Latin, and for the same was counted of some to be an heretic: because in that book some things there be, which in all points accord not with the Romish Religion. Wherefore the Pope, writing to the said king Charles of this Scotus, complaineth, as in his own words here followeth:  
Relatum est Apstolatui nostro, quòd opus Dionysij Areopagitae, quod de divinis nominibus, & de caelestibus ordinibus, Graeco descripsit eloquio, quidam vir joannes (genere Scotus) nuper transtulit in Latinum. Quod, juxta morem Ecclesiae, nobis mitti, & nostro judicio debuit approbari● praesertim quum idem joannes (licèt multae scientiae esse praedicitur) olim non sane sapere, in quibusdam frequenti rumore dicatur. etc. That is: Relation hath been made unto our Apostleship, that a certain man called johannes a Scottish man, hath translated the book of Dionysius the Areopagite: of the names of God, and of the heavenly orders, from Greek into Latin. Which Book, according to the custom of the Church, ought first to have been approved by our judgement: namely seeing the said john (albeit he be said to be a man of great learning and science) in time past hath been noted by common rumour, to have been a man, not of upright or sound doctrine, in certain points. etc. For this cause the said Scotus, being constrained to remove from France, 
joannes Scotus slain by his own scholars.  came into England, alured (as some testify) by the letters of Alured or alfred, of whom he was with great favour entertained. and conversant a great space about the king: till at length (whether before or after the death of the king it is uncertain) he went to Malmesbery, where he taught certain scholars a few years, by the which Scholars at last most impiously he was murdered and slain with their penknives, 
joan Scotus a Martyr.  and so died, as stories say, a Martyr, buried at the said monastery of Malmesbury with this Epitaph.  
Clauditur in tumulo sanctus sophista joannes,  
Qui ditatus eratiam vivens dogmate miro.  
Martyrio tandem Christi condescendere regnum  
Qui meruit, regnans secli per secula cuncta.  
King alfred having these helps of learned men about him, 
This Ethelwitha builded first the house of Nuns at Winchester. The children of K. alfred.  & no less learned also himself, passed over his time not only to great utility and profit of his subjects, but also to a rare & profitable example of other Christian kings and Princes, for them to follow. This foresaid alfred had by his wife called Ethelwitha, two sons: Edward and Ethelward, and three daughters: Elflena, Ethelgora, and Ethelguida: Quas omnes liberalibus fecit artibus erudiri. That is, Whom he set all to their books and study of liberal arts: as my story testifieth. First Edward his eldest son succeeded him in the kingdom, 
All his daughters learned.  The second son Ethelward died before his father. Ethelgora his middle Daughter was made a Nun. The other two were married, the one in Marceland, the other to the earl of Flanders. Thus king alfred the valiant, virtuous and learned Prince, after he had thus Christianly governed the realm the term of 29. years & 6. months, 
The decease of King Alfred.  departed this life. v. Kal. Nou. and lieth buried at Winchester. An Dom. 901. Of whom this I find moreover greatly noted and commended in history, and not here to be forgotten, for the rare example thereof touching this alfred: that wheresoever he was, or whethersoever he went, he bore always about him, in his bosom or pocket, a little book containing the Psalms of David, and certain other Orisons of his own collecting. Whereupon he was continually reading or praying when soever he was otherwise vacant, 
An. 901.  having leisure thereunto. Finally what were the virtues of this famous king, this little table here under written, which is left in ancient writing, in the remembrance of his worthy and memorable life: doth sufficiently, in few lines contain.   

In Regem Alfredum, & virtutum illius claram memoriam.  
FAmosus, Bellicosus, Victoriosus: Viduarum, pupillorum, & orphanorum pauperumque provisor studiosus, Poetarum Saxonicorum peritissimus: Suae genti Chatissimus: Affabilis omnibus: Liberalissimus: Prudentia, fortitudine, temperantia, justitia praeditus: in infirmitate, qua continuè laborabat pacientissimus: In exequendis judicijs indagator discretissimus: In seruicio Dei vigilantissimus & devotissimus: Anglosaxonum Rex Alfredus, pi●ssimi Ethelulfi filius. 29. annis sexque mensibus regni sui peractis mortem obijt. Indict. 4. Quinto Kalend. novemb. feria quarta, & Wintoniae in novo monasterio sepultus immortalitatis stolam, & resurrectionis gloriam cum justis expectat. etc.  
Moreover in the History of Henricus Huntingtonensis, these verses I find written in the commendation of the same alfred: made (as I suppose and as by his words appeareth) by the said author, whereof I thought not to defraud the reader: the words whereof here follow.  

Epitaphium Regis Alfredi.  
Nobilitas innata tibi probitatis honorem,  
Armipotens alfred dedit, probitasque laborem.  
Perpetuumque labor nomen, cui mixta dolori  
Gaudia semper erant, Spes semper mixta timori.  
Si modò victor eras, ad crastina bella pavebas:  
Si modò victus eras, ad crastina bella parabas.  
Cui vestes sudore iugi, cui sica cruore.  
Tincta iugi, quantum sit onus regnare probarunt.  
Non fuit immensi quisquam per climata mundi,  
Cui tot in adversis nil respirare liceret.  
Nec tamen aut ferro contritus ponere ferrum,  
Aut gladio potuit, vitae finisse dolores.  
jam post transactos vitae regnique labores,  
Christus ei sit vera quies, sceptrumque perenne.   
In the story of this Alfred, 
Etheredus, Pl●imundus, Athelmus, Vl●elmus. Odo. Archb. of Canterbury.  a little above, mention was made of Pleimundus Schoolmaster to the said alfred, and also Bishop of Caunterbury, succeeding Etheredus, there bishop before him. Which Pleimundus governed that Sea, the number of xxxiiij. years. After Pleimundus succeeded Athelmus; and sat xij. years. After him came Ulfe●mus xiij. years. Then followed Odo a Dane borne, in the said Sea of Caunterb. and governed the same xx. years, being in great favour with King Athelstane, king Edmund, and Edwine, as in process hereafter (Christ willing) as place & order doth require, shall more at large be expressed.  
As touching the course and proceed of the Romish Bishops there: 
9 Popes in ix. years at Rome▪  where I last entered mention of them pag. 139. I ended with Pope Stephen the fifth. After his time was much broil, 
Fermosus first Pope.  in the election of the Bishops of Rome: one contending against an other: in so much that within the space of ix. years, were ix. Bishops. Of the which, first was Formosus, who succeeded next unto the forenamed Stephen 5. being made pope against the mind of certain in Rome: that would rather Sergius then deacon of the church of Rome, to have been Pope. notwithstanding, Mars and money prevailed on Formosus part. This Formosus, of whom partly also is mentioned in other places, of this Ecclesiastical history, being before bishop of Portuake: 
Ex Chroni●o● Sigeberti.  had in time past (I know not upon what causes) offended Pope john the viij. of that name. By reason whereof for tear of the Pope, he voided away, and left his bishopric. And because he being sent for again by the Pope, would not return: therefore was excommunicated. At length coming into France, to make there his satisfaction unto the Pope, was degraded from a Bishop into a secular man's habit, swearing to the Pope that he would no more re-enter into the City of Rome, nor claim his Bishopric again: subscribing moreover with his own hand to continue from that time in the state of a secular person. But then, Pope Martin (the next Pope after john) released the said Formosus of his oath, and restored him again unto his Bishopric. Whereby Formosus entered not only into Rome again, but also obtained shortly after the papacy. Thus he being placed in the popedom, arose a great doubt or controversy among the Divines, of his consecration, whether it was lawful or not: some holding against him, that for so much as he was solemnly deposed, degraded, unpriested, and also sworn not to reiterate the state Ecclesiastical: therefore he ought to be taken no otherwise, then for a seculare man. Other alleged again, that whatsoever Formosus was, yet for the dignity of that order, 
Schisms among the Popes.  and for the credit of them, whom he ordered: all his consecrations ought to stand in force, especially, seeing the said Formosus was afterward received and absolved by Pope Martin, from that his perjury and degradation. etc. In the mean time (as witnesseth Sigebertus) this Formosus sendeth for King Arnulphus for aid against his adversaries. Who then marching toward Rome, was there resisted by the Romans from entering. But in the siege (sayeth the author) the Romans within so played the Lions, that a poor Hare (or such a like thing) coming toward the City: the host of Arnulphus followed after with such a main cry, that the valiant Romans upon the walls for very fear, (where there was no hurt) cast themselves desperately over the walls: so that Arnulphus with little labour scaled the walls, and gate the City. Thus Arnulphus obtaining the City of Rome, rescueth Pope Formosus, and beheadeth his adversaries, whom the Pope, to gratify with like recompense again, blesseth and crowneth him for Emperor. Thus Formosus sitting fast about the space of 4. or 5. years followed his predecessors: after whose time (as I said) within the space of ix. years were ix. Bishops as followeth. But in the mean time concerning the story of this Formosus declared by Sigebert, and many other Chroniclers: this thing would I gladly ask, and more gladly learn of some indifferent good Catholic person, which not of obstinacy, but of simple error being a papist would answer his conscience. Whether doth he think the holy order of Priesthood, which he taketh for one of the seven Sacraments, to be Character indelebilis or not? If it be not indelebilis, 
Character ind●lebilis.  that is, if it be such a thing, as may be put of: why then doth the Pope's doctrine so call and so hold the contrary, pretending it to be indelebile, unremovable? If it be in deed, so as they teach and affirm, indelebilis character, why then did Pope john, or could Pope john, adnichilate & cuacuate one of his seven. Popeholy Sacraments: making of a Priest a non Priest, or a layman: uncharactering his own order, which is (as he sayeth) a Character, which in no wise may be blotted out, or removed? Again, how soever Pope john is to be judged in this matter, to do either well or not well, 
Whether the pope with his Cardinals may err.  this would I know, if he did well in so dispriesting and discharactering Formosus, for such private offences? If yea, how then standeth his doing with his own doctrine, which teacheth the contrary? If he did not well, how then standeth his doctrine with his doings to be true, which teacheth that the Pope with his Synod of Cardinals can not err? Moreover if this Pope john did not err in his disordering Formosus: how then did Martinus his successor not err, in repealing the said doing of his predecessor? Or how did not Pope Formosus err himself, who being unpriested by Pope john: afterward without reiterating the Character or order of Priesthood, took upon him to be Pope, and made acts and laws in the Church? Again, if Formosus now Pope did not err, how then did Pope Stephen his successor afterward not err: who did annihilate the consecration, and all other acts of the said Formosus, as erroneous? Or again, if we say that this Stephen with his Synod of Cardinals did right: then how could it be, that Pope Theodore, & Pope john the tenth, which came after the foresaid Stephen, did not plainly err? Who approving the consecration of Formosus: did condemn, and burn the acts Synodale, of Stephen and his Cardinals, which before had condemned Formosus: according as in story here consequently may appear?  
After Formosus had governed the Sea of Rome five years, 

Bonifacius 6. Pope. Stephen. 6. Pope.  
Ex Chroni. Martini panitentiarij. Sigebert. Ex Polych. & alijs.   succeeded first Bonifacius the vj. who continued but 25. days, than came Stephen the vj. which so envy the name of his predecessor Formosus: that he abrogated and dissolved his decrees: And taking up his body, after it was buried, cut two fingers of his right hand, and commanded them to be cast into Tiber, & then buried the body in a private or layman's sepulchre.  
Thus Stephen after he had sat in the chair of pestilence one year: succeeded in the same chair, Pope Rhomanus, and sat iij. months: repealing the acts decreed by Stephen his predecessor, against Formosus. Next to whom came Theodorus 2. who likewise taking part with Formosus against the foresaid Stephen, 
Pope Theodorus. 2. Pope john. 10. One council burneth an others decrees.  reigned but 20. days. Then sat Pope john the 10. who did fight and repugn against the Romans. And to confirm the cause of Formosus more surely, did hold a Synod at Ravenna of 74. Bishops, with the French king Endo and his Archbishops being present at the same. At the which council, were ratified all the decrees and doings of Formosus: and the contrary acts of the Synod of Stephen the vj. were burned. 
Pope Benedictus. 4. Pope Leo. 5. imprisoned and unpoped by his own chaplain.  This Pope lived not Pope fully two years: after whom succeeded Benedictus the 4. which kept the chair three years. After whom Leo the 5. was next Pope, who with in 40. days of his papacy, was with strong hand taken & cast in prison by one Christopher his own household chaplain, whom he had long nourished before in his house. Which thing (sayeth Platina) could not be done without great conspiracy and great slaughter of men. 
Pope Christoferus. 1.  Which Christofer being Pope about the space of seven months, was likewise himself hoisted from his Papal throne by Sergius, like as he had done to his master before. And thus within the space of 9 years, had been 9 Popes one after an other. Then Sergius after he had thrust down Pope Christofer, and shorn him Monk into a Monastery, 
Pope Sergius.  occupied the room 7. years. This Sergius a rude man, and unlearned, very proud and cruel: had before been put back from the Popedom by Formosus above mentioned. By reason whereof, 
Pope Formosus after his death be headed of Pope Sergius.  to revenge Formosus again being now in his papacy, caused the body of Formosus, where it was buried to be taken up: and afterward set in the Papal sea (as in his pontificalibus) first disgraded him, than commanded his head to be smitten off, with the other three fingers that were left (as Sigebertus writeth) which done, he made his body to be thrown into Tiber, deposing likewise all such, as by the said Formosus before had been consecrated and invested. This body of Formosus thus thrown into Tiber, was afterward (as our writers say) found & taken up by certain fishers, 
A false feigned miracle upon the body of Formosus. Popish miracles not to be credited.  and so brought into s. Peter's temple. At the presence whereof (as they say) certain images there standing by, bowed down themselves, and reverenced the same, with lie and all. But such deceivable miracles of stocks and images in monkish and friarly temples, be to us no news, especially here in England: where we have been so enured with the like, & so many, that such wily practices cannot be to us invisible: though this crown-shorn generation, think themselves to dance in a net. But the truth is, 
Bearing of candles on Candlemas day how it came up.  while they think to deceive the simple, these wily beguily most of all deceive themselves, as they will find except they repent. By this Pope Sergius, first came up to bear about candles on Candelmas day: for the purifying of the blessed virgin. As though the sacred conception of jesus the son of God, were to be purified as a thing unpure, and that with candle light.  
After Sergius, 
Pope 〈◊〉  entered pope Anastasius, in whose time the body of Formosus forenamed, is thought to be found of fishermen in the river of Tiber, & so brought, as is said, into the temple to be saluted of the images, which thing may quickly be tainted as a lie. For how it is to be thought that the body of Formosus so long dead before, and now lying 7. years in the river: could remain whole all that while, that Fishers might take it up, & discern it to be the same? After Anasius had sat two years, 
Pope L●●●do. 1.  followed Pope Lando, the father (as some stories think) of pope john, which john is said to be the paramour of Theodora'a famous harlot of Rome, 
Pope 〈◊〉 11.  & set up of the same harlot either against Lando, or after Lando his father to succeed in his room. There is a story writer called Liuthprandus, who writing de Imperatoribus. 
Harlo●● this time ruled 〈◊〉 Rome.  Lib. 2 cap. 13. maketh there mention of this Theodora, and Pope john xj. and sayeth moreover, that this Theodora had a daughter named Marozia: which Marozia had by pope Sergius above mentioned, a son which afterward was Pope john the 12. The same Marozia afterward it chanced to marry with Guido Marquis of Tuscia: through the means of which Guido and his friends at Rome, she brought to pass that this pope john the 11. was smothered with a pillow laid to his mouth, after he had reigned 13. years. And so the foresaid john the 12. her son, to succeed next after him. But because the clergy and people of Rome did not agree to his election, therefore was Pope Leo the 6. in his place set up. 
P. john. 1. P. Leo. 6. P. St●● ●. restored.  Thus Pope john the son of Sergius and Marozia being dejected, reigned Pope Leo 7. months. After him Pope Stephen 2 years. Who being poisoned, then was Pope john the 12. above rehearsed, the son of Sergius and Marozia, set up again in the Papacy, where he reigned near the space of 5. years. Of the wickedness of this strumpet Marozia, how she married two brethren, one after the death of the other: And how she governed all Rome, & the whole church at that time, I let it pass. Although the latin verses wherewith the said Liuthprandus, doth inveigh against such women as marry two brethren, 
Liuthpran●dus. 〈◊〉 sis. lib. 3.  were neither worthy here to be recited, and perhaps might be further applied then to that Marozia of Rome, but for shortness I let them also pass.  
After joan. 12. followed Pope Stephen three years. 
P. Steph. ●. P. Leo. ●. P. Mar● ●. P. Agapetus. 2.  Pope Leo 3. years and 4. months. Pope Stephen the eight 3. years and 4. months. Pope Martin 3. years and 6. months. After him Pope Agapetus 8. years and 6. unethes. About whose time or a little before began first the order of monks called Ordo Cluniacensis, etc.  
But now to leave of these monstruous matters of Rome, 
Ordo Cl●niacensis beginner.  and to return again to our country of England, where we last left before.   

King Edward the elder.  
AFter the reign of the famous king Alfred, his son Edward succeeded, 
King Edward the elder.  surnamed the elder. Where first is to be noted, that before the Conquest of the normans, there were in England 3. Edward's, first this Edward the elder. 2. Edward the martyr. 3. Edward the confessor. Whereof hereafter (by the grace of Christ) shall follow in order, as place shall give to be declared. This Edward began his reign, 
The Edwardes before the ●●quest.  the year of our Lord. 901. and governed the land right valiantly and nobly 24. years. In knowledge of good letters and learning, he was not to be compared to his father▪ Otherwise, in princely renown, in civil government, 
A comparison between alfred, and his son Edward.  and such like martial prowess, he was nothing inferior, but rather excelled him. Through whose valiant acts, first the princedom of Wales, and kingdom of Scotland, with Constantine king thereof were to him subdued. He adjoined moreover to his dominion the country of Eastanglia, that is, of Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex. All Merceland also he recovered and Northumberland out of the hands of the Danes. In all his wars he never lightly went without victory. The subjects of his provinces and dominions were so enured, and hardened in continual practice and feats of war: 
Use and long exercise of things maketh perfectness. Clyto Ethelwold rebelleth against K. Edward.  that when they heard of any enemies coming (never tarrying for any bidding from the king, or from his dukes) strait ways they encountered with them: both in number, and in knowledge of the order of war excelling always their adversaries. Guliel. de Regi. Ita hostes militibus contemptui, Regi risui erant. To mean, So was the coming and assaulting of their enemies to the people and common Soldiers but a trifle, to the king but a ridicle. Among other adversaries which were busy rather than wise, in assailing this king: was one called Clito Ethelwoldus a young man, king Edward's uncles son. Who first occupying the Town of W●nborne (taking thence a Nun rb him, 
An. 904.  whom then he had married) fled oc by night to Northumberland, to adjoin himself unto the Danes, who was made chief king and captain over them. Then chased from thence, he fled over into France, but shortly returning again into England, landed in Eastengland, where the said Clyto with a company of Danes of that country gathered unto him, destroyed and peeled much of the country about Crekinford and Crikeland. And so passing over Thamis after he had spoiled the land there to Bradevestocke: returned again to Norfolk and Suffolk, where he meeting with a ambushment of Kentish men, which dragged & tarried after the main host of Edward, contrary to his commandment, enclosed them in, and slew the most part of them. Soon after the two hosts meeting together, between the two diches of S. Edmund's land, after a long fight, Clyto with many of the Danes were slain, and the remnant were constrained to seek for peace, which upon certain conditions, and under a tribute was to them granted.  

An. 913.  In process, about the 12. year of his reign, the Danes repenting them of their covenants, and minding to break the same: assembled an host and met with the king in Staffordshire at a place called Totenhall, & soon after at wodnefield: at which two places the king slew two kings, two earls, & many thousand of Danes, that occupied the country of Northumberland.  
Thus the importunate rage of the Danes being assuaged, King Edward having now some leisure given from wars, 
Ches●er repaired and enlarged. The Castle of Herford builded. Castles builded upon the river of Auene, and Ouse. The towns of Towcetour and wigmore builded. The new town of Nottingham builded. Thilwall. Manchester repaired.  to other studies: gave his mind to the building or repairing of cities, towns, and castles, that by the Danes were razed, shatred, and broken. As first of Chester, which city he double enlarged to that it was before: compassing the castle within the walls of the same, which before stood without. That done, the king builded a strong castle at Herford in the edge of Wales. Also for the strengthening of the Country, he made a Castle at the mouth of the water of Auene, and an other Castle at Buckingham, and the third fast thereby upon the river of Owse. Moreoover he builded or re-edified the towns of Towsetor, and Wigmore, & destroyed the castle that the Danes had made at Demes●ord. Likewise upon the river of Trent against the old town of Nottingham, he builded a new town on the southside, and made a bridge over the river, between the said ij. towns. Also by the river of Merce, he builded a city or town, in the North end of Mercia, and named it Thilwall, and after repaired the city of Manchester, that sore was defaced with war of the Danes.  
In this renewing and building of towns and Castles for the more fortifying of his Realm: his Sister Elfleda, daughter of king alfred, & married to the Duke of Mercia (as is afore mentioned) was no small helper. Of this Elfleda it is firmly of writers affirmed that she being as is said married to Ethelrede Duke of Mercia, after she had once assayed the pains of women in traveling with her child: so much she abhorred ever after the embracing of her husband, that it seemed to her (she said) not seemly for a noble woman to use such fleshly liking, whereof so great sorrow and travail should ensue. And yet notwithstanding the same Elfleda, for all her delicate tenderness in eschewing the natural passion, which necessity giveth to women: so hardy she was in warlike dangers, which nature giveth not to women, that fight against the Danes, so venturous she was of stomach, 
Elfleda. Cities, Towns, and Castles builded by Elfleda.  that four of her next knights, which were gardeius of her body, were slain fast by her. This Elfleda among her other noble acts, whereby she deserved praise, was a great helper and stirrer up of her brother Edward: who builded and newly repaired many Castles and towns, as Toniworth, beside Lichfielde, Stafforde, Warwick, Shrowesbury, Watrisbury, Eldisbury, besides Chester in the forest now destroyed. Also in the North end of Mercia, upon the river of Merce, a castle called Rimcorne, also a bridge over Severne named Brimmisbury bridge.  
As touching the laws and statutes of this Edward, as also of his father Alfrede made before him, I omit here to record them for length of matter and waste of time: yet notwithstanding, this admonition by the way I think good to note: that in those days of these ancient Kings reigning in England, the authority then both of conferring bishoprics, 
The laws of king Alfred and K. Edward.  and spiritual promotions, and also of prescribing laws as well to the church men▪ as to the laiety, and of ordering and intermeddling in matters mere spiritual, was then in the hands of kings, ruling in the land, and not only in the hand of the Pope, as appeareth by these laws of Alfred.  
Si quis fornicetur cum uxore aliena, etc.,  
Si quis in quadragesima sanctum velum in publico vel in lecto. etc.  
Vt Christiani Deum diligant & paganismo renuncient. etc.  
Si quis Christianitatem mutet. etc.  
Si quis ordinatus sacris furetur. etc.  
Si praesbyter ad rectum terminum sanctum Chrisma. etc.  
Si duo fratres, vel cognati cum una aliqua fornicentur. etc.  
By these and other such like constitutions of King alfred, 
Note how kings of England in times past had authority in spiritual causes.  it may appear: how the governance and direction of the church in those days, depended not upon Monsieur le Pope of Rome: but upon the kings which here in their time (under the Lord) did govern the land. To this also the example of King Edward's time giveth testimony: which Edward with Pleimundus (above mentioned) Archbishop of Canterbury, and with other bishops in a synod assembled: assigned and elected 7. Bishops in 7. Metropolitan churches of the realm. Which were, 1. Fridestane. 2. Adelstane. 3 Werstane▪ 4. Adelelme. 5. Edulfus 6 Dernegus. 7 Kenulphus. In which election the king's authority seemed then alone to be sufficient. etc.  
This Edward (as in the beginning was said) reigned 24. 
Anno. 925.  years. Who had three wives, Egwine, Elfled, and Ethelwide. Of Egwine he had his eldest ●onne Adelstane, who next succeeded in the kingdom, and a daughter married after to the duke of Northumberland. Of elfled, he received two ionnes, 
The Children of K Edward the elder.  and vj. daughters, to wit Ethelward and edwin. Ethelward was excellently well seen in all knowledge of learning: much resembling both in countenance and conditions his grandfather alfred, and died soon after his father. 
Prince Ethelwald excellent in learning.  Of his vj. daughters, two of them. 1 elfled and Ethelhilda, were made nuns. The other four were married. Edgina to Charles the French King, in his father's time. Ethilda by King Ethelstane was married to Hugo, the son of Duke Robert. Edgitha and Algina, were both sent to Henricus Prince of Almains. Of which two sisters the second, the said Henricus, married to his son Otho, who was the first Emperor of the Almains. The other sister which was Edgitha, the foresaid Henticus, married to a certain Duke about the border of the Alpes, in Italy. Of his third wife Ethelwide, he received two sons, Edmund, and Edred: which both reigned after Adelstane. And two daughters, Egburga whom he made a Nun, and Eadguina who was married to Ludovicus, Prince of Aquitania in France. 
Galiel. de. Regib. The bringing up of K. Edward's Children.  These sons and daughter's King Edward thus brought up: His daughters he set to spinning, and to the needle. Guliel. de Reg. His sons he set to the study of learning, ut quasi Philosophi ad gubernandam remp. non iam tudes procederent: that is, to the end, that they being as first made Philosophers, should be the more expert thereby to govern the common wealth.   

¶ King Ethelstane, or Adelstane.  
EThelstane or Adelstane, 
King Ethelstine, or Adelstane.  after the death of Edward his father: began his reign in England, and was crowned at Kingston. He was a prince of worthy memory, valiant and wise in all his acts, nothing inferior to his father Edward, In like worldly renown of civil governance, joined with much prosperous success, in reducing this realm under the subjection of one monarchy. For he both expelled the Danes, subdued the Scots, and quieted the Welshinen, as well in North-wales, as also in Cornwall. The first enemy against this Ethelstane, was one Elfredus: who, with a faction of seditious persons conspiring against the said Ethelstane at Winchester, continently after the death of his father, went about to put out his eyes. Notwithstanding the king escaping that danger: through the help of God, was at that time delivered. Elfrede upon the same being accused, fled to Rome: there before the Pope to purge himself by his oath. Who being brought to the Church of S. Peter, and there swearing (or rather forswearing himself to be clear, 
Duke Elfrede suddenly strooken by the hand of God for perjury.  which in deed was guilty thereof: suddenly upon his oath fell down, and so brought to the English house in Rome within 3. days after departed. The Pope sending word to king Ethelstane, whether he would have the said Eldred buried among Christians or not: at length through the persuasions of his friends and kinsfolks, it was concluded that he should be buried in Christian burial. This story although I find in no other writers mentioned, 
Guliel. lib. de Regib. in vita Ethelstani.  but only in the Chronicles of Guliel. Lib. de Regi. yet forasmuch as it heareth the witness and words of the king himself, as testified in an old deed of gift, given to the monastery of Malmesbury: I thought the same the more to be of credit. The words of the king proceed in this tenor as followeth.  
¶ The copy of an old writing of king Ethelstane, testifying of the miraculous death of Duke Elfrede, suddenly strooken by the hand of God for perjury.  
SCiant sapientes regionis nostrae, non has praefatas terras me iniustè rapuisse, rapinamque Deo dedisse. Sed sic eas accepi, quemadmodum iudicaverunt omnes optimates regni Anglorum. 
The copy of an old Cart of K. Ethelstane.  Insuper & Apostolicus Papa Romanae ecclesiae joannes (Elfredo defuncto) qui nostrae foelicitati & vitae aemulus extitit, nequitiae inimicorum nostrorum consentiens: quando me volverunt (patre defuncto) coecare in urbe Wintonia, si non me Deus sua pietate eripuisset. Sed denudatis eorum machinamentis, remissus est ad Romanam ecclesiam, ut ibi se, coram Apostolico joanne jure iurando defenderet. Et hoc fecit coram altare sancti Petri. Sed facto juramento, cecidit coram altar, & manibus famulorum suorum portatus est ad scholam Anglorum, & ibi tertia nocte vitam finivit. Et tunc Apostolicus ad nos remisit, & quid de eo ageretur a nobis consuluit, an cum caeteris Christianis corpus illius poneretur. His peractis, & nobis renunciatis: optimates regionis nostrae cum propinquorum illius turma efflagitabant omni humilitate, ut corpus illius per nostram licentiam cum corporibus poneretur Christianorum. Nosque flagitationi illorum consentientes Romam remisimus: & Papa consentiente, positus est ad caeteros Christianos, quamuis indignus. Et sic iudicata est mihi tota possessio eius in magnis & in modicis. Sed & haec apicibus literarum praenotavimus, ne quando aboleatur, unde mihi praefata possessio, quam Deo & sancto Petro dedi, donatur. Nec iustiùs novi, quám Deo & sancto Petro hanc possessionem dare, qui aemulum meum in conspectu omnium cadere fecerunt, & mihi prosperitatem regni largiti sunt. etc.  
In the second year of the reign of King Adelstane, for an unity and a peace to be had between the King and the Danes of Northumberlande: he married to Sythericus their king his sister, whereof mention is made before. But shortly after, 
Anno. 927.  within one year this Sythericus died. After whose death King Ethelstane seized that province into his own hand, putting out the son of the foresaid Sythericus called Alanus: 
Northumberland subdued to king Ethelstane. The Scots subdued to the king of England. It is more honour to make a king, then to be a king.  who with his brother Godfridus fled the one into Ireland, the other to Constantine King of the Scots. And when he had thus accorded with the Danes of Northumberlande, he shortly made subject unto him Constantine King of Scots. But the said Constantine meeked himself so lowly to the King, that he restored him to his former dignity, saying, that it was more honour to make a king, then to be a king.  
Not long after, the said Constantine King of Scots did break covenant with king Ethelstane. Wherefore he assembled his Knights, & made toward Scotland. Where he subduing his enemies, and bringing them again unto due subjection, returned into England with victory. Here by the way in some story writers (who forgetting the office of historicians, seem to play the poets) is written and recorded for a marvel, that the said Ethelstane, returning out of Scotland into England, came to York, and so into the Church of S. john of Beverly, 
A fabulous miracle falsely reported of king Athelstane.  to redeem his knife, which before he had left there for a pledge at his going forth. In the which place he praying to God & to S. John of Beverley, that he might leave there some remembrance whereby they that came after, might know, that the Scots by right should be sudbued to the English men: smote with sword (they say) upon a great hard stone standing near about the castle of Dunbar, that with the stroke thereof the stone was cut a large elne deep (with a lie no less deep also, then was the stroke in the stone.) But of this poetical or fabulous story, albeit Polychronicon, Fabian, jornalensis, and other more constantly accord in the same: yet in Guliel and Henricus, no mention is made at all. But peradventure he that was the inventor first of this tale of the stone, was disposed to lie for the whetstone: Wherefore in my mind he is worthy to have it.  
Of like truth & credit seemeth also to be this that followeth, 
Bristanus Bishop.  about the same year and time, under the reign of King Ethelstane, being the viij. year of his reign, of one Bristanus Bishop of Winchester, 
Anno. 933.  who succeeded Frithstanus in the same sea, and governed that Bishopric iiij. years. This Bristanus being a devout Bishop in prayer and contemplation: 
A ridiculous miracle forged upon Bristanus Bishop of Winchester.  used much among his solitary walks, to frequent late the churchyard, praying for the souls there, and all christian souls departed. Upon a time, the said Bristanus after his wont manner proceeding in his devotions, when he had done, came to requiescant in pa●e. Whereunto, suddenly a great multitude of souls answering together with one voice, said Amen. Of this miracle, albeit I have not much to say (hasting to other matters) yet this question would I ask of some indifferent papist, which were not wilful, but of ignorance deceived: if this multitude, which here answered Amen, were the souls of them buried in the churchyard or not? 
A miracle of souls answering Amen.  If yea, then how were they in purgatory, what time they were heard in that place answering Amen▪ Except we should think Purgatory to be in the churchyard at Winchester, where the souls were heard then so many answering and praying Amen. And yet this story is testified by the accord of writers of that time, Guliel. Polychron. Hovedenus, jornalensis, and other more. Much like miracles and Prophecies also we read of Elphegus, which succeeded him: but because we haste to other things let these fables pass.  
Ye heard a little before, how king Ethelstane after the death of Sythericus King of Northumberland, seized that land or province into his own hand, & put out his son Alanus: who after flying into Scotland, married the daughter of Constantine King of Scots. By whose stirring and exhortation, he gathered a company of Danes, Scots, and other, and entered the mouth of Humber with a strong navy of 615. ships.  
Whereof King Ethelstane with his brother edmund having knowledge: prepared his army, and at length joining in fight with him & his people, at a place called Brimambruch or Brimford: 
A sore battle sought at Brimford.  where he fight with them from morning to even, after a terrible slaughter on both sides (as the like hath not been seen lightly in England) had the victory. In which battle were slain five small and under kings, with Constantine king of Scots: and xij. Dukes with the more part of all the strangers which at that time they gathered to them. 
another unlike miracle of K. Athelstan● sword.  Here also our writers put in an other miracle in this battle: how king Ethelstanes sword miraculously fell into his sheath through the prayer of Odo, than Archbishop of Canterbury.  
Concerning this battle, I find in a certain written Chronicle these verses: 
Odo Archbishop of Cant.  which because they should not be lost, I thought not unworthy here of rehearsal.  
Transierat quinos, & tres, & quatuor annos,  
jure regens cives, subigens virtute tyrannos:  
Cum redit illa Lues Europae noxia labes.  
jam cubat in terris fera barbaries Aquilonis,  
Et lacet in campis pelago pirato relicto,  
Illicitas toruasque minas Analanus anhelans, 
Analanus.   
Bacchanti furiae, Scotorum rege volente,  
Commodat assensum Borealis terrae serenum.  
Etiam grand tument, iam terrent aera verbis.  
Cedunt indigenae, cedit plaga tota superbis.  
Nam quia rex noster fidens alacrisque iwenta,  
Emeritus pridem detriverat ocia lenta,  
Illi continuis foedabant omnia praedis,  
Vrgentes miseros iniectus ignibus agros.  
Marcuerant totis viridantia gramina campis,  
Aegra seges votum deluserat agricolarum.  
Tanta fuit peditum, tam barbara vis equitantum,  
Innumerabilium, concursus quadrupedantum.  
Excivit tandem famae querimonia regem,  
Ne se cauterio tali pateretur inuri.  
Quod sua barbaricae cessissent arma securi,  
Nec mora, victrices ducentia signa cohortes,  
Explicat inventum vexilla ferocia centum,  
juncta virum virtus, decies bis milia quina,  
Ad stadium belli comitantur prae via signa.  
Hicque clet strepitus armatorum legiones.  
Terruit insignis venientum fama latrones.  
Vt posita proprias praeda repetant regiones.  
At vulgus reliquum miseranda strage peremptum,  
Infecit bibulas terris nidoribus auras.  
Fugit Analasus de tot modo millibus unus etc.  
After this victory thus obtained of the Danes and Scots: 
The North Brittaynes brought to tribute.  King Ethelstane also subdued (or at least quieted) the North Britain's. Whom he conventing together at Herforde (or there about) forced them to grant unto him as a yearly tribute, xx. pound of gold: three hundredth pound of silver: and of heads of neat xxv. hundred: with hawks and dogs, 
The South Brittaynes subdued.  to a certain number. This done, he went to Exeter, and there likewise subduing the South Britain's about Exeter and Cornwall: repaired the walls of Exeter with sufficient strength, and so returned.  
Among these victorious and noble acts of this King: One blot there is of him written and noted, wherein he is as much worthy to be reprehended, as in the other before to be commended (that is) the innocent death and murder of his brother Edwyne. The occasion thereof was this: King Edward aforenamed their father, in the time of his youth, coming by a certain village or grange, where he had been nursed and brought up of a child: thought of courtesy to go see how his nurse did. Where he entering into the house, espied a certain young damsel beautiful and right seemly attired, Egwina by name. This Egwina before being a poor man's daughter, had a vision by night, that of her body sprang such a bright light of the Moon, that the brightness thereof gave light to the Realm of England. By reason whereof, she was taken into the foresaid house, & daintily brought up in stead of their own daughter: for hope of some commodity to ensue thereby, as afterward it came to pass. For King Edward (as it is declared) coming into the house, 
K. Ethelstane seeketh the death of his own brother.  and ravished with the beauty of the maiden: begat of her the same night this Ethelstane. Wherefore the said Ethelstane being thus vasely borne of Egwina, the first wife to Edward (as is said) before he was married to her: and fearing his next brother edwin, which was rightly borne (especially being stirred thereunto through the sinister suggestion of his Butler) did cast such displeasure to the foresaid Edwine his brother, being yet but young, that (notwithstanding his innocent submission and purgation made against his accusers) he caused him to be set in an old rotten boat in the broad Sea (only with one Esquire with him) without any tackling or other provision to the same. Where the young and tender Prince being dismayed with the rage of winds and of the floods, and now weary of his l●●e, cast himself over board into the sea, and so was drowned. Notwithstanding the Esquire shifting for himself as he could, and recovering the body of his master, brought it to Sandwich, where it was buried. Which done, the king afterward coming to the remembrance of himself, was strooken with great repentance the space of seven. years together. And at length was revenged of him that was the accuser of his brother. This accuser (as is said) was the king's cupbearer, who (as God the righteous judge of all things would have it) upon a certain solemn feast, bearing the cup unto the king, chanced in the middle of the flower to stumble with one foot, helping and recovering himself with the other, saying in these words: Thus one brother (as ye see) helpeth an other. 
A note to learn not to sow discord betwixt brother and brother.  These words being thus spoken in the hearing of the king, so moved his mind, that forthwith he commanded the false accuser of his brother to be had out to execution. Whose just recompense I would wish to be a warning to all men, what it is to sow discord betwixt brother and brother.  
King Ethelstane (besides his seven. years lamentation, for this act) builded the two Monasteries of Midletone, and of Michelenes, for his brother's sake (or as the stories say) for his soul. Whereby it may appear, what was the cause most special in those days, 
The cause of building Abbeys examined.  of building monasteries, to wit, for releasing the sins both of them departed, and them alive, which cause how it standeth with the grace and verity of Christ's Gospel, and of his passion, let the Christian reader try & examine with himself. This cruel fact of the king toward Edwyne, caused him afterward, to be more tender and careful toward his other brethren and sisters left in his hands unmarried. Which sisters, as is partly in the Chapter before declared, he richly bestowed, in great marriages: As one to the king of Northumberland Sithericus: 
Otho first Emperor of the german.  an other he gave to Jews King of Aquitania, the third to Henricus Duke of Almain for his son Otho: who was the first Emperor of the Germans. Whereby it is to be understand, that the Empire at this time began first to be translated from France (where it remained about C. years and half) unto Germany where it hath ever since continued.  
The fourth of his sisters, being a virgin of singular benty Hugo the French king required to be given unto him: sending to King Ethelstane precious and sumptuous presents, 
Precious jewels sent to king Ethelstane from the French K.  such as were not before seen in England. Among the which presents & gifts, besides the rare odours of sundry favours & fine spices: and besides the precious & costly gems, namely of Smaradges of most redolent green, besides also many and great coursers and palfreys richly trapped, especially of one jewel (as writers make inention) which was, a certain vessel finely and subtly made of the precious stone Onichinus so radiantly wrought, that in it appeared the lively corn growing, and men's images walking. etc. Over and besides was sent also the sword of Constantine the great, with the name of the possessor written in golden letters, where in the haste of the same all beaten in gold, 
Concerning one of the nails wherewith our Saviour Christ was crucified.  was one of the iron nails, wherewith our Saviour on the cross was nailed. Of the verity whereof I am not disposed at this present much to say what I suspect, but that this in the Ecclesiastical story of Eusebius, is evident. That two of the foresaid nails of Christ, was spent on the bridle of Constantine: the 3. he cast into the Sea in a raging tempest. Wherefore, if Christ were nailed with 4. nails, perhaps this nail might be one. If he were nailed but with iij. I see not how this story can stand with other stories, neither how this fourth nail can stand with truth. Among the rest moreover, was the spear (as is reported) wherewith the side of our Saviour was opened: which also the said Constantine was wont to carry in the field against his enemies: with a portion likewise of the holy cross enclosed in Crystal: Also a part of the crown of thorn in like manner enclosed. etc. Of the which Relics, part was given to Winchester, part to the Church of Malmesbury, where king Ethelstane was buried. As this King was endued and enlarged, by the gift of God (the serter up & disposer of all kings) with great victories of worldly renown: having under his subjection both the Scots, and Britons, and the whole Monarchy of the land: So he devised divers good and wholesome laws for the government of the same, as well concerning the state of the orders Ecclesiastical, as also of the secular or lay people. Whereby it is to be understand, that the usurped power of the bishop of Rome, did not then extend itself so largely, nor so proudly to derogate from the authority of kings & princes: but that every one in his own dominion, had (under God, and not under the Pope) the doing of all matters within the same his dominion contained: whether they were causes temporal, or spiritual. 
Kings of England governors as well in 〈◊〉 ecclesiastical a●●●mporall.  As by the decrees and constitutions of this king (& also of other as well before him, as after him) may evidently be testified: as where he among other laws, thus ordaineth ●ouching the bishop, in words as follow.  
Episcopo iure pertinet, omnem rectitudinem promovere Dei videlicet, 
Extractum on legib 〈◊〉 Athelstane.  ac seculi. In primis, debet omnem ordinatum instruere, quid ei ●it agendum iure, & quid hominibus secularibus judicare debeant.  
Debet etiam sedulò pacem & concordiam operari cum seculi judicibus: qui rectum velle diligunt, & in compellationum allegationem edocere, ne quis alij perperam agate, in jure iurando, vel ordalio.  
Nec pati debet aliquam circumuentionem iniustae mensurae, vel iniusti ponderis. Sed convenit ut per consilium & testimonium eius, omne legis rectum, & burgi mensura, & omne pondus sit secundum 
* alias 〈◊〉  ditionem eius, institutum valde rectum: ne quis proximum suum seducat, pro quo decidat in peccatum.  
Et semper debet Christianis providere contra omnia, quae praedicta sunt, & ideo debet se de pluribus intromittere: ut sciat quomodo grex agate, quem ad Dei manum custodire suscepit, ne diabolus cum dilaniet, nec malum aliquod superseminet. Nunquam enim erit populo benè consultum, nec dignè Deo conversabitur, ubi lucrum impium & magis falsum diligitur. Ideo debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est eneruare, & quod justum est elevare, nec pati ut propter falsum, & pecuniae questum homines se forisfaciant erga verè sapientem Deum, cui displicet omnis iniustitia.  
Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est, ut rectum diligant, & iniqua condemnent & faltem sacris ordinibus evecti justum semper erigant, & prava deponant.  
Hinc debent Episcopi cum judicibus, judicia dictitare & interest, ne permittant (si possint) ut illinc aliqua pravitatum gramina pullulent. Et sacerdotibus pertinet in suo Dioecesi, ut ad rectum sedulò quemcumque muent, nec patiantur (si possint) ut Christianus aliquis alij noceat, non potens impotenti, non summus infirmo, non praelatis 
* alias minoribus.  subditis, non Dominus hominibus suis, servis, aut liberis. Et secundum 
* alias scristes dictionum.  ditionem, & per mensuram suam, convenit per rectum, ut necessaria 
* alias seruitistimentalas.  servi operentur super omnem scyram cui 
* 〈◊〉 sunt.  praeest.  
Et rectum est ut non sit aliqua mensurabilis virga longio● quàm alia, sed per 
* alias seristes mensia 〈◊〉.  Episcopi mensuram omnes institutae sint, & exequatae per su●m 
* in sua scrysiseyra.  dioecesin. Et omne pondus constet secundum dictionem eius, & si aliquid controversiarum intersit, discernat Episcopus.  
uniuscuiusque Domini proprium est & necesse, ut servis condescendat, 

A law how that masters ought to condescend and bear sometime with their servants.  
The law of king Ethelstane concerning tithes.   & compatiatur, sicut indulgentius poterit: Quia Domino Deo viventi sunt aeque chari servus, & liber. Et omnes uno & eodem pretio redemit, & omnes sumus Deo necessariò servi: Et sic judicabit nos, sicut antè iudicavimus eos, in quos potestatem judicij in terris habebimus. Et ideo opus est ut eye parcamus qui nobis parere debent & tunc manutenebimur in Dei omnipotentis proprio judicio. Amen.  
The said Ethelstane besides, prescribed other constitutions also, as touching tithes giving: where he sayeth and proclaimeth. Ego Ethelstanus Rex, consilio V●felmi Archiepiscopi mei & aliorum Episcoporum, mando praepositis omnibus in regno meo, in nomine Domini & sanctorum omnium, ut inprimis reddant de meo proprio decimas Deo, tam in vivente capitali, quàm in mortuis frugibus terrae: & Episcopi mei similiter faciant de suo proprio, & Aldermanni mei & praepositi mei, etc. That is, I Ethelstane King, charge and command all my officers through my whole Realm, to give tithes unto God of my proper good, as well in living cattle, as in the corn and fruits of the ground, and that my Bishops likewise of their proper goods, and mine Aldermen, and my officers and headmen shall do the same. Item this I will: that my Bishops & other headmen do declare the same, 
Tithes.  to such as be under their subjection, & that to be accomplished at the term of S. john the Baptist. Let us remember what jacob said unto the Lord: Of all things that thou givest to me, I will offer tithes unto the Lord. etc. Also what the Lord sayeth in the Gospel of S. matthew. To him that hath, it shallbe given: and he shall abound. We must also consider how terribly it is written in books, that if we will not offer our tenths, from us ix. parts shall be taken away, and only the x. part shallbe left us. etc. And in the same place, after that he hath assigned the Church rights to be paid in the place, whereto they belong: it followeth thus. 
The K. would usurp no man's goods wrongfully.  Facite etiam ut mihi mea propria cupiatis, quae mihi poteritis recté acquirere. Nolo ut aliquid mihi injust cóquiratis. Sed omnia vestra concedo vobis eo tenore, quo mihi mea similiter exoptetis. Cavete simul & vobis, & eye quos admonere debetis, ab ira Dei, & transgressione mea.  
Among his other laws & ordinances, to the number of xxxv. divers things be comprehended pertaining as well to the spiritual, 

The law of K. Ethelstane concerning fealous stealing above xii. d.  
Epitap. in Ethelst.  
Sol illustravit bisseno scorpion ortu. Cum regem cauda percu●●t ille sua.   as also to the temporal jurisdiction.  
Out of the laws of this King, first sprang up the attachment of thieves, such as stole above xij. pence, and were above xij. years old, should not be spared.  
And thus much briefly concerning the history of King Ethelstane, & things in his time done: who reigned about the space of xuj. years. And because he died without issue, therefore after him succeeded his brother Edmund, the year of our Lord. 940. who reigned vj. years.   

King Edmund.  

Anno. 940.  EDmund the son of Edward the elder, by his third wife (as is declared) and brother of Ethelstane, being of the age of xx. years, entered his reign: who had by his Queen Elgina, 
Edmundus king of England.  two sons, Edwyne, and Edgarus, surnamed Pacificus, which both reigned after him, as followeth. This Edmund continued his reign vj. years & a half. By him were expulsed the Danes, Scots, normans, and all foreign enemies out of the land. Such Cities and Towns which before were in the possession of strangers: as Lyncolne, Nottingham, Derby, Stafforde, and Leycetour, he recovered out of their hands. Thus the realm being cleared of foreign power, for a time: then the king set his study and mind in the redressing and maintaining the state of the Church: which all stood then in building of Monasteries, and furnishing of Churches, either with new possessions, 
Ex historia Cariona.  or with restoring the old which were taken away before. In the time of this Edmund, this I find in an old written story, borrowed of W. carry: a citizen of London, a worthy treasurer of most worthy Monuments of antiquity. The name of the author I can not allege: because the book beareth no title, lacking both the beginning, and the latter end. But the words thereof faithfully recited, be these: Huius regis tempore, facta est dispersio Monachorum Eushmensis coenobij, 
Monks put out of Eusham, the year of our Lord. 941.  cum substitutione Canonicorum per Althelmum, & Vlricum laicos, & Osulphum Episcopum. etc. That is: In the time of this King, there was a scattering or dispersion made of the Monks out of the Monastery of Eusham, and Canons substituted in their place: through the doing of Athelmus, & Ulricus lay men, and of Osulfus Bishop. etc.  
Where, as concerning this matter between Monks and other of the clergy, first it is to be understand: that in the realm of England, 
The difference between Monks and priests.  heretofore before the time of Dunstane: the bishops seas and cathedral churches were replenished with no monks, but with priests and canons (called then clerks or men of the clergy) After this beginneth to rise a difference or a sect betwixt these two parties, in straightness of life and in habit: 
Chastity wrongly defined. Holy marriage by the definition of Paphnutius is chastity.  so that they which lived after a straighter rule of holiness, were called monks, & professed chastity: that was, to live from wives, (for so was chastity then defined in those blind days) as though holy matrimony were no chastity, according as Paphnutius did well define it in the council of Nice. The other sort which were no monks but priests or men of the clergy called, lived more free from these monkish rules and observances: and were then commonly (or at least lawfully) married, 
Monks how they differed from Priests, and how they first began in England.  and in their life and habit, came nearer to the secular sort of other christians. By reason whereof great disdain & emulation was among them: in so much that in many Cathedral churches, where as priests were before, there monks were put in. And contrary, sometime where as Monks were intruded, there priests and canons again were placed, and monks thrust out: whereof more shall appear here after (by the grace of Christ) when we come to the life of Dunstane. In the mean time, something to satisfy the cogitation of the reader, which peradventure either is ignorant, or else would know of the first coming in of monks, into this realm and Church of England in the saxons time: 
Guliel. de pontifice▪  this is to be noted, according as I find in old Chronicles, namely in the latin history of Guliel. de gestis pontificum Angl. recorded, touching the same. That about this time of king Edmund or shortly after, when hardness and straightness of life, joined with superstition, was had in veneration, and counted for great holiness: Men therefore, either to win public same with men, or merits with God, gave themselves to lead a strait life: thinking thereby, the stranger their conversation was, 
The monastery of F●●riake.  and farther from the common trade of vulgar people, the more perfect to be toward God and man. There was at that time (and before that) a monastery in France named Floriake, after the order and rule of Benedict: from the which Monastery did spring a great part of our english monks. Who being there professed, and afterward returning into England, did congregate men daily to their profession. And so, partly for strangeness of their rule: partly for outward holiness of their straight life: partly for the opinion of holiness that many had of them, were in great admiration: not only with the rude sort, but with kings and princes: who founded their houses, maintained their rules, and enlarged them with possessions. Among the which order of monks coming from Floriake, especially was one Oswaldus, first a monk of Floriake, than bishop of Wirceter and of York: a great patron and setter up of monkery. 
Oswaldes' Bishop of York a great pa●●●● of Monkery. Guliel lin. 3. de pontiff.  Touching the which Oswaldus, William in his book, De pontific. writing of his history, hath these words: Familiaris per id temporis Anglis consuetudo fuit, ut si qui boni afflati essent desiderio, in beatissimi Benedicti monasterio caenobialem susciperet habitum: a quo, religionis huiusce manavit exordium, etc. That is, It was a common custom at that time among English men, that if any good men were well affected or minded toward religion, they went to the Monastery of blessed S. Benedict in France, and there received the habit of a Monk: Whereupon the first origine of this religion began, 
The orig●● of monkery how it first began in England.  etc. But of this Oswald bishop of York, and Dunstane bishop of Canterbury, and Ethelwold bishop of Winchester, how they replenished divers Monasteries, & Cathedral Churches with Monks: and how they discharged married Priests and Chanans out of their houses, to plant in Monks in their celles: more shall be spoken (by the grace of Christ) hereafter. Now let us return again to the matter where we left, of king Edmund: who besides his noble victories against his enemies, and recovering the Cities above expressed into his own hands: did also subdue the province of Cumberland. And after he had put out the eyes of the two sons of Dunmail king of Cumberland, 
Dunstane Abbot of Glastonbury.  he committed the governance thereof to Malcolinus king of Scots: upon promise of his trusty service & obedience, when the king should stand in any need of him. In the time of this king, Dunstane was not yet Archbi. of Canterbury, but only Abbot of Glastenbury: 
The sons of King Edmund.  of whom many fabulous narrations pass among the writers, importing more vanity than verity. Wherefore this is one of the first: what time Edgarus called Pacificus was borne, 

The impudent vanity of the Pope's Church in forging false miracles.  
Guliel. lib. 1. de pont. The monastery of Glastonbury.  
Dunstane Abbot of Glostanbury.  
The Abbey of Glostenbury was first builded by K. Iue, by the counsel of Adelmus, after being destroyed by the Danes. Guliel. lib. 2. de Regib.   Dunstane being the same time Abbot of Glastenbury (as the monkish fables dream) heard a voice in the air of certain Angels singing after this tenor, and saying: Now peace cometh to the church of England in the time of this child and of our Dunstane, etc. This I thought to recite, that the christian reader might the better ponder with himself, the impudent and abominable fictions of this Romish generation. Out of the same mint also have they forged, how the said Dunstane should hear the angels sing the Kyrieeleyson, used to be song at evensong in the church. Guliel de pontiff. lib. 1. Which is as true as that the Harp hanging in a woman's house, played by itself the time of the Anthem, called Gaudent in coelis, etc. What would not these deceivers feign in matters something likely, which in things so absurd and so inconvenient, shame not to lie and to forge so impudently & also so manifestly? Through the motion of this Dunstane: King Edmund builded and furnished the monastery of Glastenbury, & made the said Dunstane Abbot thereof.  
Concerning the end and death of this King, sundry opinions there be, Alfridus and Marianus say: that while this King Edmund endeavoured himself to save his sewer from the danger of his enemies, which would have slain him at Pulcherchurch: the king in parting of the fray was wounded, and died shortly after. But Guliel. de Regibus. lib. 2. sayeth, that the king being at a feast at Pulcherchurch upon the day of S. Augustine, espied a felon sitting in the hall, named Leof, whom he before for his felony had exiled. And leaping over the table did fly upon him, & plucked the thief by the hair of the head to the ground. In which doing, the felon with a knife wounded the king to the death, and also with the same knife wounded many other of the king's servants, and at length was all to hewn, and died forthwith.  

The laws of king edmund touching as well the state spiritual as temporal.  By the laws of king Edmund (ordained and set forth, as well for the redress of church matters, as also of civil regiment) it may appear, that the state both of causes temporal & likewise spiritual, appertained then to the kings right (the false pretenced usurpation of the bishop of Rome notwithstanding) as by these laws is to be seen: where he by the advise of his lords and bishops, did enact & determine concerning the chastity & pure life of ecclesiastical ministers, and such as were in the orders of the Church, with the penalties also for them which transgressed the same.  
Item, for tithes to be paid of every christian man, and for the church fees, and alme fees, etc.  
Item, for deflowering of women professed, which we call Nuns, etc.  
Item, for every bishop to see his churches repaired, of his own proper charge, and boldly to admonish the king whether the houses of God were well maintained, etc.  
Item, for flying into the church for sanctuary, etc.  
Item, concerning cases and determinations spousal, or matrimonial, etc.  
All which constitutions declare, what interest kings had in those days in matters as well ecclesiastical as other, within their dominion, and that not only in disposing the ordinances and rites, such as appertained to the institution of the church: but also in placing and setting Bishops in their sens, etc.  
In the time of this Edmund, was Ulstanus Archb. of York, 
Vlstanus Archbishop of York. Odo Arch. of Canterbury.  and Odo Archbishop of Canterbury, which Odo being a Da●e borne (as is before touched) was promoted to that sea by king Ethelstane, for that (as they say) he being first bishop of Witone, & present with king Ethelstane in the field against Analafus before mentioned, what time the said Ethelstane had lost his sword, he through his intercession up to heaven, did see a sword from heaven, come down into the sheath of the king. Whereof relation being made to the king by the foresaid Bishop, 
Guliel. de pont. lib. 1. Polycron. lib. 6. ca 6.  Ethelstane upon the same was so affected toward Odo, that not only he counted him for a Patron of his life, but also made him Primate of Canterbury after the decease of Ulfelmus. This Odo was the first from the coming of the Saxons, till his time which was Archbishop of Canterbury being no monk. 
Odo made monk at Floriake, after he was Archb. of Canterbury. Guliel. de pont. lib. 1.  For all the other before him were of the profession of Monks, of whom a great part had been Italians unto Berctualdus. Notwithstanding this Odo, being also a stranger borne, after he was elected into the bishopric, to answer to the old custom of others before him, sailed over into France, and there at Floriake (after the usual manner above mentioned of Englishmen) received the profession and habit of monkish religion, as saith my foresaid author. And like as the said Odo first being no monk, was made Archbishop of Canterbury. So also Ulstanus the same time, being bishop of York and of Worcester, 
Guliel. lib. 3. de pont. Ebor.  differed from divers his predecessors before him in profession and in habit: of whom the forenamed author thus writeth in his iij. book, speaking of Ulstanus qui sanctitate discrepabat & habitu, that is, he differed in sanctimony and in habit. 
The difference of habit and garments among men of the Church.  Whereby is to be collected, that in those days was a difference in habit & garment, not only between monks & bishops, but also between one Bishop and an other. Albeit what difference it was yet, I do not find. But I return again to Odo, who by the description of his manners, might seem not to be the worst that occupied that place, were it not that our lying histories feigning false miracles upon him (as they do of other) make him in deed to seem worse than he was. 
False and lying miracles noted upon Odo.  As where they imagine that he should see from heaven a sword fall into the scabbard of king Ethelstane. Iten, where he should cover and defend the church of Canterbury with his prayers from rain. 
A note to the reader.  And also where he should turn the bread of the altar (as the writer termeth it) into lively flesh, & from flesh into bread again, to confirm the people which before doubted in the same. Where note again (good Reader) that albeit this miracle were true, as no doubt it is untrue: yet is it to be noted, that in those days was a great doubt among englishmen of the popish sacrament, 
Transubstantiation not yet received.  & that transubstantiation was not received into the christian creed. The like judgement is to be given also of that, where our English writers testifying of the same Odo, say that he should prophesy long before of Dunstan, to be his successor in the church of Canterbury. But to let these fantasies and idle stories pass, this which we find of Odo, his own writing is certain, that the said Odo in the reign of king Edmund, had a synod commenced of the chief Prelates and men of the clergy in his time, to whom he directed this letter here following: the copy whereof I thought to express, for the Reader to see what zealous care reigned in Archbishops then toward the Church of the Lord. The words of his epistle proceed in this tenor.  
The letter or an Epistle of Odo Archbishop of Caunterbury, sent to the other Bishops and men of the Clergy.  
MIrabili cunctipotentis polorum praesulis clementia opitulante: Ego Odo, 
The letter of Odo Archb. to the prelate's  ecclesiae salvatoris Domini nostri jesu Christi Archiepiscopus, Doverniensis civitatis Metropolitanus, coepiscopis fidei catholicae compagatoribus spirituali charitatis rigore meis confratribus. Praesentium prosperitatem aethereique decoris beatitudinem, etc.  

The same in English.  
By the divine grace of God, I Odo of the church of our lord and saviour jesus Christ, Archbishop & Metropolitan of the city of Dover, to my fellow bishops, and fellow planters of the catholic faith, and my fellow brethren in the spiritual bond of charity, with greeting, wish prosperity in this world present, & in the world to come felicity. If it were so, or by any means could be, that all the riches of this world were laid before mine eyes, so that I being Emperor had all things universally under my subjection, all those things gladly would I give, yea and myself also would offer willingly for the health of your souls, as which also do desire and trust likewise myself to be strengthened with the fervency of your holiness, as appertaining to those things wherein the Lord our God hath set us to be workmen, etc.   
And after a few other words of like effect, wherein he doth declare the heavy burden of his office, it followeth after this manner.  
Wherefore most humbly and one unworthy, but yet a deuou● fellow brother of yours, I beseech and exhort your holiness: that you will not show yourselves cold and negligent in the cure and regiment of souls, so that in the time of the fearful judgement, the Lord do not complain of you, saying, my shepherds did not feed my flock, but they fed themselves And again they were princes of my flock, and I knew not of it. But rather let us take heed, and be diligent over the household of the Lord, over which he hath set us to be the leaders: to give them meat & true measure of corn in time convenient: that is to say, wholesome doctrine. And although upon mine own demerits or worthiness I do not presume to comfort or exhort any man: but as one being unworthy & faulty in transgressions innumerable, am glad, and stand in need, rather to be strengthened by your brotherly admonitions: yet for the ancient authority of my predecessors as of Augustine, of happy memory, and also of all other saints by whose industry the rule of christianity did first flourish and spring from this Metropolitan sea, unto all quarters of England. Therefore I have thought good to direct unto you these my letters to the profit of you all: especially, for that our renowned & princely king Edmond, with all his people doth joy to follow that which he heareth in you, and of you: and also, forsomuch as all his subjects which be under his Imperial dominion, do love and delight to follow most joyfully, the same and report of your sincere conversation, etc.  
This Odo continued bishop the space of 20. years. After whom Elsinus was elected and ordained by the king to succeed through favour and money: 
Elsinus Archb. of Caunt. elect. S. Edmundesbury.  but in going to Rome for the Popes pall, in his journey through the Alpes, he decayed and died for cold. Whereupon succeeded Dunstane▪ as in time and place (by the leave of Christ) followeth to be declared.  
This Edmund gave to S. Edmund the Martyr before mentioned, the town of Bredrich●ehworth, which is now called S. Edmondesbury, with great revenues and lands appertaining to the same. But concerning the frivolous miracles which our Monkish storywriters here ●ayne of this good Edmund, by the way (or rather out of the way) I let them pass.  
And thus much concerning the reign of king Edmund, 
The children of King Edmund.  who after he had reigned vj. years and half, was slain as is said at Pulchorchurch, and buried at Glastenbury of Dunstane: 
Anno. 946.  leaving behind him two children, Edwine & Edgar, by his wife Elgina. But because the foresaid children were yet young & under age, therefore Edrede brother to king Edmund, and uncle to the children, governed as Protector about the space of 9 years and half, 
Edrede governor of the Realm.  till Edwine the eldest son came to age. This Edrede with great moderation, and fidelity to the young children, behaved himself during the time of his government. 
Dunstane made bishop of Wirceter and after of London.  In his time, Dunstane was promooted through the means of Odo the Archbishop, from Abbot of Glastenbury, to be Bishop of Wirceter, and after of London. By the counsel of this Dunstane, Edrede was much ruled, and too much thereto addicted: In so much that the said Edrede is reported in stories to submit himself to much fond penance, and castigations inflicted to him of the said Dunstane. Such zealous devotion was then in princes, and more blind superstition in bishops. And here again is an other miracle as fantastical as the other before, forged of Dunstane. That when that Edrede being sick, sent for Dunstane to be his confessor by the way: Dunstane should hear a voice declaring to him before, that Edrede was already departed, at the declaring whereof Dunstan's horse fell immediately dead under him, 
With lie and all.  with lie and all.   

* King Edwine.  

K. Edwyne.  EDwine the eldest son of king Edmund afore mentioned, after his uncle Edrede, began his reign about the year of our Lord, 
Anno. 955.  955. being crowned at Kingston by Odo the Archbishop of Caunterbury. Of this Edwine it is reported of divers writers, that the first day of his coronation, sitting with his Lords, broke suddenly from them & entered a secret chamber, to the company of a certain woman, whom he inordinately retained (being as some say an other man's wife) whose husband he had before slain, as other say being of his alliance, to the great misliking of his Lords, and especially of the Clergy. Dunstane was yet but Abbot of Glastenbury, who following the king into the chamber, brought him out by the hand, and accused him to Odo the Archbishop, 
The king suspensed by the Archbishop. K. Edwyne an enemy to Monks.  causing him to be separate from the company of the foresaid party, by the which Odo, the king was for his fact suspended out of the Church. By reason whereof the king being with Dunstane displeased, banished him his land, & forced him for a season to flee to Flanders where he was in the monastery of S. Amandus. About the same season the Monastical order of Benedict Monks or black monks (as they were called) began to multiply and increase here in England. 
Monks put out, and secular priests placed in their rooms.  In so much, that where before time other priests & Canons had been placed. there monks were in their rooms set in, and the secular priests (as they then were called) or Canons put out, But king Edwine for the displeasure he bore to Dunstan, did so vex all the order of the said monks, that in Malmesbury Glastenbury, & other places more, he thrust out the monks, and set in secular priests in their stead.  
Notwithstanding it was not long, but these priests and Canons were again removed, and the said monks in their stead restored, both in the foresaid houses, and in divers other Church's Cathedral besides, as in the next story of King Edgar (Christ willing) shall at more large appear.  

The death of K. edwin.  In five king Edwine being hated by reason of certain his demeanours, of all his subjects (especially the Northumbrians and Mercians) was by them removed from his kingly honour, and his brother Edgar in his stead received: so that the River of Thamis divided both their kingdoms. Which Edwine after he had reigned about the term of four years departed, leaving no heir of his body. Wherefore the rule of the land fell unto Edgar his younger brother.   

¶ King Edgar.  

Anno. 959.  EDgar the second son of Edmund, and brother to Edwine being of the age of xuj. years, began his reign over the realm of England, in the year of our Lord, 959. but was not crowned till 14. years after: 
K. Edgar called Pacificus.  the causes whereof here under follow (Christ willing) to be declared. In the beginning of his reign he called home Dunstane, whom king Edwine before had exiled. Then was Dunstane, which before was Abbot of Glastenbury, 

Dunstane made Bysh. of Worceter, and of London.  
Ex hist. Rog. Hovenden. Spiritual livings given by the king, and not by the Pope.   made bishop of Worcester, & then of London. Not long after, this Odo the Archbishop of Cant. deceaseth, after he had governed the Church 24. years. After whom Brithelinus bishop of Winchester, first was elected. But because he was thought not sufficient to furnish the room: Dunstane was ordained Archb. and the other sent home again to his old Church. Where note by the way, how in those days the donation and assigning of ecclesiastical dignities remained in the king's hand, only they fet their pall from Rome, as a token of the Pope's confirmation. So Dunstane being by the king made Archb. took his journey to Rome for his pall of Pope john the 13. which was about the beginning of the King's reign. Thus Dunstane obtaining his pall, shortly after his return again from Rome, 

Oswald's bishop of Worceter and after ● York, Ethelw●●● bishop of Wint. a great ●●●tayner of Monkery.  
An. 96●.  
Ex Guliel. Malm●s●●rie●● de gostis pon●●● A●g.   entreateth King Edgar, that Oswaldus (who, as is said, was made monk at Floriake, and was nephew to Odo late bishop of Cant.) might be promooted to the bishopric of Worcester, which thing to him was granted. And not long after, through the means of the said Dunstane, Ethelwoldus (whom stories do fain to be the great patron of Monkery) first Monk of Glastenbury, them Abbot of Abbendon, was also made Bysh. of Winchester. Of this Ethelwold, Gulielmus libro de gestis pontificum recordeth, that what time he was a Monk in the house of Glastenbury, the Abbot had a vison of him which was this. How that there appeared to him in his sleep a certain great tree, the branches whereof extended through out all the four quarters of the Realm, which branches were all covered with many little Monks cowls, where, in the top of the tree was one great master cowl, which in spreading itself over the other cowls, enclosed all the rest, which master cowl in the tree top, mine Author in the interpretation applieth to the life of this Ethelwold. 
monkish dreams.  Of such prodigious fantasies, our monkish histories be full, and not only our histories of England, but also the Heathen histories of the Gentiles be stuffed with such kind of dreams of much like effect.  
Of such a like dream we read of the mother of Ethelstane, how the Moon did spring out of her womb, & gave light to all England. Also of king Charles the Emperor, how he was led by a thread to see the torments of hell. Like wise of Furceus the Eremite mentioned in the third book of Bede, who saw the joys of heaven and the 4. fires that should destroy the world: the one of lying, for breaking our promise made at Baptism. The second fire was of covetous. The third of dissension. The fourth was of the fire of impiety and wrongful dealing. Item, in like sort of the dream of Dunstane, and of the same Ethelwold, to whom appeared the three bishops, Bristanus, Birinus, and Swithinus, etc. Iten, of the dream of the mother of this Ethelwold, who being great with him, did see a golden Egle flee out of her mouth, etc. Of the dream likewise, or the vision of King Edgar concerning the falling of the two apples, 
Dreams not necessary to be regarded. Difference of dreams.  and of the pots, one being full of water, the other empty, etc. Also of king Edward the Confessor, touching the ruin of the land by the conquest of the Normands. We read also in the history of Astyages, how he dreamt of Cyrus. And likewise of many other dreams in the books of the monks, & of the Ethnic writers. For what cannot either the idle vanity of man's head, or the deception of the lying spirit work by man: in foreshowing such earthly events as happen commonly in this present world? But here is a difference to be understood between these earthly dreams, speaking of earthly things, 
How and when monks first began to swarm in England, Dunstane, Ethelwold, Oswald, three setters up of monkish religion. 40. Monasteries builded and repaired by K. Edgar. priests thrust out of Cathedral houses, and monks set in.  and matters of humane superstition, & between other spiritual revelations sent by God touching spiritual matters of the Church, pertaining to man's salvation. But to our purpose, by this dream, and by the event which followed after, it may appear how & by what means the multitude of Monks began first to swarm in the Churches of England (that is) in the days of this Edgar, by the means of these three Bishops, Dunstane, Ethelwold and Oswold. Albeit Dunstane was the chiefest ring leader of this race, yet Ethelwold being now Bishop of Winchester, & Oswald bishop of Worcester, were not much behind for their parts. By the instigation and counsel of these three aforesaid, king Edgar is recorded in histories to build either new out of the ground, or to re-edify monasteries decayed by the Danes, more than xl. As the house of Ely, Glastenbury, Abington, Burgh by Stamford, Thorney, Ramsey, Wilton, Wenton, Winchtombe, Thamstock in Devonshire, with divers other more▪ In the setting up and building of the which, the foresaid Ethelwold was a great doer and a founder under the king. Moreover, through the motion of this Dunstane and his fellows, king Edgar in divers great houses and Cathedral Churches, where Prebendaries and priests were before, 
Roger Hoveden lib. Continuationum, post Bedan. Chronicon jornalense▪ Guliel. de gestis pontifi. lib. 1.  displaced the priests, and set in Monks. Whereof we read in the chronicle of Rog. Hoveden, in words and form as followeth: Hic namque Ethelwoldus Regem cuius eximius erat consiliarius, ad hoc maximè provocavit, yt clericos à Monasterijs expelleret, & monachos sanctimonialesque in eyes collocaret, etc. That is, Ethelwold bishop of Winchester, who was then one of the king's counsel, did urge the K. chief to expel Clerks out of Monasteries, and in their rooms to bestow Monks and Nuns, etc. whereunto accordeth likewise Historia jornalensis, containing the like effect in these words: Hoc anno Ethelwoldus Wint. & Oswaldus Wygornensis Episcopi, jussu Regis Edgari (clericis de quibusdam maioribus Ecclesijs expulsis) Monachos instituerunt, aut de eisdem clericis & alijs monachos in eisdem fecerunt. Gulielmus also writing of the time of Dunstane, maketh the matter somewhat more plain where he saith: Itaque clerici multarum Ecclesiarum data optione, ut aut amictum mutarent, aut locis valedicerent, melioribus habitacula vacuefacientes. Surgebant itaque in tota insula, religiosorum monasteria, cumulabantur mole pretiosi metalli sanctorum altaria, etc. Thus the secular priests being put to their choice, whether to change their habit, or to leave their rooms, departed out of their houses, giving place for other better men to come in. Then the houses & Monasterics of Religious men through all the Realm, went up apace, etc.  
After the king's mind was thus persuaded and incited by these bishops to advance Monkery, than Oswaldus bishop of Worcester, & also made Archbishop of York, after the decease of Oskitellus, 

Oswald Bishop of Wytceter. and Archb. of York.  
The policy of Oswald in driving out priests to place in Monks.   sui 〈◊〉 compos effectus (as Hoveden writeth) having his sea in the cathedral Church there of S. Peter, began first with fair persuasions to assay the minds of the Canons and priests, whether they could be content to change their profession, and to be made monks, or no: which when he saw it would not take effect, he practised this policy with them. near to the said Church of S. Peter, within the churchyard he erected an other Church of our Lady, which when he had replenished with Monks, there he continually frequented, there he kept, there he sat, and was ever there conversant. 
An 969.  By reason whereof, the other church was left naked and desolate, and all the people gathered there where the bishop was. 
Galiel. lib. 3. de. Gest. pontifi. Chr. jornalense. in vita Edgar●.  The priests seeing themselves so to be left and neglected both of the Bishop and of the people, to whom nothing remained but shame and contempt, were driven of shame either to relinquish the house (such as would not enter the Monkish profession) or else to become monks, such as had nothing else to stay upon. After the like superstition (although not after the same subtlety) did Ethelwold also drive out the Canons and priests from the new Monastery in Winchester, afterward called Hida, 
Prebendaries and Priests slack in their duty.  and placed his monks. So in Oxford and in Mildune, with divers other places more: the secular Priests with their wives were expelled to give place to Monks. The cause whereof is thus pretended in certain story writers, whom I see also Fabian to follow, for that the priests and Clerks were thought slack and negligent in their Church service, and set in Uicares in their stead, while they lived in pleasure, and misspent the patrimony of the Church after their own lust. Then king Edgar gave to the Vicars the same land which before belonged to the Prebendaries, who also not long after showed themselves as negligent as the other. 
Priests voided of Cathedral Churches, and monks set in.  Wherefore king Edgar (as mine authors writ) by the consent of Pope john, 13. voided clearly the priests, and ordained there monks. Although certain of the nobles, and some of the Prelates were therewith not well contented, as in the chapter following, may partly appear.  
But for so much as we have entered into the mention of Monks & Nuns, 
The difference order, and institution of Monks examined.  and of their profession, which I see so greatly in our Monkish stories commended: lest perhaps the simple Reader may be deceived thereby, in hearing the name of monks in all histories of times to be such an ancient thing in Christian life (even from the primitive church after the Apostles time) both commonly recited and well received: therefore to help the judgement of the ignorant, and to prevent all error herein, it shall not be unprofitable in following the present occasion here given (by way of a little digression) to intermeddle somewhat concerning the original institution of monks, what they were in the old time, which were called Monachi, wherein the monks of the primitive time, did differ from the Monks of the middle time, and from these our Monks now of this latter age. Moreover, wherein all these three do differ from Priests (as we call them) and from men of the clergy. Wherefore to answer to the superstitious scruple of such, which allege the old antiquity of the name and title of monks: first I grant, the name and order of Monks to be of old continuance, during near from the time of 300. years after Christ. Of whom divers old authors do record, as Augustinus, Hieronymus, basilus Magnus, who was also himself one of the first institutors and commenders of that superstition. Chrysostomus, 

Two sorts of Monks in the primitive Church.  
Cassianus. lib. 2. cap. 4. de canon. Nectar. orat.   Nazianzenus, Euagrius, Sozomenus, Dionysius, and divers other. In the number of these monks (which then were divided into Her●mites or Anachorites and into Coenobites) wax Antonius', Paulus, joannes, with divers other recluses. Among the which was Jerome, Basile, Macarius, Isidorus, Pambus, Nilammon, Simeon, with infinite other, both in Palestina, Syria, Thebaide, Mesopotamia in Egypt, in Africa and Scythia. In so much that Cassianus, Lib. 2. cap. 4. de Canon. Noctur. orat. maketh mention of a certain Monastery in Thebaide, wherein were above 5000. monks, under the government of one Abbot. And here also in England mention is made before of Bangor, wherein were two thousand & two hundred Monks under one man's ruling, in the year of our Lord, 596. whereby it appeareth that Monks were then, and 2000 years before in the primitive time of the Church. But what monks these were, is to be considered. Such as either by tyranny of persecution were driven into solitary and desert places, or else such as not constrained of any, but of their own voluntary devotion (joined with some superstition among, for the love they had to spiritual contemplation, and for hatred of the wicked world) withdrew themselves from all company, either having nothing to themselves proper, 

Two sorts of lay men.  
Monks in the old time were no other but lay men, leading a strict life.  
August. de. mor. ecclesia. Hieron. ad Heliodor. Dionysius. Concilium Chalced. Can. A.  
Monks forbidden to intermeddle with matters ecclesiastical.   or else all things common with other. And all these were then nothing else but lay men. Of which lay men there were two sundry sorts, one of the vulgar & common people, which only were partakers of the Sacraments, the other in following a Monastical kind of life, were called Monks (being nothing but lay men) leading a more severe and straighter trade of life, than the other, as may sufficiently appear by August. Lib. de moribus Ecclesiae cap. 13. Item, Lib. de operibus Monachorum. Item Epistola ad Aurelium. Also by Jerome ad Heliodorum, writing these words: Alia Monachorum est causa, alia clericorum. Clerici pascunt oves, ego pascor, etc. That is, One thing pertaineth to Monks, an other thing to them of the Clergy. They of the Clergy feed their flock. I am fed, etc. Et ex Dionysio. Also the same appeareth likewise by the 4. Canon of the Council of Chalcedone, where it is provided, Ne Monachi se Ecclesiasticis negocijs immisceant. That is, That Monks should not intermeddle with matters of the Church. etc. Et Leo Epistola 62 vetat Monachos & laicos, etsi scientie nomine glorientur, admitti ad officium docendi & concionandi.  
By these foresaid authors alleged, 

Monks differing from Priests. Monks in the primitive time differing from Monks in the ij. age of the Church.  
August de institutis monachorum.   it is evident: that Monks in the former age of the church, albeit they lived a solitary life, yet they were then no other but only lay men, differing from priests, & differing from the other monks, which succeeded them afterward in the middle age of the Church, and that in iij. points. First, they were tied and bound to no prescript form either of diet or apparel, or any thing else, as we may see testified by the words of S. Augustine, which be these: Neque inter haec nemo urgetur in aspera, quae ferre non potest: Nulli quod recusat imponitur. Nec ideo contemnitur à caeteris, in quod eye imitandis se fatetur invalidum. Meminerunt enim quantoperè commendata sit in Scriptures charitas. Meminerunt omnia munda mundis, etc. Non quod intrat in os coinquinat hominem, sed quod exit. Itaque non reijciendis generibus ciborum, quasi pollutis, sed concupiscentiae perdomandae, & dilectioni fratrum retinendae, 
Zozomen lib. 3. cap. 16.  invigilat omnis industria. And Sozomenus, Lib 3. cap. 16. speaking of the Monks of the same time, which in cities had several mansions from other, saith: Alij in turba civitatum conversabantur, sic seipsos gerentes, ut nullius momenti viderentur, & à multis nihil differrent, etc. 1. Some lived in cities, so behaving themselves, as seeming nothing worth, 
Monks of the primitive time were no clerks, but mere lay men.  and they differed nothing from the multitude, etc. The second point wherein they were discrepant from the latter Monks: was, in that they remained no other but in the order of lay men (only being of a straighter life than the rest) and had nothing to do in matters & charges Ecclesiastical. 
Monks of the old time some married, none restrained from marriage.  Which was afterward broken, by Pope Bonifacius the 4. as followeth more (the lord willing) to be seen and said. Thirdly, the foresaid monks of that age (albeit the most part of them lived sole & single from wives) yet some of them were married: certes none of them were forbidden or restrained from marriage. Of such as were married, 
Athanasius epistola ad Dracon.  speaketh Athanasius in Epistola ad Dracontium, qui ait se novisse & Monachos & Episcopos coniuges & liberorum patres, etc. That is, which saith that he knew both Monks and Bishops married men, and fathers of children, etc.  
And yet the said Monks of the old time, 

Superstition crept in with monkery.  
The ignorance of our free justification by Christ, is the cause of all superstition.   though they were better than the other which followed them: yet all that notwithstanding, superstition with them and among them begun then to creep into the church, through the crafty subtlety of Sachan, and all for the ignorance of our free justification by faith in jesus Christ. Examples do declare the vain and prodigious superstition of these Monastical sort of men, which examples do not lack: if 〈◊〉 rather did not lack to bring them in. But ij. or iij. shall suffice for many, which I purpose (the Lord willing) here to insert: to the intent the mind of the godly reader may the better consider and understand, 
Ex Cassia cap. 17. collat. 2. 〈…〉.  how shortly after the time of Christ and his Apostles, the doctrine of christian justification began to be forgotten, true religion turned to superstition, & the price of Christ's passion to be obscured through the vain opinion of men's merits, 
Example ● declaring the blind superstition of the Monks of the old tyme.  etc. A certain Abbot named Moses thus testifieth of himself in the Collations of Cassianus, that he so afflicted himself with much fasting and watching, that sometimes for ij. or iij. days together, not only he felt no appetite to eat, but also had no remembrance of any meat at all, and by reason thereof was driven also from sleep. In so much, that he was caused to pray to God, but for a little refreshing of sleep to be given him some piece of the night. In the same author, mention is made of a certain old man an Hermit, who because he had conceived in himself such a purpose never to eat meat without he had some guest or stranger with him, sometime was constrained to abstain v. days together until Sunday, while he came to the Church and there brought some stranger or other home with him.  

Cassianus lib. de spiritu Gastrimarg. cap. 40.  Two other examples yet more will I add out of the said Cassianus, to declare how the subtlety of Satan, through superstition and false colour of holiness, blindeth the miserable eyes of such which rather attend men's traditions, than the word of God. In the xl. chap. of the said author in his book de Gastrimargia, is told of a certain Abbot named joannes, in the desert of Scythia, who sent ij. of his Novices with figs unto one that was sick in the wilderness 18. miles off from the Church. It chanced these two young Novices missing the way, wandered so long in the wild forest or wilderness, and could not find the Celie, that for emptiness and weariness they waxed faint & tired. And yet rather would they die then taste the figs committed to them to carry, 
Superstition.  and so did, for shortly after they were found dead, their figs lying whole by them.  
another story he also reciteth of two Monastical brethren, who making their progress, in the desert of Thebaide: purposed with themselves, 
Cassian. lib. 6. cap. 2.  to take no sustenance, but such as the Lord should minister himself unto them. It happened, as they were wandering desolate in the desert, and fainting almost for penury, certain Mazices, a kind of people by nature fierce and cruel: notwithstanding, being suddenly altered into a new nature of humanity, came forth and of their own accord offered bread unto them. Which bread the one thankfully received, as sent of God. The other as counting it sent of man and not of God, refused it, and so for lack perished.  
Hereunto might I also annex the story of Mucius, who to declare his obedience, did not stick at the commandment of his Abbot, to cast his son into the water, not knowing whether any were appointed there ready to rescue him from drowning, so far were the Monks in those days drowned in superstition. What is this, but for man's traditions and commandments, to transgress the commandment of God, which saith: Thou shalt do no murder. Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God? 
Monkery mother of superstition and hypocrisy.  What man is so blind, that seethe not by these & infinite examples more: what pernicious superstition hath begun by reason of this Monkery, almost from the beginning to creep into the Church? Wherefore I cannot marvel enough, seeing that age of the Church, had in it so many learned and famous Doctors, who not only did approve and allow these monastical sects of life: but also certain themselves were the authors and institutors of the same, yea and of men's traditions made the service of God. In number of whom may be reckoned Basilius Magnus, & Nazianzenus, who with immoderate austerity did so pluck down themselves, 
Basilius Magnus. Nazianzenus.  that when they were called to the office of Bishops, they were not able to sustain the labour thereof.  
After these foresaid monks of that time above recited, followed other Monks of the middle age of the Church: 
Monks of the middle and latter age of the church described.  who as in multitude, so also in superstition increasing, began by little and little from their desolate dens in the vast wilderness, to approach more near to great towns, where they had solemn Monasteries founded by Kings and Queens, and kings daughters, and other rich Consuls, as is partly before touched. And the causes also touched withal, for the which they were first founded, as these: pro remedio animae meae, 
Causes of the founding of monasteries and Nunneries tending to the derogation of Christ's passion and Christian faith.  pro remissione peccatorum meorum, pro redemptione peccatorum meorum, & pro salute regnorum, quique meo subiacent regimini populorum. In honorem glorlosae virgins, etc. For all these impious, and erroneous titles, and causes, we find alleged in stories, as in Malmes beriensis, jornalensis, Henricus, and other more. In which histories I also note, that the most part of these foresaid monasteries were erected first upon some great murder, either by war in the field, or privately committed at home: as shall well appear to them which read the books whom I have alleged. But to return to our Monks again, who (as is said) first began to creep from the cold field into warm towns and cloisters: 
Most part of monasteries were builded upon some murder.  from towns, then into cities, and at length from their close cellors and cities, unto Cathedral Churches (as here appeareth by this story of King Edgar) where not only they did abound in wealth and riches (especially these Monks of our latter time) but much more did swim in superstition, and pharisaical hypocrisy, being yoked and tied in all their doings, to certain prescript rules and formal observances: in watching in sleeping, in eating, in rising, in praying, in walking, in talking, in looking, in tasting, in touching, in handling, in their gestures, in their vestures, every man appareled, not as the proper condition of other would require, nor as the season of the year did serve, but as the coacted rules & order of every sect did enforce them. The number of which sects was infinitely divers: some after Basilius' rule, went in white: some after Benet's rule in black: some Cluniacensis, first set up by Otho in the time of this king Edgar, 
The order of Monks Cluniac●. by Otho● up in King Edgar's time.  wearing after the rule of Benet's order: some after hierom's rule leather girdled and coped above their white coat: some Gregorians copper coloure●: Some de valle umbrosa, grey Monks: Some Grand●montenses, wearing a coat of nails upon their bare bodies, with a black cloak thereupon: Some Cistercianes, who had white rochets on a black coat: Some Celestines, all in blue, both cloak, cowl, and cap: Some Charter Monks, wearing hearecloth next their bodies: 
Monarch flagellants▪  Some Flagellants, going barefoot in long white linen shirts, with an open place in the back, where they beat themselves with scourges on the bare skin every day, before the people's eyes, till the blood ran down: saying that it was revealed to them by an Angel, that in so scourging themselves, within 30. days and 12. hours, they should be made so pure from sin, as they were when they first received baptism: some starred Monks: Some Jesuits, with a white girdle & a russet cowl. Briefly, who can reckon up the innumerable sects and disguised orders of their fraternities? Some holding of S. Benet, some of S. Jerome, Some of S. basil, Some of S. Barnard: Some of S. Bridget: Some of S. Bruno: Some of S. jews: as though it were not enough for Christian men to hold of Christ only: so subject were they to servile rules, that no part of Christian liberty remained among them. So drowned and sunk in superstition: that not only they had lost Christ's religion, but also almost the sense and nature of men. For where men naturally are and aught to be ruled by the discrete government of reason, in all outward doings, wherein no one rule can serve for all men: 
Monks are subject and ruled by the knock of a bell.  the circumstance of time, place, person, and business being so sundry and divers. Contrary, among these, not reason but only the knock of a bell, ruled all their doings: their rising, their sleeping, their praying, their eating, their coming in, their going out, their talking, their silence, & altogether like insensible people, either not having reason to rule themselves, or else as persons ungrateful to God, neither enjoining the benefit of reason created in them, nor yet using the grace of Christ's liberty, whereunto he redeemed them.  
Thus thou seest (gentle Reader) sufficiently declared, what the monks were in the primitive time of the Church, 
Monks made spiritual ministers contratrary to the old decrees and custom of the Church.  & what were the Monks of the middle age, and of these our latter days of the church. Whereunto join this with all, that where the Monks of elder time (as is said) were mere lay men and no spiritual ministers. Afterward Bonifacius the 4. made a decree, an. 606. that Monks might use the office of preaching, of Christening, of hearing confessions, & also of assailing them of their sins, etc. So then monks, who in the beginning were but lay men, and no spiritual ministers, forbidden by the general Council of Chalcedon (as is above related) to intermeddle with matters ecclesiastical: afterward in process of time did so much encroach upon the office of spiritual ministers, that at length the Priests were discharged out of their Cathedral churches, & monks set in their places. Because that Monks in those days leading a straighter life, 
priests is King Edgar's time had wives.  and professing chastity, had a greater countenance of holiness among the people, than the Priests, who then in the days of king Edgar had wives (at least so many as would) no law forbidding them to the contrary, till the time of Hildebrand, now called Gregory the 7. whereof more shall be said (Christ willing) in the book next following.  
And thus much by the way as touching the order and profession of Monks. 
The worthy acts of K. Edgar.  Now to turn in again from whence we digressed (that is) to the matter of king Edgar, who following the counsel and leading of Dunstane, and the foresaid Ethelwold Bishop of Winchester, was somewhat thereby inclined to superstition. But otherwise of his own nature, well given to all virtues and princely acts worthy of much commendation, 
The King a good justiciary. England reduced into one full and perfect monarchy.  and famous memory. So excellent was he in justice, and sharp in correction of vices (as well in his magistrates, as other subjects) that never before his days was less felony by robbers, nor less extortion or bribery by false officers. Such Provinces & lordships as were not yet come under the king's subjection, he united and adjoined to his dominion. And so made one perfect monarchy of the whole realm of England, with all the Ilelands and borders about the same. Such as were wicked, he kept under, he repressed them that were rebels, the godly he maintained, he loved the modest, he was devout to God, and beloved of his subjects, whom he governed in much peace and quietness. And as he was a great seeker of peace, so God did bless him with much abundance of peace and rest from all wars: so that as the history recordeth of him, 
●dgerus Rex Pacificu●.  Nullas insidias domesticorum, nullum exterminium alienorum sen serit, for the which he was called Pacificus. He neither tasted of any privy treason among his subjects, nor of any invasion of foreign enemies. So studious he was of the public profit of his Realm, and fruitful in his government, that as the said story testifieth of him, Nullus ferè annus in Chronicis praeterijt, quo non magnum & necessarium patriae aliquid fecerit: No year passed in all the time of his reign, 
King Edgar and King alfred compared together.  wherein he did not some singular and necessary commodity for the common wealth, etc. A great maintainer he was of Religion and learning, not forgetting herein the foresteps of King Alfred his predecessor. Among his other princely virtues this chief is to be regarded, that where as other princes commonly in much peace and quietness, are wont to grow into a dissolute negligence of life, or oblivion of their charge committed unto them. This king in continuance of peace (that notwithstanding) kept ever with him such a watch, & a vigilant severity joined with a seemly clemency, that I cannot hear but recite the witness of our story writers, testifying of his diligent care over the common wealth: which was so great, Vt nullum cuiuscunque dignitatis hominé, leges eludere impunè permitteret i. 
A note for men of nobility to mark.  That he would suffer no man of what degree of nobility so ever he were, to dally out his laws without condign punishment, etc. And followeth more in the same author. Nemo eius tempore privatus latro, Nemo popularis praedo, nisi qui mallet in fortunas alienas grassari propriae vitae dispendio, 
A notable example of a prince to admonish all princes what to do.  etc. In all his time there was neither any privy picker nor open thief, but he that in stealing other men's goods, would venture and suffer (as he was sure) the loss of his own life, etc. Guliel. de Reg.  
Moreover, as the studious industry of this Prince was forward in all other points, so his prudent provision did not lack in this also, 
Wolves first driven out of Englend.  in driving out the devouring & ravening Wolves, throughout all his land. Wherein he used this policy, In causing Ludwallus Prince or King of Wales, to yield to him yearly by way of tribute, 300. Wolves. By means whereof, within the space of 4. years after in England and Wales, might scantly be found one Wolf alive.  

The provision of king Edgar in keeping the seas.  This Edgar among other of his politic deeds, had in readiness 3600. ships of war, to scour the Seas in the Summer time, whereof 1200. kept the East seas, as many to defend the Westside, again, as many on the Southseas to repulse the invasion of foreign enemies. Moreover, in Winter season, the use and manner of this virtuous King was this: During all the time of his life, to ride over the land in progress, 
A notable example in a prince, for all good princes to mark and to follow.  searching and enquiring diligently (to use here the words of mine author.) Quomodo legum iura, & suorum statuta decretorum obseruarentur: & ne pauperes à potentibus praeiudicium passi opprimerentur. That is, How his laws and statutes by him ordained were kept, & that the poor should suffer no prejudice or he oppressed any manner of ways by the mightier, etc. Briefly, as I see many things in this worthy prince to be commended, so this one thing in him I cannot but lament, to see him like a Phoenix to flee alone, that of all his posterity so few there be that seek to keep him company. And although I have showed more already of this king, than I think will well be followed, yet this more is to be added to the worthiness of his other acts. 
The devise of K. Edgar to avoid drunkenness.  That where as by the multitude of the Danes dwelling in divers places of England much excessive drinking was used, whereupon ensued drunkenness, and many other vices, to the evil example and hurt of his subjects: he therefore to prevent that evil, ordained certain cups with pings, or nails set in them, adding thereunto a law, that what person drank past that mark at one draft, should forfeit a certain penny. Whereof one half should fall to the accuser, and the other half to the ruler of the borough or town, where the offence was done.  
It is reported of this Edgar by divers authors, that about the 13. year of his reign, he bring at Chester, a kings (called in histories Subreguli) to wit petykings, or under-kings, came & did homage to him. Of whom the first was the king of Scots, called Kinadius: Macolinus of Cumberland. Mackus or Mascusinus king of Moniae, and of divers other islands, 
Vlij. kings do homage to K. Edgar  & all the kings of Wales, the names of whom were Dufuall, or Dunewaldus; Sifreth, Hu●●all, jacob, Vikyll, juchell. All which kings after they had given their fidelity to Edgar: 
The Glory of king Edgar reprehended.  the next day following (for a pomp or royalty) he entered with these aforesaid kings into the river of Dee. Where he sitting in a boat took the rule of the helm, and caused these 8. kings, every person taking an ore in his hand, 
Wherein kings ought to glory.  to row him up and down the river to and from the Church of S. john unto his palace again, in token that he was master and Lord of so many provinces: whereupon he is reported to have said in this manner: Tunc demum posse successores suos gloriari, se Reges Angliae esse, cum tanta praerogativa honorum fruerentur. But in my mind this king had said much better, if he had rather said with S. Paul, Absit mihi gloriari, 
K. Edgar a superstitious upholder of Monkery. Ex Edmero.  nisi in cruse Domini nostri jesu Christi.  
And thus ye have heard hitherto touching the commendation of king Edgar, such reports as the old Monkish writers thought to bestow upon him, as upon the great patron of their monkish religion, who had builded so many monasteries for them, as were Sundays in the year, (as some say) or, as Edmer reporteth, but 48.  
Now on the other side, 
Vices noted in King. Edgar.  what vices in him were reigning, let us likewise consider, according as we find in the said authors described, which most write to his advancement. Whereof, the first vice is noted to be cruelty, as well upon others, as namely upon a certain Earl being of his secret counsel called Ethelwold. The story is this, Ordgarus Duke of Devonshire, had a certain daughter named Elfrida, whose beauty being highly commended to the king, he being inflamed therewith, sent this foresaid Ethelwold (whom he especially trusted) to the party, to see and to bring him word again, & if her beauty were such as was reported, 
King Edgar circumvented by one of his own counsel.  willing him also to make the match between them. Ethelwold well viewing the party, and seeing her beauty nothing inferior to her fame, and thinking first to serve his own turn, told all things contrary to the king. Whereupon the king withdrawing his mind otherwise, in the end it came to pass that Ethelwold himself did marry her.  
Not long after, the king understanding further by the complaints and rumours of certain, how he was prevented and beguiled, set a fair face upon the matter before Ethelwold, and merrily jesting with him, told him how he would come and see his wife, & in deed appointed the day when he would be there. Ethelwold the husband perceiving this matter to go hardly with him, made haste to his wife, declaring to her the coming of the king, and also opening the whole order of the matter how he had done, desired her of all love, as she would save his life, to disgrace & deform herself with garments and such attire, as the king might take no delighting in her. Elfrida hearing this what did she, but contrary to the request of her husband, & promise of a wife, against the king's coming trimmed herself at the glass, 
Cruelty in king Edgar noted.  & decked her in her best array. Whom when the king beheld, he was not so much enamoured with her, as in hatred with her husband who had so deceived him. Whereupon the king shortly after making as though he would go to hunt in the forest of Harwood, sent for Ethelwold to come to him under the pretence of hunting, & there ran him thorough and slew him. After this the bastard son of Ethelwold coming to him, the king asked him how he liked that hunting. Who answered again, that which pleaseth the king, ought not to displease him. For the death of which Ethelwold, Elfrida afterward builded a Monastery of Nuns in remission of sins. 
Great detriment happening in this Realm by King Edgar.   
another fault which Malmesbury noteth in him, was the coming in of strangers into this land, as saxons, Flemings, & Danes, whom he with great familiarity retained, to the great detriment of this land, as the foresaid story of Malmesbury recordeth, whose words be these. undè factum est, ut fama eius per ora omnium volitante, alienigenae, saxons, Flandritae, ipsi etiam Dani huc frequenter annavigarent, Edgaro familiares effecti: quo rum adventus magnum provincialibus detrimentum peperit. Ind meritò iureque reprehendunt eum literae, etc. That is, whereby it happened, that divers strangers out of foreign countries▪ 
W. Malmesb.  alured by his fame, came into the land, as saxons, Flemings, and Danes also, all which he retained with great familiarity. The coming of which strangers wrought great damage to the realm, and therefore is Edgar justly blamed in stories, etc. with the which reprehension all the Saxone stories also do agree.  
The third vice to him objected, 
The incontinent life of King Edgar. Editha base daughter of Wilfrede the kings leman.  was his incontinent & lascivious lust in deflowering maids, as first of a Duke's daughter being a nun, and a virgin named Wilfrida, or Wilftrude, of which Wilfride was borne Editha, a bastard daughter of Edgar. Also of an other certain virgin in the town of Audevar. who was privily conveyed into his bed by this means. The lascivious king coming to Andevar, not far from Winchester, and thinking to have his pleasure of a certain Duke's daughter, of whose beauty he heard much speaking, commanded the maid to be brought unto him. The mother of the virgin grieved to have her daughter made a concubine, secretly by night conveyed to the king's bed in stead of her daughter, an other maiden of beauty and favour not uncomely: who in the morning rising to her work, and so being known of the king what she was, had granted unto her of the king such liberty and freedom, that of a servant she was made mistress both to her master, and also to her mistress. Ex Mat. Paris. lib. de Regib.  

Edward borne in bastardy of elfled. King Edward's concubine.  another concubine he had also besides these aforesaid, which was Egelfleda or Elfleda, called Candida the white daughter of duke Ordinere (as Guliel. Malmesb. recordeth) she being also a professed Nun, of whom he begot Edward in bastardy. For the which he was enjoined by Dunstane 7. years penance. After which penance being complete, than he took to him a lawful wife (as Malmesbury saith) Elfritha, the mother of Edmund and Ethelred, or otherwise called Egelred, whereof more shall be said (the Lord willing hereafter.  

King Edgar a great maintainer of monkery.  Over and besides all these vices noted and objected to king Edgar in our monkish storywriters, I also observe another no less, or rather greater vice than the other afore recited, which was blind superstition and idolatrous monkery brought into the church of Christ, with the wrongful expulsing of lawful married priests out of their houses. Whereupon, what inconveniences ensued after in this realm, especially in the house of the Lord, I leave it to the consideration of them which have heard of the detestable enormities of these religious votaries. The occasion whereof, first and chief began in this Edgar through the instigation of Dunstane and his fellows, who after they had inveigled the king & had brought him to their purpose, they caused him to call a Council of the Clergy, where it was enacted and decreed, 
K. Edgar seduced by Dunstane and Ethelwold bishop of Winchester.  that the Canons of divers Cathedral churches, Colleginars, Persons, vicars, Priests and Deacons, with their wives and children, either should give over that kind of life, or else give room to Monks, etc. For execution of which decree, two principal Uisitors were appointed, Athelwold or Ethelwold, bishop of Winchester, and Oswold bishop of Worcester, as is partly before touched. 
Ex Osberno in vita Dunstani Fol. 27. Malmesb. Hoveden & alijs.  Osbernus' in vita Dunstani, Malmesb. De vit. pontiff. Rog, Houed.  
And thus much concerning the history of king Edgar and of such things as in his time happened in the church. Which Edgar after he had entered into the parts of Britanny, to subdue the rebellion of the Welshmen, and there had spoiled the country of Glamorgan, & wasted the country of Ono within x. days after, when he had reigned the space of xuj. years, died, and was buried at Glastenbury, leaving after him two bastards, 
The death of K. Edgar.  to wit, Editha and Edward, and one son lawfully begotten, named Ethelred, or otherwise by corruption called Egelred: For Edmund the elder son died before his father.  
Ye heard before how king Edgar is noted in all stories to be an incontinent liver in deflowering maids and virgins. Of which virgins iij. notoriously are expressed in authors, to wit, Wlftrude or Wlfride: The second, was the duke's maid at Andevar, nigh to Winchester: The third, was elfled mother of Edward, for the which elfled he was stayed and kept back from his Coronation by Dunstane Archbishop of Cant. the space of 7. years, and so the said king beginning his reign in the 16. year of his age being the year of the Lord, 
Ex Chronico Saxonico Ecclesia Wigornensis.  959. was crowned at his age 31. An. dom. 974. as is in the Saxon Chronicle of Worcester church to be proved. For the more evident declaration of which matter concerning the coronation of the king, restrained, and the presumptuous behaviour of Dunstan against the king: 
Ex Osberno in vita. Dunstani.  and his penance by the said Dunstane enjoined, ye shall hear both Osborne, Malmesb. and other authors, speak in their own words as followeth, Perpetrato itaque in virginem velatam peccato, etc. After that Dunstane had understanding of the king's offence perpetrated with the professed Nun, and that the same was blazed amongst the people, with great ire and passion of mind he came to the king. Who seeing the Archb. coming, eftsoons of gentleness arose from his regal seat towards him, to take him by the hand, 

Dunstane refuseth to take the king by the hand.  
The words of Dunstane to K. Edgar.   and to give him place. But Dunstan refusing to take him by the hand, and with stern countenance bending his brows, spoke after this effect of words (as stories import) unto the king: You that have not feared to corrupt a virgin maid handfast to Christ, presume you to touch the consecrated hands of a bishop? you have defiled the spouse of your maker, & think you by flattering service to pacify the friend of the bridegroom? No sir, his friend will not I be, which hath Christ to his enemy, etc. The king terrified with these thundering words of Dunstan, and compuncted with inward repentance of his crime perpetrated, fell down with weeping at the feet of Dunstane. Who, after he had raised him up from the ground again, began to utter to him the horribleness of his fact, 
Penance enjoined 〈◊〉 K. Edgar 〈◊〉 Dunstane.  and finding the king ready to receive whatsoever satisfaction he would lay upon him, enjoined him this penance for 7. years space, as followeth: That he should wear no crown all that space, that he should fast twice in the week, he should distribute his treasure left to him of his ancestors, liberally unto the poor, he should build a Monastery of Nuns at Shaftsbury, that as he had rob God of one virgin through his transgression, so should he restore to him many again in times to come: Moreover, he should expel Clerks of evil life (meaning such priests as had wives and children) out of churches, and place Covents of Monks in their room, etc.  
It followeth then in the story of Osborne, 
K. Edward reigned 〈◊〉 three years crowned king.  that when the 8. years of the king's penance were expired: Dunstan calling together all the peers of the Realm, with Bishops, Abbots, and other ecclesiastical degrees of the Clergy, in the public sight of all the multitude, 
elfled proved a nun and Edward her son a bastard.  set the crown upon the king's head at Bathe, which was the 31. year of his age, and the 13. year of his reign, so that he reigned only but 3. years crowned king. All the other years besides, Dunstan belike ruled the land as he listed. Furthermore, as touching the son of the said Elfled, thus the story writeth: Puerum quoque ex peccatrice quondam progenitum, sacro font regeneratum lavauit, & aptato illi nomine Edwardo in filium sibi adoptavit. i. The child also, which was gotten of the harlot, he baptized in the holy fountain of regeneration, and so giving his name to be called Edward, did adopt him to be his son, etc. Ex Osberno.  
By the which narration of Osberne, 

Errors in Malmesbery, and retain other Monks ●●r●●s.  
The 1. error. The kings penance not enjoined for Edith but 〈◊〉 Edward.  
The 2. error. Elflede the mother of Edward proved to be a professed Nun.   agreeing also with the story of the Saxon book above mentioned, is convinced a double untruth or error, either negligently overseen or of purpose dissembled in our latter Monkish storywriters, as in Malmesbury, Math. Paris. Math. Westm. & other more. Who to conceal the fault of king Edgar, or to bear with Dunstan's fact, in setting up Edward for the maintenance of their monkish order, first do falsely affirm, that Editha the daughter of Ulfride was borne after Edward, & that for her this penance was enjoined to king Edgar, which neither is, nor can be so, as in process hereafter (the Lord willing) shall appear.  
Secondly, they are deceived in this, that they affirm king Edgar to have two wives, and that Elfleda the mother of Edward was not a professed Nun in deed, but dissembled so to be, to avoid the violence of the king: where as in deed the truth of the story both giveth her to be a Nun, and her son to be base, and she herself never to be married unto the king.  
Now, 
The lying miracles of elfled, Dunstane and Editha reproved.  forasmuch as we have hitherto entered mention of Elfleda and Editha, also of Wlfrede and Dunstane, here would not be let pass to speak something of their lying miracles, falsely forged to the great seduction of christian people by superstitious Monks, who cared not what fables and lies they brought into the church, so they might have the vantage of poor men's purses and oblations. And first here cometh in the fabulous miracles wrought at the tomb of Elfleda the king's concubine, which W. Malmesb. in these verses expresseth: 
Idolatrous worshipping the tomb of Alflede.  
Nam nonnullis passa annis morborum molestiam.  
Defecatam & excoctam Deo dedit animam.  
Functas ergo vitae futo beatas exwias.  
Infinitis clemens signis illustravit Deltas.  
Inopes visus & auditus si adorant tumulum.  
Sanitati restituti probant sanctae meritum.  
Rectum gressum refert domum, qui accessit loripes.  
Mente captus redit sanus, boni sensus locuples.   
The English of which verses is needless here to be recited. Briefly, the effect is this: That both the blind, deaf, halt, and such as be mad, receive their health again, if they worship the tomb of this Elfleda, etc.  
The like feignings and monstrous miracles we read also in chronicles of doting Dunstane, 
The idle fantasies and forged miracles of Dunstane.  drowned in all superstition, if he were not also a wicked sorcerer: First, how he being yet a boy, chased away the devil, set about with a great company of dogs, and how the Angels did open the church door for him to enter. 
A doubt whether Dunstane was a sorcerer.  Then how the Lute or harp hanging upon the wall, did sing or play without any finger these words: Gaudent in coelis animae sanctorum, qui Christi vestigi● sunt secuti, & qui pro eius amore sanguinem suum suderunt: ideo cum Christo regnabunt in aeternum. Item where a certain great beam or maisterpost was ●●●ed out of the place: 
Dunstane a post ●etter.  he with making the sign of a Cross, set it in right frame again. Moreover, how the said Dunstane being tempted upon a time of the devil with the cogitation of women, 

Dunstane caught the devil by the nose with an hot pair of tongues. Our Lady appeareth t● Dunstane.  
What marvel if certain books and epistles be falsely entitled to the Doctors when the papists shame not to ascribe other men's verses also to the virgin Mary herself. A foul filthy Monkish miracle in the story of Editha.  
another dream of Dunstane.   caught the devil by the nose with a whore pair of tongs, and held him fast. Item, how oft heavenly spirits appeared to him, and used to talk with him amiliarly. Item, how he prophesied of the birth of king Edgar, of the death of king Egelred, of the death of Editha, and of Ethelwood bishop of Winchester. Also how our Lady with her fellows appeared visibly to him, singing this song: Cantemus Domino sociae, cantemus honorem. Dulcis amor Christi personet ore pio. Again, how the Angels appeared to him, singing the Hymn called Kyr●● Rex splendens, etc. And yet these prodigious fantasies with other more, are written of him in Chronicles, and have been believed in Churches.  
Among many other false and lying miracles, forged in this corrupt time of Monkery, the fabulous or rather filthy legend of Editha were not to be overpassed, if for shame and honesty it might well be recited. But to cast the dirt of these Pope holy monks in their own face, which so impudently have abused the church of Christ, and simplicity of the people with their ungracious vanities, let us see what this miracle is, & how honestly it is told. Certain years after the death of Editha, saith Will. of Malmes. which years Capgrave in his new Legend reckoneth to be thirteen, the said Editha & also S. Denys holding her by the hand, appeared to Dunstan in a vision, willing and requiring him that the body of Editha in the church of Wilton, should be taken up & shrined, to the intent it might be honoured here in earth of her servants, according as it is worshipped of her spouse in heaven. Dunstan upon this, coming from Salisbury to Wilton, where Editha was interred, commanded her body to be taken up with much honour & solemnity. Who there in opening her tomb (as both Malmes. and Capgrave with shame enough record) found all the whole body of this Editha consumed to earth, save only her thumb, her belly, & the part under the belly. Whereof the said Editha expounding the meaning, declared that her thumb remained found, for the much crossing she used with the same. The other parts were incorrupted for a testimony of her abstinence, and integrity, etc. Ex Malmes. & Capgravo. What Satan hath so envied the true sincerity of christian faith and doctrine, so to contaminate the same with such impudent tales, such filthy vanities, & Idolatrous fantasies as this? Such Monks with their detestable houses, 
Ex. W. Malmesteriensi & Capgravo in legend ●oua.  where Christ's people were so abominably abused and seduced to worship dead carcases of men and women, whether they deserved not to be razed, and plucked down to the ground, let all chaste Readers judge. But of these matters enough and to much.  
¶ Here followeth the epitaph written by Henricus Archdeacon of Huntingdon, 
The death of K. Edgar.  upon the praise and commendation of king Edgar.  

An Epitaph commendatory of king Edgar, written by H. Huntingdon.  Author opum, vindex scelerum, largitor honorum,  
Septiger Edgarus regna superna petit.  
Hic alter Solomon, legum pater, orbita pacis,  
Quod caruit bellis, claruit inde magis.  
Templa Deo, templis monachos, monachis dedit agros,  
Nequitiae lapsum, iustitiaeque locum  
Novit enim regno verum perquirere falso,  
Immensum modico, perpetuumque brevi.  

Sunday first hallowed from saturday at ix. of the clock, to monday morning.  Among his other laws, this king ordained that the Sunday, should be solemnised from Saturday at ix. of the clock, till Monday morning.   

King Edward called the Martyr.  
AFter the death of Edgar no small trouble arose amongst the Lords and Bishops for succession of the crown: 
An. 975.  the principal cause whereof rose upon this occasion, as by the story of Simon of Durham, 
The story of king Edward. Ex Simone Durham. Contention amongst the Lords about the putting in of Monks.  and Roger Hoveden, is declared. Immediately after the decease of the king, Alferus Duke of Mercia, and many other nobles, which held with egelred or Ethelrede the only right heir and lawful son of Edgar, misliking the placing and intruding of Monks into churches, & the thrusting out of the seculare Priests, with their wives and children out of their ancient possessions, expelled the Abbots and Monks, and brought in again the foresaid priests with their wives. Against whom, certain other there were on the contrary part, that made resistance, as Ethelwine Duke of Eastangles, Elfwoldus his brother, and the Earl Brithnothus, saying in a council together assembled, that they would never suffer the religious Monks to be expulsed and driven out of the Realm, which held up all Religion in the land, and thereupon eftsoons levied an army, whereby to defend by force the Monasteries, such as were within the precinct of Eastanglia.  
In this hurly burly amongst the Lords about the placing of Monks and putting out of Priests, 
Contention amongst the Lords for chase the king.  rose also the contention about the crown, who should be their king: the bishops and such lords as favoured the Monks, seeking to advance such a king as they knew would incline to their side, so that the lords thus divided, some of them would have Edward, and some consented upon Egelred the lawful son. Then Dunstane Archb. of Cant. & Oswold Archb. of York, with other their fellowbishops, Abbots, and divers other Lords and Dukes assembled in a council together. 
Edward the bastard made K. and the right heir put back.  In the which council Dunstan coming in with his cross in his hand, & bringing Edward before the Lords, so persuaded them that in the end Edward by Dunstan's means was elected, consecrated, and anointed for their king.  
And thus hast thou (good Reader) the very truth of this story, according to the writing of authors of most antiquity which lived nearest to that age, 
Ex Osberne. Nic. Trinet. joan. Paris. Vincentio. Antonino.  as Osberne and others, which Osberne living in the days of William Conqueror, wrote this story of Dunstan through the motion of Lanfran●us, and allegeth or rather translateth the same out of such Saxon stories as were written before his tyme. Besides which Osberne, we have also for witness hereof, Nic Trinet, in his English story written in French, and also joannes Paris, in his French story written in the Latin tongue, where he plainly calleth Edward, non legitimum filium, that is, no lawful son. Whereunto add moreover the testimony of Vincentius and Antoninus, who in plain terms likewise report the same.  
Now having said the foundation for the truth and ground of this matter, 
Editha proved not to be the child for whom King Edgar was enjoined penance.  let us come to examine how truly our latter writers do say, which writ that Editha, and not Edward was the child for whom Dunstane enjoined to the king 7. years penance, and also how truly they report Edward to be a lawful heir, and Elflede to be a lawful wife to king Edgar.  
For first touching Editha, this is confessed by the said writers themselves, that she was of good years, at what time Edgar her father was enjoined his penance. After the which seven years of his penance expired, he lived at the most but in years and a half. Which seven years and 3. years and a half, make in all but x. years & a half. But now the said authors themselves do grant, that she was made Abbess by her father, he being then alive. And how can this than stand with her Legend, which saith that she was not less than 15. years of age? By which account it must needs fall out, that she could not be so little as v. years old, before the birth of that child for whom the king did penance.  
And thus much touching Editha. Now in like manner, to consider of the time of Edward. First, this by all writers is granted, 
The years of Editha and Edward, cast by the supputation of Legends and stories.  that he was slain in the 15. year of his age. Which years do well agree to that child which king Edgar begat in bastardy, & for the which he did his penance. For the more evidence whereof, let us come to the supputation of years in this sort.  
First, the penance of the king, after the birth of this child, lasted 7. years. Then the king after the same lived 3. years & a half. After whose death Edward reigned other 3. years and a half, which in all make the full sum of 14. years. About the count of which age, the said Edward going on his 15. years, by their own reckoning was slain.  
And thus have ye by manifest demonstration proved by the right casting of the years, after their own grant & reckoning, that Editha daughter of Wlfride in no case can be the child which was borne after Edward, & for whom the king was enjoined penance, but that Edward rather was borne after Editha, and was the child for whom the penance was enjoined, contrary to the opinion commonly received in the church, which for ignorance of the story hath hitherto holden Edward to be an holy Martyr, 
King Edward called martyr proved to be a bastard.  and right heir unto the crown. Which error and opinion, how it first sprang and by whom, albeit it pertain not to my story to discuss, yet were it no hard matter to conjecture.  
First, after that Dunstane and Oswolde, with other Bishops, 
The cause prepended why this story of K. Edward is so falsely corrupted in Monkish ● stories.  Abbots, and certain Lords & Dukes of that faction, for the maintenance of Monkery, had advanced Edward to be king against Queen Alfrith mother of Ethelred, & Alferus duke of Mercia, and certain other Nobles, which held with the contrary side of the Priests against the Monks. In process of time the monks that came after to write stories, perceiving Dunstane to be reputed in the Church of Rome for an holy Saint, and the said king Edward for an holy Martyr, and partly also to bolster up their own religion of Monkery so much as they could: to the intent therefore they would save the credit both of Dunstane and of the king, and especially bearing favour to their own religion, and partly that the reputation of the church of Rome should not be distained by opening the truth of this matter, either did not see, or would not confess herein what they knew, but rather thought best to blanch the story, and colourably to hide the simple truth thereof, making the people falsely believe, that Elfleda the mother of Edward was wife to king Edgar, and Edward to be lawfully borne, and also that Editha was born after Edward, & to be the child for which the king was enjoined penance. All which is false and contrary both to the order of time above declared, and also to the plain words of Malmesbury, which speaking of king Edgar's last concubine, saith in plain words: 
Malmesb. in lib. de Regibus.  Dilexit unicè, integram lecto uni deferens sidem, quoad legitimam uxorem accepit Elfthride, filiam Ordgari. That is, he had a concubine whom he loved entirely, keeping true faith of his bed to her alone, until the time he married for his lawful wife Elfride the daughter of duke Ordgare, etc. Whereby we have to understand that whatsoever concubine this was which Malmesbury speaketh off, certain it is, that Edgar lived in whoredom till time he married his lawful wife. Furthermore, and finally to conclude, beside these arguments and allegations above recited, 

Dunstane suborneth Editha the bastard to take the crown from the right heir.  
Ex Capgrauo in vita sanctae Edithae.   let this also be prepended, how the said Dunstan with his complices, after the kill of king Edward, leaving the right heir of the crown (which was Ethelred) went about, as Capgrave and their own Legend confesseth, to set up Editha the other bastard to possess the crown, but that she more wise than her brother Edward, refused the same. Whereby what is to be thought of the doings of Dunstane, and what should be the cause why he preferred both Edward and Editha to the crown rather than the lawful heir, I leave to all indifferent Readers thereof to judge.  
After that Dunstane and his fellows had thus set up Edward for their king, they were now where they would be, supposing all to be sure on their side, and that they had established the kingdom of Monkery for ever, through the help of the young king, and the Duke of Eastangles, and certain other nobles whom they had drawn to their part. Howbeit this matter passed not so well with them, as they hoped. 
Duke Alpherus.  For shortly after the coronation of this young king. Alferus duke of Mercia, who followed much the deeds of the Queen with other great men, stoutly standing on the contrary side, drove out the Monks from the Cathedral churches, 
Priests with their wives restored.  which king Edgar before had set in, and restored again the Priests (as Ranulphus saith) with their concubines: but in the history of the Library of jornall, I find it plainly expressed with their wives. The words of the very author be these: Alferus princeps Merciorum, caeterique plures, eiectis monachis de magnis monasterijs, quos rex Edgarus nuper instituerat, clericos cum uxoribus reduxerunt: That is, Alterus duke of Mercia, 
Historia jornaelensis in vitae Edgari.  with other great men more, drove out the Monks from the great monasteries, whom king Edgar had there set in before, & restored again the priests with their wives.  
Whereby it doth evidently appear, that priests in those days were married and had their lawful wives. 
Bishops and Priests in those days, married in England.  The like before that in king Inas time is plain, that Bishops than had wives and children, as appeareth by the words of the law than set forth, extant in the history of the said jornalensis, which be these: Si quis filiolum alterius occidat vel patrinum, sit simile cognationi, & crescat emendatio secundum Weram eius Regi, 
jornalens. de In eo Rego.  sicut cognationi. Si de parentela sit qui occidit eum, tunc excedat emendatio patrini, sicut manbota Domini. Si Episcopi filiolus sit, sit dimidium hoc, etc. And thus much by the way for priests wives and their children.  
Now to the purpose again of our matter, which is to declare how the Duke and Nobles of England expulsed the Monks out of the Monasteries after the death of king Edgar. Whereof let us hear what the Monkish story of the Abbey of Crouland recordeth. Monachis de quibusdam Monasterijs eiectis, clerici sunt introducti, qui statim monasteriorum maneria ducibus terrae distribuebant, ut sic in suas partes obligati, eos contra monachos defensarent. Tunc de monasterio Eueshamensi, monachis expulsis, clerici fuerant introducti. Terraeque tyranni de terris Ecclesiae praemiati sunt, quibus Regina novercali nequitia, 
Ex Chronico Ingulphi Abbatis de Crowland.  stans cum clericis in regis opprobrium, favebat. Cum monachis autem Rex, & sancti Episcopi persistebant. Sed tyranni fulti Reginae favore & potentia, super monachos triumphabant. Multus inde tumultus in omni angulo Angliae factus est. Ex Chronico Ingulphi Abbatis de Crouland, etc. That is, The Monks being expelled out of certain Monasteries, the Clerks again were brought in, who distributed the Manors or Fermes of the said Monasteries, to the Dukes and Lords of the land, that they being obliged to them should defend them against the Monks. And so were the monks of Euesham thrust out and the seculare Clerks placed, 
Greatness in the land abo●● placing Monks 〈◊〉 displacing Priests.  & the lands of the church given to the Lords, with whom the Queen, the King's stepmother holding the same time, took part also with the said Clerks against the king. On the contrary part stood the king & the holy bishops, taking part with the monks. Howbeit, the lords & peers of the Realm staying upon the favour and power of the Queen, triumphed over the monks, etc.  
Thus as much ado there was through all quarters of the realm, 

A cont●●uersie between priests 〈◊〉 Monks.  
priests ●●●riage 〈◊〉 for an 〈◊〉 custo●● 〈◊〉 England.  
The obie●●●●on of prie●● against the Monks.  
Guliel de Regib. lib. ●. The answer of Monks against the Priests.   about the matter among the Lords, so arose no less contention between the priests & monks of England. The Priests complaining to the King and Dunstane, laid for themselves that it was uncomely, uncharitable, yea and unnatural, to put out an old known dweller for a new unknown: and that God was not pleased, that to be taken from the ancient possessor which by God was given him, neither that it could be to any good man accepted, to suffer any such injury to be done, lest peradventure the same thing wherein he was prejudicial to an other, might after revert & redound upon himself at length. The monks on the other side, laid for their part, the Christ allowed neither the old dweller, nor the new comer, nor yet looked upon the person, but who so would take the cross of penance upon him, and follow Christ in virtuous living, should be his disciple.  
These & such other were the allegations of the monks. But whether a monks cowl or a wifeless life, make a sufficient title to enter into other men's possessions or no, I refer it to the judgement of the godly. The troublous cares in marriage, the necessary provision for house keeping, the virtuous bringing up of children, 
Married men's lives compared with the life of Monks.  the daily helping of poverty and bearing of public charges, with other manifold perturbations and combraunces daily incident to the state of matrimony, might rather appear to godly wise men, to come nearer to the right cross of penance, than the easy & loitering idleness of monkery. In the end, upon this controversy was holden a Council of Bishops, & other of the Clergy. First, at Reading or at Winchester as Guliel. saith, where the greater part both of the nobles & commons judged the priests to have great wrong, and sought by all means possible, 
An. 977.  to bring them again to their old possessions and dignities. jornalensis here maketh rehearsal of an Image of the Crucifix, or a rood standing upon the frater wall, where the Council was holden. To this rood Dunstane requireth them all to pray, being belike not ignorant of some spiritual provision before hand. 
A vain miracle of Dunstanes rood that spoke.  In the midst of their prayer the rood, or else some blind monk behind him in a trunk through the wall, is reported to speak these words: Absit hoc ut fiat, absit hoc ut fiat: iudicastis benè, mutaretis non benè. In remembrance whereof, these verses were written under the roods feet.  
Humano more crux praesens aediditore.  
Coelitus affata, quae perspicis hic subarata.  
Absit ut hoc fiat, 
Here lac●e● a Thomas Crome●●● to try out false juggling.  ut cae tera tunc memorata.  
Of this Dunstanicall, or rather Satanical oracle, Henricus maketh no mention, nor Ranulphus, nor yet Hovedenus, nor Fabian in their histories. Gulielmus in his book de Regibus, reporteth it but by hearsay, in these words saying: Aliae literae docent, etc. Wherefore the less it seemeth to be of credit. Albeit if it were of credible truth, yet it proveth in this matter nothing else, but Dunstan to be a Sorcerer, as Polydorus Virgilius, also himself seemeth to smell something in this matter.  
Notwithstanding for all this, yet the strife ceased not. In so much that a new assembly of the Clergy and other, 
another assembly called at Calf.  was appointed after at a place called the street of Calf, where the Council was kept in an upper loft. In this Council many grievous complaints were objected (as Malmes buriensis saith) against Dunstane. But yet he kept his opinion, and would not remove from that which he began to maintain. And while they were there in great contention and argument which way should be admitted and allowed, 
Dunstane an enemy 〈◊〉 priests wives.  (if it be true that in the stories is written) suddenly the joists of the lof● failed, & the people with the nobles fell down, so that certain were slain, & many hurt. But Dunstane (they say only, standing upon a post of the sollar, 
A sudden fall of the people at the council of Calf. Henricus. lib 5. Guliel. Ranulph. jornalensis. Fabian.  which remained unbroken) escaped without danger. Which thing, whether it so happened to portend before the ruin of the Realm and of the nobles (as Henry Hunting. doth expound it) which after ensued by the Danes, or whether it was so wrought by Dunstanes sorcery (as was not unpossible) or whether it were a thing but feigned of the monkish writers, and not true, all this I leave to the Readers, to think therein what them liketh. The stories say further, that upon this the matter ceased, and Dunstan had all his will.  
These things thus done at Calf, it happened not long after the same, that king Edward, whom the writers describe to be a virtuous and a meek prince, much pitiful & beneficial to the poor, about the iiij. year of his reign, came upon a season from hunting in the forest alone, with out the company of his servants, to the place in the West country, 
The horrible wickedness of the Queen the mother.  where Alfeith his mother, with her son Egelred did lie. When the Queen the mother was warned of his coming by her men, anon she calleth a servant of hers, which was of her special trust, opening to him all her conceived counsel, & showing him all points how & what to do for the accomplishing of her wicked purpose. Which thing so done, she made towards the king, and received him with all courtesy, desiring him to tarry the night. But he in like courtesy excused himself, and for speed desired to see his brother, and to drink, upon his horse sitting, the which was shortly brought.  

K. Edward traterously murdered by his stepmother and her servant.  And while the cup was at his mouth, the servant of the Queen (before informed) strake him in the body with a long two edged dagger. After the which stroke the king took the horse with the spurs, and ran toward the way, where he supposed to meet with his company. But he bled so sore, that with faintness he fell from his horse, his one foot being in the styrrup. 
K. Edward found dead, and buried, not known to be king. Coref Castle.  By reason whereof, he was drawn of his horse over fields and lands, till he came to a place named Coryfgate, where he was found dead. And for that, neither the manner of his death, nor yet he himself, for the king was known, was buried unhonourably at the town of Warham, where the body remained the space of iij. years, and then after was taken up by Duke Algere above mentioned, 
The body of king Edward after three years honourably taken up and translated to Shaftesbury.  and with pomp and honour accordingly, was removed to the Minster of Shaftsbury, and there bestowed in the place called Edwardstow. Many tales run (more perchance then be true) concerning the finding and taking up of his body, which our most common histories ascribe to miracles and great wonders, wrought about the place where the king was buried. As first how a poor woman borne blind, received her sight by the means of S. Edward, there where he did lie. Also how a pillar of fire from heaven, descended over the place of his burial. Then how the foresaid Queen Alfrith taking her horse to go to the place, was stopped by the way, that neither her horse could be driven by any means, nor she herself on foot was able to approach near to the place where the corpses of S. Edward was. Furthermore, how the said Queen in repentance of her fact, 
Two Nunneries founded upon murder.  afterward builded two Nunneries, one at Amesbury by Salisbury, the other at Werewell, where she kept herself in continual repentance all the days of her life. And thus as ye have heard, was this virtuous young king Edward murdered when he had reigned almost iiij. years, leaving no issue behind him, whereby the rule of the land fell to Egelredus his brother. 
An. 979.   
¶ But here by the way is to be noted (upon the name of this Edward) that there were three Edwardes before the conquest. 
Three Edward kings before the conquest.  The first, was king Edward the Senior. The second, king Edward the Martyr, which was this king. The third, was king Edward called the Confessor▪ whereof hereafter shall follow (Christ willing) to be declared.  
In the order and course of the Roman Bishops; mention was made last of Agapetus the second. After whom next succeeded Pope john xiij. 
Continuation of the romish Bishops or Popes. Pope john xiii. a wicked Pope.  of whom Dunstane Archbishop of Canterbury received his pall, as in the story of King Edgar is before minded. This Pope is noted to be very wicked and infamous, replete from his first bringing up with abominable vices: a whoremaster, an adulterer, incestuous, libidinous, a gamester, an extortioner perjured, a fighter, a murderer, cruel, and tyrannous. Of his Cardinals, some he put out their eyes, from some he cut of their tongues, some their fingers, some their noses, etc. In a general council before the Emperor Otho, she first of that name (who was the first Emperor of the Germans) after the Empire was translated out of France to Germany by Pope Agapetus (as is above historied) these objections were articulate against him. 
Liuthprandus. lib. 6.  First, that he never said his service, that in saying his Mass he did not communicate, that he ordained Deacons in a stable, that he committed incest with two of his sisters, that playing at dice, 
As merry as pope john, Proverb.  he called for the Devil to help, that for money he made boys Bishops, that he deflowered Virgins and strangers, that of the palace of Lateran he made a Stews, that he lay with Stephana his father's concubine, likewise with Ramera and with Anna and her neese, that he put out the eyes of the bishop Benedict, that he caused houses to be set on fire, 
Pope john. xiii. deposed.  that he broke open houses, that he drank to the devil, that he never crossed himself, etc. For the which causes (and worthily) he was deposed by the consent of the Emperor with the Prelates, 
Pope john restored.  and Pope Leo was substitute in his place. But after his departing (through the harlots of Rome and their great promises) the said Pope john was restored again to his place, 
Pope john wounded in adultery.  and Leo (set up by the Emperor) was deposed. At length about the tenth year of the Popedom of this john he being found without the city with another man's wife, was so wounded of her husband, that within viij. days after he died.  
After him, 
Pope Benedictus. 5.  the Romans elected Pope Benedictus the fift, without the consent of the Emperor. Whereupon the said Otho the Emperor being not a little displeased for displacing of Leo, 
Pope Leo. 8.  whom he had before promooted, and for the choosing also of Benedict, came with his army, and said siege to Rome, and so set up Pope Leo again, the viij. of that name. 
The election of the Bishop of Rome given to the Emperor.  Which Leo to gratify his benefactor again, crowned Otho for Emperor, and entitled him to be called Augustus. Also the power which Carolus Magnus had given before to the Clergy and people of Rome: this Leo by a synodal decree granted to the emperor and his successors: 
The donations of Carolus Magnus and Otho to Rome. Pope john. 14.  that is, touching the election of the Bishop of Rome. The Emperor again restored to the sea of Rome, all such donations and possessions, which either Constantinus (as they falsely pretend) or which Carolus Magnus took from the Lombard's, and gave to them.  
After Pope Leo had reigned a year and iij. months, succeeded Pope john the 14. against whom (for holding with the Emperor) Petrus the head captain of the City, 
Pope john 14. cast into prison.  with two Consuls, xij. Alderine, and divers other nobles, gathering their power together, laid hands upon him, in the Church of Laterane, 
The cruel revenge of the pope.  and clapped the Pope in prison, 11. months. The Emperor hearing this, with all speed returned with his army again to Rome, who after execution done upon the authors and chief doers of that fact, among other 〈…〉 foresaid Petrus, to the Pope's arbitrement. Whom 〈◊〉 caused first to be stripped naked, than his beard being shaven, to be hanged by the hair a whole day together, after that to be set upon an Ass (his face turned backward, and his hands bound under the asses tail) and so to be led through the City, that all men might see him: 
Christening of bells first began.  that done, to be scourged with rods, and so banished the City. Thus ye see, how the holy father followeth the injunction of the Gospel: Diligite inimicos vestros, Love your enemies, Luke. 6. etc. From this Pope proceeded first the Christening of bells, an. 971.  
After him followed Pope Benedictus the sixth, 

Pope Benedictus. 6.  
Pope Benedict slain in prison. Pope Donus. 2. Pope Bonifacius. 7.   who in like manner was apprehended by Cynthius a Captain of Rome, & cast in prison, where he was strangled, or as some say, famished to death.  
Then came Pope Donus the ij. After whom Bonifacius the seven. was Pope: who likewise seeing the Citizens of Rome to conspire against him, was constrained to hide himself, And seeing no place there for him to tarry, took the treasure of S. Peter's Church, 

Two Popes together.  
Pope john 15.   and so privily stolen to Constantinople. In whose stead the Romans s●t up P. john the xv. Not long after: Boniface returning again from Constantinople, by his money & treasure procured a garrison or company to take his part: By whose means the foresaid Pope john was taken, 

Pope john slain.  
Pope Boniface drawn through the streets of Rome.   his eyes put out, and so thrown in prison, where he was as some say famished: some say he was slain by Ferrucius. Neither did Boniface reign many days after, but suddenly died: whose carcase after his death was drawn by the feet through the streets of Rome, after the most despiteful manner of the people shrieking and exclaiming against him. 

Pope Benedictus. 7.  
Otho second Emperor.   an. 976.  
Next pope after him was Benedictus the seven. by the consent of the Emperor Otho the 2. and reigned nineteen. years. In the time of this pope: Hugh Cappet the French king, took Charles (the right heir to the crown) by the treason of the Bishop of Laou, and when he had imprisoned him, 
Gilbertus' a Necromanser made Archb.  he also committed to prison Arnoldus Archbishop of Raynes, and placed in his room Gilbartus a monk of Florsake (a Nicromanser) who was schoolmaster to D. Robert the kings son. But this pope Benedictus, calling a Council at Remis, restored the said Arnoldus again: and displaced Gilbertus: which after by the help of Otho was made Archbishop of Revenna, and at length was Pope, as in process hereafter (Christ granting) shallbe declared.  
After Benedictus succeeded in the sea of Rome Pope john the xvi. & died the viij. month of his Papacy. 

Pope john the 16.  
Pope john the xviii.  
Pope Gregory the v.   Next to whom came john the xvii. And after him Gregory the .v. in the year of our Lord. 995. This Gregory (called before Bruno) was a German borne, and therefore the more malaced of the Clergy & people of Rome. Whereupon, Crescentus with the people and Clergy, conventing against the said Gregory: set up Pope john the xviij. Gregory upon the same, 

Pope john the viii.  
Two Popes together in Rome.   sped himself in all convenient haste to the Emperor, Otho the iij. in Germany. Who hearing the complaint of Gregory, and understanding his wrongs, set forward with his army well appointed, to Italy: gate the City, & there took both Crescentius the Consul, and john the Pope. 
Pope john had his eyes put out, and so put to death.  Which john first having his eyes put out, was deprived after of his life. Crescentius the Consul was set upon a vile horse, having his nose and ears cut off, and so was led through the City, his face being turned to the horsetail, & afterward having his members cut off, was hanged upon a gibbet.  
Pope Gregory thus being restored to his former state, 
Pope Gregory restored.  reigned iiij. years in his Papacy (although Marianus Scotus and Martinus say, that he sat but ij. years) etc. During the which time he assembled a council in Rome: where, he to 'stablish the Empire in his own country (by the consent and counsel of Otho) ordained seven. Princes of Germany, 
Vii. electors of th'emperors ordained in Germany, and who they be.  to be electors of the Emperor: which order, yet to this day remaineth. What be the names of these seven. electors, and what is their office, thus I find in these verses expressed.  
Maguntinensis, Treverensis, Coloniensis.  

Ex Chronico. Martini.  Quilibet Imperij fit cancellarius horum.  
Et Palatinus Dapifer, Dux portitor ensis.  
Marchio praepositus camerae, Pincerna Bohemus.  
These seven. he ordained to be electors, 3. bishops, 3. princes (to wit) the Palatine, the duke of Saxony, the Marquis Brandenburg. To whom was added also the king of Boheme to give the odd voice, if the even voices could not agree. This constitution being first begon, an 997. was after established in Germany by Otho the Emperor, the year of the Lord, 1002. And thus much by the way, or rather digression, concerning the rages and tumults of the Romish church. Now to our matter again.   

King Egelred, or Elred.  
KIng Edward thus being murdered as is aforesaid, the crown fell next to Egelrede his younger brother, 
King Egelred.  & son to king Edgar by the foresaid Queen Alfrith, as we have declared. This Egelred had a long reign given of God, 
Anno. 979.  which dured the term of 38. years, but very unfortunate, and full of great miseries. And he himself (by the histories) seemeth to be a Prince, not of the greatest courage to govern a common wealth. Our English stories writing of him, thus report of his reign: That in the beginning, it was ungracious, wretched in the middle, and hateful in the latter end. Of this Egelred it is read, when Dunstane the Archbishop should christian him, 
The life of Egelred.  as he did hold him over the font, something there happened, that pleased not Dunstan: whereupon he swore, per sanctam Mariam, iste ignauus homo erit. i. By the mother of Christ he will be a Prince untoward and cowardlike, Chron. de Crouland. I find in William of Malmesbury, Lib. 2. de Regi. That this Egelred being of the age of x. years, when he heard his brother Edward to be slain, made such sorrow & weeping for him, that his mother falling therewith in a rage, took wax candles (having nothing else at hand) wherewith she scourged him so sore (well near till he swooned) that after the same, he could never abide any wax candles to burn before him. After this, about the year of our Lord, 981. 
Anno. 981.  (the day of his coronation being appointed by the Queen, the mother, and the nobles) Dunstan the Archb. of Cant. (who first refused so to do) with Oswald Archb. of York, 
The coronation of Egelred.  were enforced to crown the king. And so they did at Ringston. In doing whereof, the report of stories go, that the said Dunstane should say, thus prophesying unto the king: that for so much as he came to the kingdom by the death of his brother, 
The prophecy of Dunstane as monkish stories give it.  and through the conspiracy of the wicked conspirators and other Englishmen: they should not be without bloudsheding and sword, till there came a people of an unknown tongue, and should bring them into thraldom, neither should that trespass be cleansed with out long vengeance, etc.  
In the Chronicles of Crouland, I find these words, Quoniam ascendisti ad thronum tuum, per mortem fratris tui, quem occidit matter tua, propterea audi verbum Domini, hoc dicit Dominus. Non deficiet gladius de domo tua, saeviens in te omnibus diebus vitae tuae, & interficiens de semine tuo, & de gente tua, usque dum regnum tuum transferatur in regnum alienum: Cuius ritum & linguam gens tua non novit, nec expiabitur, nisi longa vindicta, & multa sanguinis effusione peccatum matris tuae, & peccatum virorum pessimorum, qui consenserunt consilio eius nequam, ut mitterent manum in Christum Domini, ad effundendum sanguinem innocentem. Chron. de Crouland.  
Not long after the coronation of this king, a cloud was seen throughout the land, which appeared the one half like blood, and the other half like fire. And changed after into sundry colours and vanished at the last in the morning. 
The Danes recoursed to England.  Shortly after the appearance of this cloud, in the iij. year of his reign, the Danes arriving in sundry places of the land, first spoiled Southampton, either slaying the inhabitants, or leading them captive away. From thence they went to the isle of Thanet, than they invaded Chester, from thence they proceeded to Cornwall and Devonshire, 

Hoveden, lib. continuationum. London consumed with fire.  
The king warred against the Bishop of Rochester.   & so to Sussex: where, in those coasts they did much harm, and so retired to their ships again. Roger Hoveden writing hereof, saith: that London, the same time (or as Fabian saith) a great part of London, was consumed with fire. About this time fell a variance between the foresaid Egelred, and the bishop of Rochester: In so much, that he made war against him, and besieged the City. And notwithstanding that Dunstan required the king, sending him admonishment to give over, for the sake of S. Andrew, yet continued he his siege, till the bishop offered him an hundredth pounds of gold, which he received, and so departed. The Danes seeing the discord that then was in the realm, and specially the hatred of the subjects against the king: rose again, and did great harm in divers places of England: In so much, that the king was glad to grant them great sums of money for peace to be had. 
An. 990.  For the assurance of which peace, Analeffe captain of the Danes, became a christian man, and so returned home to his country, & did no more harm. 
The bloody flux and hot fevers reigned in this land. The death of Dunstane. Ethelgarus, Elfricus, Siricius, Elphegus, Archb. of Canterb.  Besides these miseries before recited, a sore sickness of the bloody flux, and hot fevers fell among the people, whereof many died, with a like murrain also among the beasts. Moreover, for lack of justice, many thieves, rioters and bribers were in the land, with much misery and mischief.  
About the xi. year (some say the ix. year) of this king's reign, died Dunstan. After whom succeeded Ethelgarus, or as jornalensis writeth, Stilgarus. After him Elfricus, as affirmeth Guliel. lib. 1. de pontiff. But as Polydorus saith, Siricius. After him Elfricus came, but Siritius after the mind of William, Lib. 1. But Polydorus saith Aluritius, them Elphegus, etc.  
About the same time in the year of our Lord, 
An. 995.  995. Aldunus Bishop, translated the body of S. Cuthbert from Chester (which first was in a Northern Island then at Rochester) to Durelme or Dunoline. 
The bishops sea of Dyrham.  Whereupon the bishop's sea of Duresme first began.  
Not long after the death of Dunstane, the Danes again entered England, in many and sundry places of the land: In such sort, that the king was to seek, to which coast he should go first to withstand his enemies. And in conclusion, for the avoiding of more harm, he was compelled to appease them with great sums of money. But when that money was spent, they fell to new robbing of the people, and assailing the land in divers places, not only about the country of Northumberland, but also besieged the City of London at the last. But being from thence repulsed by the manhood of the Londoners, 
London besieged of the Danes.  they strayed to other countries adjoining, as to Essex, Kent, Sussex, and Hampshire, burning and killing where so ever they went, so that for lack of a good head or governor, many things in the land perished. For the king gave himself to the vice of lechery, 
The Dane spoiled the land.  and polling of his subjects, and disinherited men of their possessions, and caused them to redeem the same again with great sums of money, for he paid great tribute to the Danes yearly, 
Great tribute levied of the Englishmen. Danegelt.  which was called Danegelt. Which tribute so increased, that from the first tribute of x. M. pound, it was brought at last in process of v. or vj. year, to xl. M. pound. The which yearly (during to the coming of S. Edward, and after) was levied of the subjects of this land.  
To this sorrow moreover, was joined hunger & penury among the commons: in so much that every one of them was constrained to pluck & steal from other. So that, what for the pillage of the Danes, 
The sorrowful affliction of the English nation.  and what by inward thieves and bribers, this land was brought into great affliction. Albeit, the greatest cause of this affliction (as to me appeareth) is not so much to be imputed to the king, as to the dissension among the Lords themselves, who then did not agree one with another. But when they assembled in consultation together, 
What dissension and discord doth among the nobles in a realm.  either they did draw divers ways, or if any thing were agreed, upon any matter of peace between the parties, soon it was broken again: or else if any good thing were devised for the prejudice of the enemy, anon the Danes were warned thereof by some of the same counsel. Of whom, the chief doers were Edrike Duke of Mercia, and Alfrike the Admiral or captain of the ships, who betrayed the king's navy to the Danes. Wherefore the king apprehending Alfagarus son of the said Alfrike, put out his eyes, and so did he after to the two sons of Duke Edrike in like manner.  

The pride and wretchedness of the Danes toward the Englishmen.  The Danes thus prevailing more and more over the english men, grew in such pride & presumption: that when they by strength, caused the husbandmen to care and sow the land, and to do all other vile labour belonging to the house, they would sit at home, holding the wife at their pleasure, with daughter and servant. And when the husband man came home, he should scantly have of his own, as his servants had, so that the Dane had all at his will & till, taring of the best, when the owner scantly had his fill of the worst. Thus the common people being of them oppressed, were in such fear and dread, that not only they were constrained to suffer them in their doings, but also glad to please them, & called every one of them in the house where they had rule, Lord Dane. Which word after (in process of time, 
Lord Dane.  when the Danes were voided) was for despite of the Danes turned of the english men to a name of opprobry, that when one English man would rebuke an other, he would for the more part call him Lurdaine. 
Lurdaine.   
And thus hitherto (through the assistance of Christ) we have brought this history to the year of our lord, 
Anno. 1000  1000 During now & continuing these great miseries upon this English nation, the land being brought into great ruin by the grievous tribute of the Danes, and also by sustaining the manifold villar●ies and injuries, 
Henry Archidiat. lib. 6.  as well by them as by other oppressions within the realm. This year which was the year of our saviour 1000 This Egelred through the counsel of certain his familiars about him, 

The first joining between the Norm. and English men.  
King Egelred marrieth Emma the Duke's daughter of Normandy. Richard Duke of Normandy. The Danes by secret commission slain in every town of England. Suanus K. of Denmark arriveth in England. Exeter beat down.   in the 21. year of his reign, began a matter which was occasion either given by the one, or taken by the other, of a new plague to ensue upon the Saxons, who had driven out the Britaines before. That was in joining with the Normans in marriage. For the king this year abovesaid, for the more strength (as he thought) both of him and the realm, married Emma the daughter of Richard Duke of Normandy. Which Richard was the third Duke of the Normains, and the first of that name. By reason of which marriage, king Egelred was not a little enhanced in his own mind: and by prosumption thereof, sent secret & strait commissions to the rulers of every town in England, that upon S. Brices' day at a certain hour appointed, the Danes should be suddenly slain. And so it was performed, which turned after to more trouble.  
After that tidings came into Denmark of the murder of those Danes. Anon after, Suanus king of Denmark with a great host and navy, landed in Cornwall: where, by treason of a Normand named Hugh, which by favour of Queen Emma, was made Earl of Devonshire: The said Suanus took Exeter, & after beat down the walls. From thence proceeding further into the land, they came to Wilton and Shireborne, where they cruelly spoiled the country and slew the people. But anon Suanus hearing that the king was coming to him with the power of his land, took his ships & set about to Norfolk: where, after much wasting of that country, and spoiling the city of Norwich, 
Norwiche spoiled and wasted by the Danes.  and burning the town of Thetford, and destroying the country thereabout, at length Duke Uskatel met him and beat him, & slew many of the Danes. Wherefore, Swanus for that year returned to Denmark, and there made great provision, to re-enter the land again the next year following. And so did, landing at Sandwich about the 25. year of the reign of king Egelred, 
Anno. 1004.  & there spoiled that country. And as soon as he heard of any host of englishmen coming toward him, than he took shipping again. So that when the king's army sought to meet him in one coast, then would he suddenly land in an other. And when the king provided to meet with them upon the sea, either they would fain to flee, or else they would with gifts blind the Admiral of the king's navy. 
A tribute paid to the Danes of thirty. M. pound to have peace.  And thus wearied they the englishmen, & in conclusion brought them in extreme and unspeakable misery. In so much that the King was fain to take peace with them, & gave to king Suanus 30000. pound. After which peace thus made, Suanus returned again to Denmark.  

The persecution of Turkillus a Dane.  But this peace continued not long. For the year next following, king Egelred made Edricus above mentioned, Duke of Mercia, which was subtle of wit, glozing and eloquent of speech, untrusty, and false to the king and the Realm. And soon after one Turkillus (a Prince of the Danes) landed in Kent with much people, and there did such harm, that the Kentishmen were feign to make peace with great gifts, 
Evil counsel about a king what hurt it doth.  and so thence departed. But this persecution of the Danes (in one country or other in England) never ceased, nor the king did ever give to them any notable battle. For when he was disposed to give them battle, this Edricus would ever counsel him to the contrary, so that the Danes ever spoiled and rob, and waxed rich, 
The second return of Suanus into England.  and the english men ever poor and bare.  
After this Suanus being in Denmark, and hearing of the increase of his people in England, broke his covenants before made, and with a great army and navy in most defensable wise appointed, landed in Northumberland proclaiming himself to be king of this land. Where, after much vexation, when he had subdued the people, and caused the Earl with the rulers of the country to swear to him fealty: 
The persecution of Suanus king of Danes.  he passed by the river of Trent to Ganisburgh, and to Northwatling street, and subduing the people there, forced them to give him pledges: which pledges he committed with his navy unto Canutus his son to keep, while he went further into the land. And so with a great host came to Mercia, killing and slaying. Then he took by strength Winchester, and Oxford, & did there what him liked. 
Caunterbury besieged. Treason of a false Deacon.  That done, he came toward London, and hearing the king was there, passed by the River Thamis, and came into Kent and there besieged Canterbury, where he was resisted the space of 20. days. At length by treason of a Deacon called Almaricus (whom the Bishop had preserved from death before) wan it, 

Caunterbury taken and brent. The tithing of the Monks of Caunterbury. A cruel murder of the Danes.  
Elphegus the Archb. of Caunt. stoned to death.   and took the goods of the people and fired the City, and tithed the Monks of S. Augustine's Abbey (that is to mean, they slew ix. by cruel torment, and the tenth they kept alive as for their slaves.) So they slew there of religious men, to the number of 900. persons: of other men, women, & children, they slew above 8000. And finally, when they had kept the Bishop Elphegus in strait prison the space of 7. months, & because he would not condescend to give unto them 3000. pound: After many villainies unto him done, they brought him to Greenwich, & there stoned him to death.  
King Egelred in the mean time, fearing the end of this persecution, sent his wife Emma with his ij. sons Alphred and Edward, to the Duke of Normandy, with whom also he sent the bishop of London. The Danes proceeded still in their fury and rage: and when they had won a great part of Westsaxonie, they returned again to London. Whereof hearing the Londoners, sent unto them certain great gifts and pledges. At last the king about the 35. year of his reign, 
Anno. 1013.  was chased unto the isle of Wight, & with a secret company, he spent there a great part of the Winter. 
King Egelred driven 〈…〉 isle of Wig●●, from then 〈◊〉 Normandy.  And finally, without cat-tail or comfort sailed into Normandy to his wife. Swanus being ascertained thereof, (inflamed with pride) reared exceeding impositions upon the people. And among other he required a great sum of money of S. Edmund's lands, which the people there clanning to be free from king's tributes, denied to pay. 
The virtue of Christian men's prayer.  For this Suanus entered the territory of S. Edmund, and wasted, and spoiled the country, despising the holy Martyr, & manacing also the place of his sepulture. Wherefore the men of that country fearing his tyranny, fell to prayer and fasting, so that shortly after Suanus died suddenly, crying and yelling among his knights. 
The death and end of Suanus.  Some say that he was stricken with the sword of S. Edmund, whereof he died the 3. day after.  
In fear whereof, Canutus his son which ruled as king after his father, granted them the freedom of all their liberty, 
The Abbey of S. Edmundelburie builded.  and moreover ditched the land of the said Martyr with a deep ditch, and granted to the inhabitants thereof, great freedoms, quiting them from all talk or tribute. And after builded a Church over the place of his sepulture, and ordained there an house of Monks, and endued them with rich possessions. And after the time it was used, that kings of England when they were crowned, sent their crowns for an offering to Saint Edmunds shrine, and redeemed the same again afterwards with a condign price.  
When king Egelred heard of the death of Suanus, 
King Egelred returneth into England. Canutus cutteth of the noses and hands of his pledges.  he made provision & returned into england. Of whose sudden coming Canutus being unprovided fled to Sandwich, And there cutting of the noses and hands of the pledges, which his father left with him, sailed into Denmark: who the next year returned again with a great navy, and landed in the South country. Wherefore the eldest son of king egelred called Edmond Ironside: made provision with the aid of Edrike Duke of Mercia to meet him. But Edrike feigning himself sick came not, 
Canutus taketh Westsaxon.  but deceived him. For as it was after proved, Edrike had promised his allegiance to Canutus. By reason whereof. Canutus' entered the country of Westsaxon, & forced the people to be sworn unto him, and to give him pledges. In this season, king Egelred being at london, was taken with great sickness, & there died: and was buried in the Northside of Paul's church behind the choir, after he had reigned unprosperously 36. years: leaving after him his said eldest son Edmond Ironside, and Alphred, and Edward which were in Normandy, sent thither before as is above rehearsed. This Egelred although he was miserably impugned and vexed of his enemies, yet he with his counsel gave forth wholesome laws. Whereof this is one parcel containing good rules and lessons, for all judges and justices to learn and follow.  

A lessen for all judges and justices.  OMnis ludex justus misericordiam & judicium liberet in omnibus, ut inprimis per rectam scientiam, dicat emendationem secundum culpam, & eam tamen admensuret propter indulgentiam. Quaedam culpae reputantur à bonis judicibus, secundum rectum emendandae Quaedam per Dei misericordiam condonandae. judicia debent esse sine omni haderunga, quod non parcatur diviti alicui, vel egeno, amico, vel-inimico ius publicum recitari. Nihil autem iniustius est, quàm susceptio munerum pro judicio subvertendo: Quia munera excaecant corda sapientum, & subvertunt verba justorum, 
Bribes.  Dominus jesus dixit: In quo judicio iudicaveritis iudicabimini. Timeat omnis judex ac diligat Deum judicem suum, ne in die iudioij mutus fiat, & humiliatus ante oculos judicis cuncta videntis. Qui innocentem opprimit, & dimittit noxium pro pecunia, vel amicitia, vel odio, vel quacunque factione, opprimetur ab omnipotent judice. Et nullus Dominus, nulla potestas, stultos aut improbos judices constituant, quia stultus per ignaviam, 
Evil judges worse in a common wealth, then bloody enemies.  improbus per cupiditatem vitat, quam didicit veritatem. Graviùs enim lacerantur pauperes à pravis judicibus, quàm à cruentis hostibus. Nullus hostis acerbior, nulla pestis efficacior quàm familiaris inimicus. Potest aliquoties homo fuga, vel defensione vitare pravos inimicos. Non ita possunt judices, quoties adversus subditos malis desiderijs inflammantur. Saepe etiam boni judices habent malos vicarios & ministros nephandos: quorum reatibus ipsi domini constringuntur, si non ●os coerceant, & à rapacitate cohibeant. 
Wicked officers.  Quia dominus & minister seculorum ait: Non solùm malè agentes, sed omnes consentientes digni sunt aeterna morte. Saepe etiam pravi judices judicium pe●uertunt, vel respectant & non finiunt causam, donec voluntas eorum impleatur. Et quando judicant, non opera, sed munera considerant. Impij judices, juxta verbum sapientum, sicut rapaces lupi vespere nil residuant usque mane, 
Against wicked judges.  id est, de praesenti solum vita cogitant, de futura nihil considerant. Malorum praepositorum mos est, ut quicquid possunt, auferant: & vix necessarium parum quid relinquant sustentationi. Iracundus judex non potest attendere rectam judicij satisfactionem. Nam per furoris excoecationem, non perspicit rectitudinis claritatem. justum judicium, ubi non persona consideratur. Scriptum est: Non attendas personam hominis in judicio, nec pro aliquo facies, ut à vero declines, & iniustè judices. Susceptio muneris est dimissio veritatis. Ex historia bibliothecae jornal.  

A wicked judge deposed and deprived by the king.  Of this king Egelred I find noted in the book of Rog. Houed. that he deposed and deprived from all possessions, a certain judge or justicer named Walgeatus, the son of one Leonet, for false judgement and other proud doings, whom notwithstanding he loved above all other.   

Edmund Ironside a Saxon, and Canutus a Dane, Kings together in England.  

Anno. 1016.  AFter the death of Egelred, variance fell between the Englishmen for the election of their king. For the citizens of London with certain other Lords: named Edwyne the eldest son of Egelred (a young man of lusty and valiant courage) in martial adventures, 
Edmund Ironside sun of Egelred, king.  both hardy & wise, and could very well endure all pains. Wherefore he was surnamed Irenside. But the more of the Lords, favoured Canutus the son of Swanus: especially the Abbot's Bishops, 
Canutus' son of Swanus, king.  and men of the spiritualty which before had sworn to his father. By means whereof, between these two martial princes were fought many great battles, first in dorsetshire, where Canutus was compelled to fly the field. 
The battles between Edmundus and Canutus.  And after that they fought an other battle in Worcetershire, so sore, that none could tell, who had the better: but either for weariness or for lack of day, they departed one from the other, and on the next morrow fought again: but then Canutus was compelled to forsake the field. After this they met in Mercia, & there fought again, where Edmond (as stories say) by the treason of that false Edrick Duke of Mercia (whom he before had received to savour) had the worse. Thus many great conflicts there were between these 2. princes. But upon a season, when the hosts were ready to join, and a certain time of truce taken before battle: a knight of the party of Edmond stood up upon a high place, and said these words.  
Daily we die, and none hath the victory: And when the knights be dead on either part, 
A witty oration to stay blood between 2. armies.  than the Dukes compelled by need shall accord: or else they must fight alone. And this kingdom is now sufficient for 2. men, which some time sufficed. 7. But if the covetousness of Lordship in these twain be so great, that neither can be content to take part and live by the other, nor the one under the other than let them fight alone, that will be Lords alone. If all men fight still: at the last all men shall be slain, and none left to be under their Lordship, nor able to defend the king that shall be, against strange enemies and nations.  
These words were so well allowed of both the hosts and Princes: 
Two 〈◊〉 fight 〈◊〉 to hand.  that both were content to try the quarrel between them two only. Then the place & time was appointed where they ●oth met, in sight of both hosts. And when either had assayed other with sharp sword and strokes: first by the motion of Canutus (as some writ) hastily they were both agreed, and kissed each other to the comfort of both hosts. And shortly after they agreed upon partition of the land: & after that, during their lines they loved as brethren. 
The 〈◊〉 murdered king Edmund.  Soon after, a Son of wicked Edricus, by the mind (as appeared afterward) of his father: espied, when king Edmond was at the draft: & with a spear (some say with a long knife) thrust him into the fundament, whereof the said Edmond shortly after died, after that he had reigned two years. He left behind him two sons, Edmond and Edward, whom Edricke the wicked Duke, after the death of their father, took from their mother (not knowing yet of the death of Edmond her husband) & presented them to king Canutus, 
Two so●ne of Edmund Y●onside.  saluting him in these words: ave Rex solus. Thus Canutus after the death of Edmond Irenside, was king alone of the whole realm of england. And afterward by the advise of his counsel, he sent the foresaid sons of Edmond Ironside, to his brother Suanus king of Sueveland to be slain: who abhorring that deed, sent them to Solomon king of Hungary, where Edmond being married to the king's daughter died. Edward was married to Agatha daughter of his brother Henry the 4. Emperor.  
When Canutus was established in the kingdom, he called a parliamentat London, 
Flattery 〈◊〉 fidelity 〈◊〉 untruth in English Lords.  where (among other things there debated) it was propounded to the bishops, Barons, and Lords of the parliament there present, whether that in the composition made between Edmund and Canutus, any special remembrance was made for the children, or brethren of Edmund, for any partition of any part of the land. Whereunto the english Lords falsely ●latteryng with the foreign king, and speaking against their own minds, as also against their native country, answered and said nay. Affirming moreover with an oath (for the king's pleasure) that they to the uttermost of their powers, would put of the blood of Edmund, in all that they might. By reason of which answer and promise, they thought (many of them) to have purchased with the king great favour. 
False unfaithfulness, and unconstant mobility in English Lords and rewarded.  But by the just retribution of God, it chanced far otherwise. For many of them, or the most part (such especially as Canutus did perceive to be sworn before time to Edmund, & his heirs: and also considering that they were native englishmen) he mistrusted and disdained ever after. In so much, that some he exiled, a great sort he beheaded, & some by God's punishment died suddenly. Among whom wicked Edricke also the traitor (although with his sugared words he continued a while in the king's favour) at length escaped not condign reward for his deceivable dealing. For (as the history of jornalensis recordeth) as the king was in his palace beyond Thames, this Edricke (being belike accused, or else suspected of the king before) coming unto him, began to reckon up his benefits & labours bestowed for his sake. First, in forsaking and betraying Egelred, then in slaying king Edmund his son, with many such other deeds more, 
Duke Edrike the false traitor and murderer of 〈◊〉 king, worthily rewarded for his wicked falsehood.  which all for his sake he had done. Well saith the king, thou hast here rightly judged thyself, and worthily thou shalt die, for slaying thy natural Prince, & my sworn brother. And so commanded him to be bound immediately hand and foot, & to be thrown into Thames. Some stories say, that when he had saluted the king with ave rex solus, and showed him the slaying of Edmund, Canutus (promising that he would make him therefore higher than all the lords of the realm) commanded his head to be stricken off, & to be set upon London bridge, and his body to be cast in the town ditch. 
The end of pernicious traitors.  And thus with shame ended he his wretched life, as all they commonly do, which with like dissimulation seek the destruction of their Prince and of their country. 
The brother of Edmund Yronside, banished, reconciled, and lastly slain. Edmund and Edward two sons of Edmund Yronside sent out to be slain. Canutus K. of Denmark. Canutus marrieth Emma▪ wife before of Egelred. Laws of K. Edgar.   
This Canutus (shortly after the death of king Edmond, by the counsel of Edricke) exiled Edmond, being brother to King Edmund, called Rex rusticorum: the king of Choor●es. But afterward, he was reconciled again to the kings favour: and lastly slain by certain of the kings Secretaryes or Servants. Also, through the counsel of the said Edricke, and of Emma his wife he sent the two Sons of Edmond Ironside (Edmond and Edward) to his brother Suanus king of Denmark, to be slain, as is above said.  
In this mean time, Suanus king of Denmark, brother to Canutus, died. Wherefore that land fell to Canutus: which anon after sailed thither, and took thereof possession. And after he had set it in an order, he returned into England, and married Emma, late wife before of Egelred: and by her had a son called Herdeknight or Hardeknoutus. Moreover this Canutus assembled a Parliament at Oxford: where it was agreed, that Englishmen & Danes should hold the laws made by king Edgar, because they were thought so good & reasonable above any other laws.  
Thus the Danes being in England, began by little & little to be Christian men. And Canutus went to Rome, & so returning again to England, governed that land the space of 20. years, leaving after him two sons, Harold & Hardeknoutus: which Hardeknoutus was made king of Denmark in his father's time.  
Harold (called harefoot, for his delivernes and swiftness) son to Canutus by Elgina his first wife: 
H●rold Harefoot K. of England a Dane.  began his reign over England, an. 1039. Of him is little left in memory, for he reigned but 4. years, save that he banished his stepmother Emma, & took her goods & jewels from her.  

Anno. 1039.  Hardeknoutus, being king of Denmark, and second son to Canutus by his last wife Emma, was next King of England. In the time of these Danish kings, there was one Godwyn an earl in England, 
Hardecknout king last of the Danes that reigned in England. earl Godwyn.  which had been before in great favour with Canutus, for his acts done in Denmark against the Northwegians: and afterward married the sister (some say the daughter) of Canutus. This Godwyn was of a cruel and subtle wit, as he declared no less by the two sons of king Egelred: For when these two aforesaid (whose names were Alfride, and Edward) came from Normandy into England, to visit their mother Emma, and brought with them a great company of Normands: this Godwine (having a daughter called Godith, whom he thought to marry to Edward, & set him up to be King, to bring his purpose about) used this practice: that is, to persuade king Hardeknove, & the Lords not to suffer those normans to be within the realm for jeopardy, but rather to punish them for example. By which means he got authority to order the matter himself: 
The miserable wretchedness of Godwyn against the Normands. The Normans tithed: and yet the tenths retithed again. Alfredus son of Egelred right heir of the crown, tormented with cruel death. The cause expended, why God suffered this land to be conquered by the Normans. Example of God's righteous judgement.  wherefore he 〈◊〉 them on Guild down, and there most wretchedly murdered, or rather Martyred the most number of the normans, and that innocently. For as Swanus before had tithed the Monks of Canterbury: so he● with the cruel company of english soldiers, slew ix. of the said Normands and saved the x. And yet passing the fury of Swanus (as not contented with that tyranny) he tithed again the said tithe, and slew every x. knight, and that by cruel torment, as winding their guts out of their bodies, as writeth Ranulphus. And among other, put out the eyes of the elder brother Alfridus, and sent him to an Abbey of Elie: where he being fed with bread and water, endured not long after. Of some writers it was recorded, that he was there slain with the forenamed torment, and Edward was conveyed by some other to his mother. Who fearing the treason of Godwine, sent him soon over the sea to Normady again. This cruel fact of Godwine and his men against the innocent normans, whether it came of himself, or of the kings setting on: seemeth to me to be the cause, why the justice of God, did shortly after revenge the quarrel of these Normands, in conquering & subduing the english nation by William Conqueror, and the normans which came with him. For so just and right it was, that as the Normans coming with a natural English Prince, were murdered of English men: so afterward the English men should be slain and conquered by the Normans, coming with a foreign King being none of their natural country.  

The death of K. Hardeknout.  Then it followeth in the story that this king Canute or Hardeknout: when he had reigned ij. years (being merry at Lambeth) suddenly was stricken dumb, & fell down to the ground, and within 8. days after died, without issue of his body. Who was the last that reigned in England of the blo●d of the Danes.  
This foresaid Godwine, had by the daughter of Canutus his wife, 
The sons of earl Godwyn.  but one son which was drowned. Of his second wife he received vj. sons, to wit, Suanus, Harold, Tostius, Wilmotus, Sirthe, or Surth, and Leofricus, with one daughter Galled Goditha, which after was married to king Edward the Confessor.  
Concerning the story of this Alfred, I find it something otherwise reported in our english chronicles: 
The story of Alfred repeated.  that it should be after the death of Hardeknout: forasmuch as the Earls & Barons after his death, assembled and made a council, that never after, any of the Danes blood should be king of England, for the despite that they had done to english men. For evermore before, if the English men and the Danes, had happened to meet upon a bridge, the english men should not so hardy to move a foot, 
Taken out of the english story or chronicle compiled of certain english Clerks.  but stand still, till the Dane were passed forth. And moreover, if the English men had not bowed down their heads to do reverence unto the Danes, they should have been beaten and defiled. For the which despites and villainy, they were driven out of the land after the death of Hardeknout, for they had no Lord that might maintain them. And after this manner avoided the Danes England, that they never came again.  
The Earls and Barons, by their common assent and counsel: sent unto Normandy for these two brethren, Alphred and Edward: intending to crown Alphred the elder brother, & to make him king of England. And to this the Earls and Barons made their oath: but the Earl Godwine of Westsaxe (falsely and traitorously) thought to slay these two brethren, assoon as they came into Englad, to that intent to make Harold his son king: which son he had by his wife Hardeknoutes daughter that was a Dane. And so this Godwine went privily to Southampton, to meet there with the two brethren at their landing. And thus it fell, that the messengers that went (saith mine author) into Normandy, found but only Alphred the elder brother. For Edward his younger brother was gone to Hungary, to speak with his cozen the outlaw, which was Edward Ironsides son.  
When alfred had heard these messengers and perceived their tidings: 
Alfred of Al●red son of K. Egelred.  he thanked God, and in all hast sped him to England, arriving at Southampton. There, Godwin the false traitor (having knowledge of his coming) welcomed & received him with much joy: pretending to lead him unto London, where the Barons waited for to make him king. And so they together passed forth toward London. But when they came to Gild down, the traitor commanded all his men to slay all that were in Alphredes company, which came with him from Normandy. And after that to take alphred, & to lead him into the Isle of Ely, where they should put out both his eyes: and so they did. For they slew all the company that were there, to the number of xij. Gentlemen, which came with alfred from Normandy: and after that they took alphred, and in the Isle of Ely they executed their commission. That done, they opened his body, took out his bowels▪ set a stake into the ground▪ and fastened an end of his bowels thereunto, & with needles of ●●on they pricked his tender body, thereby causing him to go about the stake, till that all his bowels were drawn out. And so died this innocent Alphred or Alured, being the right heir of the crown: through treason of wicked Godwyne. When the Lords of England heard thereof, and how Alphred, that should have been their king, was put to death through the false traitor Godwyne, they were wondrous wrath: and swore between God and them, that he should die a worse death than did Edrith which betrayed his Lord Edmund Ironside: and would immediately have put him to death, but that the Traitor fled thence into Denmark: and there held him iiij. years and more, and lost all his lands in England.  
another Latin story I have (bearing no name) which saith that this coming in of Alphred & the normans: 
Ex historia ignati autori●.  was in the time of Harold Canutus son. And how Godwyne (after he pretended great amity to them) suddenly in the night came upon them at Gilford: And after he had tithed the normans: sent alfred to Harold at London, who sent him to the Isle of Ely, and caused his eyes to be put out.  
And thus much of Canutus: 
Gunilda wife to Henricus the Emperor.  and of his sons, Harold and Hardecanutus. Besides these ij. sons Canutus had also a daughter named Gunilda: married to Henricus the Emperor. Of whom some writ, that she being accused to the emperor of spousebrech, 
Canutus went to Rome. The hospital build at Rome for English pilgrims. Rome shoot confirmed by Canutus.  and having no champion or Knight that would fight for her (after the manner of that country) for trial of her cause: a certain little dwarf or boy, whom she brought with her out of England (stirred up of God) fought in her cause against a mighty big German of a monstrous greatness: which sel●e dwarf, cutting ●y chance the sinews of his leg, after struck him to the ground, and so cut of his head, and saved the life of the Queen, if it be true that Gulielmus and Fabianus reporteth.  
Of this Canutus it is storied, 
The Cathedral Church of Wintchest▪ inritched by Canutus. S. Benet's in Norfolk builded.  that he following much the superstition of Achelnotus Archbishop of Cant. went on pilgrimage to Rome: and there founded an hospital for English pilgrims. He gave the Pope precious gifts, and burdened the land with an yearly tribute called the Rome sho●e: he shrined the body of Berinus, & gave great lands and ornaments to the Cathedral Church of Winchester: he builded S. Benet's in Northfolk, which was before an Hermitage. Also S. edmund's bury, which king Ethelstane before ordained for a College of Priests, he turned to an Abbey of monks of S. Benet's order.  

Bury Abbey turned to Monks.  Henricus Archdeacon of Huntyngton, Lib. 6. maketh mention of this Canutus, as doth also Polidorus, Lib. 7. That he after his coming from Rome, walking upon a tune by the port of Southampton. (But as Polydorus sayeth) and Fabian affirmeth the same, that it was by Thames side at London. When his flatterers coming about him, 
Flatterers and clawbacks about Princes.  began to exalt him up with high words, calling him a king of all kings (most mighty) who had under his subjection both the people, the land, and also the sea. Canutus revolving this matter in his mind (whether for pride of his heart exalted, or whether to tr●e and refel their flattering words) commanded his chair of estate to be brought to the sea side, at what time it should begin to flow. Polydore saith, that no seat was brought, but sitting upon his garments being folded together under him: there charged and commanded the floods arising & coming toward his feet, 
Canutus chargeth the sea to stand back, but it would not be.  that they should not touch neither him, nor his clothes. But the water keeping his ordinary course, came nearer and nearer: First to his feet, and so growing higher begins to wash him well-favouredly. Wherewith the king abashed & partly also afeard start back: and looking to his Lords: Lo (saith he) ye call me such a mighty king & yet can I not command back this little water to stay at my word, 
A lesson notable for kings and Princes.  but it is ready to drown me. Wherefore all earthly kings may know, that all their powers be but vain: and that none is worthy to have the name of a king, but he alone: which hath all things subject to the power & authority of his word: which is the Lord of heaven & earth: the creator above of all things: 
God only the king of all kings and Lord of Lords.  the father of our Christ and Lord: who with him for ever is to be glorified: him let us worship and extol for our king for ever. After this (as histories witness) he never suffered the crown to come upon his head, but went to Winchester (or as some say, to Canterbury, but both those may be true) for his going to Canterbury, was to acknowledge that there was a Lord much higher, & of more power than he himself was, and therewithal to render up his crown for ever. With that, Egelnothes Archbishop of Canterbury: informed him of the image of the Crucifix before mentioned, which dissolved the matter between married Priests and life of Monks, and did many other miracles more, being then at Winchester. Wherewith the King provoked to go to Winchester to the rood, 
The kings crown put on a rood.  there resigned up his regal Crown, and made the rood king over all the land.  
Here is also to be noted in this Canutus, that although (as is said) he condescended in the beginning of his reign, upon king Edgares laws: yet after in process of time, he set forth peculiar laws of his own. 
Kings of England have as much right in causes spiritual as temporal.  Among which, divers there be that concern as well causes Ecclesiastical, as also temporal. Whereby it may appear, that the government of spiritual matters not to depend then of the Bishop of Rome: but to appertain to the lawful authority of the temporal Prince, no less then of matters and causes temporal. As for example by these ordinances of the foresaid Canutus, 
Certain laws of K. Canutus for the ordering of matters ecclesiastical.  may be well considered as here follow. Pecunia sepulturae justum est ut aperta terra reddatur. Si aliquod corpus a sua parochia deferatur in aliam, pecunia sepulturae. etc. In English.  
It is meet and right that in funerals, money be given for opening the earth.  
If anybody, or corpse, be carried from his own Parish into an other: the money of the burial shall pertain by the law to his own Parish Church.  
All ordinances and ceremonies of God, let them be observed, as need in all things requireth.  
Upon the Sunday, we forbidden all public ●ayres or markets, all Synods or conventicles, huntinges, or any such seculare actions, to be exercised, unless urgent necessity compel thereunto.  
Let every Christian man prepare himself thrice a year to approach to the receiving of the Lords body: so to eat the same as not to his judgement, but to his wholesome remedy.  
If a minister of the altar do kill any man, or have entangled himself in any notorious crime, let him be deprived both from his order and dignity.  
If any married woman (her husband being alive) have committed adultery & be proved with the same: to her open shame in the world, 
adulteress woman to lose their ears and noses.  let her have her nose and ears cut of.  
Let every widow after the death of her husband: so remain sole xij. months: or if she marry, let her lose her jointer.  
And here an end of the Danish kings. Now to the English kings again, whose right line cometh in again in Edward here following.   

King Edward called the Confessor.  
FOr so much as God of his mercy and providence, who is only the maker of heirs: 
Anno. 104●.  thought it so good, after the woeful captivity of this English nation, to grant now some respite of deliverance, 
King Edward the counsellor.  in taking away the Danish kings without any issue left behind them: who reigning here in England, kept the english people in miserable subjection, 
England afflicted by the Danes the space of 255. years.  about the space of xxviij. years, and that from their first landing in the time of King Brightricus: wasting and vexing this land, the term of cc. ●v. years: Now their tyranny here coming to an end, the next election & right of the crown fell (as appertained) to Edward the younger son of king Egelred and Emma, a mere Englishman: who had been now long banished in Normandy, as is above declared. A man of gentle and soft spirit: more appliable to other men's counsels, then able to trust to his own: of nature & condition so given from all war and bloodshed: that being in his banishment, he wished rather so to continue all his life long in that private estate, then by war or bloodshed to aspire to any kingdom. This Edward, after the death of Canutus the second, or Hardecanute, being sent for of the Lords into Normandy to take possession of the Realm, although he something mistrusted the unconstant and fickle heads of Englishmen (yet having sufficient pledges laid for him in Normandy) came over, with a few Normands accompanied: and not long after was crowned at Winchester. an. 1043. by Edsius then Archbishop of Cant. 
K. Edward crowned.  And not long after that, he married Goditha, or Editha daughter of Earl Godwyne: whom he entreated after such sort, that he neither put her from his bed, nor yet dealt with her fleshly. Whether it 〈◊〉 for hate of her kin (as most like it was) or for love of chastity, it remaineth uncertain. 
Holy king Edward a virgin i● marriage.  But most writers agree, that he continued his life without offence with women: ●or the which he is highly exalted among our story writers and called holy king Edward. After he had thus taken upon him the government of the realm, he guided the same with much wisdom and justice, the space of 24. years, lacking two months: from whom issued (as out of a fountain) much godliness, mercy, pity, and liberality toward the poor: gentleness and justice toward all men: and in all honest life he gave a virtuous example to his people. He discharged the Englishmen of the great tribute called Dane gelt, which before time was yearly levied to the great impoverishing of the people. He subdued the Scots and Welshmen, which in their borders began to rebel against him. In much peace he continued his reign, having no foreign enemy to assault him: Albeit, as some Chronicles do show, 
Methe i● Greek signifieth dr●kennes.  certain Danes and Norgwaines there were, which intended to set upon England: But as they were taking shipping, there was brought to them first one bowl, than an other, of meed or methe, to drink upon a bon voyage. Thus one cup coming after an other: after drink came drunkenness, after drunkenness followed jangling, of jangling came strife: and strife turned unto stripes. whereby many were slain, and the other returned to their home again. And thus the merciful providence of the Lord dispatched that journey.  
In the time of this Edward: Emma his mother, was accused to be familiar with Alwyn the Bishop of Winchester: upon which accusation (by counsel of Earl Godwyn) he took from her many of her jewels, and caused her to be kept somedeal more straightly in the Abbey of Warwel, and the Bishop committed to the examination of the clergy. Polydore saith, they were both in prison, at Winchester: where she sorrowing the defame both of herself and of the Bishop, and trusting upon her conscience, desireth them of justice, offering herself ready to abide any lawful trial: yea although it were with the sharpest.  
Then divers of the Bishops made labour to the king for them both, 
Aceasation of the Archbish. against Emma, the kings mother.  and had obtained, had not Robert then Archbishop of Cant. stopped the suit. Who not well contented with their labour said unto them: My brethren how dare ye defend her which is no woman but a beast? she hath defamed her own son the king, and taken her lecherous leman the Bishop. And if it be so, that the woman will purge the priest, who shall then purge the woman that is accused to be consenting to the death of her son Alphred: and procured venom to the poisoning of her son Edward? But whether she be guilty or guiltless: if she will go barefooted for herself four steps, and for the Bishop five, continually upon ix. plough shares fire hot: then if she escape harmless, he shallbe assoiled of this challenge and she also.  
To this she granted, the day was appointed at which day, the king and a great part of his nobles were present, except only Robert the Archbishop. This Robert had been a monk of a house in Normandy, 
False accusation purged by hot iron.  & an helper of the king in his exile: and so by the sending for of the king, came over and was made first Bishop of London, after Archbishop of Cant. Then was she led blindfield unto the place between two men, where the irons lay brenning hot; and passed the ix. shares unhurt. 
A strange thing if it were true. and without false conveyance.  At last said she, good Lord when shall I come to the place of my purgation, when they then opened her eyes, and she saw that she was past the pain, she kneeled down giving God thanks.  
Then the king repented (sayeth the story) and restored unto her, that he had before taken from her, and asked her forgiveness. But the Archbishop fled into Normandy.  
Near about this time, about the x. year of his raigne● fell passing great snow, 
Great snow and mortality in England.  from the beginning of january, to the 17, day of March. After which ensued a great mortality of men, morrian of cattle, & by lightning the corn was wonderfully blasted and wasted.  
Not long after this: a certain Earl of Bologne, who had married king Edward's sister, 
Variance between the king and Godwyn.  came into England: through the occasion of whom: when execution should be done upon the citizens of Dover, for a fray between them, and the Earls men: variance happened between King Edward and Earl Godwyne. Who perceiving that he could not wstand the king's malice, (although he gathered a great company to work therein what he could) fled into Flanders, 
Godwyn with his v. sons outlawed. Godwyn reconciled to the king upon pledges given.  & was outlawed with his 5. sons. King Edward repudiated his wife, the daughter of the said Godwine: but the second year after, by mediators he was reconciled to the king again, and called from banishment: And for his good a bearing, he gave for pledges his two sons, Byornon, and Tostius, which were sent to the Duke of Normandy there to be kept.  
During the time of the outlawry of Godwyn: William Bastard Duke of Normandy, 
William D. of Normandy came into England to king Edward.  came with a goodly company into England to see king Edward, & was honourably received. To whom the king made great cheer, & at his return enriched him with great gifts and pleasures. And there (as some write) made promise to him, that if he died without issue, the said William should succeed him in the kingdom of England.  
In this kings reign lived Marianus Scotus the story writer. 
Marianus Scotus, when he lived. The end and death of ungodly Godwyn. Ex lorna. Malmesberiensi. Polydor. Fabiano & alijs. God's just punishment upon Godwyn, for the murdering of Alphred. Perjury plagued. Edward the outlaw son of Edmund Yronside sent for to England.  As concerning the end of earl Godwin, the cruel murderer of Alphred, and of the normans: although divers histories diversly do vary: Yet in this the most part do agree, that as he sat at the table with king Edward at Windsor, it happened one of the cupbearers one of earl Godwins sons to stumble and recover again, so that he did shed none of the drink: whereat Godwin laughed, & said, how the one brother had sustained the other. With which words the King calling to mind his brother's death that was slain by Godwine: beheld the earl (saying) so should my brother Alphred have holpen me, had not Godwin been. Godwine then fearing the kings displeasure to be newly kindled, after many words in excusing himself, said: So mought I safely swallow this morsel of bread as I am guiltless of the deed. But assoon as he had received the bread, forthwith he was choked. Then the king commanded him to be drawn from the table, & so was conveyed by Harolde his son to Winchester, and there buried.  
About the 13. year of this king's reign, the said King Edward sent Aldred bishop of Worceter to the Emperor Henricus the 4. praying him, that he would send to the king of Hungary, that his cousin Edward son of Edmund Ironside, might come to England: for so much as he intended to make him King after him, which was called Edward outlaw. The which request was fulfilled, so that he came into England with his wife Agatha, 
Anno. 1056.  and with his children, to wit, Edgar Adeling, Margarete, and Christina. But the year after his return into the realm, this Edward deceased at London, 
The death of Edward, son of Edmond Yronside.  and was buried at westminster: or as jornalensis sayeth, at Paul's church in London. After whose decease, the King then received Edgar Adeling his son, as his own child: thinking to make him his heir. But fearing partly the unconstant mutability of the Englishmen, partly the pride and malice of Harold the son of Godwine, & of other (perceiving thereby, that he could not bring that his purpose so well to pass) directed solemn Ambassadors unto William Duke of Normandy, 
William Duke of Normandy admitted heir to the crown.  his kinsman: admitting & assigning him to be his lawful heir, next to succeed after him to the crown.  
After the death of Godwin, harold his son waxed so in the king's favour: that he ruled the most and greatest causes of the realm, and was lieutenant of the king's army: Who with his brother Toston or Tostius (sent by the king against the Welshmen) subdued their rebellion. But afterward, such envy grew between these ij. brethren, for that Tostius saw his brother Harold so greatly advanced in the king's favour, 
The envy and discord of brethren.  that at Herford, the said Tostius slew all his brother's men. Whom when he had cut in pieces, he powdered their quarters and mangled parts, in barrels of salt, vinegar, wine, and other liquors. That done, he made a power against his brother Harold (being king) with the aid of certain Danes and Norgaines, and fought a battle with him in the North, as after shall follow (God willing) to be seen. 
Ungracious children of a wicked father.  So ungracious were these wicked children of earl Godwin: that if they had seen any fair mansion or manner place, they would slay the owner thereof, withal his kindred, and enter the possession thereof themselves.  
At length it came in the mind of this Harolde to sail over the sea (as Polydore saith) into Normandy to see his brother Wilnotus, 
A place of Polydorus Virg. examined.  as also his cousin Hacus, whom the king had sent thither to be kept for pledges, as ye heard before. Polydore saith these pledges were Tosto & Byornon, but that can not be, for Tostius was then in England. But as Henricus Archdeacon of Huntingdon sayeth, his journey was into Flanders, as seemeth more like. For it is not to be thought, that Harold who was a doer in the cruel murder of Alphred, and of the normans: would venture into Normandy, & therefore more like it is, 
Harold taken of the Normands.  that his sailing was into Flaunders. But as the story proceedeth, he being in the course of his sailing, was weather driven by tempest into the province of Pountith, where he was taken as a prisoner, and sent to Duke William of Normandy. To whom he was made to swear, that he in time following should marry his daughter: and that after the death of King Edward, he should keep the land of England to his behove, according to the will & mind of Edward (after some writers) and so to live in great honour & dignity next unto him in the realm. 
Harold promiseth Duke William to marry his daughter, and to keep the realm for his behoof.  This promise faithfully made to the Duke, Harold returneth into England (with his cousin Hacus the son of his brother Suanus being delivered unto him.) But Wilnotus brother of Harold, the duke keepeth still for performance of the covenants. Thus Herold I say, returning home, showeth the king all that he had done in the foresaid matters. Wherewith the King was well contented. Whereby it may be gathered, that king Edward was right well willing, that Duke William should reign after him, and also seemeth not unlike, but that he had given him his promise thereunto before. 

earl Leofricus ever true and faithful to his prince.  
How Coventry was made free. Godina wife to Leofricus.    
Among all that were true and trusty to king Edward of the english nobility, none had like commendation as had Leofricus earl of Mercia and of Chester. This Leofricus purchased many great liberties for the town of Coventry, and made it free of all manner things, except only of horse. Which freedom there was obtained by means of his wife Godina, by riding (as the fame goeth) after a strange manner through the town. This Leofricus with his wife Godina, builded also the abbey of Coventrie, & endued the same with great lands and riches. 
The Abbey of Coventry builded by Leofricus.   
You heard a little before, of the coming over of Edward called the outlaw, son of king Edmund Ironsid: whom king Edward had purposed to have made king after him. But soon after his coming over, he deceased at London. This Edward had by his wife Agatha, a son & a daughter called Edgar Adelyng, & Margaret. Which Margaret being married afterward to the king of Scots, was the mother of Matild or Maude Queen of England and of David king of Scots. etc.  
This virtuous & blessed king Edward, after he had reigned 23. years, and 7. months, died and was buried in the monastery of Westminster, 

Edward the outlaw.  
Edgar Edeling.  
Margaret Queen of Scots.  
Matilde Queen of England.  
David King of Scots.  
The death of King Edward.  
Westminster repaired.  
Guliel. Malmesber.  
Ex lornalen.  
Ex Historia Richardi. 2. jussu composita.  
The laws of K. Edward.   which he had greatly augmented & repaired, but afterward was more enlarged after this form which it hath now, by Henry the third, son of king john.  
They that writ the history of this King, here make mention of a dream or revelation that should be showed to him in time of his sickness: how, that because the peers & bishops of the realm were servants not of God, but of the devil: God would give this realm to the hand of others. And the king desired utterance to be given him, that he might declare the same to the people, whereby they might repent. It was answered again, that neither would they so do, or yet if they did, it should be given to an other people. But because it is a dream, I let it pass.  
divers laws were before in divers countries of this realm used, as the law first of Dunuallo Molinucius, with the laws of Mercia called Mercenelega: then the laws of Westsaxone kings, as of Iue, Offa, Alfred, etc. which was called Westsaxenelaga. The third were the laws of Canutus & of Danes called Danelaga. Of all these laws which before were diversly in certain particular countries used and received: this Edward compiled one universal & common law for all people through the whole realm, which were called R. Edward's laws: which laws being gathered out of the best and chiefest of the other laws, were so just, so equal, an so serving the public profit & weal of all estates: that mine authors say: the people long after did rebel against their heads and rulers, to have the same laws again (being taken from them) and yet could not obtain them.  

Ex Mathaeo pariensi. William Conqueror sworn to K. Edward's laws, yet went from it.  Furthermore, I read and find in Math. Paris. that when Will. Conqueror at his coming in, did swear to use & practise the same good laws of Edward, for the common laws of this realm: afterward (being established in his kingdom) he forswore himself, & placed his own laws in their room, much worse and obscurer than the other were. etc.  
Notwithstanding among the said laws of Edward, and in the first chapter and beginning thereof, this I find among the ancient records of the Guildhall in London. The office of a King, with such other appurtenances as belong to the realm of Britain: set forth and described in the latin stile, which I thought here not unmeet to be expressed in the English tongue, for them that understand no Latin. The tenor and meaning whereof thus followeth.   

¶ De iure & appendijs regni Britannia, & quod sit officium Regis.  
REx autem quia vicarius summi Regis est, ad hoc est constitutus, ut regnum terrenum & populum domini, & super omnia sanctam eius veneretur ecclesiam & regat, & ab iniuriosis defendat, & maleficos ab ea avellat & destruat, & penitus disperdat. Qwod nisi fecerit, nomen regis non in eo constabit. Verùm, Papa joanne testante, nomen regis perdit, cui Pipinus & Carolus filius eius nec dum reges, sed principes sub rege Francorum stultò scripserunt quaerentes: si ita permanere deberent Francorum reges, solo regio nomine contenti. A quo responsum est, illos decet vocare reges, qui vigilanter defendunt, & regunt Ecclesiam Dei & populum eius, etc. In English thus.  

Ex libro Reg. antiquorum in praetorio Londinensi. The office of a king described in the laws of K. Edward.  The king because he is the vicar of the highest king, is appointed for this purpose: to rule the earthly kingdom, and the lords people, and above all things, to reverence his holy church: to govern it, and to defend it from injuries: to pluck away wicked doers, and utterly to destroy them. Which unless he do, the name of a king agreeth not unto him, but he loseth the name of a King, as witnesseth Pope john: to the which Pope, Pipinus & Carolus his son (being not yet kings but princes under the French King being not very wise) did write, demanding this question, whither the kings of France ought so to continue having but only the name of a king. 
A king the vicar of God in earth.  Unto whom Pope john answereth again, that it was convenient to call them kings which vigilanly do defend and govern the church of God and his people, following the saying of King David the Psalmograph. He shall not dwell in my house which worketh pride. etc. Moreover, the king by right & by his office, aught to defend & conserve fully & wholly in all ampleness without diminution, all the lands, honours, dignities, rights, and liberties of the crown of his kingdom. And further to reduce into their pristine state, all such things as have been dispersed, wasted and lost, which appertain to his kingdom. Also the whole and universal land with all Ilelands about the same unto Norwey and Denmark, be appertaining to the crown of his kingdom, and be of the appurtenances and dignity of the King: making one monarchy and one kingdom, 
The limits of the kingdom of England how far they do extend.  which sometime was called the kingdom of Britain's, and now the kingdom of England: such bonds and limits as is abovesaid, be appointed and limited to the name of this kingdom.  
Moreover, in the foresaid laws of this king Edward, it followeth in the same book where the foresaid Edward describing the office of a King, 
The office of a king farther described.  addeth in these words. A king saith he, ought above all things to fear God: to love and to observe his commandments: and cause them to be observed through his whole kingdom. He ought also to keep, cherish, maintain, & govern the holy church within his kingdom, with all integrity and liberty, according to the constitutions of his ancestors and predecessors: and to defend the same against all enemies, so that God above all things be honoured, & ever be before his eyes. He ought also to set up good laws and customs, such as be wholesome and approved: such as be otherwise, to repeal them, and thrust them out of his kingdom. Item, he ought to do judgement and justice in his kingdom, by the counsel of the nobles of his realm. All these things ought a King in his own person to do, taking his oath upon the Evangelist, and the blessed relics of saints, swearing in the presence of the whole state of his realm (as well of the temporalty as of the spirituality) before he be crowned of the Archbyshops & Bishops. Three servants the king ought to have under him as vassals: fleshly lust, avarice, and greedy desire. Whom if he keep under as his servants and slaves, he shall reign well and honourably in his kingdom. 
〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 king 〈◊〉 to have 〈…〉 iec●ion.  All things are to be done with good advisement and premeditation: and that properly belongeth to a king. For hasty rashness bringeth all things to ruin, according to the saying of the Gospel: Every kingdom divided in itself, shall be desolate. etc.  
After the duty and office of Princes thus described, consequently followeth the institution of subjects, declared in many good & necessary ordinances, very requisite and convenient for public government. Of the which laws William Conqueror was compelled, through the clamour of the people to take some: but the most part he omitted, contrary to his own oath at his coronation, inserting and placing the most of his own laws in his language: to serve his purpose: and which as yet to this present day in the same Normande language do remain. Now (the Lord willing) let us proceed in the story, as in order followeth.   

* King Harold.  
harold the second son of Earl Godwine, 
Anno. 1066.  and last king of the Saxons: notwithstanding that divers of the nobles went with Edgar Adeling, the next heir after Edmund Ironside: 
Harold 〈◊〉 K. of Saxons.  yet he through force and might contemning the young age of Edgar, and forgetting also his promise made to duke William, took upon him to be king of England, An. 1066. When Harolde Harefager, son of Canutus, king of Norway & Demmark, heard of the death of king Edward, he came into England with 300. ships or more: who, then joining with Tostius, brother to the said Harold king of England, entered into the North parts, & claimed the land after the death of Edward. But the Lords of the country arose and gave them battle, notwithstanding the Danes had the victory. And therefore Harold king of England prepared toward them in all haste, & gave them an other strong battle, and there had the victory, where also Harold the Dane was slain, 
Harold king of Denmark and Tostius slain.  by the hand of Harold king of England. And Tostius was also slain in the battle. After this victory, Harold waxed proud & covetous: and would not divide the praies to his Knights that had deserved it, but kept it to himself whereby he lost the favour of many of his knights and people.  
In this mean time William Duke of Normandy, sent Ambassades to Harolde king of England, admonishing him of the covenants that were agreed between them: which was, to have kept the land to his use after the death of Edward. But because that the daughter of Duke William (that was promised to Harolde) was dead: Harolde thought him thereby discharged, and said, that such a nice foolish promise ought not to be holden (concerning an others land) without the consent of the Lords of the same: and especially for that he was thereunto, for need or for dread compelled.  
Upon these answers received, Duke William, in the while that the messengers went and came: gathered his knights, and prepared his name, and had the assent of the Lords of his land to aid and assist him in his journey. 
The Pope sendeth a banner to Duke W. upon bone usage into England.  And over that sending unto Rome to pope Alexander, concerning his title & voyage into england: the pope confirmeth him in the same, and sent unto him a banner, willing him to hear it in the ship, wherein himself should sail. Thus Duke William, being purveyed of all things concerning his journey: sped him to the sea side, and took shipping at the haven off. valery: where he tarried a long time, or he might have a convenient wind. For the which his soldiers murmured (saying) it was a woodness, & a thing displeasing God, to desire to have an others man's kingdom by strength, and namely when God was against it in sending contrary wind. 
Duke William landeth at H●stinges.  etc. At the last the wind shortly after came about, and they took shipping with a great company, and landed at Hastings in Sussex.  
For three causes Duke William entered this land, to subdue Harold. 
Three causes why Duke William entered England.  One was, for that it was to him given by king Edward his nephew. The second was to take wreak, for the cruel murder of his nephew alfred, King Edward's brother, and of the Normands, which deed he ascribed chief to harold. The third was, to revenge the wrong done to Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, which was exiled by the means & labour of Harold, in the time of king Edward.  
Thus, while Harold was in the North: Duke William made so great speed that he came to London before the King: out of which he was holden, till he had made good surety, that he & his people should pass through the City without tarrying: which promise he well observing, passed the bridge, and went over unto Sussex. From whence he sent a Monk unto Harold, & proffered to him three manner of ways. 1. Either to render to him the possession of the land, and so to take it again of him under tribute, reigning under him. 
Three conditions offered to Harold by D. William.  2. or else to abide and stand to the Pope's arbitrement betwixt them both: or thirdly to defend his quarrel in his own person against the Duke, and they two only to try the matter by dint of sword, without any other bloudsheding.  
But Harold refused all these offers, saying: it should be tried by dint of sword, & not by one sword. And so gathered his people, & joined battle with the Normands, in the place where afterward was builded the Abbey of Battle in Sussex. 
The fight between Harold and Duke William.  In the beginning of which fight the englishmen kept them in good array, like to vanquish the normans. Wherefore Duke William caused his men to give back, as though they fled: whereby the englishmen followed fast and broke their array. Then the normans fiercely giving a charge upon them, in conclusion obtained the victory, through the just providence of God. Where king harold, who before had murdered alfred the true heir of the Crown, with his company of normans so cruelly: was now wounded of the normans, in the left eye with an arrow, and thereof incontinent died: although Gerardus sayeth, 
K. Harold slain.  he fled away to Chester, and lived after that a Monk in the monastery of S. James. Which is not like, but rather that he was there slain, after that he had reigned nine months, and was buried at Waltham (which proveth that he died not at Chester) and so was he the last that reigned in England of the blood of Saxons: the which continued (to reckon from Hengistus his first reign in Kent) by the space of 591. years. And if it be reckoned from the years of the Westsaxons, than it endured the space of 565. years.  

The consanguinity between K. Edward and William Conqueror.  This William Duke, and king Edward, were by the father's side, cousin germans removed. For Richard the first of that name, which was the third duke of Normandy after Rollo: was father to Duke Richard the second of that name, & brother to Emma mother to king Edward. Which Duke Richard the second, was father to Duke Robert, this Duke William's father.  
Albeit in this matter, other some may gather otherwise and better, perchance, yet if I may say what I think, verily I suppose, that there is no consanguinity so much here the cause, why God of his unknown judgements suffered the normans here to prevail: as was rather the cruel murder of Alfred, & of the innocent Normands, wrought by the cruel despite of Harold and the englishmen, as is before declared. 
Murder justly recompensed.  The which merciless murder, God here justly in this conquest recompensed.  
Now remaineth also to these foreign affairs of kings & Princes, to add something likewise concerning the continuation of the Archbishops of Caunterburie, beginning there where we last left: 
Archbishops of Caunterb.  that is with Elphegus, whom we declared a little before to be stoned by the Danes at Greenwich. After which Elphegus next succeeded Liningus, after him Egelnothus also above mentioned. Then Robertus a Normand, 
Liningus. Egelmothus. Robertus. Stigandus.  a great doer (as is declared) about king Edward, and a faithful counsellor unto him: but he abode not long. After whom, Stigandus invaded the sea (as they report) by simony: being both Archbishop of Cant. Bishop of Winchester, and also Abbot in an other place. Wherein he continued a great space, gathering and heaping goods together, till at length Duke William clapped him in prison, and there kept him: placing in his room, Lancfrancus a Lombard borne, of whom more shall follow (Christ willing) hereafter to be declared.  
¶ Although the Church of Christ, and state of religion first founded and grounded by Christ and his Apostles, 
The decay of the Church.  did not continually altogether remain in his primative perfection, wherein it was first instituted: But in process of time, began from better to worse, to decrease & decline into much superstition & inconvenience: partly through the coming in of mohammed, partly through the increase of wealth and riches, partly through the decrease of knowledge & diligence in such as should be the guides of Christ's flock: yet the infection & corruption of that time (though it were great) did not so abound in such excessive measure, as afterward in the other latter times now following, about the thousand years expired after Christ: whereof we have to entreat, Christ so permitting. About the which time and year came Silvester the second of that name, who next succeeded after Gregory the v. before mentioned. 
Pope Silvester. 2.  pag. 159. and occupied the sea of Rome about the year of our Lord 1000 lacking one or two.  
This Silvester was a Sorcerer, 
Silvester the. 2▪ a soul sorcerer.  which after the sort of them, that work by familiars (as they call them) and by conjuration▪ compacted with the devil, to be made pope. And so he was (through the operation of Satan) according to his request, Which thing some histories say, he did greatly repent before his death. But for a more ample declaration hereof, I will bring in the words of joannes Stella, a Venetian, translated from Latin into English, concerning the said Silvester: to the intent that our enchanters and sorcerers now a days (whereof there be to many in England) may the better through his example be admonished. The words of Stella be these, 
joannes Stella. Platina. Petrus Praemostratensis. Nancle●us. Antoninus. Robertus Barnus. joannes Baleus.  agreeing also with the narration of Benno, Platina and many other. Silvester the second of that name, being Pope, and a Frenchman, called Gibertus: sat in his Papacy iiij. years, one month and viij. days. He entered into his Papacy, through wicked & unlawful means: who from his youth being a monk, and leaving his monastery, gave himself wholly to the devil, to obtain that which he required. And first coming to Hispalis a City in Spain, there applied his book and profited there in somuch, that he was made Doctor, having amongst his auditors, Otho the emperors son, and Robert the French King, Lotharius Archbishop of Senon, with divers other more. By whose advancement he was promoted, first Bishop of Rhine, afterward Bishop of Ravenna, and at last through the operation of Satan, was exalted to the Papacy of Rome; upon this condition, that after his death, he should give himself to the devil, by whose procurement, he came to that promotion. Upon a certain time he demanded an answer of the devil, how long he should enjoy his Popedom, to whom he answered again: until thou say Mass in jerusalem thou shalt live. At length the iiij. year of his Popedom, saying Mass at Lent time, in the temple of the holy cross being called then jerusalem, there he knew the time was come, when he should die. Whereupon being stroke with repentance, 
Ex joan Stella.  confessed his fault openly before the people: desiring all men to cut his body all in pieces (being so seduced by deceits of the devil) & so being hewn in pieces, they would lay it upon a cart, and bury it there, where soever the horses would carry it of their accord. And so the saying is to be, that by the providence of God (whereby the wicked may learn yet hope of remission with God, so that they will repent them in their life) the horses of their own accord stayed at the church of Lateran, and there he was buried: whereas commonly by the rattling of his bones within the tomb, is portended the death of Popes as the common report goeth. Thus much out of joannes Stella, 
An admonition for sorcerers and wicked conjurers.  concerning Silvester. By whom our sorcerers and enchanters, or magicians may learn to beware of the deceitful operation of Satan: who, at the end deceiveth and frustateth all them, that have to do with him: as the end of all such doth declare commonly, which use the like art or trade. The Lord and God of all mercy, through the spirit of jesus our redeemer, dissolve the works of Satan, and preserve the hearts of our nobles, and of all other Englishmen from such infection. Amen.  
After Silvester succeeded joannes xix by whom was brought in (as Volateran saith) the feast of all souls, 
The feast of all souls brought into the church▪  an. 1004. through the means and instigation of one Odilo Abbot of Cluniake, to be celebrated; next after the feast of all Saints. This Monk Odilo, thinking that Purgatory (as he heard) should be in the mount Aetna: dreamt upon a time in the country of Sicily, that he by his Masses had delivered divers souls from thence: saying moreover, that he did hear the voices and lamentations of devils crying out, for that the souls were taken from them by the Masses & Dirges funeral. Ex Bakenthorpo. in prolo. 4. Lib. Sentent. And not long after him came john the xx. and Sergius the iiij. After whom succeeded Benedictus the viij. then john the 21. who being promoted by art magic of Theoyhilact his nephew, Gratianus, Brazutus and other Sorcerers brought in first the fast of the even of john Baptist and S. Laurence. 
Benedictus the 9  After him followed pope Benedictus the 9 likewise aspiring to his Papacy, by like magic, practising enchantments and conjuration in woods, after horrible manner. Who resisting the Emperor Henricus 3. son to Conradus, and placing in his room. Petrus the king of Hungary with this verse. Petra dedit Romam Petro, tibi Papa coronam: Afterward for fear of Henricus prevailing in battle; he was feign to sell his seat to his successor Gratianus, called Gregorius vi. for 1500. pounds. 
Gregorius the 6.  At which time were 3. Pope's together in Rome, reigning & raging one against an other. Benedictus ix. Silvester 3. & Gregorius vi. For the which cause Henricus surnamed Niger; the Emperor, coming to Rome: displaced these 3. monsters at one time, placing for them, Clemens 2. and thereupon enacting, 
A constitution no pope to be chosen but by the confirmation of the Emperor.  that there should no bishop of Rome henceforth be chosen, but by the consent and confirmation of the Emperor. Which constitution though it was both agreeable & also necessary for public tranquility of that city, yet the Cardinals would not suffer it long to stand, but did impugn it afterward by subtle practice and open violence, as in process (the Lord permitting) shall appear, in the time of Henricus the 4. and 5. In the time of this Clement, the Romans made an oath to the Emperor, concerning the election of the Bishops, themselves to intermeddle no farther therein, but as the assent of the Emperor should go with all. 
Pope Clemens the. 2.  Howbeit the Emperor departing thence into Germany again, by and by they forgot their oath, and within 9 months after poisoned the Bishop. Which fact some impute to Stephen his successor, called Damasus 2. Some impute it to Brazutus, who (as histories record) within 13. years poisoned 6. pope's, 
Pope Damasus the 2.  that is, Clemens 2. Damasus. 2. Leo. 9 Victor. 2. Stephanus 9 Nicolaus the 2.  
Thus Clement being poisoned, after him succeeded Damasus 2. neither by consent of the people, nor of the emperor elected: but by force and invasion, who also within 23. days being poisoned. An. 1049. much contention and striving began in Rome about the Papal seat. Whereupon the Romans, through the counsel of the Cardinals, sent to the foresaid Emperor, desiring to give them a bishop, and so he did, whose name was Bruno an Almain, and bishop of Colle●, 
Pope Leo the 9  afterward called Leo 9 This Bruno being a simple man and easy to be led with evil counsel, coming from the Emperor towards Rome in his pontifical apparel like a Pope: meeteth him by the way the Abbot of Cluniake, and Hildebrand a monk. Who seeing him so in his pontificalibus, begun to rate him, laying to his charge, that he would so take his authority of the Emperor, and not rather of the Clergy of Rome & the people thereof, as other his predecessors were wont to do: and so counseled him, to lay down that apparel, and to enter in with his own habit, till he had his election by them. Bruno following their counsel, and confessing his fault before the Clergy of Rome, obtained their favour, and so was nominate Leo 9 whereby Hildebrand was made a Cardinal, & put in high room. Under this Pope Leo were two Counsels, one kept at Uercellis, where the doctrine of Berengarius against the real substance in the Sacrament was first condemned, although Berengarius yet recanted not, which nevertheless was done after in the Council of Lateran●, under Nicolas 2. An. M.lx 
Concilium Moguntinum. Nauclerus Crantz.  The other was kept at Moguntia, where amongst many other decrees was enacted, priests to be excluded and debarred utterly from marriage▪ Item, that no lay men might give benefice, or bishopric, or any spiritual promotion. etc.  
This Leo, being at worms with the Emperor upon Christmas day, did excommunicate the subdeacon because in reading the Epistle, he did it not in the Roman tune, he being there present. The Archbishop moved therewith, departed from the altar (being then at Mass) saying, he would not proceed no farther in his service, unless his subdeacon were restored. Whereupon the Pope commanded him to be released, & so they went forward in their service.  

Alb. Cranz. Saxo. lib. 4. Cap. 45.  After the death of Leo, whom Brazutus poisoned the first year of his popedom. Theophilactus did strive to be Pope: but Hildebrand to defeat him, went to the emperor, (partly also being sent by the Romans for fear of the emperors displeasure) who assigned an other bishop, 
Pope victor the 2.  a german, called Victor 2. This Victor having a Council at Florence, deposed divers Bishops and Priests, for simony and fornication. For simony, in that they took of secular men their dignities for money: 
Concilium Florentinum.  for fornication, in that contrary to their Canon, they were married. etc. The 2. year of his papacy and little more, this Pope also followed his predecessors being poisoned by the foresaid Brazutus, through the procurement of Hildebrand and his master.  
Here now began the Church and Clergy of Rome, to wring out of the emperors hand the election of the pope: electing Stephen the 9 for pope, 

Pope Stephan the ix.  
The Church of Milan first brought under the Church of Rome.  
The Emperor accused of heresy.   contrary to their oath and to the emperors assignment. Here was the Church of Milan first brought to obedience of the Romish Church, by this Stephanus the 9 bishop of Rome. Who also shamed not to accuse the Emperor Henry (of whom mention is made before) of heresy: for minishing the authority of the Roman sea. So this was their heresy at that time, not to maintain the ambitious proceed of the Romish prelate. And simony they called this, to take & enjoy any spiritual living at a secular man's hand. Wherefore Stephen hearing this simony to reign in divers places, 
Hildebrand sent in commission for simony.  namely in the Churches of Burgundy and Italy, sent forth the Cardinal Hildebrand to reform the matter: who was no less earnest in that kind of commission to help the matter forward.  
In the mean time Stephanus the pope, 
Hildeb●●●● beginne●● to stune▪  tasting of Brazutus cup fell sick. Hildebrand hearing that, apply home with all post speed. So being returned to Rome, assembleth all the companies and orders of the Clergy together, making them to swear: that they should admit none to be Bishop, but which should be appointed by the public consent of them altogether. This being done, Hildebrande taketh his journey to Floremce (belike to fetch the bishop of Florence) to stall him bishop: the clergy swearing to him, that no bishop should be ordained before his return again. But the people of Rome not suffering the election to stand so long, after the death of Stephan: elected one of their own city, called Benedictus the 10. Hildebrand hearing of this, 
Pope Benedictus. 10.  was not a little offended: wherefore returning to Rome with one Gerhardus bishop of Florence, caused the clergy to proceed to a new election, saying: that Benedictus was not lawfully called but came in by force & bribing. But the clergy not daring to attempt any new election at Rome, 

Pope Nicolaus the 2. Two Popes together at Rome.  
Pope Ben● unpopeth himself.   went to Sene, and there elected this Garhardus bishop of Florence, whom Hildebrande brought with him. So were 2. pope's in Rome together: But Garhardus named Nicolaus 2. holding a council at Sutrium, through the help of Duke Godfride and Guibert, and other bishops about Italy, caused the other Pope to be deposed. Benedictus understanding them to be set against him through the means of Hildebrand, unpoped himself, and went to Uelitras, living there more quietly than he should have done at Rome.  
Here is to be touched by the way, 
The gloze of the pope's decrees refuted.  the error of the gloze upon the 23. dist. which falsely allegeth out of the Chronicles, that Benedictus 10. which succeeded Stephen, was deposed: after whom came joannes bishop of Sabine for money, & he again deposed. Benedictus was then restored, and after displaced again, and then joannes Archdeacon ad portam latinam, was made Pope, and he again deposed by the Emperor, and all this within one year. Which history neither is found in any Chronicle, nor agreeth upon any Benedictus, save only that Benedictus 9 was deposed, & then reigned 3. pope's together, Benedictus 9 Silvester 3. & Gregorius 6. 
Concilium Lateranum.  which before was called joannes ad portam latinam, whom the Emperor deposed (all three together.) But that Benedict neither was the 10. 
Anno 1059.  neither did he succeed pope Stephen, as the gloze recordeth. Nicolas thus being set up without the mind both of the emperor, 
Dist. 23. cap. In no.  & of the people of Rome, after his fellow Pope was driven away: broke up the Synod of Sutrium, & came to Rome, where he assembled an other council, called concilium Lateranum. In which council first was promulgate the terrible sentence of excommunication mentioned in the decrees, & beginneth: In nomine Domini nostri. etc. The effect whereof is this. First, that he after a subtle practice (as far and as plainly as he durst speak) undermindeth the emperors jurisdiction, and transferreth to a few Cardinals, and certain Catholic persons, the full authority of choosing the Pope. 
A terrible curse of Pope Nicolaus.  Secondly, against all such as do creep into the seat of Peter, by money or favour without the full consent of the Cardinals: he thundereth with terrible blasts of excommunication, accursing them and their children with devils, as wicked persons to the anger of almighty god, giving also authority and power to Cardinals, with the Clergy and laity, to depose all such persons, and call a council general, wheresoever they will against them.  
Item, 
Berengarius driven to recantation.  in the said Council of Laterane, under Pope Nicholas the second, Berengarius Andegavensis, an Archdeacon was driven to the recantation of his doctrine, denying the real substance of Christ's holy body and blood to be in the Sacrament, otherwise then sacramentally and in mystery.  
In the same council also was hatched & invented, 
Transubstantiation brought into the Church.  the new found devise and term of Transubstantiation.  
It were to long here to declare the confederation betwixt this Nicholas, and Robertus Guiscardus: whom this pope (contrary to all right and good law, displacing the right heir) made Duke of Apulia, 
Nauclerus. Platina. Aeneas' Sil.  Calabria, Sicilia, and captain general of S. Peter's lands: that through his force of arms and violence, he might the better subdue all such as should rebel to his obedience, and so did. Now let all men judge & understand (which be godly wise) how this standeth with the doctrine of Christ, 
Potentia papa Coactina standeth not with the Gospel.  the example of Peter, or the spirit of a christian bishop, by ourward arms & violence to conquer christian men & countries, under the obedience of a bishop's sea. Thus Pope Nicolas the 2. well answering to his Greek name: by might and force continued 3. years and a half. But at length he met with Brazutus' cup, 
Anno. 1062.  and so turned up his heels.  
At the beginning of this Nicolas, or somewhat before, about the year of our Lord 1057. Henricus the 4. after the decease of Henry the 3. was made Emperor being but a child, 
Henricus. 4. Emperor.  & reigned 50. years: but not without great molestation and much disquietness, and all through the ungracious wickedness of Hildebrand, as hereafter (the Lord so permitting) shallbe declared.  
Here, by the way cometh to be noted, an example, whereby all Princes may learn and understand, how the pope is to be handled, whosoever looketh to have any goodness at his hand. If a man stand in fear of his curse, he shall be made his slave, but if he be despised of you, ye shall have him as you list. For the Pope's curse may well be assimiled to Domicianus thunder: 
The Pope's curse compared to Domicianus thunder.  If a man give ear to the noise and crack, it seemeth a terrible thing: but if ye consider the causes and effect thereof, it is a most vain ridicle.  
In the reign of this Nicolas, An. 1060. Aldredus Bishop of Worcester, 
Aldredus Archbishop of York.  after the decease of Kinsius his predecessor should be made Archbishop of York, who coming to Rome with Tostius earl of Northumberland, for his pall (as the manner was) could not obtain it, but was deprived of all his dignity (for some default, I can not tell what) in his answer. And furthermore, after his reversion home, was spoiled also of all that he brought with him. Whereupon he returning again to Rome with Tostius the foresaid Earl, 
Tostius how he persuaded the Pope.  there made his complaint, but could not be heard: till Tostius, a man of stout courage, taking the matter in hand, told the Pope to his face, that his curse was not to be feared in far countre●s, which his own neighbours, yea & most vile vacabonds derided and despised at home. Wherefore he required the Pope, either to restore Aldredus again to his goods lost, or else it should be known, that they were lost through his means and subtlery. And furthermore, it would come to pass, that the king of England hearing this, would debar him of s. Peter's tribute, taking it for a great shame to him & his realm, if Aldredus should come from Rome both deprived of dignity, & spoiled also of his goods. etc. In fine, the Pope thus persuaded by the argument of his purse, was content to send home Aldredus with his pall, according to his request.  
After the death of Nicholas, the lombards being oppressed before by pope Nicholas, and brought under fear, were the more desirous, and thought it good to have a Bishop of their company: 
Cadolus a Lombard made Pope by the Emperor.  and so elected the bishop of Parnien called Cadolus, to be Pope: sending to the emperor and desiring his favour and supportation therein. For the election of the Pope (said they) most properly appertained unto him.  
The emperor well pleased and content, giveth his good leave and voice withal. Hildebrandus, no less a wicked Necromancer, than a stout maintainer of popish liberties against good emperors, hearing this: setteth up by a contrary faction, an other bishop, Anselmus, after called Alexander the 2. Cadolus thus elected by the emperor & the Cardinals, 
Pope Alexander the .2.  setteth forward to Rome with a sufficient army & strength of men. Alexander also no les prepared, there receiveth him with an other army, 
Two battles betwixt two Popes for S. Peter's seat.  where they had a great conflict, & many slain on both sides. But Cadolus as he had the better cause, so had he the worse fortune: who being repelled, yet repaired himself and came again with a greater power. Albeit, he prevailed not. The Emperor seeing this hurly burly: to take up the matter, sent thither his ambassador Otho, Archbishop of Colen: who coming to Rome, beginneth sharply to chide the pope for taking so upon him without the leave or knowledge of the emperor, declaring how the election of that sea ought chief to appertain to the right of the emperor, as it hath done for the most part in the time of his predecessors tofore. But Hildebrande all set on wickedness and ambition, and also puffed up not a little, with his late victories: not suffering the ambassador to tell to the end, interrupted him in the middle of his tale, affirming, that if they should stand to law and custom, the liberty of that election should rather belong to the clergy, then to the Emperor. To make short, Otho the ambassador bearing (belike) more with the Clergy, then with the emperor, was content to be persuaded: only required this in the emperor's name, a council to be had, to decide the matter: whereat the emperor should be present himself. And so he was: In the which council being kept at Mantua, 
Concilium Mantuanun.  Alexander was declared pope, the other had his pardon granted. In this council amongst many other considerations, was concluded concerning priests to have no wives: such as have concubines to say no mass: priests children not to be secluded from holy orders: no benefices to be bought for money. hallelujah to be suspended in time of Lent out of the church. 
hallelujah suspended in the time of Lent.  etc. This also was decreed (which made most for Hildebrandus purpose) that no spiritual man, whatsoever he be, should enter in any Church, by a secular person, & that the Pope should be elected only by the Cardinals, etc. Benno Cardinalis writeth thus of Alexander, 

A decree that no secular man should give a spiritual promotion.  
Benno Cardinalis.   that after he perceived the frauds of Hildebrande, and of other the emperors enemies: and understanding that he was set up and inthronised, but only for a purpose: being at his Mass, as he was preaching to the people, told them, he would not sit in the place, unless he had the licence of the Emperor. Which when Hildebrandus heard, he was strooken in such a fury, that scarcely he could keep his hands of him, while Mass was done. After the Mass being finished, by force of soldiers & strength of men he had him into a chamber, and there all to be pomild Pope Alexander with his fists, rating and rebuking him for that he would seek for favour of the Emperor. 
Pope Alexander knocked about the pa●e by Hildebrand.  Thus Alexander being kept up in custody, and being stinted to a certain allowance, as about v. groats a day. Hildebrand incrocheth all the whole revenues of the Church to himself, procuring thereby much treasure. At length Alexander under the miserable endurance of Hildebrand, died at eventide after 11. years & half▪ of his popedom. And thus much of Romish matters.  
These things thus discoursed concerning the matters of Rome (now returning again to our own country story) the order thereof would require to enter again into the reign of William Conqueror, the next king following in England. But as a certain oration of K. Edgarus, which should have been placed before, chanced in the mean time to come to my hands, not unworthy to be read: I thought by the way in the end of this book, to insert the same (although out of order) yet better I judge it out of order, than out of the book.  

The oration of king Edgar to the Clergy.  
BEcause God hath showed his great mercy to work with us: it is meet (most reverend Fathers) that with worthy works we should answer his innumerable benefits. 
Psal. 43.  For we possess not the land by our own sword, and our own arm hath not saved us: but his right hand and his holy arm, because he hath been delighted in us. Therefore it is meet that we should submit both ourselves and our souls to him that hath subjecteth all these things under our government: and that we ought stoutly to labour, that they whom he hath made subject to us, might be subject to his laws. It belongs to me to rule the lay people with the law of equity, to do just judgement between man and his neighbour, to punish Church robbers, to hold under rebels to deliver the helpless from the hand of the stronger, the needy also and the poor from them that rob them. It belongs also to my care to provide necessary things to the ministers of the Churches, to the flocks of the Monks, to the company of virgins, and to provide for their peace and quiet. The examining of all whose manners belongeth unto us: whether they live chastened, if they behave themselves honestly toward them that be without, whether they be diligent at God's service, if they be earnest to teach the people if they be sober in eating and drinking, if they keep measure in apparel, and if they be discreet in judgement. If ye had regarded these things with a trial of them (O reverend fathers, by your leaves I speak) such horrible and abominable things of the clerk, should not have come unto our ears. I omit to speak how their crown is not broad, nor their rounding convenient, the wantonness in your life, your pride in your gesture, the filthiness in your words, do declare the evil of the inward man.  
Furthermore what negligence is in God's service, when scarce they will be present at the holy vigils? And when they come to mass, they seem rather to be gathered to play and laugh, then to sing. I will tell that, that good men be sorry for, and the evil laugh at. I will speak with sorrow (if so be I may express it) how they be riotous in banquetings, in chambering drunkenness, and unshamefastness: that now clerks houses may be thought to be a stews of harlots, and a covent of players. There be dice, there is dancing, and singing, there is watching to midnight, with crying and shouting. Thus the goods of kings, the alms of princes, yea (and that more is) the price of that precious blood is not esteemed. Have our fathers then spent their treasures for this purpose▪ Hath the kings coffers decayed by taking away many revenues, for this cause? Hath the kings liberality given lands and possessions to Christ's Churches for this intent, that Clerks harlots should be decked with the same? that riotous feasts might be dressed? that hounds and hawks and such other toys might be gotten? The soldiers cry out of these things, the people grudge minstrels sing and dance, and yet ye regard it not, ye spare it, ye dissemble it. Where is the sword of Levy, and the zeal of Simeon, which killed the Sichemites, and the Circumcised, which bore the figure of them that defile Christ's Church, 
Gene ●4. Exod. 32.  with filthy deeds, because they abused jacobes' daughter as a harlot? Where is Moses' spirit which spared not his own kinsfolk that worshipped the head of the Calf?  
Where is Phinies the priests dagger, which pacified God's anger by his holy zeal, 
Nun. 25. Acts. 5.8.  when he killed him that played the harlot with the Madianite? Where is Peter's spirit, by whose power covetousness is destroyed, & simonical heresy is condemned? Be earnest ye Priests, be earnest, to follow the ways of the Lord, & the righteousness of our God. It is time to do against them that have broken the law of God. 
Deut. 33.  I have Constantine's sword, and ye have Peter's sword in your hands, let us join right hands, let us couple sword to sword, that the lepers may be cast out of the temples, that the holy place of the Lord may be purged, and the sons of Levy may minister in the temple, who said to his father and mother I know you not, and to his brothers I know not you. Go to diligently I pray you, lest we repent to have done that, that we have done, & to have given that, that we give. If we shall see that to be spent not in God's service, but on the riotousness of wicked men, through vile and corrupt liberty of life for lack of chastisement: let the relics of holy saints which they despise, and the holy altars, before which they play the mad men, move you. Let the great devotion of our ancetours move you, whose alms the madness of the clerk doth abuse. My great grandfather (as ye know) gave the tenth part of all his lands to Churches and Abbeys. My great great grandfather Alfredus of holy memory, thought it not meet to spare his Treasures, his goods, no costs, nor rents, that he might enrich the Church. My grandfather the elder, Edward, your fatherhood is not ignorant, how great things he gave to the Churches It becometh you to remember with what gifts my father & his brothers did enrich Christ's altars. O father of father's Dunstane, behold I pray thee the eyes of my father looking on thee, from that bright place of heaven. hearken his complaining words, sounding in thine ears thus pitifully lamenting. O father Dunstane, thou, thou I say, givest me counsel to build abbeys and Churches, thou wast my helper and fellow worker in all things. I chose thee as a shepherd and bishop of my soul, and a keeper of my manners. When did I not obey thee? what treasures did I prefer in respect of thy counsels? What possessions did I not despise, if thou bad me? If thou thought meet to give any thing to the poor, I was ready. If thou thought meet to give any thing to Churches, I deferred not. If thou complained that Monks or clerk wanted any thing, I supplied. Thou saidst that alms lasted for ever, and that there was none more fruitful than that which was given to Abbeys or Churches. For with that, both God's servants are sustained, and that which remaineth is given to the poor. O worthy alms. O worthy price of the soul. Oh wholesome remedy for our sins, which now doth stink in the sweet furs of priests lemans, wherewith they adorn their ears & deck their fingers, appareling their delicate bodies with silk and purple. O father, is this the fruit of mine alms, is this the effect of my desire, and of thy promise? What wilt thou answer to this complaint of my fathers? I know, I know, when thou didst see a thief, thou runnest not with him, neither haste thou put thy portion with adulterers. Thou hast rebuked, thou hast exhorted, thou hast blamed them, but words have been despised. Now we must come to stripes of correction, thou hast here with thee the worshipful father Edward bishop of Winchester. Thou hast the reverend Prelate Oswold bishop of Worcester, I commit this business to you, that both by Bishoply correction, and the king's authority the filthy lives may be cast out of the Churches, and they that live orderly may be brought in. etc.   

The ignorance and superstition of the time of K. Edgar noted.  In this Oration of K. Edgar above prefixed, 3. things are chief to be noted & considered, to them that have judgements to mark and understand, to wit: The religious zeal and devotion of kings, both in giving to the church, & also in correcting the manners of churchmen. 2. Secondly, the dissolute behaviour and wantonness of the clergy, then abusing the great donations and patrimonies of princes bestowed upon them. 3. Thirdly, the blind ignorance and superstition of that time in both states, as well Ecclesiastical as temporal, in esteeming Christ's religion chief to consist in giving to Churches, and in maintaining of Monkery, falsely being persuaded that remission of their sins, 
The doctrine of justification unknown.  & remedy of their souls therein did lie in building monasteries, erecting churches and cloisters, and in placing monks in the same, and such other alms deeds, and works of devotion. Wherein appeareth how ignorant that time was of the true doctrine of Christ's faith, and of free grace of the Gospel, which promiseth life, remedy, and justification, not by any devout merits of ours, 
justification by faith in Christ.  nor by any works either of the law of God, or of the inventions of man, but only and freely by our faith upon Christ jesus the son of God, in whom only consisteth all the promises of God. Amen.  
Now remaineth as in the former book before, so in this likewise, to prosecute the order & race of Archbishops of Canterbury, as we have done the race of kings, beginning with Etheredus, who succeeded next after Celnocke, the seventeenth Archbishop of that Sea mentioned, where we last left before, Pag. 131.  

The names and order of the Archbishops of Caunterburie, from the time of king Egbert to William Conqueror.  18. Ethelredus. 18  19 Pleimundus. 29 This Pleimundus was schoolmaster to king Altrede. 20. Athelmus. 12. 21. Vlfelmus. 23  22. Odo. 20. By the players of this Oddo, the Monkish stories say, that the sword of King Ethelstane was brought again into his scabbard. As touching the Epistle of this Odo, sent to other bishops, vide pag. 251. 23. Elfius, or Elfinus. 1 This Elfius first bishop of Winchester, came to the sea of Cant. by the commandment of King Edgar, some say by bribes, contrary to the mind of Odo. Whereupon in the first day of his consecration, he insulting upon the tomb of Odo, with despite, shortly after went to Rome for his pal, where in his journey upon the alps he died for cold, in so much that his horses being killed, & he put in their warm bellies, yet could get no heat. Malms. 24 Dunstan. 20. Of this Dunstane many monkish miracles be feigned, 
S. Dunstanes harp upon the wall, fast by a pin did hang ● Without man's help with lie and all, and by itself did twang●.  as of the harp upon the wall playing by itself, Gaudent in Coelis, etc. of our lady with her company appearing to him singing, Cantemus domino sociae, Cantemus honorem. Dulcis amor christi personet ore pio. Also of the Angels singing Kyrieleyson, etc. Item, of holding the Devil by the nose with a pair of tongues, tempting him with women. Malmes. Item of seeing the holy Ghost at his mass in likeness of a Dove. Item, in delivering the soul of Edwine from the Devil. Item, in foreseeing the death of King Edred, by the death and falling of his horse. Item, of his mother being great with Dustane, when all the candles of others went out, her only candle remained light, & many other like fables, etc. ¶ Polydorus maketh Dunstane to be the 23. archb. 25. Ethelgarus. 1 This Siricus was the counsellor to king Egelred, to redeem peace of the Danes, with a great tribute. 26. Elfricus. 11 27. Siricius. 5 28. Elphegus. 6 Elphegus because he denied to pay to the Danes a tribute, was stoned to death at Greenwich, & of some is called a martyr. 29. Livingus. 7 30. Egenoldus. 17 31. Edsius. 11 32. Robertus. 2 This Robertus caused Godwine and his sons to be banished, accusing them of Treason. But afterward they being restored, he went to Rome, and at his return died. 33. Stigandus. 17 Stigandus being an English man, in the time of W. Conqueror the Normane, was by the craft of the said William conveyed into Normandy, where a while with great honour he was entertained. At length the said William procured secreately the pope's letters to depose him, that he might place Lanfrancus in his room. This Stigandus died at length in prison. 34 Lanfrancus. 19   
The end of the third Book.   

THE FOURTH BOOK CONTAINING other 300. years from William Conqueror, to the time of john Wickliff, wherein is described the proud and misordered reign of Antichrist, beginning to stir in the Church of Christ.  

William Conqueror.  WILLIAM Duke of Normandy, surnamed Conqueror, base son of Duke Robert, the sixth Duke of Normandy, & nephew unto king Edward: after the foresaid victory against Harold & the Englishmen obtained, was received king over the Realm of England, not so much by the assent, as for fear and necessity of time. For else the Londoners had promised their assistance to Edgar Atheling to the uttermost of their power. But being weakened & wasted so greatly in battles before, and the Duke coming so fast upon them, fearing not to make their party good, submitted themselves. Whereupon the said William (of a Duke made a King) was crowned upon Christmas day the year of our Lord 1067. 
Anno. 1067.  by the hands of Aldredus Archb. of York. Forsomuch as at that time Stigandus Archb. of Canterb. was absent, or else durst not, or would not come in the presence of the king. 
A blazing stair.  A little before the coming in of this Duke, a terrible blazing star was seen, the space of 7. days, which was the year before. In record whereof, as well of the conquest of the Duke, as of the blazing star, these verses yet remain.  
Sexagenus erat sextus millesimus annus.  
Cum pereunt Angli, stella monstrante cometa.  
Which king thus being crowned, did reign over the realm of England the space of 21. years, and one month, with great severity & cruelness, toward the Englishmen, burdening them with great tribute and exactions, which was to pay of every hide of ground, containing 20. acres 6. 
Tribute.  shillings. By mean whereof certain parties of the land rebelled, and specially the city of Exeter. But at last William overcame them, 

Rebellion. earl Marcarus, and Eerle Edwyne, Edgar Atheling, with his mother, & ij. sisters. Margaret, and Christian fled into Scotland.  
New king new laws. King William forsworn in abolishing King Edwardes laws.   and won the city and punished them grievously. But for that & for other stern deeds of William, divers of the Lords departed to Scotland: wherefore he kept the other Lords that tarried the straighter, and exalted the normans, giving to them the chief possessions of the land. And for so much as he obtained the kingdom by force and dent of sword, he changed the whole state of the governance of this common weal: and ordained new laws at his own pleasure, profitable to himself, but grievous & hurtful to the people: abolishing the laws of king Edward. Whereunto notwithstanding he was sworn before, to observe & maintain. For the which great commotions and rebellions remained long after among the people, as histories record: to have the said laws of king Edward revived again.  
Over and besides this, he builded 4. strong castles, 2. at York, one at Nottingham, another at Lincoln, which garrisons he furnished with Normanes.  
About the third year of his reign, Harold & Canutus sons of Suanus, King of Denmark, entered into the North country. The normans within York fearing that the Englishmen would aid the Danes, fired the suburbs of the town▪ whereof the flame was so big, and the wind so strong, 
York with the minster of S. Peter brent.  that it took into the city, and brent a great part thereof, with the minster of S. Peter. Where no doubt many worthy works and Monuments of books were consumed. In the time whereof, the Danes by favour of some of the citizens entered the city, and slew more than iii▪ M. of the normans. But not long after King William chased them out and drove them to the ships, & took such displeasure with the inhabitants of that country, that he destroyed the land from York to Durham so that 9 years after, the province lay waste and vnina●●red, only except S. john's land of Beverley, & the people theroft so straightly being kept in penury by the war of the king, that (as our English story sayeth) they eat rats, cats, and dogs, and other vermin.  
Also in the fourth year of this king, Malcolyn king of Scots, 

The north country wasted.  
Horrible famine in the north parts. Slaughter of Northumbland men.  
Scots subdued to K. William. The continual affliction and disquietness of this Realm of England.  
Five conquests which have been in this Realm. Romans, Scots and picts, Saxons, Danes, normans.   entered into Northumberland & destroyed the country, & slew there much of the people both of men, women and children after a lamentable sort, and took some prisoners. But within 2. years after, king William made such war upon the Scots, that he forced Malcolyn their king to do him homage.  
And thus much concerning the outward calamities of this Realm, under this foreign Conqueror. Which is now the fifth time that the said land, with the inhabitance thereof hath been scourged by the hand of God. First by the Romans in the time of julius Cesar. Then by the Scots and Pictes (as hath been showed) afterward by the Saxons. Again, the Saxons or Englishmen did not enjoy the possession of Britain with long quiet, but were brought in as much subjection themselves under the Danes, as they had brought the Britain's before (and that much more) in so much that through all England, if an English man had met a Dane upon a bridge, he might not stir one foot, before the Lord Dane (otherwise Lurdane) were passed. And then if the English man had not given low reverence to the Dane, at his coming by, he ●as sure to be sharply punished (with more) as above hath been declared. And this subjection almost continued from the reign of King Ethelwolfus 230. years, till the reign of king Edward. And yet the indignation of God thus ceased not: but stirred up the Normans against them, who Conquered and altered the whole Realm after their own purpose, in somuch that besides the innovation of the laws, coignes, and possessions: there was in no Church of England almost any English bishop, 
Ex Henr. Huntingdon. Lib. 6.  but only Normands & foreigners placed through all their Diocese. To such misery was this land then brought unto, that not only of all the English nobility not one house was standing: but also it was thought reproachful to be called an English man. This punishment of God against the English nation, writers do assign biversly to divers causes (as partly before is touched) of whom some assign this to be cause, as followeth in the words of the story: In primitiva Angliae Ecclesia religio clarissimè splenduit, 
Ex histor. lornalens.  ita ut Reges & Reginae, Duces & Episcopi, vel Monachatum, vel exilium pro Dei amore appeterent: processu verò temporis adeo omnis virtus in eyes emarcuit, ut gentem nullam proditione & nequitia sibi parem esse permitterent. 
England afflicted and scourged for iniquity.  etc. The meaning whereof is, that whereas Kings and Queens, Dukes, and Prelates in the primitive time of the English church, were ready for Religion, to forsake either liberty or country, and give themselves to a solitary life: In process of time they grew to such dissoluteness, that they left no other realm like unto them in iniquity. 
The vision of K. Edward.  etc. Again some writing of the vision of king Edward a little before the invasion of the Normands: testify, how the king reporting of his own vision, should hear, that for the great enormity and misbehaviour of the head Dukes, Bishops, and abbots of the realm: the kingdom should be given to the hand of their enemies, after the decease of him, for the space of a C. years, and one day. Which space was also seen by William conqueror, to be a hundredth years & fifty: and that his progeny so long should continue. 
Englishmen scourged for their unjust oppression of the Britain's.  Again, some writers entreating of this so great wrath of God upon the English people, declare the cause thereof, as followeth. Nam sicut Angl, britons, quds Deus disterminate proposuerat (peccatis suis exigentibus) humiliverant, & a term Angliae minus iniustè fugaverant: sic ipsi duplici persecutione. etc. Like as the Englishmen did subdue the Britons (whom God proposed, for their deservings, to exterminate) and them unjustly did dispossess of their land: so they should likewise be subdued and scourged with a double persecution, first by the Danes and after by the normans. etc. Moreover to these injuries and iniqnities done, and wrought by the English men hitherto recited, let us add also the cruel villainy of this nation, 
Englishmen justly scourged for their unjust cruelty against the Normands.  in murdering and tithing of the innocent Normans before: who coming as strangers with alfred the lawful heir of the Crown, were despitefully put to death. Which seemeth to me no little cause, why the Lord (whose doings be always just & right) did suffer the Normans so to prevail. By the coming in of the which Normans, 

Three things in this conquest to be noted.  
God's just judgement.  
Lack of succession.  
Foreign marriage.   and by their quarrel unto the Realm, three things we may note & learn. First to consider and learn the righteous retribution, and wrath of God from heaven, upon all iniquity and unrighteous dealing of men. Secondly, we may thereby note, what it is for Princes to leave no issue or sure succession behind them. Thirdly, what dangers often do chance to Realms publicly by foreign marriage with other Princes. etc.  
In the same fourth year of this king, between Easter and Whitsuntide, was holden a solemn council at Winchester of that clergy of England. 
Anno. 1070.  At the which counsel were present two Cardinals, sent from Pope Alexander 2. Peter, & john. In this counsel the king being there himself present, 
A council holden at Winchester. Might overcometh right.  were deposed divers bishops, Abbots, and prior's (by the means of the king) without any evident cause: to the intent his Normans might be preferred to the rule of the Church as he had preferred his knights before to the rule of the temporalty, thereby to stand in more surety of the land. Amongst whom also Stigandus Archb. of Cant. was put down, 
divers Bishops, Abbots, and priors deposed in England. Stigandus Archb. of Cant. deprived, and the causes why.  for 3. causes against him pretended.  
The first was, for that he had holden wrongfully that bishopric, while Robert the Archbishop (above mentioned, pag. 156.) was living.  
The second was, for that he had received the pall of Benedict bishop of Rome the fifth of that name. Which Benedict, for buying his Popedom, had been deposed, as is showed before.  
The third cause, for that he occupied the said pall without licence and lawful authority of the court of Rome.  
Then Stigandus well proved the benevolence of king William. 
Fair countenance not to be trusted.  For where before the king seemed in friendly countenance to make much of him, and did unto him great reverence: then he changed all his mildness into sternes, & excused himself by the bishops of Rome's authority: So that in the end, Stigandus was deprived of his dignity, and kept in Winchester, 
A covetous Bishop.  as a prisoner during his life. This Stigandus is noted for a man so covetous and sparing, that when he would take nothing of his own, and swearing that he had not a penny, yet by a key fastened about his neck, was found great treasures of his under the ground.  
At the same time was preferred to the archbishopric of York, 
Thomas made Archb. of York. Lanfrancus an Italian Archb. of Canterb.  Thomas a Normand, and canon of Baion.  
At which time also Lanfrancus Abbot of Cadomonencie (a Lombard, and Italian borne) was sent for, and made Archbishop of Cant. between which two Archbyshops about their consecration, first began a contention, for giving & taking the oath of obedience, but that contention was at that time appeased by the king. And Thomas contented to subscribe to the Archbishop of Cant. obedience.  
After this it followed within short space, that the said Lanfrancus and Thomas Archbishop of York, 
The minster of York builded.  who first builded the minster of York, & gave possessions thereunto: came to Rome with Remigius Bishop of Dorcester, for their palles, as the manner was: without which, no Archbishop nor bishop could be confirmed, although their election were never so lawful. 
The giving of the pall.  This pall must be asked no where but of the Pope or his assigns, and that within 3. months: also it must be asked not faintly but mightily: Dist. C cap. prisca. 
Dist. 100 Cap. Prisca.  Which, as it was a chargeable thing to other nations (especially such as were far from Rome) so it was no small gain to the Romish sea, so as they did order it: for although at the beginning the pall was given without money, 
Dist. 100 cap. Novit. Ex Lib. gravaminum nationis Germanicae.  according to the decree. Dist. C. or for little, as percase in this time of Lanfrank: yet in process of years it grew to such excess, that where the bishopric of Mentz was wont to give to Rome but x. M. Florence's: afterward it arose so, that he that asked to have his confirmation, could not obtain it, without xx. M. And from thence it exceeded to xxv. M. and at length to xxvii. M. Florences● which sum jacobus Archbishop of Mentz was priest to pay, 
jacobus Archb. of Mentz.  a little before the council of basil: in so much that the said jacobus, at his departing (which was within four years after) said, that his death did not so much grieve him, as to remember his poor subjects, which should be constrained to pay so terrible a fine for the Popes pall. 
Aeneas' silvius writeth to be 50. bishoprics n Germany.  Now by this what did rise to the Pope in whole Germany, containing in it above 50. By shopprickes, it may be easily conjectured. Lanfrancus thus coming to Rome, with the other two Bishops: he for the estimation of his learning, obtained of Alexander two palles, one of honour, the other of love. Item, he obtained for the other two Bishops also their confirmation. At which time, they being there present before Alexander: the controversy began first to be moved (or rather renewed) for the primacy betwixt the two metropolitanes, that is betwixt the archbishop of Canterbury, and Archbishop of York, whether of them should have pre-eminence above the other: for Canterbury challenged to himself preroragative and the primacy, over whole Brittany, and Ireland: the which contention continued a long season, betwixt these two. churches, and was often renewed in the days of divers kings after this: as in the reign of Henry the first, betwixt Thurstinus of York, and Radolphus of Canterbury. And again in the 27. year of the said king, at his second coronation: for Radolphus would not suffer the first coronation to stand, because it was done by the Bishop of York, without his assent. Also in the reign of Henry the second, where Alexander Pope made a letter decretal betwixt these two. metropolitans, for bearing the cross. An. M. Clix. Also an other time, in the reign of the said king, betwixt Richard of Canterbury, and Roger of York: again about the year of the Lord. M. Cixx. when Thomas Becket, hearing the king to be crowned of Roger bishop of York: complained thereof grievously to Pope Alexander the third. Item an other time. An. M. Cixxvi. betwixt Richard, and the said Roger, whether of them should sit on the right hand of Cardinal Hugo, in his Council at London. Moreover, in the beginning of the reign of king Richard, An. M. Cxc. betwixt Baldwinus of Canterbury, and Godfridus of York. etc.  
Now to proceed in the story hereof. After this question was brought as is said, to the Pope's presence (he not disposed to decide the matter) sent them home unto England, there to have their cause determined. Whereupon they speding themselves from Rome, to England an. M. lxx. and the 6. year (as is said) of this William: brought the matter before the king and the clergy, at Windsor. Whereas Lancfrank first alleging for himself, brought in, from the time of Austen, to the time of Bede (which was about 140. years) how that the Bishop of Cant. had ever the primacy over the whole land of Britain, and Ireland: how he kept his Counsels divers times within the precincts of York: how he did call and cite the Bishops of York thereto: whereof some he did constitute, some he did excommunicate, & some he did remove: besides also he alleged divers privileges granted by princes and prelate's to the primacy of that sea. etc.  
To this Thomas Archbish. of York replieth again, and first beginning with the first original of the Britain's Church, declareth in order of time, how the Britanes. etc.  
¶ The Britain's first possessioners of this kingdom of Britain, which endured from Brutus & Cadwallader 2076. years under an hundredth and two. Kings, at length received the Christian faith. Anno. Clxii. in the time of Lucius their king. 
Lucius the first king 〈◊〉 Brittany christened Theonus first Archb. of London.  Eleutherius Bishop of Rome, sent Faganus and Damanus, preachers unto them, at which time after their conversion, they assigned and ordained in the Realm 28. Bishops, with two Archbishops Theonus the Archbishop of London, and Theodoceus Archbishop of York. Under those Bishops and Archbishops the church of Britain was governed, after their conversion, almost. 300. years, till at length the Saxons being then infidels, with Hengistus their king, subdued the Britan's by fraudulent murder, and invaded their land: which was about the year of the Lord. 440. After this the Britan's being driven into Cambria (which we now call wales) the Saxons overrunning the land, 
Ex Chrone, Sigeber●●.  divided themselves into 7. kingdoms. And so being infidels and Pagans, continued, till the time that Gregory Bishop of Rome, sent Augustinus, to preach unto them: which Austen coming first to Dover, being then the head City of Kent, 
Dover the head city Kent.  called in Latin Dorobernia, and there planting himself, converted first the king of Kent, called Edilbertus: who had then subdued certain other kings unto Humber. By reason whereof Augustine was made Archbishop of Dover, by the appointment of Gregorius, who sent him certain Palles, with his letter from Rome, which before is expressed, 
This was about 150. years after the coming of the Saxons.  pa. 158. Which letter being recited, than Thomas exposiding upon the same, beginneth to declare for himself, how the meaning of Gregory in this letter, was to reduce the new Church of Saxons, or Englishmen, to the order that was in the old time among the Britanes: that is, to be under 2. metropolitans, one of London, the other of York: for so the Church was ordered in the tune of the Britanes, as is before declared. notwithstanding, he giveth to Austen this prerogative during his life time, to have authority & jurisdiction, not only over his 12. bishops, but upon all other Bishops and Priests in England. And after his decease, than these 2. metropolitanes, London and York, to oversee the whole Clergy, as in times past, amongst the Britain's: whom he joineth together after the death of Augustine, to constitute Bishops, and to oversee the Church. And that he so meaneth, London to be equal in authority with York, it appeareth by 4. arguments: First, that he will London to be consecrate by no Bishop, but of his own Synod. Secondly, in that he willeth no distinction of honour to be betwixt London and York, but according only, to that as each of them is elder in time. Thirdly for that he matcheth these two together in common counsel, and with one agreement to consent together in doing and disposing such things, as they shall consult upon in the zeal of Christ jesus: and that in such sort, that one should not dissent nor discord from the other. What meaneth this, but that they should govern together, whom he would not to dissent together? Fourthly, where he writeth, that the bishop of York should not be subject to the bishop of London: what meaneth this, but that the Bishop of London should be equivalent with the Metropolitan of York, or rather superior unto him?  
And thus he expounded the meaning of Gregory, to be in the foresaid letter. 
Lancfrancus replieth.  To whom Lanc●rancus, again answereth, that he was not the Bishop of London, and that the question pertained not to London. Thomas replieth, having on his part many fautors, that this privilege was granted, by Gregory, to Augustine alone, to have all other bishops subject to him: but after his disease, there should be equality of honour, betwixt London, and York, without all distinction of pryoritie save the only priority of time should make superiority between them. And although Augustin translated the seat from London to Kent, yet Gregory, if his mind had been, to give the same prerogative to the successors of Austen (which he gave to him) would expressly have uttered it in the words of his Epistle, 
Thomas argueth.  writing thus to Austen. That which I give to thee Austen, I give also and grant to all thy successors after thee. But in that, he maketh here no mention of his successors, it appeareth thereby, that it was not his mind so to do.  
To this Lancfrancus argueth again. If this authority had been given to Austen alone, 
Lancfrancus replieth.  & not to his successors, it had been but a small gift, proceeding from the apostolic seat, to his special and familiar freno: especially seeing also that Austen, in all his life, did constitute no Bishop of York, neither was there any such Bishop to be subject to him. 
The dignity of Cant. confirmed by privileges.  Again we have Privileges from the apostolic sea, which confirm this dignity in the successors of Austen, in the same seat of Dover. Moreover, all Englishmen think it, both right and reason, to fetch the direction of well living, from that place, where first they took the sparkle of right believing. Farther, where as you say, that Gregory might have confirmed with plain words, the same thing, to the successors of Austen, which he gave unto him: all that I grant: yet notwithstanding, this is nothing prejudicial to the fear of Canterbury. For, if you know your Logic, that which is true in the whole, is also true in the part: And what is true in the more, 
Well replied of an Italian.  is also true in the les. Now the Church of Rome is, as the whole, to whom all other Churches be as parts thereof. And as Homo. i. mankind is Genus i. the general, in a certain respect to all his Individua. i. to all particular persons, and yet in every particular person lieth the property of the general: so in like manner, the sea of Rome, in a certain respect, is the general and the whole, to other churches, & yet in every particular church is contained the whole fullness of the whole christian faith. That Church of Rome is greater than all Churches, that which is wrought in it, aught to work in the less Churches also: so that the authority of every chief head of the church, aught to stand also in them, that do succeed: unless there be any precise exception made by name. 
If this similitude were form into a syllogism, neither were the Mayor true. And specially the minor were utterly false.  Wherefore, like as that Lord said, to all bishops of Rome, the same thing, which he said to Peter: so Gregory in like manner said to all the successors of Austen that which he said to Austen. So thus I conclude, likewise as the bishop of Canterbury is subject to Rome, because he had his Faith from thence, so York ought to be in subjection to Cant. which sent the first preachers thither. Now, where as you allege, that Gregory would Austen to be resident at London: that is utterly uncertain. For how is it to be thought that such a Disciple, would do contrary to the mind of such a master? But grant, as you say, that Austen removed to London: what is that to me, which am not bishop of London? Notwithstanding, all this controversy ceasing betwixt us, if it shall please you, to come to some peaceable composition with me (all contention set apart) you shall find me not out of the way, so far as reason and equity shall extend.  
With these reasons of Lancfranke, Thomas gave over, condescending that the first of his province should begin at Number.  
Whereupon it was then decreed, 
Order 〈◊〉 betwine 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Canterbury 〈◊〉 Thomas 〈◊〉 of York.  that York from that time, should be subject to Caunterbury, in all matters appertaining to the rites & regiment of the catholic church: So that wheresoever within England, Canterbury should or would hold his Council, the Bishop of York should resort thither, with his Bishops, and be obedient to hy● decrees canonical.  
Provided moreover, that when the bishop of Canterbury should decease, York should repair to Dover, there to consecrate with other, the Bishop that should be elect. And if York should decease, his successor should resort to Canterbury, or else, where the bishop of Canterbury should appoint, there to receive his consecration, making his profession there with an oath of Canonical obedience. Thomas being content withal, Lancfrancus the Italian triumpheth with no small joy: and putteth the matter forthwith in writing, that the memory thereof might remain to the posterity of his successors. But yet that decree did not long stand. For shortly after, the same scar so superficially cured, braced out again. In somuch that in the reign of king Henry the first. An. Domini 1121. Thurstinus Archbishop of York could not be compelled to swear to the Archbishop of Canterbury: and yet notwithstanding, by the letters of Calixtus 2. was consecrate without any profession made to the said Bishop, with much more matter of contention: all which to recite it were too long. But this I thought to commit to history, to the intent men might see the lamentable decay of true Christianity amongst Christian Bishops: who inflamed with glorious ambition, so contended for honour, that without mere forcement of law, no modesty could take place.  
Of such like contentions among Prelates of the Clergy, for superiority, we read of divers in old Chronicles: as in the history entitled Chronicon Hirsseldense, where is declared a bloody conflict, which twice happened in the church of Boslaria, between Hecelon bishop of Hildesheime, and Wederatus bishop of Fulda: and all for the superior place, who should fit next to the Emperor, the Emperor himself being there present, and looking on them, and yet not able to stay them.  
Thus I have described the troublous contention between Lancfrancus, & Thomas Metropolitan of York in the days of Alexander, of which controversy and of the whole discourse thereof: Lanfrancus writeth to Pope Alexander beginning thus.  
Domino totius Christianae religionis summo speculatori Alex. Papae. Lancfrancus sanctae Dorobernensis Ecclesiae antistes, debitam cum omni servitute obedientiam. 
A letter of Lanfrancus sent to Pope Alexander.  In concilio quod Angliae per vestram autoritatem coactum est, ubi querelae Thomae Archiepiscopi prolatae & ventilatae sunt, allata est Ecclesiastica gétis Anglorum historia, quam Eboracensis Ecclesiae praesbyter, & Anglorum Doctor Beda composuit: and so forth in a ●ong process of words which follow. Among which in the middle of the epistle, speaking of Dover and Canterbury, he hath these words. Vrbs namque, quae nunc Cantuarberia nominatur, antiquis temporibus, ab ipsius terrae incolis Dorobernia vocabatur, etc. with many other words in the said Epistle, which for brevity here I overpass.  
In the story before of king egelred, was declared about the year of our Lord. 
bishops seats translated into England.  M. xvi. how the rhetoric of Lindaffarne otherwise named holy land, in the flood of tweed, was translated to Durham: so likewise in the days of this Lancfrancus Archbishop of Cant. Anno M. lxxvi. divers Bishop's seats, were altered and removed from towneships to greater Cities. As the bishopric of Selese was removed to Chichester, out of Cornwall to Exeter, from Welles to Bathe: from Shyreburne to Salesbury: from Dorcester to Lincoln, from Lichfield to Chester: which bishopric of Chester, Robert being then Bishop reduced from Chester to Coventrie. Likewise after that in the reign of William Rufus. An. 1095. Herbert Bishop of Thetford, from thence reduced the fear to Norwige. etc.  
As concerning Dover and Caunterbury, whether the sea, was likewise translated from the town of Dover to the City of Cant. in the time of Theodorns: or whether Canterbury by old time had the name of Dorobernia (as the letter of Lancfrancus to Pope Alexander, above mentioned, doth pretend) I find it not in histories expressly defined. Save that I read by the words of William bring yet Duke of Normandy, charging then harold to make a well of water for the kings use in the castle of Dorobernia: that the said Dorobernia then was taken for that which now we call Dover: but whether Dorobernia and the City of Cant, be both one or divers, the matter is not great. Notwithstanding this I read in the epistle of Pope Bonifacius to king Ethelbert, 
Dorobernia and Canterbury taken both for one.  as also to justinus Archbish. Item in the epistle of pope Honorius, to bishop Honorius. Iten, of Pope Uitalianus, to Theodorus: of Pope Sergius to king Ethelred, Alfred, and Adulphus, and to the Bishops of england. Likewise of pope Gregory the 3. to the Bishops of England. Item of Pope Leo to Atherlard Archbishop of Cant. Of Formosus to the bishops of England: and of Pope john to Dunstane, that the name of Dorobernia & of Canterbury indifferently are taken for one matter.  
In this time (and by the procuring of this Lancfrancus) the 9 
A council holden at London, and what were the acts thereof.  year of this king: a council was holden at London, where among the acts thereof, these were the principal things concluded.  

1. For the order of sitting: that the Archbishop of York should sit on the right hand, and the Bishop of London of the left hand: or in the absence of York, London should have the right, and Winchester the left hand of the Archbishop of Cant. sitting in counsel.  
2. The second, that Bishops should translate their sees from villages into cities: whereupon those sees above named were translated.  
3. That Monks should have nothing in proper. And if any so had, he dying unconfessed, should not be buried in the Churchyard.  
4. That no Clerk or Monk of an other diocese, should be admitted to orders, or retained without letters commendatory or testimonial.  
5. That none should speak in the Council except bishops and Abbots, without leave of the Archmetropolitanes.  
6. That none should marry within the 7. degree, with any either of his own kindred, or of his wives departed.  
7. That none should either buy or sell any office within the Church.  
8. That no sorcery nor any divination, should be used or permitted in holy Church.  
9 That no bishop nor abbot, nor any of the clergy: should be at the judgement of any man's death or dismembering, neither should be any fautor of the said iudicantes.   

Bishops of England about to drive out Monks and to place priests again in their steed.  Moreover, in the days of this Lancfrancus, divers good bishops of the realm, began to take part with priests against the monks, in displacing these out of their Churches, and to restore the married Priests again: in so much that walkelmus bishop of wint. had placed above 4.0. canons in stead of monks for his part: but this godly enterprise was stopped by stout Lancfrancke the Italian Lombard. This lusty Prelate sat 19 years, but at latter end, he was not so favoured of William Rufus, and ●●ed for sorrow. Although this Italian Frank being Archbishop: had little leisure to write, yet something he thought to do, to set out his famous learning, and wrote a Book against Berengarius, 
Opus Scintillarum Lanfranci.  intituling it: Opus Scintillarum. The old church of Cant. he plucked down & builded up the new.  
After the death of Pope Alexander above mentioned, next to him followed Hildebrand surnamed Gregory the 7. This Hildebrand as he was a sorcerer, 
Anno. 1074.  so was he the first and principal cause of all this perturbation that is now & hath been, since his time in the Church: by reason that through his example, all this ambition, stoutness & pride, entered first into the church of Rome, 
Hildebrandus seu Gregor. 7. Hildebrand the cause of all this stoutness and pride in prelate's.  & hath ever since continued. For before Hildebrandus came to Rome, working there his fears: setting up and displacing what Bishops he lifted: corrupting them with pernicious counsel, and setting them against Emperors: under pretence of chastity destroying matrimony: and under the title of liberty, breaking peace and resisting authority: before this (I say) the church of Rome was in some order, & bishops quietly governed under christian Emperors, and also were defended by the same. As Marcellus, Meltiades, and Silvester were subdued, and under obedience to Constantinus. an. 340. 
The obedience of Bishops in ancient time to Emperors.  Syricus to Theodosius. Anno. 388. Gregorius to Mauritius. An. 600. Hilarius to justinian. An. 528. Adrianus and Leo to Carolus Magnus: An. 801. Paschalis and Ualentius to Ludovicus Pius. an. 830. Sergius 29. unto Lotharius. An. 840. Benedictus the 3. and joannes the 9 unto Ludovicus son of Lotharius. an. 856. But against this obedience and subjection Hildebrand first began to spurn, and by his example taught all other Bishops to do the like.  
In somuch, that at length they wrought and brought to pass, to be lawful for a few courtesans & Cardinals (contrary to ancient ordinance and statutes decretal) to choose what Pope they list, without any consent of the Emperor at all. And where as before it stood in the Emperor's gift, to give and grant bishoprics, Archbishoprikes, benefices and other Ecclesiastical preferments within their own limits, 
What Popes have done.  to whom they lift: now the Popes through much wrestling, wars, and contention, have extorted all that into their own hands, and to their assigns: yea, have plucked in, 
Pope's 〈◊〉 than Princes.  all the riches & power of the whole world. And not content with that, have usurped and prevailed so much above Emperors: that, (as before) no Pope might be chosen without the confirmation of the Emperor: so now no Emperor may be elected without the confirmation of the Pope, taking upon them more than Princes, to place or displace Emperors at their pleasure, for every light cause: to put down, or to set up when, & whom they lifted: as Fridericus Primus, for holding the left stirrup of the pope's saddle, was persecuted almost to excommunication. 
Fridericus primus, shent for holding the Pope's left stirrup.  The which cause moveth me to strain more diligence here, in setting out the history, acts, and doings of this Hildebrand: from whom, as the first patron and founder, sprang all this ambition & contention, about the liberties & dominion of the Roman church: to the intent, that such as cannot read the Latin histories, may understand in English, the original of evils: how, and by what occasion they first began, and how long they have continued.  
And first how this Hildebrand hitherto had behaved himself before he was Pope, I have partly declared. For though he was not yet Pope in name, yet he was there Pope in deed, & ruled the Pope and all their doings, as him listed. Item what ways and fetches he had attempted ever since his first coming to the Court of Rome, to magnify and maintain false liberty, against true authority: what practise he wrought by Counsels, what factions and conspiracies he made, in stirring up Popes against Emperors, striving for superiority: and what wars followed thereof, I have also expressed. Now let us see further (by the help of Christ) the worthy virtues of this princely prelate, 
Ex 〈◊〉 no & al●s.  after he came to be Pope, as they remain in histories of divers and sundry writers described.  

The tragical history of Gregory the seven. otherwise named Hildebrand.  
THe words of the latin history be these: 
Gregory 7. Ex 〈◊〉  Hactenus pontifices Rom. comitijs curiatis, calatis, a sacerdotibus, equitatu, plebe, Senatu. etc. In English: hitherto the bishops of Rome have been elected by voices, and suffrages, of all sorts and degrees, as well of the Priests and the Clergy, as of the nobility, people, and Senate, all conventing and assembling together. And this election so I find to stand in force, if so be it were ratified and confirmed, by the consent of Roman Emperors: who had authority to call and to assemble all these, as well, as bishops together, unto counsels, 
The state and manner of the old Church in times past.  as case required. Under the authority and jurisdiction of these Emperors, were contained both in Germany, France, Italy, and through the whole dominion of Rome, all patriarchs, Bishops, masters of Churches and Monasteries, by the decree of Counsels, according to the old custom of our ancestors, as is declared in a certain story, in the life of Carolus Magnus. The holy and ancient fathers (like as Christ our Lord with his disciples and Apostles both taught and did) honoured and esteemed their Emperors, as the supreme potestate next under God in earth, set up, ordained, elected and crowned of God, above all other mortal men, and so counted them, and called them their Lords. 
Reverend and obedience in old time given to princes.  To them they yielded tribute, and paid their subsidies. Also prayed every day for their life. Such as rebelled against them, they took as rebels and resisters against God his ordinance, and christian piety. The name of the Emperor than was of great majesty, and received as given from God. Then these fathers of the Church never intermeddled, 
The manners and virtue of the forefathers described.  nor entangled themselves with politic affairs of the common weal: much less they occupied Martial arms, and matters of chivalry. Only in poverty and modesty, was all their contention with other Christians, who should be poorest, and most modest amongst them. And the more humbleness appeared in any, the higher opinion they conceived of him. The sharp and two edged sword they took, given to the Church of Christ, to save, and not to kill: to quicken, & not to destroy: and called it the sword of the spirit, which is the word of God, the life and light of men, and revoketh from death to life, making of men, Gods: of mortal, immortal. far were they from that, to thrust out any Prince or King (though he were never so far out of the way, yea an Arrian) from his kingdom: or to curse him, to release his subjects from their oath and their allegiance, to change and translate kingdoms, to subvert empires, to pollute themselves with Christian blood, or to war with their Christian brethren for rule & principality. This was not their spirit & manner then, but rather they loved & obeyed their Princes. Again Princes loved them also, like fathers and fellow princes with them of the souls of men. Now this Gregorius the seventh, otherwise named Hildebrandus, trusting upon the Normains which then ruffled about Apusia, 
The ambitious presumption of Hildebrand.  Calabria, and Campania, trusting also upon the power of Machtilda, a stout woman thereabout Rome, & partly again, bearing himself bold for the discord among the Germans: first of all other (contrary to the manner of elders) contemning the authority of the emperor, invaded the Cathedral sea of Rome, vauncing himself as having both the ecclesiastical and temporal sword committed to him by Christ, & that fullness of power was in his hand to bind and lose what so he listed. Whereupon thus he presumed to occupy both the regiments, to challenge all the whole dominion, both of the East & West church, yea and all power to himself alone, abiding none to be equal, much less superior to him, derogating from other, and arrogating to himself their due right and honour, setting at light Caesar's, kings, and Emperors, and who reigned but by his own godamercy? Bishops and Prelates as his underlings, he kept in awe: suspending and cursing, & chopping of their heads, stirring up strife and wars, sowing of discord, making factions, releasing oaths, defeating fidelity and due allegiance of subjects to their princes. Yea and if he had offended or injured the Emperor himself, yet notwithstanding he ought to be feared, as he himself glorieth in a certain epistle, as one that could not err, and had received of Christ our saviour, 
Ex Auentino, qui invenit in instrumentis donationum. priests wives called praesbiterissae, in old chapter seals.  and of Peter, authority to bind and unbind at his will and pleasure. priests then in those days had wives openly and lawfully (no law forbidding to the contrary) as appeareth by the deed and writings of their chapter seals & donations, which were given to temples and monasteries, wherein their wives also be cited with them for witness, and were called praesbiterissae. Also for Bishops, Prelates, Persons of Churches, governors of the Clergy, masters of monasteries, & religious houses, all these were then in those times in the emperor's ordination, to assign by voice or consent to whom he would. Now these two things Gregorius this Pope could not abide. 
Hildebrand a mortal enemy against priests marriage.  For the which two causes only, was all his striving and driving from his first beginning, to abolish the marriage of Priests, and to translate the authority Imperial to the Clergy. For to this scope only tended all his labour, practices and devices, as appeared before in the council of Lateran, under Pope Nicolas, and also in the council of Mantua, under Alexander, making their marriage heresy, and the other to be simony. And that which before he went about by other, now he practiseth by himself to condemn ministers that were married, 
priests marriage made heresy.  for Nicolaitans, and to receive any spiritual regiment of secular persons for simony. Directing forth his letters upon the same to Henricus the Emperor, to Dukes, Princes, Potestates, Tetrarkes': namely, to Berchtoldus, to Rodulphus of Swevia, to Whelpho, Adalberon, & their wines. Item, to bishops, Archbishops, to Priests, and to all the people, in the which letters he denounceth them to be no priests, so many as were married, forbidding men to salute them, to talk, to eat, to company with them, to pay them tithes, or to obey them, if they would not be obedient to him. Amongst all other, he directed special letters to Ottho bishop of Constance, concerning this matter. But Ottho perceining the ungodly and unreasonable pretence of Hildebrand, 
Ottho Bishop of Constance.  would neither separate them that were married from their wives, nor yet forbidden them to marry, which were unmarried, etc.  
The copy of the letter of Hildebrand, sent to the bishop of Constance against priests marriages.  
GRegorius bishop, servant of servants of God, to the Clergy and laity, both more and less within the Diocese of Constancy, salutation and benediction. We have directed to our brother Ottho your bishop, our letters exhortatory: wherein we enjoined him, according to the necessity of our duty, by the authority Apostolical, that he should utterly abolish out of his Church the heresy of simony, and also should cause with all diligence to be preached the chastity of priests. But he neither moved with reverence of S. Peter's precept, nor yet with the regard of his duty, neglected to do these things, whereunto we so fatherly have exhorted him, incurring thereby a double offence, not only of disobedience, but also of rebellion, in that he hath gone and done clean contrary to our commandment (yea rather the commandment of blessed S Peter) so that he hath permitted his clergy not only such as had wives, 
Ottho cited to appear for suffering priests with their lawful wives.  not to put them away, but also such as had none, to take unto them. Whereupon, we being truly informed thereof, and aggrieved therewith, have directed to him an other letter, declaring the motion of our displeasure and indignation. In which letters also we have cited him up to our Council at Rome, there to appear and give account of his disobedience, in the audience of the whole Synod. And now therefore we thought it best to signify this to you (our dear children) whereby in this behalf we might the better provide for your health & salvation. For if your bishop shall continue so obstinately to repugn and resist against our commandment, he is not meet to sit over you, etc. Wherefore these shall be to command you, & all them that be obedient to God, 
The Pope dispenseth for disobedience.  and to blessed S. Peter, by our Apostolical authority, that if this your Bishop shall persist in his obstinacy, you that be his subjects, hereafter give to him no service, nor obedience. For the which thing doing, we here discharge you before God and your souls. For if your bishop shall seem contrary to the decreements & injunctions Apostolical. We through the Apostolical authority of S. Peter, discharge and absolve you from the band of your allegiance to him. So that if you be sworn to him, so long as he is a rebel against God, and the apostolic seat, we lose you from the peril of your oath, that you shall not need to fear therein no danger, etc.  
Ottho bishop of Constance thus being cited, whether he did appear personally himself, I do not read. This I read and find, that in the said council holden at Rome, Hildebrand with other bishops of Rome, 
Three things enacted by Hildebrand. Here cometh in the vow of chastity.  did then enact amongst many other, these three things most special. First that no Priest hereafter should marry wives. Secondly, that all such as were married should be divorced. Thirdly, that none hereafter should be admitted to the order of priesthood, but should swear perpetual chastity, etc. This council of Rome being ended, forthwith the act of Hildebrand, concerning the single life of Priests, was proclaimed and published in all places, and strait commandment given to bishops to execute the same.  

The Copy of his Bull sent into Italy and Germany, was this.  
GRegory the Pope, otherwise Hildebrand, the servant of the servants of God, sendeth the Apostles blessing to all them within the kingdoms of Italy and Germany, that show their true obedience to S. Peter. If there be any Priests, Deacons and Subdeacons, that still will remain in the sin of fornication. We forbidden them the Church's entrance, by the omnipotent power of God, and by the authority of S. Peter, till time they amend and repent. But if they persevere in their sin, we charge that none of you presume to hear their service For their blessing is turned into cursing, and their prayer into sin, as the Lord doth testify to us by his Prophets. I will turn your blessing, etc.   
The bishops of France being called upon daily, with the pope's letters, 
The Clergy of France repugning for deuorcing from th●● wives.  were compelled to obey the decree of the council, but the residue of the clergy manfully and stoutly withstanding the Pope's decree, and enforcement of their bishops would not agree, but repined thereat, & said, that the council did manifestly repugn against the word of God, & that the Pope did take from Priests, that which both God and nature had given them, and therefore that person to be an heretic, and Author of a wicked doctrine, which ruled and governed not by the spirit of God, but by Satan. The decree and act set forth, to tend directly against the word of God, and the saying of Christ: Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc, all men have not the gift and capacity of the word. Item, to be against the sound doctrine of S. Paul writing these words: As concerning virginity, I have no commandment of the Lord, etc. Again, he that cannot otherwise live continently, let him marry. Item, that it was against the Canons both of the Apostles, and of Nicene council. Moreover, that it was against the course of nature which he required, that men being sequestered from their natural wives, and women, should be coacted to live as angels, that is, to perform that which nature doth not give. And therefore the bishop therein did open a pervicious window to uncleanness and to fornication. In sum, giving up their answer, thus they concluded, that they had rather give up their benefices, then to forsake their natural and lawful wives, against the word of Christ. And finally, if married priests could not please them, they should call down Angels from heaven to serve the Churches. But Hildebrand nothing moved, neither with honest reason, nor with the authority of holy Scripture, nor with the determination of Nicene council, nor any thing else: followeth this matter, calleth upon the bishops still, with his letters and Legates doth sollicitate their minds, accuseth them of negligence and dastardnes, threateneth them with excommunication, unless they cause their priests to obey his decree enjoined them. Whereupon, a great number of bishops for fear of the Pope's tyranny, laboured that matter with their priests, by all means possible to bereave them of their accustomed matrimony.  
Amongst other the Archbishop of Mentz, perceiving this act of taking away priests marriage, might breed him no little trouble: 
Bishop of Mentz. Ex Lambeyto Scaf●abut gensi. in Histo. Germanorum.  talketh with his Clergy gently, admonisheth them of the Pope's mind & decree, and giveth them half years respite to deliberate upon the case, exhorting them diligently to show themselves obedient to the Pope and to him, and to grant with good will that, which at length, will they, nill they, needs they must be forced unto, and therefore of their own accord to stand, content therewith, lest the Pope should be compelled to attempt ways of sharper severity. The time of deliberation expired, the Archbishop assembleth his clergy at Erspford, the month of October, and there willeth them according to the pontifical decree, 
The Priests of Germany stout against the pope's unlawful proceedings.  either to abjure for ever all matrimony, or else to abrenounce their benefices and Ecclesiastical livings. The clergy again defend themselves, against the Pope's decree with scriptures, with reason, with the acts of general counsels, with examples of ancestors, by divers strong arguments, declaring the Pope's decree not to be consonant, nor aught to take effect. But the Archbishop said, he was compelled so of the Pope, and could not otherwise do, but to execute that was enjoined him. The clergy seeing that no reason, nor prayer, nor disputation would serve, laid their heads together consulting among themselves what was best to be done. Some gave counsel not to return again to the Synod. Some thought it good to return and to thrust out the Archbishop from his seat, & to give him due punishment of death for his deserving, that by the example of him, other may be warned hereafter, never to attempt that thing any more to the prejudice of the church, and the rightful liberty of ministers. After that this was signified to the Archbishop, by certain spies that were amongst them, what the clergy intended to do. The Archb. to prevent and salve the matter, sendeth to the priests as they were coming out, certain messengers, bidding them of good hope, and to return again to the Metropolitan, and they should have that should content their minds. So being persuaded, they come again to the Council. The bishop promiseth he would do his endeavour what he could, to revoke & turn the mind of the Bishop of Rome from that sentence, willing them in the mean time to continue as they had done in their cure and ministry. The next year following, Hildebrand the soldier of Satan, sendeth his Legate (a certain Bishop called Curiensis) unto the Archb. of Mentz, and assembled there a Council. In the which council, the Archb. again proposeth the matter, commanding all the clergy under pain of the Pope's curse, there, perpetually either to abrenounce their wives, or their livings. The clergy defended their cause again with great constancy. But when no defension could take place, but all went by tyranny & mere extortion, it burst in the end to an uproar and tumult, where the Legate and the Archbishop being in great danger, hardly escaped with their lives, and so the Council broke up. By this schism and tumult it followed, that the churches after that in choosing their priests, would not send them to the bishops (the enemies and suppressors of Matrimony) to be confirmed and inducted, but did elect them within themselves, and so put them in their office, without all leave or knowledge of bishops, who then agreed & were determined to admit no priests, but such as should take an oath of perpetual singleness, never to marry after. And thus first came up the oath and profession of single Priesthood. Notwithstanding, 
Single priesthood how it began.  if other nations had followed the like constancy & concord of these german ministers, the devilish drift and decree of this Hildebrand (or rather Helbrand) had been frustrate and avoided. But this greediness of livings in weak priests, make them to yield up their godly liberty to wicked tyranny. Yet this remaineth in these Germans to be noted: what concord can do in repressing unordinate requests of evil bishops, 
E●emples of 〈…〉 and 〈…〉.  if they constantly stand to truth, and hold together. And thus much for banishing of matrimony. Now let us proceed to the contentions betwixt wicked Hildebrand, and the godly Emperor. But before by the way of digression it shall not be much wide from the purpose, to touch a little of the properties of this Pope, as we find them described in certain epistles of Benno a Cardinal, writing to other cardinals of Rome. Which Benno lived in the same time of Hildebrand, and detecteth the prodigious acts and doings of this monstrous Pope.  
First, declaring that he was a Sorcerer most notable, and a Nicromanser, 
Ex Benno Cardinali.  an old companion of Silvester, of Laurentius, and Theophilactus, called otherwise Benedictus nonus. Amongst other Benno Cardinals writeth this history of him. How upon a certain time this Gregorius coming from Albanus to Rome, had forgot behind him his familiar book of Nicromansie, which he was wont commonly to carry always with him. Whereupon remembering himself, entered the port of Lateran, he calleth two of his most trusty familiars to set the book, charging them at no hand to look within it. But they being so restrained, were the more desirous to open it, & to peruse it, and so did. After they had read a little the secrets of the Satanical book, suddenly there came about them the messengers of Satan, the multitude and terror of whom, made them almost out of their wits. At length they coming to themselves, the spirits were instant upon them to know, wherefore they were called up, wherefore they were vexed: Quickly (said they) tell us what ye would us to do, or else we will fall upon you, if ye retain us longer. Then spoke one of the young men to them, bidding them go and pluck down yonder walls, pointing to certain high walls there nigh to Rome, which they did in a moment. The young men crossing them for fear of the spirits (scarce recovering themselves) at length came to their master. And it followeth moreover in the epistle of the said Benno to the Cardinals.  
We have made mention to you before of divers colleges of the church of Rome, 
Pope Hildebrand forsaken of divers of 〈◊〉 Cardinals.  which refused to communicate with him. As Leo then Archpriest of the Cardinals, Benno, Vgobaldus, johannes the Cardinal, Peter Chancellor and Cardinal, being all instituted before this Hildebrand. These three also being consecrated by him, that is, Natro, Innocentius and Leo, forsook him, cursing the detestable errors which he held. In like case Theodinus whom he constituted Archdeacon, and other Cardinals more, joannes surnamed Primicerius, Petrus oblationarius with all that appertained unto them, saving one only man. And now when this Hildebrand saw that the bishops also would forsake him, he called unto him the lay men, and made them privy of his counsel, thinking thereby to separate the bishops, that they should have no conference with the Cardinals. 
Pope Hildebrand compelle●● the Bishop● and priests of Rome to swear unto him.  After that he called together those bishops, and being guarded with bands of lay men, he enforced the bishops partly for fear, and partly for his manacing words, to swear unto him, that they should never disagree unto that, which he would have done, that they should never defend the Kings quarrel, and that they should never favour or obey the Pope, that should in his stead be instituted. Which thing being done, he sent them by means of the Prince of Salernites, into Campania, and thus did he separate them, from the company of the Cardinals, & from the city of Rome. And not only the bishops, but also the Priests of the city, and clerks of inferior orders, as also the lay men, he bond by their oaths, that at no time nor for any cause, they should condescend unto the king.  
As soon as Pope Alexander was dead, which died somewhat before night, 
Pope Hildebrand unorderly made Pope.  the same day contrary to the Canons, he was chosen Pope of the laymen. But the Cardinals subscribed not to his election. For the Canons prescribe (under pain of cursing) that none should be chosen Pope before the third day, after the burial of his predecessors. But he (by sinister mean thus climbing to the seat) removed the Cardinals of the said seat, from being of the counsel. But with what persons he consulted night & day, Rome well heard and saw. And he now putting the Cardinals from his counsel, his life, faith, and doctrine, no man could accuse or bear witness off: where as in the Canons is commanded, that in every place where so ever the Pope is, should be with him iij. Cardinals being priests, & ij. Deacons, because of his Ecclesiastical testimony and stile of verity, of which Canonical decree, look gentle Reader before. He violently wrested the sacred scriptures to cover his falsehood, which kind of Idolatry, how great it is, manifestly throughout all the Scripture it appeareth. Contrary to the minds and counsel of the Cardinals, and besides the determinate order of pronouncing judgement by the Canons, he rashly did excommunicate the Emperor, 
The Emperor wrongfully excommunicated.  being in no Synod solemnly accused before. The sentence of which excommunication after rehearsal of these presents, shall also be manifested (Christ willing) to the which excommunication saith Benno, none of the Cardinals would subscribe. As soon as he arose out of his seat papal, to excommunicate the Emperor, the same seat (being made but a little before, 
The Pope's chair broke under him as he rose to excommunicate the Empeperour  with big timber) suddenly by the appointment of God was rend and shivered in pieces: so that all men might plainly understand, what, and how great and terrible schisms: that lubber had sown against the Church of Christ, against the seat of S. Peter: and how cruelly he had dispersed the chair of Christ, in defiling the laws of the Church, ruling by might and austerity, in that his so perilous and presumptuous excommunication.  
In the description of the same excommunication, 
The Pope divideth the unity of the Church.  he inserteth those things, wherein he himself erred, when he absolved the Emperor, being unjustly excommunicate, and the bishops also communicating with him, & to the uttermost thus cutting & mangling the unity of the Church and those that communicated with them, did as much as in him lay to make two churches.  
Also the same bold merchant, commanded that the Cardinals should fast, to the intent that God would reveal whose opinion was better (either of the Church of Rome, or of Berengarius) touching the controversy of the lords body in the Sacrament. And hereby he proved himself to be a manifest Infidel: for that in the Nicene Council it is written, he that doubteth is an Infidel.  
Further, he sought after a sign to establish his faith, concerning the Article of the lords body, as did Gregory to confirm the woman's faith, 
Of this miracle we read in no approved history.  when the consecrated bread was transubstantiated into the form of a fleshly finger. He also sent two Cardinals (Attones and Cunones) unto anastasy, that with the● Archpriest of the same Church, they should begin a fast of three days space. And that every of them (every day during those iij. days) should say over the Psalter, & sing Masses, that Christ would show unto them some such like sign of his body, as he did to the foresaid Gregory, which thing they could not see.  
The Emperor was oftentimes wont to go to S. Mary's church in the mount Aventine to pray. Hildebrand when he had by his espials searched out, and knew all the doings of the Emperor, caused the place where the Emperor was accustomed (either standing, 
The pope hireth one to slay the Emperor.  or prostrate on his face to pray) to be marked, and for money he hired a naughty pact (like himself) to gather and lay together a heap of great stones, directly over the place, in the vault of the Church, where the Emperor would stand, that in throwing the same down upon his head, he should slay the Emperor. About which purpose as the hireling hasted, and was busy removing to the place, a stone of great hugeness & weight: it broke the plank whereon it lay, and the hireling standing thereupon, both together fell down from the roof, to the pavement of the church, and with the same stone was dashed all in pieces. And after the Romans had understanding of the handling of this matter, they fastened a rope to one of the feet of this hirelyng, and caused him to be drawn through the streets of the City three days together in example of others. The Emperor notwithstanding according to his wonted clemency, caused him to be buried.  
johannes the bishop of Portua (being one of the secret counsel of Hildebrand) came up into the pulpit of S. Peter, & amongst other things in the hearing, both of the Clergy and people, said: Hildebrand and we have committed such a fact and so horrible, 
Hildebrand casteth the sacrament of the lords body in the fire, because it would give him no answer.  for the which we are all worthy to be burned alive (meaning of the Sacrament of the body of Christ) which Sacrament, Hildebrand when he thereof inquired a divine answer against the Emperor, and would not speak, threw into the fire and burned it contrary to the persuasion of the Cardinals, that were present and would have resisted the same.  
In the second holy day in the Easter week, when the clergy & the people were assembled at S. Peter's Church to hear mass, after the Gospel, he went up into the pulpit as he was in his pontifical attire, and in the presence of divers bishops & Cardinals (a great company both of the Senate and the people of Rome, being gathered together) openly preached (among many other words of divination) that the king whose name was Henry, should die (without all peradventure) before the feast of S. Peter next ensuing: or else at least wise, that he should be so dejected from his kingdom, that he should not be able any more to gather together above the number of vj. knights. 
The Pope a false prophet.  This he preached to the bishops and cardinals, and all that were present, crying out of the pulpit in these words: Never accept me for Pope any more, but pluck me from the altar, if this prophesy be not fulfilled by the day appointed. About the same time he went about by help of privy murderers to kill the Emperor, but God preserved him. 
The Pope seeketh again to murder the Emperor.  And many there were even at that time, which thought Pope Hildebrand to be guilty, and to be the deviser of the treason, because that then he (before the deed put in execution) presumed of the death of the king, being by him falsely prophesied of before, which words of his, wounded many men's hearts. And it came to pass that Hildebrand by his words, was openly condemned in the congregation, which (as is said) gave judgement of himself to be no Pope, neither that he would be counted for Pope any longer, but thought to be both a belyer and a traitor, unlesss that before the feast of S. Peter next coming, 
The Pope by his own mouth condemned for an heretic.  the Emperor should die, or else should be deprived of all kingly honour: In so much he should not be able to make above 6. knights on his part. And thus by the appointment of God it came to pass that by his own mouth he was condemned for an heretic.  
Thus saith the Lord: The prophet which of arrogancy will prophesy in my name, those things I have not commanded him, or else will prophesy in the name of other Gods, let him be slain. And if thou shall say with thyself, how shall I know what thing it is that the Lord hath not commanded to be spoken? This token shalt thou have to know it by. Whatsoever thing the Prophet in the name of God shall prophesy, & the same come not to pass, that mayest thou be sure the Lord hath not spoken, but the Prophet hath imagined through the haughtiness of his own mind, & therefore thou shalt not be afraid of him.  

The Emperor preserved by the power of God from the Pope.  When the time was expired that Hildebrand in his divination had set, and that neither the king was dead, neither the power of the Empire impaired: and fearing least by the words of his own mouth he should be reprehended and condemned, subtlety turned his tale, saying, and persuading the ignorant people, that he meant not of the body of the king, but of his soul, as though the soul of the king had lost all, 
A subtle shift of Hildebrand to save his lying prophesy.  saving 6. of his knights or soldiers, or else had been dead during that space, and thus by these sleights he beguiled the ignorant people. Against such Prophet's S. Gregory upon Ezechiel sayeth: Between true Prophets and false, this difference there is, that true Prophets, if they speak any thing upon their own mind, they be soon rebuked, but the false prophets, both they tell lies, and not having the spirit of truth, they persevere in their falsity.  
Over and beside, the said Hildebrand judged to death 3. men before they were convict, or else confessed their crime without the sentence of any secular judge, and caused them to be hanged upon a pair of gallows, 
Three persons before they were convict, put to execution by Hildebrand against all law.  over against the Church of S. Peter in a place called Palatiolum, without any delay or advisement, contrary to the laws, which command that every public offender should have 30. days space, before he be put to execution. Which thing even amongst the Pagans is in ure and observed, as teacheth the authority of S. Ambrose, and the martyrdom of holy Marcelianus and Marcus.  
He cast Centius the son of Stephen the Alderman into prison, 

Centius taken by the Pope, and put into a barrel of nails.  
The Pope taken of Centius. Centius executed by the pope contrary to promise's and faith.   being before his trusty friend, and in a vessel being thick set with sharp nails, he tormented him to the point of death: who after that he was escaped, apprehended the said Hildebrand. Of this apprehension, before he was let at liberty, he openly forgave all the conspirators. Which thing afterwards, contrary to his fidelity, he broke and revenged, & caused Centius, to whom he had forgiven all offences, to be taken, and hanged him, & 9 of his men upon the gallows before S. Peter's porch.  
There was at the apprehension of Pope Hildebrand, a certain widows son, to whom (and others more for their penance) he enjoined a years banishment. Which time being explete or run out, the widow in token of more ample satisfaction, thinking thereby to have appeased the mind of Hildebrand, put a halter about her sons neck, and drawing her son by the rope to the foot of Hildebrand, said: My Lord Pope at your hands will I receive again my son, which one whole year hath endured banishment, and other penance by your holiness enjoined. Then the said Hildebrand, for that instant, because of those which were with him in company (dissembling his wrath) delivered her, her son very churlishly, saying, get thee hence woman I bid thee, and let me be in rest. After this he sent his officers & apprehended the widows son, and gave commandment to the justices, to put him to death, who altogether making answer, said, that they could no more condemn or meddle with him, 
The villainy of the pope in killing a widows son which before had done his penance.  for that he had for his crime committed, appealed once to the Pope, & abidden the banishment, and done the penance by him enjoined. Hereupon this glorious Hildebrand being displeased with the judges, caused the foot of the widows son to be cut off: making neither repentance, nor the laws and ordinances to be of any estimation with him. And thus his foot being cut off, he died within three days after with the pain thereof. Many other wicked deeds did this Hildebrand, upon whom the blood of the church crieth vengeance, shed by the sword (that is) the miserable treachery of his tongue. For which things (and that justly) the church refused to communicate with him. Haec Benno.  
another Epistle of Benno to the Cardinals.  
TO the reverend fathers of the Church of Rome, 
Another letter of Benno.  and to his beloved in Christ, and to his brethren that shall for ever be beloved: Benno the Cardinal of the Church of Rome, wisheth faithful service, health and communion with the servants of the catholic Church. Of the which communion, discipline and power, he vainly braggeth, that by the presumption of his authority shall unjustly bind or lose any manner of person. And he doth unjustly bind what soever he be, that curseth any man, (being willing to make satisfaction, and bewailing his boldness, being also vnco●●●et, and not confessing the crime) but rather cursing that party in vain: he curseth and condemneth himself, turning his weapon upon his own person to destruction. O strange and new found treachery, proceeding from the sanctuary: nay rather from 〈◊〉 which as high Priest seemeth to rule the church, & to be a judge over the judges.  
Hildebrand was earnestly in hand with the Emperor, that he should deprive those Bishops which came in by simony. The Emperor (thinking as a zealous Prince, 
A devilish practice of Hildebrand in setting the Bishops against the Emperor.  that this commission had proceeded from the throne of God) without delay obeyed the same, and forthwith without any consideration, or judicial order, deprived certain Bishops, and thought that by this his obedience to Hildebrand be 〈◊〉 an acceptable sacrifice to God, not knowing the 〈…〉. But Hildebrand then again placed those, whom the Emperor for 〈◊〉 at his commandment had before deposed, and those whom by that means he made to bea●● a hateful heart to the Emperor, he reconciled again unto himself in great familiarity, and by many and great oaths taken of them, for their fidelity towards him, he promoted above all the rest. And thus by these pranks, the Imperial seat of the king being shortly after impaired, & destitute almost of friends, he craftily purchasing the friendship and favour of the greatest princes, the better to bring his matters to pass: suddenly again, without any lawful accusation, without any canonical vocation, without all judicial order, excommunicated the Emperor (so obedient always unto him) & set the Princes of the Empire all against him. And notwithstanding (as the Apostle sayeth) that no man ought to cirumvent his brother in his business, as much as in him lay, he rather mortified and killed him, then brotherly corrected him. Thus the Emperor being many ways circumvented: as, excommunicate besides the canonical order, 
The Emperor caused by Hildebrand to accuse himself.  and by the consent and counsel of Hildebrand, spoiled of the greatest part of his Imperial honour, and overcharged with great wars and slaughters of his own subjects, in vain desired he and sued for, to have the Canon read and heard, causing him by force and violence at Canusium, in the presence of Hildebrand, to accuse himself by his own confession.  
Say you now (I pray you) all such as love justice, and love not to lean either upon the left hand, or else the right hand, in the favour of any person. Say your minds, whether that such a confession being enforced upon never so poor a man (much less upon an Emperor) ought at such a time to be prejudicial or not. Or whether he which extorted the same confession, is guilty of the Canon? Or else he, which being so perversely judged, suffered the injury of a most perverse judge? 
The great patience of the godly Emperor.  Which also most patiently and publicly suffered this violence with lamentable affliction upon his bare feet, clothed in thin garments, in the sharp winter, which never was used, and was three days together at Canusium, made a spectacle both of angels and men, and a ludibrious mocking stock to that proud Hildebrand. Never trust me, if that 14. Cardinals, the Archdeacon himself, and he that is called Primicerius, being all wise and religious men, besides many other of the clarks of Lateran, to the judgement and privilege of whose holy seat the whole world is obedient (weighing and considering his intolerable apostasy) departed not from participating, and refused from communicating with him.  
This glorious Hildebrand & his affinity by their new authority, breaking the decrees of the Calcedone Council not only in words, but also in public writings have agreed, that it is tolerable both to baptise and communicate being out of the church of God, and how blind these men were, and also what heretics they be, their own writings do declare. What a mischief is this (saith Benno) they presume to judge of the Church, which swarm themselves in all errors, who also esteem the verity, but as a lie, and lest their poisoned falsehood both in words & writings should appear, they have (like subtle poisoners, the sooner to deceive) mixed honey therewithal. A lie saith S. Augustine, 
Mendacium quid.  is every thing pronounced with the intent of deceiving other.  
It were too long and tedious here to recite all the detestable doings, and diabolical practices, of conjurings, charms, and filthy sorceries, exercised between him and Laurentius, & Theophilact, otherwise named Pope Benedict the 9 whereof a long narration followeth in the foresaid epistle of Benno to the cardinals to be seen, 
Pope Hildebrand a worker of sorcery and conjuring.  to whom the reader may repair, who so hath either laisure to read, or mind to understand more of the abominable parts, and devilish arts of this Hildebrand.  
Thus having sufficiently alleged the words and testimonies of Benno and aventinus, concerning the acts and facts of this Pope. Now let us proceed (in the order as followeth in his story) to set forth the miserable vexation which the virtuous and godly Emperor sustained by that ungodly person.  
About what time Hildebrand was made Pope, Henricus the 4. Emperor was encumbered and much, vexed with civil dissension in Germany, by reason of certain grievances of the Saxons against him & his father Henricus the 3. Whereupon, the matter growing to sedition, sides were taken, & great wars ensued, betwixt 〈◊〉 Duke of Saxony, & Henricus the Emperor. This 〈◊〉 time seemed to Hildebrand very opportune, to work his feats, whose study & drift was ever 〈◊〉 the beginning to advance the dominion of the Romish fear above all other bishops, and also to press down the authority of the temporal enters, under the 〈◊〉 men of the Church. And although he went about the same 〈…〉 trains and acts set forth to 〈…〉 he thought more effectuously to accomplish his purposed intent, after that he was exalted thither where he would be. And therefore now bearing himself the bolder, by the authority of S. Peter's throne, 
Much 〈◊〉 made of Peter's throne, 〈◊〉 his life they let alon●.  first he began to pursue the act set out by his predecessor as touching simony, cursing and excommunicating, whosoever they were, that received any spiritual living or promotion at lay men's hands, as all such as were the givers thereof. For this he called than Simony, that under that colour he might defeat the temporal potestates of their right, and so bring the whole clergy at length to the lure of Rome. And forasmuch as the emperor was the head, thinking first to begin with him, he sendeth for him by letters and Legates to appear in the council of Lateran at Rome. But the Emperor busied in his wars against the saxons, had no leisure to attend to counsels. Notwithstanding Gregorius the Pope, proceedeth in his council, rendering there the cause and reason before the bishops, why he had excommunicate divers of the clergy, as Herman bishop of Bamberge, counsellor to the Emperor, 
Herma●●● excommunicate of Hildebrand.  and other priests more for Simony. And there moreover in the said Council, he threateneth to excommunicate likewise the Emperor himself, and to depose him from his regal kingdom, unless he would abrenounce the heresy of simony, and do penance. The council being ended, Guibertus' Archbishop of Ravenna, persuadeth with one Centius (a Roman, 
Centius.  the captain's son, whom the Pope had excommunicate) to take the emperors part against the Pope. Who watching his time in the temple of S. Mary, upon Christmas day in the morning, taketh the Pope & putteth him fast in a strong tower. The next day the people of Rome hearing this, 
Hildebra●● cast in the tower.  harness themselves with all erpedition to help the bishop, whom when they loosed out of prison, they besieged the house of Centius, and plucked it down to the ground. His family having their noses cut off, were cast out of the City. Centius himself escaping, fled to the Emperor. Guibert the Archbishop pretending good will to the Pope, 
Guibert●● Archbishop of Rauenn●.  departed from Rome, who likewise had wrought with Hugo Candidus Cardinal, and with Theobaldus Archb. of Milan, also with divers other bishops about Italy, to forsake the Pope and take the Emperor's part. Gregory the Pope called Hildebrand, hearing the conspiracy, layeth the sentence of excommunication upon them all, and depriveth them of their dignity. The Emperor being moved (and worthily) with the arrogant presumption of the proud prelate, calleth together a Council at Worms. In which Council all the bishops not only of Saxonic, but of all the whole Empire of Germans, agree & conclude upon the deposition of Hildebrand, and that no obedience hereafter should be given to him. This being determined in the Council, Roulandus a Priest of Parmen, was sent to Rome with the sentence, who in the name of the council should command Gregory to yield up his seat, & also charge the Cardinals to resort to the Emperor for a new election of an other Pope. The tenor of the sentence sent up by Rolandus, was this.  

The sentence of the Council of Worms against Hildebrand.  
FOr so much as thy first ingress and coming in, 
The counsel of Worms against the Pope.  hath been so spotted with so many perjuries, and also the Church of GOD brought in no little danger, through thine abuse and newfangledness. Moreover, because thou hast defamed thine own life and conversation, with so much and great dishonesty, that we see no little peril or slander to rise thereof: therefore the obedience which yet we never promised thee, hereafter we utterly renounce, & never intend to give thee. And as thou hast neither taken us yet for Bishops (as thou host openly reported of us) so neither will we hereafter take thee to be apostolic. Vale.   
Gregory the Pope tickled with this sentence, 
The counsel of Rome against the council of Worms.  first condemneth it in his council of Lateran with excommunication. Secondarily, depriveth Sigifridus Archbishop of Mentz of his dignities, and ecclesiastical livings, with all other bishops, Abbots and Priests, as many as took the Emperor's part, 
Henricus the Emperor excommunicated by Hildebrand.  Thirdly, accuseth Henricus the Emperor himself, depriveth him of his kingdom and regal possession, and releaseth all his subjects of their oath of allegiance given unto him, after this form and manner.  

The tenor of the sentence Excommunicatorie, against Henricus the Emperor, by Hildebrand.  
O Blessed S. Peter Prince of the Apostles, bow down thine ears I beseech thee, 
Ex Plati●●.  and hear me thy servant, whom thou hast brought up even from mine infancy, and hast delivered me unto this day from the hands of the wicked, which hate & persecute me, because of my faith in thee. Thou art my witness, and also the blessed mother of jesus Christ, 
Ma●ke this, 〈◊〉 papists that ●ay the Pope cannot err.  and thy brother S Paul, fellow partner of thy martyrdom, how that I entered this function (not willingly) but enforced against my will: not that I take it so as a robbery, lawfully to ascend into this seat: but because that I had rather pass over my life, like a pilgrim or private person, then for any fame or glory to climb up to it. I do acknowledge (& that worthily) all this to come of thy grace, 
The pope threateneth kindness of S. Peter.  and not of my merits, that this charge over christian people, and this power of binding and losing is committed to me. Wherefore, trusting upon this assurance for the dignity and tuition of holy church. In the name of God omnipotent, the father, the son, & the holy ghost, I do here depose Henry, the son of Henry once the Emperor, from his Imperial seat, and princely government, who hath so boldly and presumptuously laid hands upon thy Church. And furthermore, all such as tofore have sworn to be his subjects, I release them of their oath, whereby all subjects are bound to the allegiance of their princes. For it is meet and connenient that he should be void of dignity, which seeketh to diminish the majesty of thy Church. Moreover, for that he hath contemned my monitions, tending his health and wealth of his people, and hath separate himself from the fellowship of the Church (which he, 
Quis tulerit gracchos de seditione querentes? lwen.  through his seditions, studieth to destroy) therefore I bind him by virtue of excommunication, trusting and knowing most certainly, that thou art Peter (in the rock of whom, as in the true foundation Christ) our king hath built his church.  
The Emperor thus assaulted with the Pope's censure, sendeth abroad his letters through all nations, to purge himself, declaring how wrongfully, & against all right he was condemned. The princes of Almany partly fearing the crack of the Pope's thunderclap, 
The Saxons take the pope's part against the Emperor.  partly again rejoicing that occasion was renewed to rebel against the Emperor, assembled a commencement, where they did consult and so conclude, to elect another Emperor, and to fall from Henry, unless the Pope would come to Germany, and he there content to submit himself and obtain his pardon.  
Wherein is to be considered the lamentable affections of the Germans in those days, so to forsake such a valiant Emperor, and so much to repute a vile Bishop. But this was the rudeness of the world them, for lack of better knowledge. The Emperor seeing the chief princes ready to forsake him, promiseth them with an oath, that if the Pope would repair to Germany, he would ask forgiveness.  
Upon this the bishop of Triers, was sen● up in commission to Rome, to entreat the Pope to come into Germany. The bishop (at the instance of the Legate, & of the Princes) was content. He entered into Germany, thinking to come to Augusta. 
Peace disturbed through wicked counsel.  After he was come to Uercellos (the bishop of that city being the Chancellor of Italy, and desirous to disturb peace, for the old grudge he had to the Emperor) falsely persuadeth with the Pope, that he was certain, the Emperor was coming with a mighty great army against him, counseling him therefore to provide betimes for his own safeguard in some stronger place. Whereby the Pope's mind being altered, he retired back to Canusium or Canossus, a City being subject to Matilda, a Countess of Italy, where he should not need to fear the Emperor.  
Henricus understanding the false fear of the Pope, & of his retire to Canusium, incontinent (coming out of Spires with his wife and his young son, in the deep & sharp of Winter) resorteth to Canossus. All his peers and nobles had left him for fear of the Pope's curse, 
A wondrous submission of a valiant Emperor to a vile Pope.  neither did any accompany him. Wherefore the Emperor being not a little troubled (laying apart his regal ornaments) came barefooted with his wife and child, to the gate of Canossus: where he from morning to night (all the day fasting) most humbly desireth absolution, craving to be let in, to the speech of the Bishop. But no ingress might be given him once within the gates. Thus he continuing 3. days together in his petition and suit: at length answer came, that the Pope's majesty had yet no leisure to talk with him. The Emperor nothing moved therewith, that he was not let into the City, patiented and with an humble mind abideth without the walls, 
Notable patience in a noble Emperor.  with no little grievance and painful labour: for it was a sharp winter, and all frozen with cold. Notwithstanding, yet through his importunate suit, at length it was granted through the entreating of Matilda the Pope's paramour, and of Arelaus earl of Sebaudia, and the Abbot of Cluniake, that he should be admitted to the Pope's speech. On the 4. day being let in, for a token of his true repentance, he yieldeth to the Pope's hands, his crown, with all other ornaments Imperial: and confessed himself unworthy of the Empire, if ever he do against the Pope hereafter, as he hath done tofore, desiring for that time to be absolved and forgiven.   
Henricus the Emperor with his wife and child, barefoot and barelegd, waiting on Pope Hildebrand, three days, and three nights, at the gates of Canusium, before he could be suffered to come in.  
The Pope answereth he will neither forgive him, nor release the band of his excommunication, but upon conditions. 
Proud conditions of the Pope.  First, to promise, that he shall be content to stand to his arbitrement in the council, and to take such penance as he shall enjoin him, also that he shall be priest and ready to appear, in what place or time the Pope shall appoint him. Moreover, that he being content to take the Pope judge of his cause, shall answer in the said council to all objections and accusations laid against him, & that he shall never seek any revengement herein. 
Pope both accuser and judge.  Item, that he (though he be quit and cleared therein) shall stand to the Pope's mind and pleasure, whether to have his kingdom restored, or to lose it. Finally, that before the trial of his cause, he shall neither use his kingly ornaments, sceptres, or crown, 
Here the beast of the Apocalypse appeareth in his colours.  nor to usurp the authority to govern, nor to exact any oath of allegiance upon his subjects, etc. These things being promised to the bishop by an oath, and put in writing, the Emperor is only released of excommunication. The tenor of the writing is this.  

The form and tenor of the oath, which Heniicus made to the Pope.  
I Henricus King, after peace and agreement made to the mind and sentence of our Lord, Gregorius the 7. promise to keep all covenants and bands betwixt us, and to provide that the Pope go safely wheresoever he will without any danger either to him or to his retinue. Especially in all such places as be subject to our Empery. Nor that I shall at any time stay or hinder him, but that he may do that belongeth to his function, where & whensoever his pleasure shallbe. And these things I bind myself with an oath to keep. Actum Canos. 5. Calend. Februarij. indic. 15.   
Thus the matter being decided betwixt them after the Pope's own prescribement, the Emperor taketh his journey to Papia. The Pope with his Cardinals, did vance and triumph with no little pride that they had so quailed the Emperor, & brought him on his knees, to ask them forgiveness. Yet notwithstanding mistrusting themselves & misdoubting time, what might befall them hereafter, if fortune should turn, & God give the Emperor to enjoy a more quiet kingdom: therefore to prevent such dangers betime, they study and consult privily with themselves, how to displace Henry clean from his kingdom. And how that devise might safely be conveyed, 
The crafty conspiracy of the Cardinals against the Emperor.  they conclude and determine to derive the Empire unto Rodolphus, a man of great nobility amongst the chiefest states of Germany, and also to incite and stir up all other princes and subjects (being yet free and discharged from their oaths) against Henry, & so by force of arms to expulse the emperor out of his kingdom. To bring this purpose the better to pass, legates were sent down from the Pope. Sigehardus Patriarch of Aquilia, and Altimanus Bishop of Padway, which should persuade through all France, that Henry the Emperor was rightfully excommunicate, and that they should give to the bishop of Rome their consents in choosing Rodolphus to be Emperor. This being done, there was sent to the said Rodolphus duke of Swenia, a crown from the Pope with this verse.  

Petra dedit Petro, 
The verse.  Petrus diadema Rodolpho.   

The rock gave the crown to Peter,  
Peter giveth it to Rodolph.   
Here by the way of digression (to make a little gloze upon this barbarous verse) two notable lies are to be noted. One, 
The gloze upon the verse of Hildebrand.  where he lieth upon Christ, the other where he lieth upon S. Peter. First, that Christ gave any temporal diadem to Peter, it is a most manifest lie, and against the scriptures, when as he would not take it, being given to himself, and saith his kingdom is not of this world. Again, where he saith that Peter giveth it to Rodulph: Here he playeth the Poet, 
The Pope proved a double liar.  for neither had Peter any such thing to give, and if he had, yet he would not have given it to Rodulph from the right heir, neither is it true that Peter did give it, because Hildebrand gave it. For it is no good argument. Hildebrand did give it: Ergo, Peter did give it: except ye will say, Hildebrand stirred up great wars & bloodshed in Germany, Ergo Peter stirred up great wars in Germany. So Peter neither could, nor would, nor did give it to Rodolphus, but only Hildebrand the Pope: who after he had so done, he gave in commandment to the Archbishop of Mentz and of colen, to elect this Rodulphus for Emperor, and to anoint him king, and also to defend him with all force & strength they might.  
While this conspiracy was in hand, Henricus the emperor was absent, and the Pope's ambassadors with him also. In the mean space Rodulphus was elected Emperor unknowing to Henry. Upon this cometh the bishop of Strausborough unto the emperor, certifying him what was done. He suspecting & seeing the stomach and doings of the Saxons so bend against him, mustreth his men with expedition, & marcheth forward to defend his right. But first sendeth to Rome (trusting upon the league betwixt him and the Pope) and requireth the bishop to proceed with his sentence against Rodulphus, for the rebellious invasion of his impery. But the bishop minding nothing less, sendeth word again, not to be right to condemn any person (his cause being not heard) thus under the pretence of the law, colouring his unlawful treatory. Henricus thus disappointed and forsaken on every side, 
The Pope traitor to the Emperor.  with his men about him, attempteth battle against Rodulphus. In which battle, a marvelous great slaughter was on both sides, but the victory on neither part certain. So that both the Captains yet challenged the Empire. After the battle & great murder on both sides, they sent to Rome both to know of the Pope's determination, to whether of them two, he judged the right title of the empire to appertain. The Bishop commandeth them both to break up their armies, and departed the field, promising that he shortly will call a council where this matter should be disputed. In the mean time they should cease from war. But before the messengers returned again (their armies being refreshed) they had an other conflict together, 
Great 〈◊〉 stirred up by the pope.  but no victory got on either part. Thus both the Captains being wearied in wars, the Romish beast the bishop which was the cause thereof, perceiving whether these cruel wars would tend, to the great calamity not only of the Germans, but also of other nations (trusting to find another way to help Rodulphus and his adherentes) sendeth down a commission by Ottho Archbishop of trevers, Bernardus Deacon, and Bernardus Abbot of Massilia: to whom he gave in charge that they should call together a Council or sitting in Almany, and there to be defined to whether part the Empire should pertain, by most right and public consideration. Promising that what they should therein determine, he (looking upon the matter, through the authority of God omnipotent, and of S. Peter, and Saint Paul) would ratify the same. Moreover, for that, no let nor impeachment should happen to the Legates by the way, he giveth with them letters, to the princes and nations of Germany. Whereof, the contents be declared briefly in Platina, if any list to read them.  
But the Emperor would not so permit the Legates to have any Council within Germany, except they would first deprive Rodulphus of his kingdom. The Legates considering that to be against the drift and intention of the Pope, returned again from whence they came. The Pope hearing this and seeing his purpose so disappointed by the Emperor, draweth out another excommunication against him, and again bereaveth him of his kingdom: sending about his letters excommunicatorie, throughout all places, thinking thereby to further the part of Rodulphus the better. Platina hath in his book the whole effect of the writing, which tendeth after this sort.  

The copy of the second excommunication of Hildebrand against the Emperor. 
O pestiferous hypocrite. The Pope prayeth S. Peter to dishonour his king. And S. Peter bindeth the Pope to honour his king. Crocodili lachryma. Scripture well applied. A figure called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cuius contrarium verum est. Vim faciunt scriptures, ut plenitudinem accipiant potestatis.   
BLessed S. Peter, prince of the Apostles, and thou Paul also the teacher of the Gentiles give ear unto me. I beseech you a little, and gently hear me, for you are the disciples and lovers of truth, the things that I shall say, are true. This matter I take in hand for truth sake that my brethren (whose salvation I seek) may the more obsequiously obey me, and better understand, how that I trusting upon your defence (next to Christ and his mother the immaculate virgin) resist the wicked, and am ready to help the faithful. I did not enter this seat of mine own accord, but much against my will, and with tears, for that I accounted myself unworthy to occupy so high a throne. And this I say, not that I have chosen you, but you have chosen me, and have laid this great burden upon our shoulders. And now where as by this your assignment, I have ascended up this hill, crying to the people, and showing them their faults, & to the children of the church their iniquities, the members of Satan have risen up against me and have laid hands together to seek my blood. For the kings of the earth have risen up against me, and the Princes of this world, with whom also have conspired certain of the Clergy subjects against the Lord, and against us his anointed, saying: let us break a sunder their bands, & cast off from us their yoke. This have they done against me, to bring me either to death, or to banishment. In the number of whom is Henricus, whom they call king, the son of Henry the Emperor, which hath lift up so proudly his horns and heel against the church of God, making conspiracy with divers other bishops, both Italians; French & Germains. Against the pride of whom, 
Let all Pap●●● mark here well the holiness of their holy father.  hitherto your authority hath resisted, who rather being broken th●n amended, coming to me in Cisalpina, made humble suit to me for pardon & absolution. I thinking nothing else but true repentance in him, received him again to favour, & did restore him to the communion only, from which he was excommunicate, but to his kingdom (from which in the Synod of Rome he was worthily expulsed) I did not restore, nor to the rents and fruits thereof (that he might return to the faith again) that I granted not unto him. And that I did for this purpose, that if he should defer to fall to agreement with certain of his neighbours, whom he hath always vexed, and to restore again the goods both of the church and otherwise, than he might be compelled by the censures of the Church and force of arms thereunto Whereby divers and sundry bishops and princes of Germany (such as he had long troubled) being helped by this opportunity, elected Rodolphus their Duke to be king in the place of Henricus, whom they for his transgressions had removed & dispatched from his empire. But Rodolphus first in this matter using a princely modesty and integrity, sent up his messengers to me, declaring how he was constrained (willed he, nild he) to take that regal government upon him, albeit he was not so desirous thereof, but that he would rather show himself obedient to us, then to the other that offied him the kingdom, and whatsoever our arbitrement should be therein, he would be under obedience, both of God and of us. And for more assurance of his obedience, he hath sent his own children hither for pledges. Upon this Henricus began to snuff, and first entreated with us, to restrain and inhibit Rodolphus through the pain of our curse, 
As though he were not set up by you, rather than by them.  from the usurpation of his kingdom. I answered again, I would see whether of them had more right and title thereunto, & so send our Legates thither upon the same, to know the whole state of the matter, and thereupon I would decide betwixt them, whither of them had truer part. But Henricus would not suffer our Legates to come to take up the matter, and slew divers both secular men, and of the Clergy, spoiling and profaning churches, and so by this means hath; endangered himself in the bands of excommunication. I therefore trusting in the judgement and mercy of God, and in the supportation of the blessed virgin, also upon your authority, do lay the sentence of curse upon the said Henricus, & all his adherents: and here again I take his regal government from him, charging and forbidding all christian men that have been sworn unto him (whom I discharge here of their oath) that hereafter they obey him in nothing, 
The more to blame Emperors to suffer you to be so saucy with them.  but to take Rodolphus to their king, who is elected by many princes of the Province. For so right it is and convenient, that as Henry for his pride & stubborns, is deprived of his dignity and possession: so Rodolphus being grateful to all men, for his virtue and devotion be exalted to the Imperial throne & domination.  
Therefore O you blessed prince of the Apostles, grant to this, and confirm with your authority that I have said, so that all men may understand, if you have power to bind and lose in heaven, you have also power in earth to give & take away Empires, kingdoms, principalities, and whatsoever here in earth belongeth to mortal men. For if you have power to judge in such matters as appertain to God: what then should we think you have of these inferior & profane things? 
Nego argumentum.  And if it be in your power to judge the angels, ruling over proud princes, what then shall it be seen ●●● you to do upon their servants? Therefore let the kings understand by this example, & all other princes of the world, what you be able to do in heaven, & what you are with God, that thereby they may fear to contemn the commandment of holy church. And now do you exercise this judgement quickly upon Henricus, whereby all men may see this son of iniquity to fall from his kingdom, 
Confer this clause with the history of the story hereafter following. O double hypocrite. Guibertus' Archbishop deprived.  not by any chance, but by your provision and only work. Notwithstanding, this I would crave of you, that he being brought to repentance through your intercession, yet in the day of judgement, may find favour and grace with the Lord. Actum Romae. Nonis Martij, indictione, 3.   
Furthermore, Pridebrand Driveur and not yet content with this, interditeth & deposeth also Guibertus Archb. of Ravenna, for taking the Emperor's part, commanding all priests to give no manner obedience to him, and sendeth thither to Ravenna an other Archb. with full authority.  
After & upon this, Henricus & Rodulphus to try the matter by the sword, coped together in battle, not without bloodshed, where Henricus by the favour of God against the judgement of Hildebrand, had the victory. Rodulphus there greatly wounded in the conflict, was had out of the army, and carried to Hyperbolis, where he commanded the bishops & chief doers of his conspiracy to be brought before him, 
The 4. battle betwixt Henry and Rodulph. Henricus rectors.  when they came, he listed up his right hand, in which he had taken his deadly wound, and said: This is the hand which gave the oath and sacrament unto Henricus my Prince, and which through your instigation, so oft hath fought against him in vain. Now go and perform your first oath & allegiance to your king, for I must to my fathers, 

Rodulphus at his death repenting.  
The Pope giveth war but God giveth victory.   and so died. Thus the Pope gave battle, but God gave the victory.  
Henricus (after his enemy being thus subdued, and wars being ceased in Germany) forgot not the old injuries received of Hildebrand by whom he was twice excommunicate, & expulsed from his kingdom, and three days making humble suit (yea & that in sharp winter) could find no favour with him. Besides that, he incited moreover & aided his enemy against him, wherefore calleth together a council or assembly of divers bishops of Italy, Lombardy and Germany at Brixia, an. 1083. where he purged himself, 
Conciliam Brixonse. Anno. 1083.  & accused the bishop Hildebrand of divers crimes, to be an usurper perjured, a Necromanser & Sorcerer, a lower of discord, complaining moreover of wrongs & injuries done by the bishop and church of Rome, in that the church of Rome preferred the bishop before him, when that his father being emperor before him, had inthronised & set in divers & sundry bishops there by his assignment, with out all other election. And now this bishop contrary to his oath & promise made, thrust in himself, without the will and knowledge of him, being their king and magistrate, For in the time of his father Henricus 3. This Hildebrand with other, bound themselves with a corporal oath, that so long as the Emperor and his son now being king, 
No Bishop of Rome to be chosen without. the assent of the Emperor.  should live, they should neither themselves presume nor suffer any other to aspire to the Papal seat, without the assent and approbation of the foresaid Emperors, which now this Hildebrand contrary to his corporal oath had done, wherefore the foresaid council with one agreement condemned this Gregory, that he should be deposed. The tenor of which condemnation is thus expressed in Abbate Vrspergensi.  

The Sentence of the Council of Brixia, against Hildebrand.  
BEcause it is not unknown, this bishop not to be elected of God but to have intruded himself by fraud and money, who hath subverted all Ecclesiastical order, 
Abbas Vrspergensis.  who hath disturbed the government of the Christian Empery, manasing death of body and soul against our catholic & peaceable king, who hath set up & maintained aperiured king, sowing discord, where concord was, causing debate amongst friends, slanders, & offences amongst brethrenne; divorcements and separation amongst the married (for he took away the marriage of priests, as Henricus Mutius witnesseth) and finally disquieting the peaceable state of all quiet life: therefore we here in the name & authority of God congregate together, 
Henricus Mutius.  with the Legates & hands of 19 Bishops, the day of Pentecost at Mentz, do proceed in Canonical judgement, against Hildebrand, a man most wicked, preaching sacrilege and burning, maintaining perjury and murders, calling in question the Catholic faith of the body and blood of the Lord, a follower of divination and dreams, a manifest Necromancer, a Sorcerer, and infected with a Pythonicall spirit, 
Note here the Pope judged and deposed of the council.  and therefore departed from the true faith, we judge him to be deposed & expelled. And unless he hearing this, shall yield and departed the seat, to be perpetually condemned. Enacted seven. Calend. julij. feria. 5. indictione. 3.   
This being enacted & sent to Rome, they elected Guibertus' Archbishop of Ravena in the place of Hildebrand, to govern the Church of Rome, named Clemens 3. But when Hildebrand neither would give over his hold, nor give place to Clement, the Emperor gathering an army to send to Italy, 
The Pope seeketh succour of his paramour. The first example to fight for remission of sins, began in Hildebrand.  came to Rome to depose Gregory, and to place Clement. But Hildebrand sending to Matilda the Countess before in entioned, required (in remission of all he sins) to withstand Henry the Emperor, and so she did. Notwithstanding Henricus prevailing came to Rome, where he besieged the City all the Lent, and after Easter got it, the Romans being compelled to open the gates unto him: so he coming to the temple of S. Peter, there placeth Clement in his Papacy, Hildebrand strait flieth into adrian's tower with his adherents, where he being beset round about, at length sendeth for Robert Guiscardus his friend a Norman, in the mean time, while Robertus collecteth his power, the Abbot of Chiniake, couferring with Gregory, exhorteth him to crown Henricus emperor in Lateran, which if he would do, the other promiseth to bring about, that Den. should departed with his army into Germany, whereunto the people of Rome also did likewise move him. To whom Gregory answered, that he was content so to do (but upon condition) that the emperor would submit himself to ask pardon, to amend his fault, and to promise obedience. The Emperor not agreeing to those conditions went to Senas, taking Clement, new stalled Pope with him.  
After the return of the Emperor, the foresaid Robert Buiscardus approaching with his soldiers, braced in at one of the gates, and spoileth the City. And not long after delivereth Hildebrand out of his enemy's hands, 
Platina. Nauclerus. Sabellicus. Crantzius. Benno, etc.  and carried him away to Campana, where he, not long continuing, after died in exile.  
Antoninus writeth, that Hildebrand, as he did lie a dying, called to him one of his chief Cardinals, be wailing to him his fault & misorder of his spiritual ministry, in stirring up discord, war & dissension: whereupon he desired the Cardinal to go to the Emperor, and desire him of forgiveness, absolving from the danger of excommunication both him and all his partakers both quick and dead.  
Thus hast thou (gentle Reader) the full history of pope Gregory 7. called Hildebrand, which I have laid our more, at large, 
Hildebrand, the first author and patron of all misrule that followed in Popes.  & desire thee to mark, because that from this Pope (it thou mark well) springeth all the occasion of mischief, of pride, pomp, stoutness, presumption & tyranny, which since that time hath reigned in his successors hitherto, in the cathedral church of the Romish clergy for here came first the subjection of the temporal regiment, under the spiritual jurisdiction. And Emperors, which before were their masters, now are made their underlings. Also here came in the suppression of priest's marriage, as is sufficiently declared. Here came in moreover the authority of both the swords spiritual & secular, into spiritual men's hands. So that christian magistrates could do nothing in election, in giving bishoprics or benefices, in calling Counsels, in hearing & correcting the excesses of the clergy, but only the Pope must do all. Yea moreover, no bishop nor Pastor in his own parish could excommunicate or exercise any discipline amongst his flock, but only the Pope challenged that prerogative to himself. Finally, here came in the first example to persecute Emperors & kings, with rebellion & excommunication, as the clergy themselves hereafter do testify and witness in proceeding against Paschalis. Thus these notes being well observed, let us (by the grace of Christ) now repair again to our country history of england.  
About the death of Pope Hildebrand (or not long after) followed the death of king William Conqueror, in the year of our Lord, 
The death of William Conqueror.  1090. after he had reigned in England the space of 21. years and 10. months. The cause of his sickness and death, is said to be this: For that Philip the French king upon a time (jesting said) that king William lay in child bed and nourished his fat belly. with this the foresaid william hearing thereof, answered again and said, when he should be Churched, he would offer a thousand candles to him in France, wherewithal the king should have little joy. whereupon king William in the month of july (when the corn, fruit, & grapes were most flourishing) entered into France, & set on fire many Cities and towns in the westside of France. And lastly coming to the City of Meaux, where he burning a woman being as a recluse in a wall enclosed (or as some say, two men Anachorites enclosed) was so servant and furious about the fire, that with the heat partly of the fire, partly of the time of year, thereby he fell into sickness, and died upon the same.  
By the life & acts of this king, it may appear true, as stories of him report, that he was wise but guileful, rich, but covetous, a fair speaker, but a great dissembler, glorious in victory, & strong in arms, but rigorous in oppressing whom he overcame, in levying of tasks passing all other. In so much that he caused to be enroled & numbered in his treasury every hide of land, and owner thereof: what fruit & revenues surmounted of every Lordship, of every township, castle, village, field, river, & wood, within all the realm of England. Moreover, how many parish Churches, how many living cattle there were, what and how much every Baron in the realm could dispend, what fees were belonging, what wages were taken, etc. The tenor & contents of which taskment, 
Pestilence in England, and 〈◊〉 of beasts  yet remaineth in rolls. After this tasking or numbering, which was the year before his death, followed an exceeding moreine of cattle, & barrenness of the ground, with much pestilence and hot fevers among the people, 
London with the Church of Paul's brent.  so that such as escaped the fever, were consumed with famine. Moreover, at the same season among certain other Cities, a great part of the City of London, with the church of Paul's was wasted with fire, an 1085.  
In hunting and in parks, the foresaid king had such pleasure, that in the country of Southampton by the space of 36. miles, he cast down churches and Townships, and there made the new forest, loving his Decree so dearly, as though he had been to them a father, making sharp laws for the increasing thereof, under pain of losing both the eyes. So hard he was to Englishmen, and so favourable to his own country, 
Wolstane Bishop of Worcester.  that as there was no English Bishop remaining, but only wolstane of Worcester, who being commanded of the king and Lancfrank to resign up his staff, partly for inability, partly for lack of the French tongue, refused otherwise to resign it, but only to him that gave it, and so went to the tomb of king Edward, where he thought to resign it, but was permitted to enjoy it still: so likewise in his days there was almost no English man, that bare office of honour or rule.  
In so much, it was half a shame at that time, to be called an English man. Notwithstanding he some deal favoured the city of London, & granted unto the Citizens the first charter that ever they had, written in the Saxon, with green wax sealed, and contained in few lines.  
Among his other conditions, 
England peaceable from theeman. The Abbey of battle.  this in him is noted, that so given he was to peace and quiet, that any maiden being laden with gold or silver, might pass through the whole realm, without harm or resistance. This William in his time builded two monasteries, one in England, at Battle in Suffex, where he won the field against Harold, called the abbey of Battle: 
The Abbey of Barmo●desay.  an other beside, named Barmondsey, in his country of Normandy.  
After the life & story of K. William thus briefly described, with the acts & order of battle between him & K. Harold (although much more might have been written of that matter, if the book had come sooner to my hands which afterward I saw) now remaineth in the end of his story to describe the names of such Barons & nobles of Normandy, which entered with him into this land, as well of them which were embarked with him, & slain also (as appeareth) in the battle, as also of them who were planted & advanced by the said Conqueror, in the lands & possessions of English Lords, whom he either expulsed or else beheaded. The names of which Normands hear follow underwritten.  

¶ Out of the Annals of Normandy in French, whereof one very Ancient written Book in Parchment, remaineth in the custody of the writer hereof.  
THe day after the battle, very early in the Morning, O do bishop of Bayeux song Mass for those that were departed. The Duke after that desirous to know the estate of his battle, and what people he had therein lost, and were slain, he caused to come unto him a Clerk that had written their names when they were embarked at S. Valeries, and commanded him to call them all by their names, who called them that had been at the battle, and had passed the seas with Duke William. And hereafter followeth their names.  

The names of those that were at the Conquest of England.  
O Do Bishop of Baycuix.  
Robert, Conte de Mortaign. These two were brethren to Duke William by their mother.  
Baudwin de Buillon  
Roger Conte de Beaumond, surnamed with the beard, of whom descended the lign of Meullent.  
Guillaume Malet.  
Le Sire de Monfort, fin Rille.  
Guill de Viexpont.  
Neel de S. Sauueur le Viconte.  
Le Sire de Fougiers  
Henry Seigneur de Ferieres.  
Le Sire Daubemare.  
Guillaume Sire de Romare.  
Le Sire de Lithehare  
Le Sire de Touque.  
Le Sire de la Mare.  
Le Sire de Neauhou.  
Le Sire de Pirou.  
Rob. Sire de Beaufou  
Le Sire Danou.  
Le Sire de Soteville.  
See Sire de Margneuille●  
Le sire de Tacaruille  
Eustace Dambleville.  
le sire de Mangneville.  
Le Sire de Grantmesnil.  
Guillaume Crespin.  
Le Sire de S. Martin.  
Guill. de Moulins.  
Le Sire de Puis.  
Geoffray Sire de Mayenne.  
Auffroy de Bohon.  
Auffroy & Maugier de Cartrait.  
Guill. de Garennes.  
Hue de Gournay, Sire de Bray.  
Le Conte Hue de Gournay.  
Euguemont de l'aigle  
Le viconte de Tovars'  
Rich. Dawerenchin.  
Le Sire de Biars.  
Le Sire de Solligny.  
Le Bouteiller Daubigny.  
Le Sire de Maire.  
Le Sire de Vitry.  
Le Sire de Lacy.  
Le Sire du val Dary.  
Le Sire de Tracy.  
Hue Sire de Montfort  
Le Sire de Piquegny  
Hamon de Kayen.  
Le Sire Despinay.  
Le Sire de Port.  
Le Sire de Torcy.  
Le Sire de jort.  
Le Sire de Riviers.  
Guillaume Moyonne  
Raoul reason de ringueleiz.  
Roger Marmion.  
Raoul de Guel.  
Auenel des Byars.  
Paennel du Monstier Hubert.  
Rob. Bertran le Tort  
Le Sire de Seulle.  
Le Sire de Dorival.  
Le Sire de Breval.  
Le Sire de S. jehan.  
Le Sire de Bris.  
Le Sire du homme.  
Le Sire de Sauchoy.  
Le Sire de Cailly.  
Le Sire de Semilly.  
Le Sire de Tilly.  
Le Sire de Romell●●  
Mat. de Basqueville.  
Le Sire de pruaulx.  
Le Sire de Gonis.  
Le Sire de Sainceaul●.  
Le Sire de Moulloy.  
Le Sire de Monceaulx  
The Archers du ●al de Reul, & Bresheul, & of 〈◊〉 other places.  
Le Sire de S. Saen, i. de S. Sydonio.  
Le Sire de Kiulere.  
Le Sire de Salnaruille.  
Le Sire de Rony.  
end de Be●●ugieu.  
Le Sire de Oblie.  
Le Sire de Sacie.  
Le Sire de Nassie.  
Le Visquaius de Chaymes.  
Le Sire du Sap.  
Le Sire de Glos.  
Le Sire de Mine.  
Le Sire de Glanuille.  
Le Sire de Breended  
Le Vidam de Baitay.  
Raoul de Mor●mont  
Pierre de Baillend, Sire de Fiscampi  
Le Sire de Beansault  
Le Sire de Tillieres.  
Le Sire de Pacy.  
Le Seneschalde. Torcy.  
Le Sire de Gacy.  
Le Sire Doully.  
Le Sire de Sacy.  
Le Sire de Vacy.  
Le Sire de Tournecut.  
Le Sire de Praeres.  
Guillaume de Coulombieres.  
〈◊〉 Sire de Bollebec  
Rich Sire Dorbec.  
Le Sire de Bonneboz.  
Le Sire de Tresgoz.  
Le Sire de Montsiquet.  
Huerle Bigot de Maletor.  
Le Sire de la hay.  
Le Sire de Brecy.  
Le Sire de Mombray  
Le Sire de Say.  
Le Sire de la Ferte.  
Boutevillain.  
Troussebout.  
Guillaume Patric de la Land.  
Hue de Moltemer.  
Le Sire Danuillers.  
Le Sire Donnebaut.  
Le Sire de S. Cler.  
Rob. le filz Herneys Duc d'Orleans.  
Le Sire de Harecourt.  
Le Sire de Crevecoeur.  
Le Sire de Deyncourt.  
Le Sire de Brimetot.  
Le Sire de Combray  
Le Sire Daunay.  
Le Sire de Fontenay  
Le Conte Deureux.  
Le Sire de Rebelchil.  
Alain Fergant Conte de Bretaigne.  
Le Sire de S. valery  
Le Conte Deu.  
Gaultier Giffard conte de Longueville.  
Le Sire Destouteville.  
Le Conte Thomas Daubmalle.  
Guill. Conte de Hoymes & Darques.  
Le Sire de Bereville.  
See Sire de B●eante.  
Le Sire de Frean ville.  
Le Sire de Pavilly.  
Le Sire de Clere.  
Toustan du Bee.  
Le Sire de Maugny.  
Roger de Montgomery.  
Amaury de Tovars.    
Over and besides the great number of Knights and esquires that were under them. In the same battle between the said William the bastard, Duke of Normandy on the one part, and King Harold on the other part, there were slain on King Harold's side of Englishmen, 66654. And on Duke William's side there were slain, 6013. men, as it is to be found in the Chronicles of S. Peter of Westminster, besides those that were drowned in the River of Thames.  
When as the above named and many other great Lords were so called, some of them appeared, other some did not: For some of them were slain there in the held, and others so wounded, that they could not come forth to show themselves. Then gave the Duke commandment that the dead should be buried, and those that were sick, comforted and eased the best that might be, etc.  

Out of the Ancient Chronicles of England, touching the names of other Normands which seem to remain alive after the battle, and to be advanced in the Seignories of this land.  

IOhn de Maundevile.  
Adam Vndenile  
Bernard de Frevile.  
Rich de Rochuile.  
Gilbard de Frakuile.  
Hugo de Dovile.  
Symond de Rotevile.  
R. de Euyle.  
B. de Knewile.  
Hugo de Moruile.  
R. de Colevile.  
A. de Waruile.  
C. de Karuile.  
R. de Rotevile.  
S. de Stotevile.  
H. Bonum.  
I. Monum.  
W. de Vignoum  
K de Vispount.  
W. Bailbeof.  
S. de Baleyne.  
H. de Marreys.  
I. Aguleyne.  
G. Agilon.  
R. Chamburlayne.  
N. de Vendres.  
H. de Verdon.  
H. de Verto.  
C. de Vernon.  
H. Hardul.  
C. Cappan.  
W. de Camuile.  
I de Cameyes.  
R de roots.  
R. de Boys.  
W. de Waren.  
T. de Wardboys.  
R de Boys.  
W. de Audeley.  
K. Dynham.  
R. de Vaures.  
G. Vargenteyn.  
I. de Hastings.  
G. de Hastank.  
L. de Burgee.  
R. de Butuileyn.  
H. de Malebranche.  
S. de Malemain.  
G. de Hautevile.  
H Hauteyn!  
R. de Morteyn.  
R. de Mortimere.  
G. de Kanovile.  
E. de Columb.  
W. Paynel.  
C. Panner.  
H. Pontrel.  
I. de Rivers.  
T. Revile.  
W. de Beauchamp.  
R. de Beaupale.  
E. de Ou.  
F. Lovel.  
S de Troy's.  
I. de Artel.  
john de Montebrugg.  
H. de Mounteserel.  
W. Trussebut.  
W. Trussel.  
H. Beset.  
R. Basset.  
R. Molet.  
H. Malovile.  
G. Bonnet.  
P. de Bonuile.  
S. de Rovile.  
N. de Norbec.  
I. de Corneux.  
P. de Corbet.  
W. de Montague.  
S. de Mounfychet.  
I. de Genevyle.  
H. Gyffard.  
I. de Say.  
T. Gilbard.  
R. de Chalons.  
S. de Chauward.  
H. Feret.  
Hugo. Pepard.  
I. de Harecourt.  
H. de Haunsard.  
I. de Lamare.  
P. de Mautrevers.  
G. de Ferron.  
R. de Ferrer.  
I. de Desty.  
W. de Werders.  
H de Bornevyle.  
I●de Saintenies.  
S. de Seucler.  
R. de Gorges.  
E. de Gemere.  
W. de Feus'.  
S. de filbert.  
H. de Turberuyle  
R. Troblenuer.  
R. de Angon.  
T. de Morer.  
T. de Roteler.  
H. de Spencer.  
R. de Saintpuinten.  
I. de Saint Martin.  
G. de Custan.  
Saint Constantin.  
Saint Leger & Saint Med.  
M. de Cronu & de S. Viger.  
S. de Crayel.  
R. de Crenker.  
N. Meyvell.  
I. de berner's.  
S. de Chumli.  
E. de Charers.  
I. de Grey.  
W. de Grangers.  
S de Grangers.  
S. Raubenyn.  
H. Vamgers.  
E. Bertram.  
R. Bygot.  
S. Treoly.  
I. Trigos.  
G. de Feves.  
H. Filiot.  
R. Taperyn.  
S. Talbot.  
H. Santsaver.  
T. de Samford.  
G. de Vandien.  
C. de Vautort.  
G. de Montague.  
Tho. de Chambernon.  
S. de Montfort.  
R. de Fernevaux  
W. de Valence.  
T. Clarel.  
S. de Cleruaus.  
P. de Aubermarle.  
H de Saint Aruant.  
E. de Auganuteys.  
S. de Gant.  
G. de Malearbe.  
H. Mandut.  
W. de Chesun.  
L. de Chandut.  
R Filz urs.  
B. viconte de Low.  
G. de Cantemere.  
T. de Cantlow.  
R. Breaunce.  
T. de Broxeboof.  
S de Bolebec  
B Moll de boef.  
I. de Muelis.  
R de Brus.  
S de Brews.  
I. de Lylle.  
T. de Bellyle.  
I. de Wateruile.  
G. de nevil.  
R. de Neuburgh  
H. de Burgoyne  
G de Bourgh.  
S. de Lymoges  
L de Lyben.  
W. de Helyoun  
H. de Hildrebron  
R de Loges  
S. de Seintlow  
I de Maubank  
P. de Saint Malow  
R. de Leoferne  
I de Lovotot  
G. de Dabbevyle  
H. de Appetot  
W. de Percy  
H. de Lacie  
G de Quincy  
E Tracy  
R de la Souche  
V. de Somery  
I de Saint john  
T. de Saint Gory  
P. de Boyly  
R de Saint Valery  
P. de Pinkeni  
S. de Pavely  
G. de Monthaut  
T. de Mountchesy  
R. de Lymozy  
G. de Lucy  
I de Artoys  
N de Arty  
P de Grenuyle  
I de Greys'  
V de Cresty  
F de Courcy  
T. de Lamar  
H. de Lymastz  
I de Monbray  
G. de Morley  
S de Gorney  
R. de Courtenay  
P. de Gourney  
R. de Coney  
I de la Huse  
R. de la Huse  
V de Longevyle  
P. Longespye  
I. Pouchardon  
R. de la Pomercy  
I de Pountz  
R. de Pontlarge  
R. Estrange  
Tho. Savage.    
A little above, mention was made of the Bishop's sea of Shireborne, 
The first bishop of Salisbury. Osmund Bishop of Sarum. Ordinale ecclesiastici officy. Secundū●sum Sarum.  translated from thence to Salisbury. The first bishop of Salisbury was Hermannus & Normand, who first began the new church and minster of Salisbury. After whom succeeded Osmundus, who finished the work and replenished the house with great living, & much good singing. This Osmundus first began the ordinary, which was called Secundum usum Sarum. an. 1076. The occasion whereof was this (as I find in an old story book entitled Eulogium) a great contention chanced at Glastenbury between Thurstanus the Abbot, 
Ex Eulogio historico, Lib. 3. The use and ordinary of Sarum, how and when it was devised.  and his covent in the days of William Conqueror, which Thurstanus the said William had brought out of Normandy, from the Abbey of Cadonum, and placed him Abbot of Glastenbury. The cause of this contentious battle, was for that Thurstanus conteinning their Quire service, than called the use of S. Bregory, compelled his monks to the use of one William a monk of Fiscam in Normandy. Whereupon, came strife & contentions amongst them: first, in words, then from words to blows, after blows then to armour. The Abbot with his guard of harnessed men, fell upon the monks, & drove them to the steps of the high altar: where two. were slain, viii. were wounded with shafts, swords & pikes. The monks then driven to such a strait & narrow shift, were compelled to defend themselves with forms and candlesticks, wherewith they did wound certain of the soldiers. One monk there was (an aged man) who in stead of his shield took an Image of the Crucifice in his arms, for his defence, which image was wounded in the breast by one of the bow men, whereby the Monk was saved. My story addeth more, that the striker incontinent upon the same fell mad, which savoureth of some monkish addition besides the text. This matter being brought before the king, the Abbot was sent again to Cadonius, and the monks by the commandment of the king were scattered in far countries. Thus by the occasion hereof, Osmundus bishop of Salisbury, devised that ordinary, which is called the use of Sarum, and was afterward received in a manner through all England, Ireland and Wales. And thus much for this matter, done in the time of this king William.  
Which William after his death, by his wife Matildis or Maulde, left three sons, Robert Courtley to whom he gave the Duchy of Normandy: William Rufus his second son, to whom he gave the kingdom of England: And Henry the third son, to whom he left and gave treasure, and warned William to be to his people loving & liberal, Robert to be to his people stern and sturdy.  

Example of God's just judgement upon a Bishop, who being unmerciful to the poor, was eaten with rats and mice.  In the history called jornalensis, is reported of a certain great man, who about this time of king William, was compassed about with Mice and Rats, and flying to the midst of a River, yet when that would not serve, came to the land again, and was of them devoured. The Bermaines say, that this was a Bishop, who dwelling between Colen and Mentz, in time of famine and dearth, having store of corn and grain, would not help the poverty crying to him for relief, but rather wished his corn to be eaten of mice and Rats. Wherefore being compassed with Miso and Rats (by the just judgement of God) to avoid the annoyance of them, he builded a tower in midst of the River of Rhine (which yet to this day the Dutchmen call Rats tower) but all that would not help: for the Rats and mice swam over to him in as great abundance as they did before. Of whom at length he was devoured.   

William Rufus.  

Anno. 1088.  William Rufus the second son of William Conqueror began his raigue, an. 1088. And reigned 13. years, being crowned at Westminster by Lanfrancus, who after his coronation released out of prison, by the request of his father, 
William Rufus.  divers of the English Lords, which before had been in custody. It chanced that at the death of William Conqueror, Robert Curtsy his eldest son was absent in Almany. Who hearing of the death of his father, and how William his younger brother had taken upon him the kingdom, was therewith greatly amoved, in so much that he laid his dukedom to pledge unto his brother Henry, and with that good, gathered unto him an army, and so landed at Hampton, to the intent to have expulsed his brother from the kingdom. But William Rufus hearing thereof, sent to him fair and gentle words, promising him dedition and subjection as to the more worthy and elder brother, this thing only requiring, that seeing he was now in place and possession, he might enjoy it during his life, paying to him yearly three thousand marks, with condition, that which of them overlived the other, should enjoy the kingdom. The occasion of this variance between these brethren, wrought a great dissension among the Normaine Lords and Bishops, both in England & in Normandy. In so much that all the Normain bishops within the realm almost rebelled against the king (taking part with Duke Robert) except only Lanfrancus, and Wolstane Bishop of Worcester, above mentioned an English man: who for his virtue and constancy was so well liked and favoured of his citizens, 
Wolstane Bishop of Worcester.  that (emboldened with his presence & prayer) they stoutly maintained the City of Worcester against the siege of their enemies, & at last vanquished them with utter ruin. But Duke Robert at length by the advise of his counsel (hearing the words sent unto him, and wagging his dead thereat, as one conceiving some matter of doubt or doubleness) was yet content to assent to all that was desired, & so returned shortly after into Normandy, leaving the bishops and such other, in the briars, which were in England taking his part against the king.  
This Rufus was so ill liked of the normans, that between him and his Lords was oft dissension. Wherefore (well near) all the Normains took part against him: so that he was forced of necessity to draw to him the English men. Again, so covetous he was, and so unmeasurable in his tasks and takings; in selling benefits, Abbeys, and bishoprics, that he was hated of all English men.  
In the third year of this king, died Lancfrancus Archbishop of Cant. 
Anno. ● 1091.  from whose commendation and worthiness as I list not to detract any thing (being so greatly magnified of Polidorus his countryman) so neither do I see any great cause, 
The death of Lanfras cousin Archb. of Canter●  why to add any thing thereunto. This I think, unless that man had brought with him less superstition, and more sincere science into Christ's Church, he might have kept him in his country still, & have confuted Berengarius at home. After the decease of Lanfranke, the sea of Cant. stood empty iiii. years.  
After the counsel of Lancfrancus above mentioned: wherein was concluded for translating of Bishops seas, 
Remigios Bishop of Lincoln.  from villages into head cities: Remigius bishop of Dorchester, who (as ye heard, accompanied Lancfrancus unto Rome) removed his Bishop's sea from Dorchester unto Lincoln, 
Lincoln minster builded.  where he builded the minster there situate upon an hill within the said city of Lincoln. The dedication of which church, Robert Archbishop of York did resist, saying that it was builded within the ground of his precinct. But after, 
Stow Abbey builded.  it had his Romish dedication by Robert Blocet, next bishop that followed. By the same Remigius also was sounded the cloister or monastery of Stow, etc.  
In the iiii. 
Anno. 1092.  year of this king, great tempest fell in sundry places of England, specially at Winchcomb, where the steeple was burned with lightning, the Church wall braced through, 
Wynchecombe steeple brent with lightning. Vi. hundredth houses blown down with wind. The roof of Bow Church overthrown. Robert Blevet paydv. thousand marks for his Bishopric. Herbert Losinga Bishop of Norwiche. Losinga. 1. adulator.  the head and right leg of the Crucifix, with the Image of our Lady, on the right side of the Crucifix thrown down, and such a stench left in the Church, that none might abide it. At London the force of the weather & tempest overturned vi. hundredth houses. In which tempest the roof of Bow church was whurled up in the wind, and by the vehemence thereof was pitched down a great deepness into the ground.  
King William (as ye heard an exceeding pillar or ravener rather of Church goods) after he had given the Bishopric of Lincoln to his Chancellor Robert Blevet (above minded) began to cavil, avouching the sea of Lincoln to belong to the sea of York, till the Bishop of Lincoln had pleased him with a great sum of money of v. thousand marks, etc.  
And as nothing could come in those days without money from the king, so Herbert Lolinga paying to the king a piece of money, was made bishop of Thetford, as he had paid a little before to be Abbot of ramsey. who likewise the same time, removing his sea from Thetford to the City of Norwich, there erected the Cathedral Church with the cloister in the said city of Norwith, where he furnished the Monks with sufficient living and rents of his own charges, besides the Bishop's lands. Afterward repenting of his open and manifest simony, 
Norwiche mynster builded by Herbert.  he went to Rome: where he resigned unto the Pope's hands his bishopric: but so, that incontinent he received it again. This Herbert was the son of an Abbot called Robert, for whom he purchased of the king to be bishop of Winchester, whereof runneth these verses.  
Filius est praeful, pater Abba, Simon uterque  
Quid non speremus si nummos possideamus:  
Omnia nummus habet quod vultfacit, addit & aufert  
Res nimis iniusta, nummus fit praeful & Abba, etc.  
Ye heard a little before of the death of Pope Hildebrand, after the time of which Hildebrand, the german Emperors began to lose their authority and right in the Pope's election, and in giving of benefices. For next after this Hildebrand, 
Pope victor the 3.  came Pope Victor by the setting up of Matilda, and the Duke of Normandy, with the faction and retinue of Hildebrand, 
Pope victor poisoned in his chalice. A comparison between Hildebrand Pope of Rome: and jeroboam king of Israel.  who likewise showed himself stout against the emperor. But God gave the shrewd Low short horns: For Victor being poisoned (as some say in his chalice) late but one year and a half. Notwithstanding the same imitation and example of Hildebrand continued still in them that followed after. And like as the kings of Israel followed most part the steps of jeroboam, till the time of their desolation: so for the greatest sort all Popes followed the steps and proceed, of this Hildebrand their spiritual jeroboam, in maintaining falls worship, and chief in upholding the dignity of the sea, against all rightful authority, 
The order of Charter monks began.  and the lawful kingdom of Zion. In the time of this Victor, began the order of the Monks of Charterhouse, through the means of one Hugo bishop of Gracionople, and of Bruno bishop of Colen.  
Next to Victor sat Urbanus the two. by whom the acts of Hildebrand were confirmed, & also new decrees enacted against Henricus the Emperor. In this time were two Popes at Rome, Urbanus and Clemens iii. whom the Emperor set up. 
Pope Vrbanus 2.  Under Pope Urbane came in the white Monks of Cistercian order, by one Stephen Harding a monk of Shireborne (an Englishman) by whom this order had his beginning in the wilderness of Cistery, 
Two Popes in Rome.  within the province of Burgoyne, as witnesseth Cestrensis. Other writ that this Harding was the ij. Abbot of that place, & that it was first founded by the means of one Robert Abbot of Molisine in Cistercium, 
The order of Cistercian or white monks began.  a Forest in Burgundy, an. 1098. (persuaded perchance by Harding) and afterward in the year of our Lord, 1135. it was brought into England by a certain man called Espek, which builded an Abbey of the same order called Merinale. In this order the monks did live by the labour of their hands. They paid no tithes, nor offerings: they wear no fur nor lining: they wear red shoes, their cowls white, and coat black, all shorn save a little circle: they eat no flesh but only in their journey. Of this order was Bernardus, etc.  

Synodus Romana vel Placentina.  This Urbanus held divers Counsels: one at Rome, where he excommunicated all such lay persons as gave investiture of any Ecclesiastical benefice. Also all such of the Clergy as abjected themselves to be underlings or servants to lay persons for Ecclesiastical benefices, etc.  
another Council he held at Cleremount in France. Where among other things the bishop made an Oration to the Lords, 
Synodus Claromantana.  being there present concerning the voyage & recovering of the holy land from the Turks and Saracens. The cause of which voyage first sprang by one Peter a monk or Hermit, who being in jerusalem, & seeing the great misery of the Christians under the Pagans, made thereof declaration to Pope Urbane, & was therein a great solicitor to all christian Princes. By reason whereof, after the foresaid Oration of pope Urbane 30000. men (taking on them the sign of the cross for their cognisance) made preparation for that voyage, 
The voyage unto the holy land. The number that went. The captains of the which went to the holy land.  whose Captains were Godfrey Duke of Lorraine with his two brethren, Eustace, and Baldwine, the bishop of Body, Bohemund duke of Puell and his nephew Tancredus, Raymund earl of S. Egidius, Robert earl of Flaunders, and Hugh le Grand, brother of Philip the French king. To whom also was joined Robert Courthoyle duke of Normandy, with divers other noble men, with the foresaid Peter the Deremite, who was the chief causer of that voyage.  
At that time many of the said Noble men laid their lands & lordships to mortgage, for to provide for the forenamed voyage: as Godfrey duke of Lorraine, who sold the Dukedom of Boloine to the Bishop of Eburone for a great sumine of money. Also Robert Courthoyse Duke of Normandy laid his Dukedom to pledge to his brother William king of England for x. thousand pounds, etc.  

Anno. 1096.  Thus the Christians which passed first over Bosphorus, having to their captain Peter the Eremite (a man perchance more devout than expert to guide an army) being trapped of their enemies, were slain & murdered in great number among the Bulgars, and near to the town called Civitus.  

The acts of the Christians in their voyage to win Jerusalem.  When the nobles and the whole army met together at Constantinople (where Alexius was Emperor) passing over by Hellespontus' going to jerusalem, they took the cities of Nicaea, Eraclea, Tarsis, and subdued the country of Cicilia, appointing the possession thereof to certain of their Captains.  
Antioch was besieged, and in the ix. month of the siege it was yielded to the Christians by one Pyrrhus: about which season were sought many strong battles to the great slaughter and desolation of the Saracens, 
Antioch taken of the Christians.  and not without loss of man● Christian men. The governance of this City was committed to Boamund Duke of Pucil, 
Anno. 1098.  whose martial knighthood was often proved in time of the siege thereof.  
And not long after, Corbona, master of the Persians Chivalry, 
The slaughter of the Persian infidels.  was vanquished and slain, with an hundredth thousand Infidels. In which discomfiture were taken 15000. camels.  
jerusalem the 39 day of the siege was conquered by the Christians. 
Jerusalem conquered by the Christians.  Robert Duke of Normandy was elect to be king thereof. But he refused, hearing of the death of king William of Eng. wherefore he never sped in all his affairs well after the same. Then Godfrey captain of the christian army was proclaimed the first king of jerusalem. At the taking of the City was such a murder of men, 
Ex Henry. li. 7.  that blood was congealed in the street the thickness of a foot. Then after Godfrey reigned Baldwine his brother. After him Baldwine the second nephew. Then Gaufridus duke of Gaunt, and after him Gaufridus his son, by whom many great battles there were fought against the Saracens and all the country thereabout subdued save Ascalon, etc. And thus much hitherto touching the voyage to the holy land. Now to our own land again.  
About this time (as Mathaeus Parisiensis writeth) the king of England favoured not much the sea of Rome, because of their impudent and unsatiable exactions, 
The king of England's judgement against the Pope. Ex Math. paris.  which they required, neither would he suffer any of his subjects to go to Rome, alleging these words in the author thus expressed: Quòd Petri non inhaerent vestigijs, praemijs inhiantes, non eius potestatem retinent, cuius sanctitatem probantur non imitari: that is, because they follow not the steps of Peter, hunting for rewards; neither have they the power and authority of him, whose holiness they declare themselves not to follow, etc.  
By the same Urbanus, 
Decrees of pops Vibanus.  the seven Hours which we call septem horas Canonicas, were first instituted in the Church.  
Item, by this pope was decreed, no bishop to be made but under the name and title of some certain place. 
joan Stella.   
Item, that Martin's and Hours of the day, should every day be said.  
Also every Saturday, to be said the Mass of our Lady, 
Nauclerus.  and all the jews Sabbath to be turned to the service of our Lady, as in the Council of Turon, to the which service was appointed the Anthem, Ora pro populo, interueni pro clero, intercede pro devoto foemineo sexu.  
Item, 
Dist. 31. Eos qui 15. 9.6 juratos.  all such of the clergy as had wives to be deprived of their order.  
Item, to be lawful for subjects to break their oath of allegiance, with all such as were by the Pope excommunicate.  
Item, 
30. q. 8. quod autem.  not to be lawful both for husband and wife to christian one child both together, with matters many more.  
By the same Pope thus many chapters stand written in the Canon law. Dist. 7. Sanctorum, dist. 31. Eos qui 1. q. 1. Si qui dist. 56 praesbyterorum, 11. q. 3. quibus 15. q. 6. juratos, 16. q. 7. congregatio, 19 q. 2. Statuimus, 23. q. 8. Tributum. 30. q. 4. quod autem etc.  
In the 6. year of this king's reign, Malcoline king of Scots which four times before had made great slaughter of old & young in the North parts, 
Example of God's rightful judgement in punishing cruel murder.  as is before showed, burst into Northumberland with all the power he could make, and there by the right judgement of God was slain with his son Edward, and also Margaret his wife, sister to Edgar Adeling above minded, a virtuous and devout Lady, within 3. days after.  
The same year he gave the archbishopric of Caunterbury (after that he had detained the same in his own bands 4. 
Anselmus made Archbishop of Cant.  years) to Anselmus Abbot of Beck in Normandy  
This Anselme was an Italian in the City of Augusta borne, and brought up in the Abbey of Beck in Normandy: where, he was so strait a follower of virtue, that (as the story recordeth) he wished rather to be without sin in hell, 
The saying of Anselme pondered.  then in heaven with sin. Which saying and wish of his (if it were his) may seem to proceed out of a mind neither speaking orderly according after the phrase and understanding of the scripture, nor yet sufficiently acquainted with the justification of a christian man. Further, they report him to be so far from singularity: that he should say it was the vice which thrust the angels first out of heaven, 
The vice of singularity.  and man out of paradise.  
Of this Anselme it is moreover reported, that he was so ilwilling to take the archbishopric, that the king had much ado to thrust it upon him: and was so desirous to have him take it, 
Anselme ill willing to take the Archbishop prick. Canterbury first given to the Archbishop wholly. Strife and contention between the king and Anselmus.  that the City of Caunterbury (which before Lanfrancus did hold but at the kings good will and pleasure) he gave now to Anselme wholly, which was about the year of our Lord, 1093. But as desirous as the king was then to place the said Anselme, so much did he repent it afterward, seeking all manner of mean to defeat him if he might. Such strife and contention rose between them two for certain matters, the ground and occasion whereof, first was this.  
After that Anselmus had been thus elected to the see of Canterbury, before he was fully consecrate, the king commoned with him (assaying by all gentle manner of words to entreat him) that such lands & possessions of the church of Cant. as the king had given and granted to his friends since the death of Lanfrancus: they might still enjoy the same, 
Anselme stopped from his consecration.  as their own lawful possession, through his grant and permission. But to this, Anselme in no case would agree. Whereupon the king conceiving great displeasure against him, did stop his consecration a great season, till at length in long process of time, 
Anselme consecrated.  the king enforced by the daily complaints and desires of his people and subjects for lack of an Archbishop to moderate the church, was constrained to admit and authorize him unto them. Thus Anselme with much ado, 
Anselme doth homage to K. William.  taking his consecration, and doing his homage to the king, went to his see of Cant. And not long after, the king sailed over to Normandy.  
About this time there were two striving in Rome for the Popedom, 
Vrbanus and Clemens striving for the papacy. England favoured Clemens. Anselmus holdeth with Vrbanus. Anselme denied leave to go to Rome. Anselme appealeth from the K. to the Pope. Anselme charged for a traitor.  as is afore touched. Urbanus & Guibertus. divers realms diversly consenting, some to the one, some to the other. England taking part with their king was rather inclined to Guibertus, called Clemens the 3. but Anselmus did fully go with Urbanus, making so his exception with the king, entering to his bishopric. After the king was returned again from Normandy, the Archbishop cometh to him and asketh leave to go to Rome, to set his pall of Pope Urban: which when he could not at the first obtain, he maketh his appeal from the king to the Pope. Whereat the king being justly displeased, chargeth the Archbishop with breach of his fealty, contrary to his promise made: that is, if he, without his licence, would appeal either to Urbane or to any other Pope. Anselme answereth again, that was to be referred to some greater council, where it is to be disputed, whether this be to break a man's allegiance to a terrene Prince, if he appeal to the vicar of S. Peter. And here much arguing and contending was on both sides. 
The kings argument against Anselme. The custom of England, from William conquerors time not to Appeal to the Pope. Anselmus reply against the king. The reasons of Anselme to prove the pope's authority above other kings. Anselme here ignorantly calleth the Pope the vicar of S. Peter, where the Camnon law calleth him but the successor of Peter and vicar of Christ.  The king's reason proceeded thus: The custom (saith he) from my father's time hath been in England, that no person should appeal to the Pope without the king's licence. He that breaketh the customs of the realm, violateth the power and crown of the kingdom. He that violateth and taketh away my crown, is a traitor and enemy against me, etc. To this Anselme replieth again: The Lord (saith he) easily discusseth this question, briefly teaching what fidelitic and allegiance we ought to give to the vicar of S. Peter, where he saith: thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church, etc. And to thee I will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind in earth, it shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou losest in earth, shall be loosed in heaven, etc. Again to them all in general, he saith: he that heareth you, heareth me, and who despiseth you, despiseth me. And in an other place, he that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine eye. On the other side, what duty we own to the king, he showeth also. give (saith he) to the Emperor, what belongeth to the Emperor, and to God, give that to God belongeth. Wherefore in such things as belong to God, I will yield and must yield by good right and duty, my obedience to the vicar of S. Peter, and in such things as belong again to terrene dignity of my prince, in those I will not deny to him my faithful help and counsel, so far as they can extend.  

All the Bishops of the Realm stood of the kings side against Anselmus. William Bishop of Duresine.  Thus have ye the grounded arguments of this Prelate, to stand so stiffly against his prince, whereunto peradventure was joined also some piece of a stubborn hart. But in this conclusion, none of his fellow bishops durst take his part, but were all against him: namely, William Bishop of Duresine. To whom Anselme thus protesteth, saying: who so ever he were that would presume to prove it any breach of allegiance of feaulty to his sovereign, if he appealed to the vicar of S. Peter, he was ready to answer at all times to the contrary: the bishop of Duresine answering again, that he which would not be ruled by reason, must with force be constrained, etc. The king having on his part the agreement of the Bishops, thought to deprive the Archb. both of his pastoral sea, and to expel him out of the realm. But he could not perform his purpose, for Anselme as he was ready to departed the realm, he said: whensoever he went, he would take his office and authority with him, though he took nothing else. Whereupon, that matter was deferred till a longer tyme. In the mean season the king had sent privily two messengers to Pope Urbane, to entreat him to send his pall to the king for him to give it where he would, which messengers by this time were returned again, bringing with them from Rome Gualther bishop of Alban the pope's Legate, 
Gualter●● the Pope's legate cometh to England.  with the pall to be given to Anselme. This Legate first landing at Dover, from thence came privily (unknowing to Anselme) to the king, declaring and promising, that if Urbane was received pope in England, whatsoever the king required to be obtained, he by his privilege from the Apostolical sea would ratify and confirm the same, save only that when the king required of the Legate that Anselme might be removed, 
Anselme could not be removed by the king. The pope taketh this no fault, for a subject to repugn against his king.  the Legate thereunto would not agree, saying: that was unpossible to be obtained, that such a man as he, being lawfully called, should be expelled without manifest cause. In conclusion so it followed, that although he could not obtain his request of the Legate, yet the Legate wrought so with the king, that Urbane was proclaimed lawful Pope through all the realm.  
Then were sent to Anselmus certain bishops to move and prove his mind, declaring what charges and pains the king had been at in his behalf, to procure the pall for him from Rome, which otherwise would have stood him in great expenses, and that all this the king hath done for his sake. Wherefore it were good reason and convenient, that he (to gratify the king) should something condescend to his request again. 
The stoatnes of Anselme standing agay● his king.  But with all this, Anselme the stout Archbishop would not be moved, wherefore the king seeing none other remedy, was compelled to grant unto him the full right of his archbishopric. And so the day appointed when the pall should be brought to Canterbury (being carried with all solemnity in a thing of silver) the Archbishop with a great concourse of people, came forth barefoot, 
The mane● of bringing in Anselme pall into Cant.  with his priestly vestments, after a most goodly manner to meet the same. And so being brought in, was laid upon the altar, whilst Anselme (spreading over his shoulders his popish vestments) proceeded unto his popish mass.  
Thus agreement being made between the king and the bishop, so long as it would hold. It happened the year following, the king with his army entered into Wales to subdue such as there rebelled against him. After the victory gotten, the king returned home again with triumph. To whom Anselme thought to have come, 
another quarrel of the king against Anselme.  to congratulate his prosperous success. But the king prevented him by messengers, laying to the bishops charge both the small number & evil service of his soldiers sent to him at his need. At the hearing hereof, all the hope of Anselme was dashed, who at the same present had thought to have obtained & done many great matters with the king touching the state of the Church. But here all turned contrary to his expectation. 
Anselme again appealeth to Rome. The king ●● answer to Anselme for his appealing to Rome.  In so much, that he was charged against the next court of parliament, to make his answer. But he avoided that by appealing to Rome. Wherefore he made his suit and friends to the king for licence to go to the Pope. Unto the which suit, the king answered again, that he should not go, neither was there any cause for him so to do for that both he knew him to be of so sound a life, that he had done no such offence where of he needed to crave absolution at Rome, neither was there any such lack of science & knowledge, that he needed to borrow any counsel there. In so much (saith the king) that I dare say. Pope Urbane, rather hath to give place to the wisdom of Anselme, than Anselme to have need of Urbane. Wherefore as he hath no cause to go, so I charge him to tarry. And if he continue in his stubbornness still, 
The custom of England, no prelate or noble man to go to Rome with out the kings sending.  I will assuredly season upon his possessions, and convert his archbishopric unto my coffers: for that he transgresseth and breaketh his fidelity and obessaunce, promising before to observe all the customs of my kingdom. Neither is it the fashion in this Realm, that any of my Nobles should go to Rome without my sending. And therefore, let him swear unto me, that he shall neither for any grievance, appeal hereafter to the sea of Rome, or else let him void my realm.  
Against these words of the king, Anselme thinking not best to reply again by any Message, but by word of mouth, coming himself personally to the king, placeth himself (after his order) on the right hand of the Prince, where he made his reply unto the message sent to him by the king. 
The answer of Anselme to the king.  Where as ye say, I ought not to go to Rome either for lack of any trespass, or for abundance of counsel and knowledge in me (albeit I grant to neither of them as true) yet what the truth is therein, I refer it to the judgement of God. And whereas ye say that I promised to keep and observe your customs: that I grant, but with a condition: so far to keep them, and such of them to observe, as were consonant to the laws of God, & ruled with right and equity. Moreover, whereas ye charge me with breach of my fidelity and allegiance, for that contrary to your customs I appeal to the Sea Apostolic (my reverence and duty to your sovereignty reserved) if an other would say it, 
Note the buy reasons of Anselm.  that is untrue. For the fidelity and obeisance that I own to thee (O King) I have it of the faith and fidelity of God, whose Vicar S. Peter is: to whose seat I do appeal. Farther, whereas ye require me to swear, that I shall for no cause hereafter at any time appeal to Rome: I pronounce openly that a christian Prince requireth such an oath of his Archbishop unjustly. For if I should forswear S. Peter, I should deny Christ. And when I shall at any time deny Christ, then shall I be content and ready to stand to my satisfaction of my transgression to you, for ask licence to go to Rome. And peradventure when I am gone, the goods of the Church shall not so serve your temporal desires and commodities as ye ween for. At these words of the Bishop, the king and his nobles were not a little incensed: defending again, that in observing the kings customs, there was neither condition nor any clause put in, either of God or right. No was, said Anselme? If so be that in your customs was neither mention made of God nor of right, whereof was there mention then? For God forbidden that any Christian should be bound to any customs, which go contrary to God and to right: Thus on both sides passed much altercation between them. At length, the king after many threatening words, told him he should carry nothing out of the realm with him. Well said the Bishop, if I may neither have my horse, nor garments with me, then will I walk on foot. 
The Bishops left Anselme alone.  And so addressed him toward his journey (all the other bishops forsaking him) whereof none would take his part: but if he came to them for their counsel, they said he was wise enough, and needed not their counsel, as who for his prudence knew best what was to be done, as also for his holiness was willing and able to prosecute the same that he did know. As for them, they neither durst nor would stand against the king their Lord: whose favour they could not lack, for the peril that might happen both to themselves and to their kindred. But for him because he was both a stranger, and void of such worldly corruption in him: they willed him to go forward as he had begun, their secret consent he should have, but their open voice they would not give him. 
Anselme flying out of England.  Thus Anselmus remaining at Dover 15. days tarrying for wind: at last sped him toward his passage. But his packing being secretly known in the court: the king's officer (William Warlwast) prevented his purpose: 
Anselme searched by the kings officer for let.  searching by the king's commandment all his trusses, coffers, satchels, sleeves, purse, napkin and bosom for letters, and for money, and so let him pass. Who sailing into France, first rested a while at Lions, from thence came to Rome to complain to Pope Urbane, according to the tenor and form of a certain Epistle of his, wherein among many other things in the same Epistle contained: these words he writeth to Pope Paschalis, the third year after his banishment, after the death of Urbane, and a little before the death of the king.  
To the Lord and reverend father Paschalis, high bishop: Anselme servant of the Church of Cant. offereth due subjection from his heart, and prayers, if they can stand in any stead. Ex Epist. 36. Paulò post initium.  

A fragment or portion of a letter of Anselme to Pope Paschalts. Et ex legenda Ans. aut Edmero. Ex Epistol. Anselm. 36.  I See in England many evils, whose correction belongeth to me, and which I could neither amend, nor suffer without mine own fault. The king desireth of me, that under the name of right I should consent to his pleasures, which were against the law and will of God. For he would not have the Pope received nor appealed unto in England, without his commandment: neither that I should send a letter unto him, or receive any from him: or that I should obey his decrees. He suffered not a Council to be kept in his realm, now these 13. years since he was king. In all these things, and such like, if I asked any counsel, all my suffragan Bishops of his realm, denied to give me any counsel, but according to the kings pleasure. After that I saw these and such other things, 
The king would not have the pope received, nor appealed unto in England.  that are done against the will and law of God: I asked licence of him to go to Rome, unto the sea Apostolical, that I might there take counsel for my soul, and the office committed to me. The king said, that I offended against him for the only ask of licence: And propounded to me, that either I should make him amends for the same as a trespass (assuring him never to ask this licence any more to appeal to the pope at any time hereafter) or else that I should quickly departed out of his land. 
Anselme complaineth of the K. & of his suffragan Bishops.  Wherefore chosen rather to go out of the land● then to agree to so wicked a thing: I came to Rome, as ye know, and declared the whole matter to the Lord Pope. The king by and by (as soon, as I went out of England) invaded the whole archbishopric, and turned it to his own use: taxing the monks only with bare moat, drink, and cloth. The king being warned and desired of the Lord Pope to amend this, he contemned the same: and yet continueth in his purpose still. 
The king contemneth the Pope's warning.  And now is the third year since I came thus out of England and more. Some men not understanding, demand why I did not excommunicate the king. But the wiser sort, and such as have understanding counsel me, that I do no: this thing: because it belongeth not to me both to complain, and to punish. To conclude, I was forewarned by my friends that are under the king, that my excommunication (if it should be done) would be laughed to scorn and despised etc.  
By these here above prefixed, appeareth how Anselme the Archbishop coming to Rome, made his complaint to the Pope Urbane of the king: and how the Pope writing to the king in the behalf of Anselme: his letters and commandments were despised. And now to our story. In the mean time while the pope's letters were sent to the king, Anselme was bid to wait about the Pope to look for an answer back. Who perceiving (at length) how little the king reputed the pope's letters, began to be weary of his office: desiring the pope that he might be discharged thereof. But the Pope in no case would thereto consent, chargying him upon his obedience, that where soever he went, he should bear with him the name and honour of the Archbishop of Cant. Whereunto, Anselmus again said, his obedience, he neither durst nor would refuse, as who for God's cause, was ready to suffer, what soever should happen (yea though it were death itself) as he thought no less would follow thereof. But what should we think (saith he) is there to be done, where not only justice taketh no place, but is utterly oppressed? and where as my suffragans not only do not help (for dread) the righteous cause: but also for favour do impugn the same. Well (saith the Pope) as touching these matters, we shall sufficiently provide for at the next Council at Baron: where as I will you the same time and place to be present. 
Concilium Baronense. Anselme and his successors of Cant. placed at the right foot of the pope in general counsels.   
When the time of the Council was come, Anselme among other was called for. Who first sitting in an utter side of the bishops, afterward was placed at the right foot of the Pope, with these words: Includamus hunc in orb nostro tanquam alterius orbis Papam. Whereupon the same place after him was appointed to the successors of the sea of Cant. (in every general Council by the decree of Urbane) to sit at the right foot of the pope. In this Council, great stir and much reasoning there was against the Grecians, concerning the matter and order of proceeding of the holy Ghost. 
De processione spiritus sancti.  Where is to be noted that the Greek Church hath of long time dissented from the Latin church in many and sundry points, to the number of xx. or almost xxi●. Articles, 
The difference between the greek Church and the latin.  as I have them collected out of the Register of the Church of Hereford. Whereof, like as occasion hereafter may serve (God willing) for a further & more ample tractation to be made: so here by the way partly I mean to touch some. The first is.   

Wherein the Greek Church differeth from the Latin.  
THe first article wherein the Greek Church altereth from the Latin or Romish Church is this, 
Ex Registro eccles. Herefordensis.  Quòd sunt extra obedientiam Romanae ecclesiae, pro eo quòd ecclesia Constantinopolitana non est subiecta, sed ei aequalis. 1. Dicunt Dominum Apostolicum non habere maiorem potestatem, q iiii. Patriarc hae. Et quicquid sit praeter scientiam eorum per Papam, vel sine eorum approbatione, nullius est valoris etc. In English. First they are not under the obedience of the Church of Rome, because that the Church of Constantinople is not subject, but equal to the same.  
2. They hold that the Bishop of the Apostolic Sea of Rome, 
The articles and opinions of the greek Church differing from the Latin church of Rome.  hath greater power than the 4. patriarchs. And whatsoever the Pope doth beside their knowledge, or without their approbation, it is of no valour.  
3. Item they say, whatsoever hath been done or concluded since the second general Council, is of no full authority, because from that time they recount the Latins to be in error, and to be excluded out of the holy Church.  
4. Item Dicunt Eucharistiam consecratam per Romanam Ecclessam non esse verum corpus Christ:. 1. They hold the Eucharist consecrated by the Church of Rome, not to be the very body of Christ. Also where the Romish Church doth cosecrate in unleavened bread, they consecrated in bread leavened.  
5. Item they say, that the Romish church doth err in the words of Baptism for saying, I baptise thee, when they should say: let this creature of God be baptized. etc.  
6. They hold moreover, to be no Purgatory, nor that the Suffrages of the Church do avail the dead, either to less the pain of them, that be destinate to hell, or to increase the glory of them that be ordained to salvation.  
7. Item they hold, that the souls out of the bodies departed (whether they have done good or evil) have not their perfect pain, nor glory: but are reserved in a certain place, till the day of judgement.  
8. Item they condemn the church of Rome, for mixting cold water in their sacrifice.  
9 Item they condemn the Church of Rome, for that as well women as priests anoint children (when they baptise them) on both shoulders.  
10. Item Dicunt panem nostrum panagiam. i. They call our bread Panagia.  
11. Item they blame the Church of Rome, for celebrating their Mass on other days beside Sundays, and certain other feasts appointed.  
12. Also in this the Greek Church varieth from the Latin, for they have neither cream, nor oil, nor sacrament of confirmation.  
13. Neither do they use extreme unction, or anoyling after the manner of the Roman church, expounding the place of S. James of the spiritual infirmity, and not corporal.  
14. Item they enjoin no satisfaction for penance, but only that they show themselves to the Priests, anointing them with simple oil in token of remission of sins.  
15. Item only on maundy Thursday they consecrate for the sick: keeping it for the whole year after, thinking it to be more holy upon that day consecrate, then upon any other. Neither do they fast any saturday through the whole year, but only on Easter even.  
16. Item they give but only 5. orders as of clerk, Subdeacons, Deacones, Priests, & Bishops, when as the Roman Church giveth ix. orders after the ix. orders of Angels.  

My copy here seemed to want somewhat.  17. Moreover, the Grecians in their orders make no vow of chastity, alleging for them the 5. Canon of N. * Ego praesbyter vel Diaconus, uxorem causa honestatis non reijciam. etc. i. I. N. Priest or Deacon will not forsake my wife for honesty sake.  
18. Item, every year the Grecians, use upon certain days to excommunicate the Church of Rome, and all the Latins, as heretics.  
19 Item, among the said Grecians they are excommunicate, that beat or strike a Priest. Neither do their religious men live in such Priestly chastity, as the Roman Priests do.  
20. Item, their Emperor among them, doth ordain patriarchs, Bishops, and other of the Clergy, and deposeth the same at his pleasure, also giveth benefices to whom he lusteth, and retaineth the fruits of the same benefices, as pleaseth him.  

This article seemeth not to be rightly collected, out of the Grecians.  21. Item, they blame the Latin Church because they eat not flesh, eggs, and cheese, on Friday, and do eat flesh on Saterdaies.  
22. Item, they hold against the Latin men, for celebrating without the consecrated Church, either in the house or in the field: And fasting on the Sabbath day: And for permitting menstruous women, to enter into the Church before their purifying: Also for suffering dogs, and other beasts, to enter into the Church.  
23. The Grecians use not to kneel in all their devotions, yea not to the body of Christ (as the register termeth it) but one day in the whole year: saying and affirming, that the Latins be goats and beasts, for they are always prostrating themselves upon the ground in their prayers.  
24. The Grecians moreover permit not the Latins, to celebrate upon their altars. And if it chance any Latin Priest to celebrate upon their altar, by and by they wash their altar, in token of abomination & false sacrifice. And diligently they observe, that when soever they do celebrate, they do but one Liturgy or mass upon one altar or table, that day.  
25 Item, they descent from the Church of Rome, touching the order and manner, of the proceeding of the holy Ghost.  
These Articles wherein is declared the difference between the East and West church, of the Grecians and Romans, as I found them articulate and collected in an ancient & authentical register of the church of Hereforde: so I thought here to inserte them, & leave them to the consideration of the Reader. Other four articles more in the same Register be there expressed, concerning sunonie, usury not with them forbidden, and touching also their Emperor, and how they teach their children to hurt or danify by any manner of way the Latin priests, etc. Which articles, for that either they seem not truly collected out of their teachings, or else not greatly pertinent to the doctrine of Religion, I overpass them. To the purpose now of our story again.  
When certain of these above prefixed, were moved in the foresaid Council to be discussed, namely concerning the assertion of proceeding of the holy Ghost: and concerning leavened bread in the ministration of the Lords Supper. Anselme, 
Anselme stout champion aga●●● the Grecians.  as is above said, was called for, who in the tracration of the same Articles so bestirred him in that council, that he well liked the Pope, and them about him, as mine author recordeth. Whereupon, touching the matter of unleavened bread how indifferently he seemed there to reason: and what he writeth to Valerane Bishop of Nurenburgh, thereof ye shall bear by a piece of his letter sent to the said Bishop, the copy whereof here ensueth.  
¶ Anselme Servant to the Church of Canterbury, to Valtram Bishop of Nurenburgh. Epistola 3 25. post initium.  
AS concerning the sacrifice in which the Grecians think not as we do: 
A letter of Anselme sent to Valtran Bishop of Nurenburgh. Ex Epic. Adsel ●●●.  it seemeth to many reasonable Catholic men: that which they do, not to be against the Christian faith, for both he that sacrificeth unleavened and leavened sacrificeth bread. And where it is red of our Lord (when he made his body of bread) that he took bread and blessed: it is not added unleavened, or leavened. Yet it is certain that he blessed unleavened bread (peradventure) not because the thing that was done required that, but because the supper in which this was done, did give that. And where as in an other place he called himself and his flesh bread, because that as many as live temporally with this bread, so with that bread he liveth for ever. He saith not unleavened or leavened, because both alike are bread. For unleavened & leavened differ not in substance as some think: like as a new man afore sin, & an old rooted man in the leanen of sin, differ not in substance. For this cause therefore only, he might be thought to call himself and his flesh, bread, and made his body of bread, because that this bread (unleavened or leavened) giveth a transitory life: and his body of bread, because that this bread (unleavened or leavened) giveth a transitory life: and his body giveth everlasting life, not for that it is either leavened or unleavened. Although it be a commandment in the law, to eat unleavened bread in the passeoner, where all things are done in a figure: that it might be declared, that Christ whom they looked for, was pure & clean: and we that should eat his body were admonished to be likewise pure from all leaven and malice and wickedness. 
Bread in the communion to be unleavened is not necessary.  But now, after we are come from the old figure to the new truth, and eat the unleavened flesh of Christ: that old figure in bread (of which we make that flesh) is not necessary for us. But manifest it is, to be better sacrificed of unleavened then of leavened, etc.  
To this letter I have also adjoined an other Epistle of his to the said Valtrame, appertaining to matters not much unlike to the same effect: Wherein is entreated touching the variety and divers usages of the sacraments in the church. Whereby such as call and cry so much for uniformity in the Church, may note peradventure in the same, something for their better understanding.  
¶ A piece of on other letter of Anselme to the said Valtram bishop of Nur.  
To the reverend father and his friend Valtram, by the grace of God the worshipful bishop of Nurenburgh, Anselme the servant of the Church of Canterbury greeting. etc.  
YOur worship complaineth of the Sacraments of the Church, 
Ex Epist. Anselme. 327. another letter. Diversity of usages is the Church to be borne with peace, rather than to be condemned with offence. divers customs in the Church hurt nothing.  that they are not made every where after one sort, but are handled in divers places after divers sorts. And truly, if they were ministered after one sort and agreeing through the whole church, it were good and laudable. Yet notwithstanding, because there be many diversities which differ not in the sum of the sacrament, in the strength of it, or in the saith, nor else can be gathered into one custom: I think that they are rather to be borne with in agreement of peace, than to be condemned with offence. For we have this from the holy fathers, thai if the unity of charity be kept in the Catholic faith, the diversity of customs hurt nothing. But if it be demanded whereof this diversity of customs do spring: I perceive no other cause thereof, but the diversity of men's wits. Which although they differ not in strength and truth of the thing: yet they agree not in the fitness and comeliness of the ministering. For that which one judgeth to be meeter, oftentimes an other thinketh less meet: wherefore not to agree in such diversities, I think it not to serve from the truth of the thing. etc.  

Excommunication denounced against the Grecians. Excommunication bend against K. William. First break his head, and then give him a plaster.  Then in the story it followeth, after long debating and discussing of these matters in the council, when they had given forth their determination upon the same: And the Pope had blasted out his thundering excommunications against the Grecians, & all that took their part: at length was brought in, touching the complaints and accusation against the king of England. Upon the hearing whereof, Pope Urbane with his adherents was ready to proceed in excommunication against the king. But Anselme kneeling before the Pope, after he had first accused his King, then after obtained for him longer time to be given upon further trial.  
Thus the council breaking up, the Pope returning again to Rome, directeth down his letters to the King, commanding him that Anselme with all his partakers (in speedy wise) should be revested again into his archbishopric, 
Message between the K. and the Pope.  and all other possessions thereunto appertaining. To this the king sendeth answer again by messengers, who coming to the Pope, declared in the king's behalf on this wife. That the King their master did not a little marvel, what came in his mind to command Anselme to be revested and relaised again into his former archbishopric, 
A loud crack of thunder, but without a thunderbolt.  seeing he told him before plainly, that if he went out of England without his leave, he would so do unto him. Well saith the Pope, have ye no other matter against Anselmus but only this? No, quoth they. And have ye taken all this travel (saith the Pope) to come hither so far to tell me this, that the Primate of your country is therefore seized and dispossessed, because he hath appealed to the sea and judgement Apostolical? Therefore if thou lovest thy Lord speed thee home and tell him, if he will not be excommoned, that he quickly revest Anselme again, to all the he had before. And lest I make thee to be hanged for thy labour, look to thy term, and see that thou bring me answer again from him into this city, 
A bribing mystery handled at Rome.  against the next council the third week after Easter. The messenger or speaker being somewhat astonished at the hearing of this so ragicall answer: thinking yet to work something for his King & master: came secretly to the Pope, saying that he would confer a certain mystery from his king privately with his holiness between them two. What mystery that was or what there passed from the king to the Pope & the court of Rome, 
Concilium Romanum. ●ptimus ●ansidicus ●ummus.  mine author doth not show. But so cunningly the mystery was handled: that with a full consent both of the Pope and all the court of Rome, a longer day was given (from Easter to Michaelmas) and the pope's choleric heat so assuaged: that when the council came (which then was holden in S. Peter's Church in Rome) albeit great complaints were then denounced against the King: 
Acts of the council of Rome.  yet such favour was found, that he took no harm. Only the sentence of excommunication was there pronounced against such lay persons as gave investure of Churches, and them that were so invested. Also against them that do consecrate such, or which give themselves in subjection to lay men for ecclesiastical livings, as is before touched, etc.  

The hardness or rather rashness of K. Wil  This Council being finished, the Archbishop seeing the unsteadfastness of the Pope (which pleased him but a little) took his journey to Lions: where he continued his abode a long time, till the death first of pope Urbane, then after of the king.  
Of this king William, many things be diversly recorded, some to his commendation, & some to his discommendation: whereof this is one which some will ascribe to hardiness, but I rather to rashness in him. As this king upon a time was in his disport of hunting: suddenly word came to him, that Cenourona (a City in Normandy) was besieged. The King without longer tarrying or advisement, took the strait way toward the sea side, sending to his lords, that they should follow after. They being come to his presence, advised him to stay, till the time his people were assembled, but he would not be stayed: saying, that such as him loved (he knew) would follow him shortly, and so went to take ship. 
The saying of K. Wil how he never knew any K. drowned.  The shipmaster seeing the weather so dark and cloudy, was afraid, and counseled the king to tarry till the wind did turn about, and the weather more favourable. But the King persisting in his journey, commanded him to make all the speed he might for his life (saying) that he never heard, that any King yet was ever drowned. And so passed the sea in safety, and came to Normandy.  
The 13. year of his reign the said King William having the same time in his hand three bishoprics, Cant. Wint. and Saruing also 12. Abbeys in farm: As he was in his disport of hunting in the new forest, by glaunsing of an arrow (shot of a Knight named Walter Eyrell) was wounded to death: 
The death of William Rufus.  and so speechless was carried to Westminster, and there was buried. Where also is to be noted, that Richard the cozen germane of K. William, and son to duke Robert his brother, was likewise slain in the foresaid forest. 
Walter Tirrell. The new forres+.  See the just hand of god upon kings, usurping wrongfully upon other men's grounds, as did William Conqueror their father, in making this new forest: plucking down divers churches and towneships, 
Example of the just hand of God revenging the faults of Kings in their posterity.  the compass of 30. miles about. Here therefore appeareth, that although men can not revenge, yet God revengeth either in them, or in their posterity, etc. This king as he always died Concubines, so left he no issue legitimate behind him. His life was such, that it is hard for a story that should tell truth, to say, whether he was more to be commended, or reproved. Among other vices in him, 
Covetousness noted in king William. A famous example of bribes refused.  especially is to be rebuked in him unmeasurable and unreasonable covetousness: in so much the he coveted (if he might) to be every man's heir. This one example of a liberal and princely nature I find in him: that upon a time, when a certain Abbot of a place was dead, there came to his court two Monks of the same house: who before had gathered much money, and made their friends to the king, 
Two bribing monks both disappointed.  and offered large offers either of them to be promoted to that dignity. There was also the third monk of the same place, which of meekness and humility followed the other two: to the intent that upon him the the king had admitted for Abbot, he should give attendance, and as his chaplain to have with him returned. The king called before him the two monks severally, of whom the either outprosered the other. As the king cast his eye aside, he espied the third Monk standing by, supposing that his coming had been also for the like cause. Then the King calling him, asked what he would do, whether he would give more than his brethren had offered, to be Abbot. He answered to the king, and said: that he neither had (nor would if he might) offer any panic for it, by any such unlawful mean.  
When the king had well pondered this third Monks answer, 
Vrbane excommunicated Henry the 4. Emperor.  he said that he was best worthy to be Abbot, and to have the rule of so holy a charge: and so gave unto him that benefice without taking any penny.  
Urbanus B. of Rome (who, as is said succeeded after Victor) ruled the Church of Rome, about the space of 12. years: and among his other acts, he excommunicated the Emperor Henricus the fourth of that name, as a man not much devout to that sea of Rome: But yet a worthy and victorious prince he was, in whom albeit some vice perchance might be noted: yet none such, wherefore any prelate or minister of Christ, 
Henry the 4. Emperor, by 4● Popes excommunicated.  aught to excite his subjects to rebel against public authority of God appointed. This Emperor Henricus the iiii. was by 4. Popes severally excommunicate: first by Hildebrand, by Victor, Urbanus, and Paschalis. Which excommunication wrought so in the ignorant & blind hearts of the people, 
Ludovicus earl conspiring and rebellious against the Emperor.  that many (as well of the nobles as of the multitude, contrary to their sworn allegiance) rebelliously conspired against their king and Emperor. In number of whom, among the rest, was one certain Earl named Ludovicus: to whom Waltramus bishop of the Church of Mergburgh (a godly and a faithful man, as appeareth) doth write letters of fatherly admonition, exhorting and instructing him in the office of obedience. Unto the which letters he likewise doth answer again, by cavilling sophistication, and by mere affection, rather disposed to discord, then seeking sincerity of truth. And forasmuch as in these two letters, the argument of christian obedience on both sides is so debated by proofs and reasons, as may be profitable for the Reader to peruse and understand: I thought therefore not to defraud the English reader of the same, whereof peradventure some utility might be taken. The tenor of the bishops letter to the Earl here followeth.  
¶ The Epistle of Waltramus B. of Mergburgh, to the earl Ludovicus, exhorting to concord and obedience.  
VAltramus dei gratia id quod est, 
Anno. 1090.  Ludovico serenisimo principi, cum instantia orationum, semetipsum ad omnia devotissimum. Omni regno utilis est concordia, desiderabilis est justitia. etc. In English.  
Valtrame by the grace of God being that he is: 
Ex appendica Mariani Sc●ts.  to Ludovike the noble prince, with instance of prayer offereth himself serviceable to all things. To every realm concord is a thing profitable, and justice much to be desired. For this virtue is the mother of godliness and the consecration of all honesty. Whosoever seeking after civil dissension, and incenseth other to effusion of blood: he is a murderer, and partaker with him: who ever gaping and thrusting for an others blood, goeth about seeking whom he may devour. You therefore, considering with yourself (most noble Prince) how God is the God of peace, 
Concord and just obedience necessary in a common wealth.  and not of dissension (so much as in you doth lie) have peace with all men. God is charity, the devil is hatred. The whole law and Prophets consist in love & charity. He that hateth and maligneth his brother, is a murderer & hath no part with Christ in the kingdom of God. This we read testified and protested both by him which is the truth himself, & by him which was the scholar of the truth: who upon the breast of the Lord (drinking a more full draft of the gospel) rejoiceth the city of God with abundance of plentiful floods. In like manner the worthy vessel of election, who being rapt up to the third heaven (not by man but by revelation of jesus Christ) protesteth also, saying: let every soul submit himself to higher powers. There is no power sayeth he, but of God. He that resisteth power, resisteth the ordinance of God. If that be true therefore, which certain of our friends do jangle among women, and the vulgar sort, that we ought not to be subdued to kingly power, then is it false which the Apostle teacheth, that every soul must submit himself under power and superiority. But can the verity lie? Or do we seek for experiment of him, who spoke in the Apostle, Christ the Lord? Or do we provoke the Lord? Be we stronger than he? For what doth he but thinketh himself stronger than the Lord, that resisteth the ordinance of God? for there is no power but of God. But what sayeth the Prophet? Confounded be all they that strive against thee O Lord, and the men which repugn against thee, shall perish. Rodolphus, Hildebrandus, Egbertus, with many other Princes, resisted the ordinance of God in Henry the Emperor. 
Disobedience punished of God.  And lo, even as they had never been, so are they now perished, & as their end was evil, so their beginning could not be good.  
Now therefore, for so much as they which be contrary to us do earnestly strive against us with their own arguments, whereas of right (I dare refer me to your judgement) we ought to use the authority of Christ & ancient fathers, before that, which our adversaries take out of their own treasury. And because I will not refuse the order of law in this behalf, let it be the end of the strife: that either I may be openly shamed before the people, either else (the victory falling on my side) we may win you to the obedience of our sovereign Lord the Emperor. Also take you heed to this saying, If any man do preach otherwise then that which is preached, 
Gal.  let him be of you accursed. This curse, I say doth not proceed from any new profane authority, but is thundered down from the third heaven. And of them which know not the righteousness of God, but go about to 'stablish their own righteousness, and therefore be not subject to the righteousness of God: I may boldly say, let such be accursed. So may you well say, confounded be all they that proudly rise up against the Lord but thy servant (oh Lord) shall rejoice, for as thou hast well said, without me you can do nothing, 
john.  so in judging of the wicked, thou dost not condemn the just. Who art thou that judgest another man's servant to his own Lord whether he doth stand or fall? 
Rom.   
The answer of the Earl jews, to Bishop Waltram.  
THe Earl Lewis to the Lord Waltram, howsoever unworthy or unmeet he be for the name. 
A railing answer to the former letter of Bishop Waltram.  Like as a good man from the good treasure of the hart bringeth forth good fruit, so doth the evil man from the evil treasure of the heart bring forth evil fruit. What arrogancy hath so possessed you, to provoke my displeasure, with such injurious contumelies? for in deed, those my good lords and spiritual fathers, which strengthen me in the way of righteousness: you railingly, call them, bloody men like unto Satan, and the wholesome lessons which they teach, you say they are but dreams of the common people amongst foolish women. Hath God any need of your judgement that you should speak leasings for him? Iniquity hath taught your mouth to follow blasphemous tongues, so that well may the Prophet say of you, he would not understand to do well, he hath devised wickedness upon his bed. Although therefore you being altogether froward, have only spoken froward things: yet we have determined to set a watch before your mouth, like as if a shameless person should stand up before us: and the word of GOD doth provoke us saying. Answer a fool according to his own foolishness, lest he should seem wise in his own opinion. Shall folly speak and wisdom hold his peace? Shall lies be freely uttered, and truth compelled to keep silence? 
Well said, when ye are not able to withstand his wisdom, call him a fool. Note how the earl here calleth light darkness, and darkness light.  Shall darkness cover the earth, & shall not the Lord arise and shine? yea rather the light hath lightened the darkness, and darkness hath not comprehended it. In consideration hereof our hearts have melted, and our zealous meditation hath set us on fire. We therefore speak and cry, and the little foxes which undermine the Lords vineyards (as much as in us is) we drive away, fearing the threatening prophecy. You have not withstanded our adversaries, neither have you made a bulwark for the defence of the house of Israel, that you might be able to stand in battle in the day of the Lord. Let them hear (I speak not to you which have cares and hear not, eyes & see not, which have made dark the light that is in you) but let them hear (I say) that be well disposed, and have ears to hear withal As for you, you have no understanding, 
He hath uttered more 〈◊〉 than you are able ever ● answereth  and if you have you cloak it. Neither have you any thing to say or to prove, by what reason we should be subject to the Lord Henry whom you call Emperor. And yet (as it is given us to understand) you go about to persuade, that of necessity we ought to be subject to him, & that by the argument of S. Paul. Let every soul be subdued to the higher powers, for there is no power but of God, he therefore that doth withstand power, doth resist, God's ordinance. The which sentence of the Apostle, we say that you do evil conceive, and therefore evil interpret: for if every power be of God (as you understand) what is meant by that, that the Lord doth speak of some by the Prophet? They did reign and were not made Princes by me, 
Whether every powe● is to be obeyed or no● Osee. ●.  and I knew them not. If every power be of God as you take it, what is to be thought of that, that the Lord doth say, If thine eye offend thee, pluck it out, and cast it from thee. For what is power, but the eye? Certainly, Augustine in the exposition of this sentence of the Apostle, let every soul, etc. doth say that if the powers do command any thing against God, then have them in contempt: but yet nevertheless fear them. Is there any iniquity with God? Is Christ the minister of sin? God forbidden. What shall we therefore say? doth the Apostle preach contrary to the truth? Augustinus sayeth no: one wind filleth many pipes of divers tunes. 
If every power which offendeth on subjects is to be call out, then hath this Earl 〈◊〉 a fair argument.  Therefore let us hear the Apostle agreeing and expounding himself, and destroying his enemy and avenger. There is (sayeth he) no power but of God. What followeth? He therefore (saith he) that doth resist the power, etc. God forbidden? doth nothing follow? But what doth follow? Those powers which be ordained of god truly: that is it we look for. O crafty tongue, O heart imagining mischief, O consuming breath that shall not return, why hast thou lied to the holy ghost? Thine own conscience shall accuse thee. Behold the wicked fleeth and no man doth pursue him. Why would you suppress the truth to the intent to deceive? Why have you stolen away the pith and effect of this sentence? For if these words should be taken away from the midst of the sentence, it should lie contrary to itself, inconvenient and half dead. The word of the Lord is herein fulfilled. He that diggeth a pit for his neighbour, shall fall therein himself. Verily you can neither excuse you of theft, neither avoid the punishment due for the same. What (O unhappy man) what shall you answer to the judge, 
How 〈◊〉 these Papists describe themselves in their own colours.  when he shall require an account of his servants whom he putteth in trust seeing you shall be set before him in the midst, and proved a picker of your masters treasure? Wherefore did you not fear the judgement & execution, when as the guiltiness of offence doth require condign punishment? The Apostle through the holy Ghost did foresee that you and such heretics as you are should spring in the Church, which should call good evil, and evil good: and that should put darkness in place of light, and light in place of darkness, which also should take occasion by the sentences of truth to bring in error: 
But Paul judged the Emperor to be an ordinary power, when he appealed to him.  When as he did set this before, there is no power but of God: to the intent that he might take away the conjecture of false understanding, for (sayeth he) those powers that be, are ordained of God. give therefore an ordinary power, and we do not resist, yea we will forthwith do our homage. But I do marvel (if at the least there remain in you any one drop of blood) that you are not ashawed, to call the Lord Henry a king, or to allow him any ordinary place.  
Is this a seemly order think you to give place to wickedness, and to make a general confusion in mixing good and evil, Gods and man's devices together? Either do you think this good order, 
This is ●● lie that the Emperor would 〈◊〉 his own wife a common 〈◊〉.  for man to sin against his own body, as (Oh shameful wickedness) to make his own wife a common harlot, a mischief not heard of at any time since the beginning of the world before now: or do you allow this for good order, when as the Lord saith, defend the widows, especially such as require equity of justice, and then them to send away most filthily defiled? Mad Orestes doth protest him to be out of his wit that will say these things to be orderly or well done. Until this most miserable time, nature hath ever loved secrecy, but your king given up into a reprobate sense, hath uncovered the privities of nature, who hath not let to lay abroad all shamefastness: we will not speak of other things which cannot be numbered, that is to say, burning of Churches, robberies, firing of houses, manslaughters, murders & such like, the number whereof he knoweth and not we: for let us speak chief of those things which most grieve the Church of God. hearken therefore to true & not feigned things. 
Evil will never said well.  Harken I say to matters of earnest and to no trifles. Every one that doth tell spiritual dignities, is an heretic: But the Lord Harry, whom they call a king, doth sell both bishoprics and Abbathies: for truly he sold for money the bishoprics of Constance, Babemberge, Mens. & many others. The Byshopprikes of Ratisbone, Augusta, and Strafebrough, he sold for a sword: and the Abbey of Fulda for adultery. And for filthy sodomitry he sold the byshopprike of Mon. A wickedness it is to speak or hear of such a fact. The which things if without shame ye will deny, he is to be condemned by the witness of heaven and earth: yea and of the silly poor idiots that come from the smiths forge. Wherefore the Lord Harry is an heretic. For the which most wicked evils he is excommunicate from the sea apostolic, so that he may not exercise either kingdom or power over us which be Catholic And whereas you burden us with hatred of our brethren, 
A zeal, but fa●●e from knowledge.  know you that we purpose not to hate any of affection, but of a godly zeal. God forbid that we should think Harry worthy to be accounted amongst our christian brethren, who in deed is reputed for an Ethnic and Publican, in that he refused to hear the Church which so oft hath reproved him. 
And when they shall slay you, they shall think they do God great service. john. 16.  The hatred of whom we offer unto God for a great sacrifice, saying with the Psalmist: Lord shall not I hate them that hate thee▪ and shall not I triumph over thine enemies? I hate them with an inward hatred that be enemies to me for thy sake. The truth itself commending the worthiness of this hatred, doth say: If any do not hate father and mother, brethren and sisters for my sake, he cannot be my disciple. We are not therefore justly to be reproved of hatred, 
Yea true, if he had cópelled you to forsake the name of Christ, which he never did.  which do give over our own soul to be in the way of God: who in deed are commanded to hate father and mother, and every affection which doth withstand us for walking in the path of God. Hereof it cometh, that we labour withal our study and endeavour to beware of the enemies of the church▪ and them to hate. Not for that they be our enemies, but gods. Father, where you do persuade peace to be had with all men: you must remember what the Apostle doth put before, if it may be. But if it can be that we can have peace with them, who can be contrary to God? who doth not know the Lord our Saviour, to commend not only peace, when as he saith: my pe●ce I give unto you, my peace I leave unto you? but that he is the peace, as sayeth the Apostle: he is the peace which made of both one: For he calleth him our peace, speaking in commendation of the peace: Think not (sayeth he) that I came to send peace. For I came not to send peace, 
Oh how craftily doth Satan here shape himself to an Angel of light.  but the sword. What is meant by this? Why is peace called a sword? Or doth peace bid battle? Yea truly, to destroy the peace of the devil. For the devil hath his peace, whereof the Lord speaketh: When as the strong man keepeth his house, he doth possess all his substance in peace. Oh how mightily doth the devil keep his soldiers and his house in this time: who with the shield of falsehood, and the helmet of untruth, so doth defend him, that he will not suffer either arrow or dart of truth to pierce him. Nevertheless, our Lord being more strongly armed, & fiercely coming upon your Giant, is able to overcome him, and to take away his weapons, wherein he putteth his trust. We are not therefore to be blamed, if we do detest that peace, more cruel than any war▪ The which the truth itself did reprove, weeping over Jerusalem, and saying: Truly, it grieveth me this day to see sinners in peace, being like unto that peace, whereat the Psalmist was offended. Whereas you condemn Pope Gregory, king Rodolphus, and Marquis Eggerbertus, as men that have died of an unhappy death, & do magnify your Lord, because he doth overlive them: it doth plainly (forsooth) appear that you remain void of all spiritual consideration. Is it not better to die well, then to live ill? They be truly happy, who suffer persecution for righteousness sake▪ by the same reason may you esteem Nero, Herod, and Pilate happy, in that they overlived Peter, Paul, james Apostles, & jesus Christ. What can be said more foolish and wicked then this opinion? Wherefore refrain your babbling tongue from this blasphemy, lest that you place yourself in the number of them, which seeing the end of the just to be glorious (themselves doing late & unfruitful penance, bewailing in the anguish of the spirit) shall say: These be they whom sometime we had in derision, & laughed to scorn: we being out of our wits, thought their lives madness; and their end to be without honour. Behold how they be allowed to be amongst the children of God, and their portion is amongst the Saints. Wherefore we have erred from the way of truth, & the brightness of righteousness did not shine upon us. What did out pride avail us? And what profit did the boasting of our richesses bring unto us? They are all vanished away like a shadow. The which words we have registered up into perpetual memory, & we do despise every attempt that shall lift up itself against the truth of God. And rejoicing in troubles, we may be reproved, put to shame and rebuked, yea and finally be slain and killed, but we will neither yield, nor be overcome. And with great triumph will we rejoice in our father's doings: of whom, you (as a beardless boy, & of small knowledge) have not rightly conceived: who in deed despising Princes commandments, have deserved everlasting reward.  
Whereby is to be noted what difference is to be sent between the hose of Princes then, and the hose of servingmen now.  

Exvetusto chronico.  There is a certain Chronicle in old English metre, which among other matters speaking of William Rufus, declareth him to be so sumptuous & excessive in poinpous apparel, that he being not contented with a pair of hose of a low price which was three shillings: caused a pair to be bought of a mark, whereupon his chamberlain procuring a pair much worse than the other before, said: That they costenid a mark, and uneath he them so bought, Ye belamy (quoth the king) these are well bought.  

Appendix Historiae.  
After the tune of this king William, 
Kings ceased in Wales.  the name of kings ceased in the country of Wales among the Britain's, since king Ris. who in the reign of this king, the year of our Lord 1093. was slain in Wales. Ex continuatione Roger. Hoveden.    

King Henry the first.  
HEnry first of that name, the third son of W. Conqueror; 
Anno. 1100.  succeeding his brother Rufus: began his reign in England; the year of our Lord 1100. who tor his knowledge & science in the 7. liberal arts, was surnamed Clerk or bewclerke. 
Henry Beuclerk the first, king of England. What learning doth in a prince? Laws of King Edward reduced. The measure of England made after the length of King Henry's arm. Wanton persons removed out of the court.  In whom may well appear, how knowledge and learning doth greatly conduce, to the government and administration of any realm or country. At the beginning, he reform the state and condition of the clergy: released the grievous payments: reduced again king Edward's laws, with emendation thereof: he reform the old and untrue measures, & made a measure after the length of his arm: he greatly abhorred excess of meats & drinks: many things misused before his time he reform: and used to vanquish more by counsel then by sword. Such persons as were nice and wanton, he secluded from his court. This man as appeareth, little favoured the usurped power of the Bishop of Rome. Soon after he was King, he married Matilde or Maude: daughter of Malcolin king of Scots, and of Margaret his wife: daughter of Edward the Dutlaw, as is before specified: being a profesied Nun in Winchester, 
Ex Math. Paris. Flor. Hist:  whom notwithstanding (wont the pope's dispensation) he married by the consent of Anselme: By the which Maude he received 2. sons, William, and Richard: & 2. daughters, Maude & Mary, which Maude afterward was married to Henry the v. Emperor. etc.  
In the second year of his reign, Robert his elder brother Duke of Normandy, who being occupied in the Christian wars against the Turks, and being elect (as ye heard) king of Jerusalem, 
Example what it is to leave of the lords business.  hearing of the death of Rufus, refused the kingdom thereof. For the which (as is thought) he never sped well after. Thus the said Robert, leaving of the lords business, and returning into Normandy, made there his preparation, and came over into England; with a great host to challenge the Crown. But by mediation of the Lords it was agreed; that Robert should have yearly during his life iij. M. marks, as was likewise promised him before, by R. Rufus his brother. And whether of them over lived the other, to be others heir. And thus Robert departed again unto Normandy, to the great discontentation of his Lords there. But in few years after, the forenamed tribute of iij. M. Marks, through the means of Queen Maude, was released to the King his brother. In process of time, variance falling between king Henry, and the said Robert his brother: at length Robert in his war was taken prisoner and brought over into England, 
Duke Robert taken prisoner.  & was put into the castle of Cardise in Wales, where he continued as prisoner while he lived.  
In this time, as about the iij. year of this king: the hospital of S. bartholomew in Smithfield was founded (by means of a minstrel belonging to the King) named Rayer. 
The hospital of Bartholomew founded. Rayer; and Richard Whittington founders of S. Bartholomewes': in London.  And after was finished by Richard Whittyngton, Alderman and Mayor of London. This place of Smithfield was at that day, a lay stowe of all ordure or filth, & the place where the felones & other transgressors of the king's laws were put to execution.  
divers straight laws were by this king provided, especially against thieves and felones: that who so were taken in that fault, no money should save him from hanging.  
Item, that who so did counterfeit false money, should have both his eyes, and nether parts of his body cut off.  
Item, in the same Council was decreed, an order for Priests to be sequestered from their wives, which before were not forbidden; according as the words of mine author do purport, 
Ex Henr. lib. 7. Anselmus.  whose words be these: Anselmus prohibuit uxores sacerdotibus Anglorum, ante non prohibitas. Quod quibusdam mundissimum visum est, quibusdam periculosum, ne dutrimundicias viribus maiores appeterent, in immundicias horrib●les ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus inciderent etc. Hen. Hunt.  
Item, it was then decreed, that Monks and Priests should bear no rule over lay persons.  
Item, it was then decreed, concerning broydering of hear, and wearing of garments.  
Item, that the secret 〈◊〉 act between a young lad and a young maid should not stand: with other things more concerning the excommunication of Sodomites. etc.  
In the story of William Runfus before, was declared how Anselmus Archbishop of Canterbury departing out of the realm, went unto the Pope, who after the death of King William, was sent for again by the foresaid King Henry, 
The king ordained and invested Bishops without the Pope.  and so returned again, and was at the Council of the King at Westminster: where the king in the presence of the Lords as well temporal as spiritual, ordained and invested 2. Bishops, Roger Bishop of Salisbury, & Roger bishop of Hereford. During which parliament or council of the king. Anselmus in his convocation deposed and displaced divers Abbots and other Prelates, from their rooms and dignitics: eitherfor that they lawfully came not by them, or uprightly did not administer the same.  
After this council, and the other before set forth by Anselmus. Herbert bishop of Norwich, 
Herbert bishop of Norwich dinorsing his priests from their wives had much a do.  had much ado with the priests of his diocese. For they would neither leave their wives, nor yet give over their benefices. Whereupon, he wrote to Anselme the Archbishop for counsel, what was to be done therein. Which Anselme required him (as he did other more the same time, by writing) to persuade the people of Norfolk and Southfolke: that as they professed Christianity, 
Anselmus cruel and fierce against married Priests. Ex epist. Ansel. 176.  they should subdue them as rebels against the church, and utterly to drive both them and their wives out of the country: placing Monks in their rooms, as by the Epistles of the said Anselme doth appear. Whereof certain parcels shall hereafter (by the grace of Christ) ensue for the better evidence of this and the other his acts above recited.  
The like business also had Gerarde the Archbishop of York, in depriving the priests of his province from their wives: which thing with all his excommunications and thunderings he could hardly bring about. Upon this ruffeling of Anselme with married priests, were running verses made to help the matter withal, when reason could not serve. Which verses for the folly thereof, I thought here to annex. 
O malè viventes, versus audite sequentes,  

Versus malò feriati. ex biblio Ramsey.  Vxores vestras, quas odit summa potestas:  
Linquite propter eum, tenuit qui mortetro phaeum,  
Quod si non facitis, inferna claustra petetis.  
Christi sponsa jubet, ne praesbyter ille ministrer:  
Qui tenet uxorem, domini quia perdit amorem.  
Contradicentem fore dicimus insipientem,  
Non ex rancore loquor haec, potius sed amore.   

Anno. 1103.  About the end of the third year of this king, which was the computation of our Lord 1103. a variance fell between king Henry and Anselme: the occasion whereof was this. Ye heard a little before how Henry the foresaid king had of his own authority invested 2. bishops, our Roger which was his chancellor, 
A strife between K. Henry and Anselme the Archbish. of Cant.  bishop of Salisbury: and another Roger bishop of Herford. Besides them divers also he invested, and divers other like things took he upon him in the ecclesiastical state, which he might lawfully do, God's word allowing well the same: but because it was restrained by the bishop of Rome for him so to do: this Anselme swelled, fretted, and waxed so mad, that he would neither consent to it, neither yet confirm them: nor communicate nor talk friendly with them, whom the king had instituted and invested: but opprobriously called them abortives, or children of destruction: disdainfully rebuking the gentle king as a defiler of Religion and polluter of their holy ceremonies: as witnesseth Polydorus. With this uncomely outrage the King was much displeased (as he might full well) and required Gerard the Archbishop of York, 
Gifford Bishop of Wint. refuseth to be consectrate by the Archbishop of York.  (as he ought him allegiance) to consecrate them: who without delay did so, well performing the same, saning that one William Gifford to whom the king had given the Bishopric of Winchester, refused to take his consecration by the hands of the Archbishop of York. For the which cause the King worthily with him offended, deprived him both of bishopric and goods, and banished him the realm.  
Moreover, the king required of Anselmus the Archb. of Canterbury, 
A strife between King Henry and Anselmus, Archb. of Cant. Ex Guli. lib. 1. de Gestis.  to do unto him homage after the manner of his ancestors, as witnesseth Guliel de gestis pontiff. Anglo. Also, it was asked of the said Anselme, whether that ye would be with the king in giving investures as Lanfrancus his predecessor was with his father. To whom Anselme said, that he promised not in any time, that he would enter into this order, to keep the law or custom of his father, as Lanfrancus did. Moreover, as concerning homage to be done to the King, that he refused, alleging the Censures of the Pope's excommunication: whom his council of Rome a little before, had given forth open sentence of excommunication, upon all such lay persons (whatsoever they were) that should from henceforth confer or give any spiritual promotions: also upon them that received them at their hands, either yet should consecrate any such receivers, 
A. 〈◊〉 Romans Council against 〈◊〉 men 〈◊〉 any 〈…〉.  Moreover, he accursed at them that for benofices or other Ecclesiastical promotions, should subject themselves under the homage or service of any great man, king, Prince, Duke, or Earl of the laity. For it was unseemly (said the Pope) and a thing very execrable: that the hands which were converted into so high working, as was granted to no Angel (that is, to create him with their Crosses, which created all, and to offer up the same before the sight of the father, 
Nospir●● person to it vnderlo●●ction to 〈◊〉 lay parsonage. Ex lor●●lensis 〈◊〉 others ●ihistoria. Anselme resuseth to do homage to his King. Messenger sent to Rome. Ex Math● Paris. Ex Gul●●, lib. 1. de. gestis 〈◊〉 Ang.  for the salvation of the whole world) should be brought to such a slavery, as to be subject to those filthy hands, which both day and night are polluted in shameful touchings, robberies, and bloodshed. etc. This decree of Pope Urban, Anselmus alleging for himself: denied to subject himself to the king's homage, fearing (as he said) the Pope's excommunication. Upon this, messengers were sent to Rome on both parts, unto the Pope (than paschalis) who stoutly standing to the steps and determinations of Urbane his predecessor, would in no case decide to the kings investing.  
In the mean time while there was long disputation on both sides for investing: the nobles of the realm contended, that investing did belong to the king's dignity: wherefore the King calling for Anselmus again, required him either to do homage to him, or else to void his kingdom. To whom Anselmus replying again, required the pope's letters to be brought forth: and according to the tenor thereof, so the matter to be decided. For now the messengers were returned from Rome with the Pope's answer, altogether bearing with Anselmus: Then said the king: what have I to do with the Pope's letters. 
The king hath nothing to do with the Pope his letters.  I will not forego the liberties of my kingdom for any Pope. Thus the contention continued between them. Anselmus sayeth, he would not out of the realm, but depart home to his church: and there see who would offer him any violence, and so did. Not long after, message came from the King to Anselme, requesting him after a gentle sort, to repair to the King's presence again, to set an end of the controversy begun: whereunto Anselme granted and came. 
Messenger sent again to Rome.  Then were new Ambassadors sent again to the Pope, that he would something qualify and moderate (or rather abolish) the streitnesse of the Roman decree before mentioned. On the part of Anselmus went two monks, Baldwinus and Alexander. On the king's behalf were sent two bishops, Robert bishop of Lichfield, and Herbert bishop of Norwich, to the king's letters written unto the Pope, containing in form as followeth.  
Patri venerabili Paschali summo pontifici, Henricus dei gratia rex Anglorum, Salutem. Promotioni vestrae in sedem sanctae Romanae ecclesiae plurimum congaudeo, petens ut amicitia quae patri meo cum antecessoribus vestris suit, inter nos quoque illibata permaneat. unde, ut dilectio & benignitas a me videatur sumere initium, beneficium quod ab antecessoribus meis beatus Petrus habuit, vobis mitto: eosque honores & eam obedientiam quam tempore patris mei antecessores vestri in regno Angliae habuerunt, tempore meo ut habeatis volo, eo videlicet tenore, ut dignitatis usus & consuetudines, quas pater meus tempore antecessorum vestrorum in regno Angl. habuit ego, tempore vestro in eodem regno meo integrè obtineam. Notumque; habeat sanctitas vestra quod me vivente (deo auxiliante) dignitates & usus regni Angl. non minuentur. Et si ego (quod absit) in tanta me deiectione ponerem: optimates mei (imo totius Angl. populus) id nullo modo pateretur. Habita igitur (charissime pater) utillori deliberatione ita se erga nos moderetur benignitas vestra, ne quid invitus faciam & a vestra me cogatis recedore obedientia.  
In English.  
To the reverend father Paschal the chief bishop, 
The letter of K. Henry the first unto the Pope.  Henry by the grace of God, king of England, greeting. For this your promotion into the see of the holy Church of Rome, as I am hearty glad: so my request is to you, that the friendship and amity, which hath been tofore between my father and your predecessors in times past, may now also between us in like manner continue undiminished. And that love and gentleness may first begin of my part: here I send unto you that gift that S. Peter had in foretime of my predecessors. And likewise the same honours & obedience, which your predecessors have had in the realm of England before in the time of my father, I will you to have the same in my time also: after this form I mean, and tenor, that the usage and manner of dignity and such customs which my father hath had in this realm of England in the time of your ancestors, 
Spoken like a king.  I in like ample manner also now in your time, may fully enjoy the same in this the said realm of England. Thus therefore be it known to your holiness, that during this life of mine (God almighty abling me to the same) these above named dignities, usages, & customs of this realm of England, shall in no part be lessoned. Yea, and if that I (as God forbidden I should) would so much deject myself into such cowardness: yet my Nobles, yea the whole people of England in no case would suffer it. 
The ●ing is a point to 〈◊〉 the ●opes obe●ince.  Wherefore (dear father) using with yourself a better deliberation in the matter, let your gentleness so moderate itself toward us, lest ye compel me (which I shall do against my will) to receade and departed utterly from your obedience.  
At the same term also be sent an other letter or Epistle to the said Pope, craving of him the pass for Girardus Archb. of York, the form whereof, here also followeth.  
Reverendo & diligendo patri universali Papae Paschali. Henricus dei gratia Rex Anglorum, salutem. Amor quem plurimum erga vos habeo, & benignitas quae multum vestros actus exornat. etc.  
In English.  

Another ●tter of K. Henry the 〈◊〉 sent to ●he Pope.  To the reverend and well-beloved father, universal Pope Paschalis, Henry by the grace of God, king of England, greeting. The great love which I bear to you, and the no less gentleness in you, which not a little beautifieth your doings, ministereth to me boldness to write. And where as I thought to have retained still this Gerardus with me, and to have craved your pall for him by letters: yet, notwithstanding, when his desire could not otherwise be satisfied, but would needs present himself before your presence, by his own hart to crave of you the same, I have sent him up unto you. Desiring your benign fatherhood in this behalf, that he obtaining the pall at your hands, may be sent home again to me. And thus requiring the assistance of your prayers, I pray the Lord long to conserve your Apostleship.  
This second letter of the king in sending for the pall, was well taken of all the court of Rome, which (as mine author saith) procured such favour to Girardus archbishop of York, and bringer thereof: that no complaint of his adversaries afterward could hurt him with the Pope. Notwithstanding he was accused grievously for divers things, and specially for not standing to the consecration of Anselitic Archbishop of Cant.  
Polidorus in his 11. book of his English history, affirmeth, that Anselmus also went up to Rome with Birardus, 
A place of Polydorus Virg. found faulty.  about the same cause. But both the premises, and sequel of the story argueth that to be untrue. For what needed the 2. Monks to be sent up on Anselmus side, if he had gone up himself. 
Ex Guliel. lib. 1. de ●ont. Anglo.  Again, how could the Pope write down by the said messengers to Anselme, if he had there been himself present? For so proceedeth the story by the narration of Malmesbury and others.  
After the Ambassadors (thus on both sides sent up to Rome) had laboured their cause with instant suit, one against the other: 
The pope oath to go against his own pro●it.  the pope glad to gratify the king (yet loath to grant his request, being against his own profit, and therefore more inclining to Anselmus side) sendeth down his letters to the said Anselme, signifying that he would not repeal the statutes of his holy fathers for one man's pleasure: charging him moreover, not only not to yeide in the cause of investing, but constantly to adhere to the foresaid decreement of Pope Urban his predecessor. etc. Besides this letter to Anselme, he directed also an other to the king himself: which letter, mine author saith, the king suppressed, and did not show: only declaring by word of mouth, what the ambassadors had said unto him from the Pope. Which was, that he permitted unto him the licence of Investing upon condition, that in other things he would execute the office of a good Prince. etc. To this also the testunony of the 2. bishops above minded, did accord, which made the matter more probable. But the 2. monks on the other side replied again, bringeth forth the letter of Anselme to the contrary. etc. To them was answered again, that more credit was to be given to the degree and testimony of the Bishops, then to theirs: And as for monks, they had no suffrage nor testimony (said they) in secular matters, and therefore they might hold their peace. But this is no secular matter, said Baldwine abbot of ramsey. Whereunto the nobles again of the king's part, answered, saying: that he was a good man, and of such demeanour, as they had nothing to say against him, neither so would if they might: but yet both human and divine reason taught them so, to yield more credit and confidence to the testimony of 3. 
He meaneth beside the two bishop's Gi●ardus which made the third.  bishops then of 2. monks. Whereby may well appear, that Anselme at that time went not with them. Then Anselmus seeing the king and his peers how they were set: and hearing also the testimony of the 3. bishops, against which he saw, he could not prevatle: And also having the pope's seal, which he saw to be so evident on the contrary side: made his answer again, that he would send to Rome, for a more certainty of truth. 
Anselme a devout chaplain to the Church of Rome.  Adding moreover, that he neither would nor durst give over his cause, though it should cost him his life, to do or proceed against the determination of the Church of Rome, unless he had a perfect warrant of absolution from thence, for his discharge. Then was it agreed by the king and his nobles, that he should not send, but go himself to Rome. 
Anselme iournieth again to Rome.  And much entreaty was made, that he would take that journey himself, in his own person, to present himself to the Pope, for the peace of the Church and of his country. And so at the length by persuasion was content, went to Rome, and spoke with the pope. In short time after followeth also, the king's Ambassador (William Warlwast) new elect bishop of Exetor: who there pleading on the king's side, 
The effect of the oration of W. Warlwast, at the pope's court:  for the ancient customs of the realm, & for the kings right of Investing. etc. First declared: how England of a long continuance, had ever been a province peculiar to the Church of Rome, and how it paid duly his yearly tribute unto the same. Inferring moreover how the king, as he was of nature very liberal, so also of courage a prince stout and valiant. Then what a shame would he think it be to him (as it were in deed) if he, who in might and dignity far exceeded all his progenitors, should not defend and maintain the liberties & customs by them procured? wherefore he desired the Pope to see to the matter, so as might stand both with the king's honour, and also with his own profit and advantage: who otherwise no doubt, should lose a great piece of money out of the realm, unless he did remit some thing of the severity of his canons and laws decretal.  
With these and such other persuasions like to the same effect, the court of Rome was well contented: agreeing that the kings request aught with all favour to be granted. But the Pope & Anselme sat still marking their doings. The ambassador supposing their silence to be half a yielding to him, 
Ex Galial De gestis pont of ● lib. 1● Ex Math. Paris. lib. 3. A proud answer of the pope.  added moreover and said: that the king, no not for the crown of his realm, would lose the authority of Investing or admitting his Prelates, within his Dominion: Whereunto the proud Pope answering again, braced out in these words: Nor I (said he) for the price of his head (as thou sayest) will lose the giving of spiritual promotions in England, and confirming it with an oath (before God saith he I speak it) know it for a certain. etc. Then it followeth in the story of Malmesberie: with this word of the P. the minds of the rest were changed, saying: Benedicta fit cordis tui constantia, benedicta oris tui loquela. The king's attorney also was therewith dashed: who notwithstanding, yet brought to pass, that certain of the kings customs used before of his father, were released unto him. At the which tune, in the same court was decreed, that (the king only, which had invested them, being excepted) the other which were invested by the king, 
Excommunication abused.  to be excommunicated: the absolution and satisfaction of whom was left to Anselme the archbishop.  
Thus Anselme being dismissed from Rome, took his journey toward England. But the ambassador pretending to go to S. Nicholas remained behind, to see whether he could win the pope's mind to the king's purpose. Which when he saw it would not be, he overtaketh Anselmus by the way, at Placentia, and opened to him the king's pleasure. The king (saith he) giveth to you in charge and commandment, that if you will come to England and there behave yourself to him, as your predecessors did to his father, 
Anselme restrained from coming to England. Ex Redulph, Londimensi:  you should be received and retained in the Realm accordingly: if not you are wise enough (saith he) ye know what I mean, and what will follow, etc. And so to these words parting from him, returned again to the King. Anselmus remained at Lions a year and a half, writing divers letters to the King, after this effect and words as followeth.  
¶ To his reverend Lord Henry king of England, Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury, faithful service with prayers. Epist. 224.  
Although ye understand by William 
A letter of Anselme to king Henry.  Warlwast what we have done at Rome: oyet I shall shortly show you that belongeth to me. When I came to Rome, I declared the cause wherefore I came to the Lord Pope. He answered that he would not serve from the statutes of his predecessors. Furthermore, he commanded me that I should have no fellowship with them that received investing of Churches at your hands after the knowledge of this prohibition, except they would do penance and forsake that they had received, without hope of recovery, nor that they should not communicate with the other bishops that had consecrated such men, except they would present themselves to the judgement of the apostolic sea. The foresaid William can be a witness of all these things if he will. This William when we departed a sunder (reckoning up in your behalf the love and liberality which ye have had always towards me) warned me as your archbishop, that I should show myself such a one; that if I would come into England, that I might be with you as my predecessor was with your Father: and ye might entreat me with the same honour and liberality, that your father entreated my predecessor. By which words I understand, that except I would show myself such a one, you would not have me come into England. For your love & liberality I thank you: but that I should be with you as my predecessor was with your father, I cannot do it. For I dare not do homage to you, nor dare communicate with them that take investing of Churches at your hands: 
The proud stoutness of a prelate in a wrong cause.  because of the foresaid inhibition made, I myself hearing it. Wherefore I desire you to send me your pleasure herein (if it please you) whether I may return into England (as I said) with your peace and power of mine office.  
In the mean while, great business there was, & much posting went to and fro, between the king, the archbishop, and the Pope, but nothing was done: for neither would the Pope agree to the king, neither would the King condescend to the Archbishop. At last, the Archbishop seeing by no means he could prevail against the king: thought to revenge himself by excommunication, 
Anselme about to excommunicate the king.  and so went about the same. The king having word thereof by the Countess Adala his sister, desireth her to come to him to Normandy, and bring Anselmus with her: whereupon (through the means of the Countess) reconcilement was made, & the archbishop was restored to his former possessions again. Only his return into England was differred, 
Reconcile ●ent made between the king and Anselmus.  because he would not communicate with those whom the King had invested. So the king took his passage over into England, and Anselme made his abode at the Abbey of beck.  
Then were ambassadors again directed unto Rome W. Warlwast, & Baldwin above named Abbot of ramsey: who at length concluded the long controversy between the king & the Pope, 
embassage to Rome.  upon this agreement, that the King should take homage of the Bishops elect, but should not deal with investing them by staff and ring. etc. While the Ambassadors were thus in their suit at Rome, divers complaints were daily brought from England to Anselme, against the Priests and Canons: who in his absence, contrary to the late council holden at London, received their wives unto their houses again, & so were permitted by the king, 
Guliel. Malmes. lib. 1. de gestis pontisi. Priests received their wives again by the Absence of Anselme. The faults of ecclesiastical ministers long to none but to bishops to correct, quod Anselme.  paying him certain money for the same. Anselme (the fore enemy against lawful marriage) aggrieved therewith: addresseth his letters unto the King, requiring him to refrain from any more taking of such exactions: declaring moreover and affirming, that the offences of all such Ecclesiastical ministers must be corrected by the instance of Bishops, and not of lay men. To this the king answereth gently again by letters, tempering himself: how he purposed shortly to come over into Normandy, and if he had done any thing amiss, either in these or other things he would reform it by his obedience.  
It was not long after (the messengers being now returned from Rome) but the king as he had promised, sped him into Normandy: where he warring against his brother Robert, brought both him & the Country of Normandy at last under his subjection. 
The K. brought under the Archbishop.  But first meeting with Anselmus at the Abbey of beck, he convented & agreed with him in all such points as the Archb. required. As first, that all his Churches which before were made tributary unto King William his brother, now should remain free from all tribute. Item, that he should require nothing of the said Churches or Provinces, 
Conditions granted by the king to Anselm.  in the time of the seat being vacant. Moreover, concerning such Priests & Ministers, as had given money to the king for their company with their wives: it was agreed that they should surcease from all Ecclesiastical function, the space of 3. years: and the the king should take no more after such manner. 
Lawful matrimony punished.  Item, that all such goods, fevitens, and possessions, as had been taken away before from the Archbyshoppricke, should be restored at his coming again into England. etc.  
This Anselmus the stout champion of Popery & superstition, after this victory gotten upon the King, for the which he so long fought: 
Anselme returneth into England.  with joy and triumph faileth into England, having all his Popish requests obtained. Where first, he flieth like a Lion upon the married Priests, contrary to the word of God, divorcing and punishing that by man's authority, 
Priests driven again from their wives.  which the eternal and almighty God had coupled. Next he looketh to them, which did hold any Church by farm under the king. Against Simony likewise, and against them that married within the 7. degree, he proceedeth with his full pontifical authority.  

Anno. 1106.  Shortly after, as king Henry had finished his war in Normandy, & with victory returned again into England, about the 6. year of his reign: Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury (by the permission of the king) assembled a great Council at Westminster in London, of the Clergy and Prelates of England.  
In the which (by the Bishop of Rome's authority) he so wrought with the king, that at length, albeit (as the story saith not without great difficulty) it was newly confirmed and enacted: that no temporal man after that day, should make investure with cross or with ring, or with pastoral hook. In this Council sundry and divers iniunetions were given forth to priests and Deacons: as divers other sinodall acts also by the same Anselme had been concluded in other Counsels before. And because here falleth in mention of the acts synodal concluded in the time of this Anselme: I thought here good to pack them all in one general heap together, as I find them in Malmesburie, and in other sundry authors scatteringly recited.  
The first thing decreed by this Anselme in his synodal Counsels, 
Exlib. 〈◊〉 liel. de 〈…〉 lib. 1. c● 〈…〉.  was touching the fault of Simonic: whereby divers both Bishops and Abbots (as is aforesaid) were at the same time deposed. And lay men forbidden to coufer any Ecclesiastical promotion.  
Also it was decreed, that no Bishop should bear any office in secular men's business or meetings. And that such should not go appareled as the lay men did, but should have their vestures decent, 
Priest's 〈◊〉 parres., Archb●. concie 〈◊〉 to be ●●med.  and meet for religious persons. And that in all places they should never go without some to bear witness of their conversation.  
Item, that no Archdeaconries should be let out to farm.  
Item, that no Archdeacon should be under the degree of a Deacon.  
Item, that no archdeacon, 
Marriaged Priests forbids.  priest, deacon, subdeacon, colligener, nor canon, should from thence forth marry a wife, nor yet keep her, if he had been married to one before.  
Item, 
Vow of chasti●● brought in Benefice not to 〈◊〉 hesitate. How he was 〈◊〉 Gates. ● Lord Ch●● celery Queen Maries●●  that every subdeacon, being under the degree of achanon (after the profession of chastity, marrying a wife) should be subject to the same rule.  
They ordained also that a Priest keeping company with his wife, should be reputed unlawful: and that he should say no Mass: and if he said Mass, it should not be heard.  
They charged that none were admitted to orders from that time forward, from the degree of a subdeacon, unless he did profess chastity.  
That priests sons should not claim by heritage the benefices of their fathers, as the custom had always been before.  
Item, that no spiritual person should sit in any secular office: as to be procurators or judges of blood.  
Item, 
priests crowns Tithes Buying of prebends Building of Chapels. Every Churches find his own Priest Abbot to maintain no want Monks admitted in giving penance.  that Priests should not resort to taverns, or banquets, nor sit drinking by the fire side.  
That the garments of Priests should be of one colour, and that their shoes should be decent.  
Item, that Monks or any other of the Clergy (if they forsook their order) either to come again, or to be excommunicate.  
Iten, that men of the clergy should wear broad crowns.  
Item, that no tithes should be given, but to the church.  
Item, that no Churches or prebends should be bought.  
That no new Chapels should be made without consent of the Bishop.  
That no Church should be hallowed, before the necessary provision were made for the priest, and for the Church to be maintained.  
That Abbots should set forth no men to war, & that they must both sleep, & eat in the same house with their monks, unless some great necessity do let.  
Item, that Monks do enjoin no penance to any man without the knowledge of his Abbot. And that their Abbots may give no licence therein, 
Monke●● Godfather nor nunce godmothers.  but only for such persons whose charge they have of soul.  
That no monks should be Godfathers: Nor nuns Godmothers.  
That Monks should have no Lordships to farm.  
Item, that Monks should take no Churches but by the Bishop, 
Abbey lands. Improperptions restrained.  neither should so spoil and oppress the churches given to them, with their rents, that sufficient were not left for the ministers of the same.  
That privy contract between man and women without witness should not stand, 
Privy concontractes.  but be frustrate if each party do go from the contract.  
Item, that such as were long hear of the clergy, be so rounded, 
Rounding.  that part of their ear appear, and that their eyes be not covered.  
Item, 
Marriage within the 7. degree restrained.  that there be no matrimonial copulation, within the seven. degree of kindred: nor so to continued if they be married: but the marriage to be broken. And if any being privy to that incest, do not detect the same, he to be guilty of the same crime. 
Bury.   
Item, 
No holiness to be given to shrines and places.  that no funeral or buries be without their own Parish Church, so that the priest thereof do lose that which to him is due.  
Item, that no man upon any new fangled rashness, do attribute any reverence or opinion of holiness, 
Selling and buying of men.  to dead men's bodies: to fountains, or to any other thing (as the use hath been in time passed) without authority of the Bishop.  
Item, that no buying and selling be used hereafter in England of men, as of other cartel.  

Sodometry.  Item, after the restraint of Priest's marriage: when filthy Sodomitry begun to come in the place thereof, then were they forced also, to make an act for that, which was this.  
With a grievous curse we condemn both them that occupy the ungracious vice of sodomitry, and them also that willingly assist them, 
A flap with a soxe tail for sodomitry.  or be wicked doers with them in the savie: till such time, as they may deserve absolution by penance and confession.  
So that whatsoever he be, that is noised or proved to be of this wickedness (if he be a religious person) he shall from thence forth be promoted, to no degree of honour: and that which he hath, shallbe taken from him.  
If he be a lay person, he shallbe deprived of all his freedom within the land, and be no better than a foreigner.  
And because it shallbe known, the absolution of such as be secular to belong only to bishops, it was therefore enacted: that on every sunday, in every parish church of England the said excommunication should be published. etc.  
But mark in this great matter what followed. For as Ranulphus Lestrensis witnesseth: 
Ranulph. Cestrensis. lib. 7. Note the preposterous proceeding of Anselme in ceasing the vice of Sodomitry.  this grievous general curse was soon called back again, by the suit of certain: which persuaded Anselme, that the publication or opening of that vice, gave kindle to the same in the hearts of lewd persons: ministering occasion of more boldness to them to do the like. And so to stop the occasion of filthy Sodomitry, the publication thereof was taken away, but the forbidding and restreinement of priests unlawful marriage (which chief was the cause thereof) remained still. And thus ever since, horrible Sodomitry remained in the clergic, both for lack of marriage more used, and for lack of publication, less punished.  
Besides all these synodal acts above comprehended, and given out by Anselmus in his Counsels before: heeralso in this present Council at Westminster, and in the year of this king aforesaid, he also directed other new Iniuncetions to the Priests.  

Penalties and forfeits against priests that kept their wives.  First, that they and their wives should never more meet in one house, neither yet have dwelling in their territories.  
Item, that the Priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should keep no women in their house, unless they were of their next kin.  
Item, for such as had dissevered themselves from the society of their wives: yet for some honest cause they had to common with them, they might: so it were without door, and with ij. or iij. lawful witnesses.  
Item, if any of them should be accused by ij. or iij. witnesses, 
In the latter days shall come false teachers forbidding marriage, and eating of meats, etc.  and could not purge himself again by six able men of his own order (if he be a Priest, or if he be a Deacon by iiij. or if he be a Subdeacon by ij.) then he should be judged a transgressor of the statutes, deprived of his benefice, & be made infamous, or be put to open reproach of all men.  
Item, he that rebelled, as in contempt of this new statute held still his wife, and presumed to say mass: upon the viij. day after (if he made not due satisfaction) should be solemnly excommunicated.  
Item, all Archdeacon's and Deacons to be straightly sworn, not to wink or dissemble at their meetings, nor to bear with them for money. And if they would not be sworn to this, then to lose their offices without recovery.  

Purification of priests, that had been married.  Item, such priests as forsaking their wives, were willing to serve still and remain in their holy order: first must cease 40. days from their ministration, setting Uitars for them in the mean time to serve: and taking such penance upon them, as by their Bishop should be enjoined them.  
Thus have ye heard the tedious treatise of the life and doings of Anselmus: how superstitious in his Religion, how stubborn against his Prince he was, what occasion of war and discord he ministered by his complaints (if they had been taken) what zeal without right knowledge, what fervency without cause he pretended, what pains without profit he took. Who if he had bestowed that time and travel in preaching Christ at home to his flock, which he took in gadding to Rome, to complain of his country: in my mind he had been better occupied. Moreover, what violent and tyrannical injunctions he set forth of investing and other things, ye have heard: but specially against the lawful and godly marriage of Priests. Wherein, what a vehement adversary he was: here may appear by these minutes or pieces extracted out of his letters, which we have here annexed in form and effect as followeth.  
A letter of Anselme.  
Anselme archbishop, to his brethren and dearest sons the Lord prior, and other at Canterbury.  
AS concerning Priests, 
K. Henry permitted priests to have both churches and wives. Ex Epist Ansel. 77. &. 377. Pope Paschal hath so decreed it at Rome. Ergo priest: must have no wives.  of whom the king commanded that they should have both their Churches & their women as they had in the time of his father, and of Lanfrancus Archbishop: both because the king hath revested & reseazed of the whole archbishopric: and because so cursed a marriage was forbidden in a Council in the time of his father and of the said Archbishop: Boldly I command by the authority which I have by my archbishopric, not only within my archbishopric, but also throughout England: that all Priests which keep women shallbe deprived of their Churches, and Ecclesiastical benefices.  
A letter of Pope Paschalis to Anselme.  
Paschal Bishop, Servant of God's Servants, to his reverend brother Anselme Archb. of Cant. greeting and Apostolical blessing.  
WE believe your brotherhood is not ignorant, 
Ex Epist. Ansel. 33.  what is decreed in the Romish Church concerning Priests children. But because there is so great multitude of such within the Realm of England, that almost the greater and better part of the Clerks are reckoned to be on this side: therefore we commit this dispensation to your care. 
If profit of the Church may come by priests children, what hurt then were it to the church for priests to have wives.  For we grant these to be promoted to holy offices by reason of the need at this time, and for the profit of the church (such as learning and life shall commend among you) that yet notwithstanding the prejudice of the Ecclesiastical decree be taken heed to hereafter. etc.  
another letter of Anselme for Investing.  
To the reverend Lord and loving father Paschal high bishop, Anselme servant of Canterbury church, due subjection and continual prayers.  
AFter that I returned to my bishopric in England, I showed the Apostolical decree: which I being present, heard in the romish Council. 1. That no man should receive investing of churches of the kings hand, or any lay person, or should become his man for it, and that no man should presume to consecrate him, that did offend herein. when the K. and his nobles, and the bishops themselves and other of the lower degree heard these things: 
K. Henry and his nobles ready to forsake the romish● Church.  they took them so grievously, that they said: they would in no case agree to the thing, and that they would drive me out of the kingdom, and forsake the Romish Church, rather than keep this thing: wherefore reverend father I desire your counsel by your letter. etc.  
another letter of Anselme.  
Anselme Archbishop to the reverend Gudulphus Bishop, and to Ernulphus Prior, and to William Archdeacon of Canterbury, and to all in his Diocese greeting.  
WIlliam our Archdeacon hath written to me, that some priests that be under his custody (taking again their women, 
A letter of Anselme against priests, receiving again their wives. Ex Epist. 37. Priests excommunicated for receiving again their wives.  that were forbidden) have fallen unto the uncleanness from the which they were drawn by wholesome counsel and commandment: when the Archdeacon would amend this thing, they utterly despised with wicked pride his warning and worthy commandment to be received. Then he calling together many religious men and obedient Priests, excommunicated worthily the proud & disobedient, that beastly despised the curse and were not afraid to defile the holy ministery, as much as lay in them, etc.  
Unto these letters above prefixed, I have also adjoined an order of the said Anselmus, touching a great case of conscience, of a Monks whipping of himself. Wherein may appear both the blind and lamentable superstition of those religious men, and the judgement of this Anselmus in the same matter.  
another letter of Anselmus.  
Anselmus Archbishop, to Bernard Monk of the Abbey of S. Warburg greeting, and prayer.  
I Heard it said of your Lord Abbot that thou judgest it to be of greater merit, 
A letter of Anselmus. Ex Epist. 255. Whether is more merit for a monk to cause himself in the chapter to be whipped: or to suffer obediently the whipping of his Abbot.  when a Monk either beareth himself, or desireth himself to be beaten of an other: then when he is beaten (not of his own will) in the chapter, by the commandment of the prelacy. But it is not so as you think. For that judgement that any man commandeth to himself is kingly. But that which he suffereth by obedience in the chapter is Monkish. The one is of his own will, the other is of obedience, and not of his own will. That which I call kingly, kings & rich proud men command to be done to themselves. But that which I call monkish, they take (not commanding, but obeying) The kingly is so much easier, by how much it agreeth to the will of the sufferer. But the monkish is so much the grievouser, by how much it differeth from the will of the sufferer. In the kingly judgement, the sufferer is judged to be his own: In the monkish he is proved not to be his own. For although the king or rich man when he is beaten, willingly showeth himself humbly to be a sinner: yet he would not submit himself, to this humbleness at any other commandment, but would withstand the commander with all his strength. But when a Monk submitteth himself to the whips humbly in the chapter at the will of the prelate: the truth judgeth him to be of so much greater merit, by how much he humbleth himself more, and more truly than the other. For he humbleth himself to God only, because he knoweth his sins. But this man humbleth himself to man for obedience. But he is more lowly that humbleth himself both to God and man for God's cause, than he which humbleth himself to God only, and not to God's commandment. Therefore if he that humbleth himself shall be extolled, Ergo, he that more humbleth himself shall be more exalted. And where I said that when a monk is whipped, that it differeth from his will: you must not so understand it, as though he would not patiently bear it with an obedient will: but because by a natural appetite, he would not suffer the sorrow. But if ye say, I do not so much fly the open beating for the pains (which I feel also secretly) as for the shame: know then, 
The judgement or conclusion of Anselme upon the case. False opinion of merit.  that he is stronger that rejoiceth to bear this for obedience, sake. Therefore be thou sure, that one whipping of a monk by obedience, is of more merit then innumerable whippings taken by his own mind But where as he is such that always he ought to have his heart ready without murmuring obediently to be whipped: we ought to judge him then to be of a great merit, whether he be whipped privily or openly. etc.  

Anno. 1105.  And thus much concerning Anselmus archb. of Cant. whose stout example gave no little courage to Thurstinus and Becket his successors: and other that followed after to do the like against their kings and princes, as in process hereafter by the grace of Christ shall appear.  
About this time An. 1105. two famous Archbishops of Mentz, being right virtuous and well disposed Prelates: were cruelly and tirannously dealt withal, and entreated by the B. of Rome. Their names were Darry and Christian. This Darry having intelligence, that he was complained of to the pope, sent a learned man (a special friend of his) to excuse him, named arnold: one for whom he had much done, and promoted to great living and promotions. But this honest man Arnold, in steed of an excuser became an accuser, 
judges corrupted.  bribing the two chiefest Cardinals with good gold: by which means he obtained of the Pope, those two Cardinals to be sent as inquisitors and only doers in that present case. The which (coming to Germany) summoned the said Henry, and deposed him of his Archbyshoppricke (for all he could do) either by law or justice: substituting in his place the foresaid arnold, upon hope (truly) of the ecclesiastical gold. Whereupon that virtuous & honourable Henry (as the story telleth) spoke unto those his perverse judges on this wise. If I should appeal unto the Apostolic see for this your unjust process had against me: perhaps the pope would attempt nothing any more therein, than ye have: neither should I win any thing by it, but only roil of body, loss of good, affliction of mind, care of heart, & missing of his favour. Wherefore I do appeal to the Lord jesus Christ, as to the most highest & just judge, and cite you before his judgement, there to answer me before the high judge. For neither justly nor godly (but by corruption as it pleaseth you) you have judged. Whereunto they scoffingly answered: Go you first, and we will follow. Not long after (as the story is) the said Darry died: 
A terrible example for corrupt judges to beware.  whereof the 2. Cardinal's having intelligence, said one to the other testingly: behold he is gove before, and we must follow according to our promise: and verily they said truer than they were aware off, for win a while they died in one day. For the one sitting upon a ●akes to ease himself, voided out all his entrails into the draft, and miserably ended his life. The other gnawing of the fingers off his hands, and spitting them out of his mouth (all deformed in devouring himself) died. And in likewise, not long after the end of these men, the foresaid Arnold (most horribly) in a sedition was slain and certain days (lying stinking above the ground unburied) was open to the spoil of every rascal & harlot. The historiographer in declaring hereof, crieth upon the cardinals in this manner: O ye Cardinals, ye are the beginning and authors hereof. Come ye hither therefore, come ye hither, and heap and carry unto your countries the devil: 
Pope Paschalis the 2.  and offer yourselves to him with that money whereof ye have been most gluttonous and insatiable.  
About the same time and year when king Henry began his reign, Pope Paschalis entered his papacy, succeeding after Urbanus: about the year of the Lord 1100▪ nothing swerving from the steps of Hildebrand his superior. This Paschalis, being elected by the Cardinals, after that the people had cried thrice, 
The pope tiremen's.  S. Peter hath chosen good Raynerus: He than putting on a purple vesture, & atice upon his head, 
The sevenfold power of the pope.  was brought upon a white palsray into Lateran: where a sceptre was given him, and a girdle put about him (having seven. keys, with seven. scales hanging there upon) for a recognizance or token, of his seven. fold power, according to the seven. fold grace of the holy Ghost: of binding, losing, shutting, opening, sealing, resigning, & judging, etc. After this Paschalis was elected Pope: Henricus 4. the foresaid Emperor (of courage most valiant, if the time had served thereto) thought to come up to Italic to salute the new Pope. But understanding the Pope's mind bend against him, he changed his purpose. In the mean time, Paschalis to show himself inferior to Hildebrand in no point: began first to depose all such Abbates & bishops whom the Emperor had set up. Also banished Albertus, Theodoricus, and Maginulphus striving the same time for the papacy. I spoke before of Guibert, whom Henricus the Emperor had made Pope against Hildebrand. Against this Guibert Paschalis made out an army: who being put to flight, not long after departed.  
About the same time, 
Of Antichrist, borne and manifest. The bishop of Fluence● martyr. Sabellicus. A council at Trecas.  An. M. Li. the bishop of Fluence began to teach and to preach of Antichrist then to be borne & to be manifest, as Sabellicus restifieth: whereupon Paschalis assembling a council, put to silence the said bishop, and condemned his books. In this council at Trecas: priests that were married, were condemned for Nicolaitanes. Item, according to the decree of Hildebrand, all such of what degree or estate soever they were (being lay men) that gave any ecclesiastical dignities, were condemned of Simony. Furthermore, the statute of priests tithes, there he renewed: counting the selling away thereof as a sin against the holy ghost. Concerning the excommunication and other troubles, 
A tragical history of the Pope Paschalis setting the son against the father.  that Hildebrand wrought against Henricus the 4. Emperor: it is declared sufficiently before. This excommunication, Paschalis the Pope renewed a fresh, against the said Henry. And not only that, but also conventing the Princes of Germany into a general assemble: set up his own son against him: causing the bishop of Mentz, of Colen, and of worms, to deprive him of his Imperial crown, and to place his son Henricus the fift, in his father's kingdom, and so they did. Coming to the place at Hilgeshem, 
Ex historia Helmold●.  first they required his Diadem, his purple, his ring, and other ornaments pertaining to the crown, from him. The Emperor demandeth the cause, being there excommunicate and void of friends. They pretending again (I cannot tell what) for selling of Bishoprics, Abbases, and other ecclesiastical dignities for money: also alleging the pope's pleasure, and of other princes. Then required he first of the Bishop of Mentz (and likewise of the other two whom he had preferred to their bishoprics before) ask them in order, if he had received of them any penny for his promoting them to their dignities. This when they could not deny to be so: well saith he, & do you require me again with this? With divers other words of exhortation, admonishing them to remember their oath & allegiance to their Prince. 
The prelate's set the son against the father.  But the perjured Prelates, neither reverencing his majesty, nor moved with his benefits, nor regarding their fidelity, ceased not for this, but first plucked from him (sitting in throne) his crown unperiall: then disuestured him, taking from him his purple & his sceptre. The good Emperor, being left desolate and in confusion, sayeth to them: Videat deus, & judicet, that is, let God see, and judge. Thus leaving him, they went to his son, to confirm him in his kingdom, and caused him to drive his father out, who then being chased of his own son (having but 9 persons about him) did flee by the Dukedom of Limbrugh, where the Duke being then in hunting, perceiving and bearing of him, made after to follow him. The Emperor fearing no other but present death (for he had displaced that same Duke before out of his Dukedom) submitted himself, craving of him pardon, and not revengement. 
A grateful example of a good and thankful Duke. A naughty son of a good father.  The Duke full of compassion, & pitying his state: not only remitted all his displeasure, but also received him to his castle. Moreover, collecting his soldiers and men of war, brought him to Colen, and there was well received. His son hearing this, besieged the city of Colen. But the father by night escaping, came to Leodium: where resorted to him all such as were men of compassion and of a constant heart. In so much, that his power being strong enough, he was now able to pitch a field against his enemies, and so did: desiring his friends that if he had the victory, they would spare his son. In fine (the battle joined) the father had the victory, the son was put to flight: many being slain on both sides. But shortly after the battle renewed again: the son prevailed, the father was overcome, and taken, who then being utterly dispossessed of his kingdom, 
Ex Helmolds, ●● Gor●rido Viterbiensi.  was brought to that exigent: that coming to Spire, was same to crave of the bishop there (whom he had done much for before) to have a prebend in the Church: and for that he had some 〈◊〉 of his Book, he desired to serve in our Lady's choir. 
The unkindness of a proud prelate.  Yet could he not obtain so much at his hand: who swore by our Lady, he should have none there. Thus the woeful emperor (most unkindly handled, and repulsed on every side) came to Leodium, 
Anno. 1106.  and there for sorrow died, after he had reigned 50. years: whose body Paschalis after his funeral, caused to be taken up again, 
The Emperor v. years with out burial.  and to be brought to Shires, where it remained 5. years unburied. Haec ex Helmoldo.  
After the decease of this Emperor Henricus the 4. his son Henricus the 5. reigned the space of 20. years. Who coming to Rome to be crowned of the Pope, 
Anno. 1107.  could not obtain before he would fully assent to have this ratified, that no Emperor should have any thing to do with the election of the Roman Bishop, 
Henricus Emperor. Ex Chronico Casionis lib. 3.  or with other byshopprickes. Besides that (about the same time) such a stir was made in Rome by the said Bishop: that if the Emperor had not defended himself, with his own hands, he had been slain. But as it happened, the Emperor having the victory: amongst many other Romans (which were partly slain, partly taken in the same skirmish) he taketh also the Pope, 
The pope taken prisoner.  and leadeth him out of the City: where he indenteth with him upon divers conditions, both of his coronation, and of recovering again his right and title in the election of the Pope, & of other bishops: whereunto the Pope assenting, agreed to all. So the Emperor (being crowned of Paschalis) returned again with the Pope to Rome.  
All the conditions between the Emperor & the Pope (so long as the Emperor remained at Rome) stood sirine and ratified. But asseone as the Emperor was returned again to Germany, forth with the Pope calling a Synod; not only revoked all that he had agreed to before: but also excommunicated Henricus the Emperor, as he had done his father before, reproving the former privilegium for pravilegium. The Emperor returning from Rome to Franice, there married Mathild daughter to king Henry. Who then hearing what the Pope had done (aggrieved not a little) to all expedition marcheth to Rome, and putteth the Pope to flight: 
We raised up by the Pope, and his papists.  and finally placeth an other in his stead. In the mean time the Bishops of Germany (the Pope's good friends) slept not their business, incensing the Saxons, all that they might against their Cesare: In so much that a great commotion was stirred up, and grew at length to a pitched field: which was fought in the month of Felnuarie, by the wood called, silva Catularia. An. M. Cxv.  

Peace concluded between the Emperor and the P.  The Emperor seeing no end of these conffictes (unless he would yield to the Pope) was fame to give over, and forego his privilege: falling to a composition, not to meddle with matters pertaining to the Pope's election, nor with investing, nor such other things belonging to the Church, and Church men. And thus, was the peace between them concluded and proclaimed, 
Bernardus the Abbot. Bernardine. monks came in. The City of Worcester almost all consumed with fire. Mathildis. Example of the Lords just retribution and judgement.  to no small rejoicing to both the armies, then lying by worms, near the river of Rind.  
In the time of this Paschalis: lived Bernardus, called Abbas Claravallensis, An. M. Cviii of whom sprang the Bernadine Monks.  
About what time, the city of Worcester was consumed almost all with fire. An. M. Cix.  
All this while Henricus the Emperor had no issue (having to wife Mathildis, the daughter of Henricus 1. king of England) and that by the just judgement of God, as it may appear. For as he having a father, persecuted him by the Pope's setting on, contrary to the part of a natural son: so God's providence did not suffer him to be the father of any child, naturally to love him, or to succeed him.  
After the death of Paschalis, An. 1118. succeeded Pope Belasius (chosen by the Cardinals) but without the consent of the Emperor: 
Two pope's striving together.  whereupon rose no little variance in Rome. And at length another pope was set up by the Emperor called Gregorius viii. and Belasius driven away into France, 
Pope Calixtus the 2.  and there died. After whom came Calixtus the second (chosen likewise by a few Cardinals, without the voice of the Emperor) who coming up to Rome to enjoy his seat, first sent his legate into Germany to excommunicate the Emperor Henricus: who then having divers conflicts with his fellow Pope Gregorius, at length brave him out of Rome. At this time by this occasion, great disputation and controversy was between the Emperors and the Pope's court, whether of them in dignity should excel the other: 
The Pope excommunicate 〈◊〉 the Emperor.  whereof reasons and arguments on both sides were alleged, as in the verses here following are comprehended.  

Allegatio Imperatoris contra papam.  
Caesar lex viva stat regibus imperativa,  
Legeq sub viva sunt omnia iura dativa,  
Lex ea castigat, soluit & ipsa ligat.  
Conditor est legis neque debet lege teneri,  
Sed sibi complacuit sub lege libenter hab●●●  
Quicquid ei placuit juris adinstar erit.  
Qui ligar ac soluit deus ipsum protulit orbi,  
Divisit regnum divina potentia secum,  
Astra dedit superis, caetera cuncta sibi.   

¶ Responsio Romanae curiae contra Imperatorem.  
Pars quoque papalis sic obuiat Imperiali,  
Sic dans regnare, quòd Petro subijciaris,  
Ius etenim nobis Christus utrumque parit.  
Spiritus & corpus mihi sunt subiecta potenter,  
Corpore terrena teneo caelestia mente  
unde tenendo polum, soluo ligóque solùm.  
AEthers pandere, coelica tongere, papa videtur.  
Nam dare, tollere, nectere, solvere cuncta meretur,  
Cui dedit omne decus lex nova, léxque vetus.  
Annulus & baculus quamuis terrena putentur,  
Sunt de iure poli, quae significare videntur.  
Respice iura dei, mens tua cedat ei. etc.   
In conclusion the Emperor being overcome so much with the vain reasons of the Popes, side, and scaring the dangerous thunderbolt of this curse (talking m e Princes, and persuaded by his friends, was feign to condescend to the unreasonable conditions of the Pope. First to ratify his election: notwithstanding (the other pope whom the said Emperor had set up) yet was a live: Secondly, that he should resign up his right and title in matters pertaining to the election of the Pope, and investure of bishops.  
This being done & granted, 
Gregorius brought into Rome 〈…〉 broughten and whea.  and the writings thereoffet up in the Church of Lateran for a triumph, of the Emperor thus subdued: the pope maketh out after Gregorius his fellow pope, being then in a town called Sutrium. This Sutrium, being besieged and taken, Gregory also was taken. whom Calixtus the pope, sitting upon a Camel (his face to the Camel's tail) brought him so through the streets of Rome, holding the tail in his hand in stead of a bridle: and afterward being shorn, was thrust into a Monastery.  
Amongst many other acts done by this glorious pope, first he established the decrees of the papal sea against this Emperor. He brought in the 4. quarter fasts, called Imber pays. Dist. 70. cap. jeiunium. 
Dist. 76. cap. jeiunium.   
By the same Calixtus, 
The order of Monks, Praemonstratenses.  the order of monks called Praemonstraterises, were brought in.  
Farther, by him it was decreed to be judged for adultery, if any person (by his life time) had put from him either Bishopric or benefice: 
Scripture clerkly applied of the pope. Priests and ministers compelled to leave their wives.  grounding upon this Scripture of S. Paul to the Romans: Alligata est uxor legi viri, quamdiu vir eius vivit: eo defuncto, soluta est a lege viri etc. That is: the wife is bound to the law of her husband, so long as the husband liveth: after he is dead, she is lose from the law of her husband. etc.  
Item, the same Calixtus holding a general Council at Rhemis, decreed: that priests, deacons, and subdeacons should put away their concubines and wives: or else, whosoever was found to keep his wife, to be deprived of benefice, and all other Ecclesiastical livings: whereupon a certain English writer made these verses following.  
O bone Calixte, nunc omnis clerus odit te,  
Quondam praesbyteri poterant uxoribus uti  
Hoc destruxisti, postquam tu Papa fuisti. etc.  
That is word for word.  
The hatred of the Clergy, hast thou good Calixte,  
For some times Priests might use their wives right,  
But that thou hast rejected, since Pope thou wast elected.  
And thus much of Roman matters, Now to our country story again. After the death of Anselme before mentioned (who deceased the year of our Lord. 
Anno. 1109.  1109. after he had been sit the sea 16. years) the Church of Cant. stood void 5. years: and the goods of the Church were spent to the King's use. And when he was prayed to help the Church that was so long without a pastor, his answer was: pretending that where his father and brother, had accustomed there to set the best, tried and approved men that might be found: to the intent therefore that he might do the same (in choosing such, which either should equal the former examples of them before, or at least follow their footsteps as near as they could) he took therein the more time and laisure. 
The Bishopric of Ely first planted. Henry first Bishop of Ely.  And so with shift of answer dallied out the time, while he had filled his coffers with the commodities of that benefice. The same year (after the death of Anselme) the King converted the Abbey of Eley to a Bishopric, which before was under the Bishopric of Lyncolne: placing there Henry Bishop of Bangor the first bishop of that sea. And as of late years before this, divers wonders were seen: as stars falling from heaven so thick, that they could not be numbered, at the setting soorth of the Christians to the holy land: jornalens. A blazing star over Constantinople: A spring boiling out blood (seen at Finchamstede in Berkshire) three weeks together. An. 1090. Gisburnons. After that, the firmament appearing so red, as it had been all on fire: Also two full Moons appearing together, one in the East, the other in the West (on maundy thursday) with a blazing star in the same year appearing about the taking of Duke Robert, having a white circle enclosing it. An. 1106. jornalens. Also with an Eclipse of the Sun darkened after that: so likewise about this present year, An. 1110. was seen the flood of Trent, about Notyngham, 
Anno. 1110.  so dried up from morning to 3. of the clock at after noon, that men might go over it drishodde, Gisburnens. Also in Shrosbery a great earthquake happened: 
Trent died up. An earthquake. Morayne and pestilence. Ex Gualthero. Gisburnensi.  And after that followed a sharp winter, great murrain of beasts, and pestilence of men, as Gualterius Guisburnens recordeth: Moreover the same author mentioneth that next about the same year, the like vading of water also happened in the flood of Medeway: And in Thamis (between the bridge & the tower, and under the bridge, from midnight to the next evening) was so great an ebb, that an unnumerable fort of people and children waded over, scarce knee deep in the water, 
Anno. 1113.  the sea withdrawing his tide x. miles from his accustomed course, Rog. Hoveden, Gualther. Gisburneris. 
Wirceter consumed with fire.  etc. In the which year also as the said author and jornalens do testify, the City of Worcester, by casualty was consumed with fire. 
Anno. 1114.  Also the city of Chester, An. 1114. Rog. Houed.  
The next year following, Rodolphus bishop of Rochester (an Englishman) was promoted to be Archb. of Canterb. 
Rodulphus Archbishop of Cant. Thurstinus Archbishop of York.  and Thurstinus the kings chaplain was elect archbishop of York, who being content to receive his benediction or consecration of the see of Cant. yet because he refused to make his profession of obedience to the same See, he was by the king deprived of his dignity.  
Then Thurstin (by the instigation of certain of his clerks at York) took his journey to Rome: 
Dissension between Thurstinus of York, and Rodolph Archb of Cant. for subjection. The letter of Paschalis to K. Henry.  who there making his complaint to Pope Paschalis, brought with him a letter from the Pope to the King: where among other words was contained as followeth: Audivimus electum Eboracensis Ecclesiae virum, sapientem & strenuum, fine judicio ab Eboracensi sequestratum ecclesia, quod nimirum divinae justitiae & S. Patrum institutionib adversatur. Nos quidem neque Cant. ecclesiam minui, neque Eboracensem volumus praeiudicium pati, sed eam constitutionem quae a B. Gregorio Anglicae gentis Apostolo, inter easdem ecclesias constituta est, firmam censemus illibatamque servari. Idem ergo electus (ut justitia exigit) ad suam ecclesiam omnibus modis revocetur. Si quid autem quaestionis inter easdem ecclesias nascitur, praesentibus utrisque partibus in vestra praesentia pertractetur. etc.  
In English thus.  
We hear and understand, that the Archbi. elect of the church of York (a discrete and industrious man) is sequestered from the church of York: which standeth against both divine justice, 
Ex Gualthero Gisburnensi. Ex Gulie. De pontiff. Lib. 4. Ex Roger. Ho 〈◊〉 Eabia. etc.  and the institution of holy fathers. Our purpose is, that neither the church of Cant. should be impaired, nor again that the church of York should suffer any prejudice, but that the same constitution which was by blessed Gregory (the apostle of the english nation) set and decreed between those two churches: should remain still in force and effect inviolate. Wherefore, as touching the foresaid elect let him be received again by any means (as right and mere it is) unto his Church. And if there be any question between the foresaid churches, let it be handled and decided in your presence, both the two parties being there present. etc.  
Upon the occasion of this letter, a solemn assemble there was appointed at Salisbury, 
Anno. 1116.  about the hearing of this controversy. The variance between these two prelate's still increased more and more. Radulph Archbishop of Can. in no case would yield nor condescend to give imposition of hands unto him, 
Assemble of the nobles at Salisbury.  unless he would make his profession of obedience. Thurstine again said he would willingly receive & embrace his benediction, but as touching the profession of his subjection, that he would not agree unto. Then the king declaring his mind therein, 
Thurstine refuseth to profess subjection to the Arch. of Cant. Thurstine promiseth to renounce his archbishopric.  signified unto Thurstin; that without his subjection and obedience professed to the Archbishop of Cant. he should not enjoy his consecration to be Archbishop, of York. Whereunto Thurstin (nothing replying again) renounced his archbishopric, promising moreover to make no more claim unto is nor molest them that should enjoy it.  
Shortly after this, it happened, that Pope Paschalis died: After whom (as is above rehearsed) succeeded Pope Gelasius, which live prior past a year, and died in France. Whereupon, 
Anno. 1118.  the Cardinals (which then followed the said Pope Gelasius to Cluniake) created an other Pope of their choosing, whom they called Calixtus 2. The other cardinals which were at Rome did choose an other Pope called Gregory as mention before is made: About which 2. Popes much stir there was in Christian Realms. As this Calixtus was remaining in France, and there calling a general council at Remis as ye heard before. Thurstinus the Archbishop of York desired licence of the King to go to the Council, purposing there to open the cause of his Church, 
Pope Calixtus breaketh promise with the king. Thurstine sacred archbishop of York by the Pope against the kings mind.  which eftsoons he obtained: first promising to the king that he should there attempt nothing that should be prejudicial to the Church of Cant. In the mean time, the king had sent secret word unto the Pope, by Radulph and other procurators, that in no case he would consecrate Thurstinus. Yet (notwithstanding the faithful promise of the Pope made to the King) so it fell out: that the said Pope, through the suit of his Cardinals, whom Thurstinus had won to him: was inclined to consecrate him, and gave him the pall. For this deed the king was fore discontented with Thurstine, and warned him the entry of his land.  
In this council at Rhemis (above mentioned) where were gathered 434. Prelates, 
Concision Rhemense, Acts of the council of Rheims.  these 5. principal acts were concluded.  

1. That no man should either buy or sell any Bishopric, abbotship, deanery, archdeaconship, priesthood, prebendship, altar, or any Ecclesiastical promotion, or benefice, orders, consecration, church hallowing, seat or stall within the choir, or any office ecclesiastical, under danger of excommunication, if he did persist.  
2. That no lay person should give investure of any Ecclesiastical possession: or that any spiritual men should receive any such at any lay man's hand under pain of deprivation.  
3. That no man should invade, take away or detain the goods or possessions of the Church: but that they should remain firm and perpetual, under pain of perpetual curse.  
4. That no Bishop or Priest should leave any ecclesiastical dignity or benefice to any, by way of inheritance. Adding moreover that for baptism, chrism, anoyling, or burial, no money should be exacted.  
5. Item that all priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should be utterly debarred and sequestered from company of their wives and concubines, under pain of excluding from all christian communion.   
The acts thus determined, were sent eftsoons to Henricus the Emperor, 
The Acts sent to the Emperor.  to see and try, before that breaking up of the council, whether he would agree to the canonical elections, free consecration, and investing to spiritual people and to other Acts of the said Council. The Emperor maketh answer again, 
The Emperor agreeth not to the pope's investing.  that he would lose nothing that ancient custom of his progenitors had given him. Not withstanding, because of the authority of the general council, he was content to consent to the residue, save only the investing of ecclesiastical function to be taken from him, to that he would never agree. Upon this, at the next return of the Pope to the Council, that Emperor was appointed to be excommunicated. 
The council divided.  Which thing, when divers of the Council did not well like, and therefore did separate themselves from the rest, the Pope applying against them the similitude of the 70. disciples which were offended at the Lord, 
Ex Rog. Houed.  when he taught them of eating his flesh and blood, and therefore divided themselves from him. Declaring moreover to them, how they which gathered not with him scattered, 
Henry the Emperor excommunicated. Agreed that England should have no other Legate from Rome, but only the Archb. of Cant. England spoiled by the pope's legates.  and they that were not with him, were against him: by these and such like persuasions reducing them again to his side, and so by that Council Henricus the Emperor was excommunicated.  
It was not long after, but the Pope came to Gisortivin: where, Henry King of England, resorted to him, desiring & also obtaining of him, that he would send henceforth no Legate, nor permit any to be sent from Rome to England, unless the king himself should so require, by reason of some occasion of strife, which else could not otherwise be decided, by his own bishops at home. The cause why the king required this of the Pope: was for that certain Roman legates had been in England a little before (to wist) one Guido, and another Roman named Anselmus, and another also called Petrus, who had spoiled the realm of great treasure, as the customed manner of the Pope's proud Legates is wont to do, Guliel de pont. lib. 1. Also he required of the Pope, that he might use & retain all the customs used before of his forefathers in England and in Normandy.  

All the custom of the Realm granted of the pope.  To these petitions the Pope did easily consent, requiring again of the king that he would licence Thurstinus the Archb. above minded, no return with favour into his realm. But that the king utterly denied unless he would profess subjection to the church of Cant. as his predecessors had done before, and excused himself by his oath, which he before had made. To this the Pope answered again, that he by his authority Apostolical, both might and would also easily dispense with him for his promise or oath. Then the king said that he would talk with his 〈◊〉 thereof; and so send him an answer of his mind. Which answer was this. That for the love and request of the Pope, he was content that Thurstinus should receive his realm, and quietly enjoy his prelateship, upon this condition that he would (as his predecessors did) profess his subjection to the church of Canter. Otherwise (said he) so long as he was king, he should never sit Archb. of the church of York. And thus ended that meeting between the king of england, and the Pope for that tyme.  

Anno. 1120. The pope's letter to the King.  The year following after that, which was, an. 1120. the foresaid pope Calixtus directeth his letters for Thurstinus to the king, and to Radulph Archbish. of Cant. In which epistle, by his full power Apostolical, he doth interdict both the church of Cant. and the church of York with all the parish churches within the same cities, 
The king compelled to receive Thurstinus, for fear of the pope's curse. Thurstinus restored.  from all divine service, from the burial also of the dead; except only baptising of children, and absolution of them that he on dying; unless within a month after the recepte of the same; Thurstinus (without any exaction of subjection made) were received and admitted to the sea of York, and that the king likewise should doubtless be excommunicated, except he would consent unto the same. Whereupon Thurstinus for fear of the Pope's curse, 
Anno. 1122.  was immediately sent for & reconciled to the king, and was placed quietly in his archiepiscopal see of York.  

Wil Archb. of Cant. The grey Friars first came into England.  It followed not long after (within two years) Radulph Archbishop of Cant. departed: in whose see succeeded after him Gulielmus de Turbine. About which time (in the 27. year of the king's reign) the grey friars by procuring of the king, 
Anno. 1125.  came first into England, and had their house first at Canterbury. About the same season, or a little before, the king called a council at London, where the spirituality of England (not knowing to what purpose it was required) condescended to the king, 
Priests paid for their wives. Ex Roger. Houed. El Guliel. Gisburnensi. Ex Henry. Hunting. lib. 7.  to have the punishment of married Priests: by reason of which grant (whereof the spirituality afterward much repent) the priests paying a certain to the king, were suffered to retain their wives still, whereby the king gathered no small sum of money, Rog Houed. Guliel. Gisburnens. At this time began first the foundation of the Monastery called Gisburne in Cleveland.  
It was above touched, how Matild or Maude daughter of king Henry, 
The Abbey of Gilburne bailded. S. lafoy ve hand. Reading Abbey founded. Matilde daughter of K. Henry heir to the crown. Geoffrey Plantagenet. Henry 2. borne of Matilde the Empress.  was married to Henry the 5. Emperor, who after the decease of the said Emperor her husband, returned about this present time with the Imperial crown to her father in Normandy, bringing with her the hand of S. James. For the joy whereof, the king builded the Abbey of Reading, where the said hand was reposed. This Matild was received by the said council to be next heir to the king her father, in possession of the English crown, for lack of issue male. And soon after upon the same was sent over to Normandy, to marry with Geffrey Plantagenet Earl of Angeow, of whom came Henry the second, who (after Stephen) was king of England. And about this time was also founded the priory of Norton in the Province of Chester, by one William the son of Nichelle. In the story of Polychron. jornal. and Polydorus is declared, how the king was troubled greatly with 3. sundry visions appearing unto him by night. The first was of a great multitude of husbandmen of the country, 
Anno. 1130.  which appeared to fly upon him with their mattocks and instruments, requiring of him his debt which he did owe unto them. 
The priory of Norton founded. Three terrible visions of the king.  In the second, he saw a great number of soldiers and harnessed men to come fiercely upon him. In the third, he saw a company of prelate's and churchmen, threatening him with their bishop's staves, & fiercely approaching upon him. Whereupon (being dismayed) in all haste; ran & took his sword to defend himself, finding there none to strike: who afterward ask counsel concerning these visions, was mouthed by one of his p●ssitions (named Grimbald) by repentace, alms and amendment of life, 
Three vows made of King Henry.  to make some mends to god and to his country whom he offended. Which three vows thus being made, the next year after he went to England: where he being upon the seas in a great tempest with his daughter Matild, 
Anno. 1131.  remembered there his three vows. And so coming to the land (for performance of the same) ●irst released unto the convitons the Danogelt which his father & his brother before had renewed. 
Danegelt released. The Church relieved. justice rightly administered. Bishopric of Carlisle newly erected by king Henry. The City and Paul's Church of London burned. Honorius the 2. Mathaeus Partsiensis.  Secondly, he went to S. Edmondesbury, where he showed great benefits to the churchmen. Thirdly, he procured justice to be administered more rightly throughout his realm, etc. Also he ordained and erected a new bishopric at Carlisle.  
In the 33. year of this king reign (as witnesseth a certain author) a great part of the city of London, with the Church of S. Paul, was burned with fire in Whition week.  
After Calixtus (whose story and rhyme is before discoursed) succeeded Pope Honorius, two. Notwithstanding that the cardinals had elected another, yet he by the means of certain citizens obtained the papacy, an. 1125. About the second year of his induction (as is to be red in Math. Paris.) there was a certain legate of his called joannes-cremensis, sent down to England, from the Pope for the redress I cannot well tell whoreof. But in deed the chiefest purpose of his coming (as of all other after him in those days) was to fill their pouches with English money, as may further appear by their proceedings. This Legate coming then with the Pope's letters directed both into england & Scotland (after he had well refreshed himself in Bishops houses, and amongst the abbots) at length resorted to London, where he assembled the whole Clergy together, inquired of priests concubines (otherwise called their wives) & making there upon a statute in the said Synod of London, 
A romish statute concerning priests wives and Concubines.  after this tenor: Praesbyteris, diaconibus, subdiaconibus, & canonleiss, uxorum, concubinarum, & omnium omnillo foeminarum concuberniat autoritate Apostolica inhibemus praeter matrem, aut sororem vel amitam, aut eiusmodi quae omnino careant suspitione. Et qui decreti huius violator extiterit (confessus vel convictus) ruinam-ordinis patiatur. Inter consanguineos, seu affinitate propinquos, usque ad septimam generationem, matrimonia contrahi prohibemus. That is, unto priests, deacons, subdeacons, and canons, we do utterly inhibit by authority Apostolical, all manner society and conversation with all kind of women, except only their mother, sister, or Aunt, or such whereof can rise no suspicion. And whosoever shall be found to violate this decree (being convict thereof) shall sustain thereby the loss of all that he hath by his order. 
Marriage forbidden to the seventh degree.  Moreover, amongst kindred or such as be joined in affinity, 
The Pope's Legate giving precepts of chastity, was found with an harlot. Lotharius Emperor.  we forbidden matrimony, unto the seventh generation, etc. But see how God worketh against such ungodly proceed. The next night after, it happened, the same Cardinal (ruffling & revelling with his concubines) to be apprehended in the same vice, whereof he had so straightly given out precepts the next day before, to the no little slander and shame (as Math. Paris doth write) of the whole clergy.  
Unto this time lived Henricus the v. Emperor, after he had reigned 20. years, dying without issue as is before mentioned. Next after Henricus, the Imperial crown came to Lotharius Duke of Saxon. an. 1127.  
Certain histories make mention of one Arnulphus in the time of this Pope Honorius. 
Arnulphus Martyred at Rome. The history of Arnulphus.  two. Some say he was Archbish. of Lugduneias Hugo, Platina, Sabellicus. Trithemius saith, he was a priest, whose history, as it is set forth in Trithemius, I will briefly in English express. About this time (saith he) in the days of Honorius, two. one Arnulphus Priest (a man zealous and of great devotion, and a worthy preacher) came to Rome, which Arnulphus in his preaching rebuked the dissolute and lascivious looseness incontinency, avarice, and immoderate pride of the clergy, provoking all to follow Christ and his Apostles in the poverty rather, and in pureness of life. By reason whereof, this man was well accepted, and highly liked of the nobility of Rome, for a true disciple of Christ, but of the Cardinals and the clergy no less hated; then favoured of the other. In so much, that privily in the night season they took him and destroyed him. This his martyrdom (saith he) was revealed to him before, from God by an Angel, he being in the desert, when he was sent forth to preach, whereupon, he said to them publicly with these words: I know (saith he) ye seek my life, and know, ye will make me away privisy. But why? because I preach to you the truth, and blame your pride, stoutness, avarice, incontinency, with your unmeasurable greediness in getting and heaping up riches, therefore be you displeased with me. I take here heaven and earth to witness, that I have preached to you, that I was commanded of the Lord. But you contemn me and your creator, who by his only son hath redeemed you. And no marvel if ye seek my death being a sinful person preaching to you the truth: when as if S. Peter were here this day, and rebuked your vices (which do so multiply above all measure) you would not spare him neither. And as he was expressing this with a loud voice, he said moreover: For my part I am not afraid to suffer death for the truth sake, but this I say to you, that God will look upon your iniquities, and will be revenged. 
Arnulphus Martyr.  You being full of all unpuritie, play the blind guides to the people committed to you, leading them the way to hell. A God he is of revengeance. Thus the hatred of the Clergy being incensed against him for preaching truth, conspired against him, and so laying privy wait for him, took him and drowned him. Sabellicus & Platina say, they hanged him.  
In the second Tome of the general Counsels imprinted at Colen, 
Ex Tretimio. A book called Tripartitum, written 400. years ago.  is mentioned a certain book called Opus tripartitum, written as the author supposeth, above 400. years ago, either of this Arnulphus, or just about the same tyme. In this book the writer complaineth of many enormities and abuses in the Church, First, of the number of holy days, declaring what occasion of vice groweth thereby, according to the common saying of whores and naughty women (which say) they vantage more in one holy day, 
Number of holy days.  then in 50. other days besides.  
Item, complaineth of the curious singing in cathedral churches, 
Curious singing in Cathedral Churches.  whereby many be occasioned to bestow much good time, yea many years about the same, which otherwise they might give to the learning of better sciences.  
Likewise, he complaineth of the rabble and multitude of begging Friars and religious men, 
The world overcharged with begging Religions. Promotion of evil prelate's. superfluity of apparel in Bishop's families.  & professed women, showing what great occasion of idle & uncomely life cometh thereof.  
Also of the unconsiderate promotion of evil Prelates, and of their great negligence in correcting and reforming the evil demeanour of the people.  
Item, of the great wantonness & lasciviousness in their seruauts and families, concerning their excessive wearing of apparel.  

bishops seals abused to get money.  Item, complaineth also of the outrageous and excessive gains, that Prelates and other under them take for their seal, especially of officials, scribes & such like, which give out the seal they care not how, nor wherefore, so they may gain money.  
He complaineth in like manner, that prelate's be so slack and negligent in looking to the residents in their benefices.  

Non residentes in benefices. Rash bestowing of benefices.  Farther lamenteth, for the rash giving of benefices to parlons, vicar's, and curates, not for any godliness or learning in them, but for favour or friendship, or intercession, either else for hope of some gain, whereof springeth this great ignorance in the Church.  

wasteful spending of the Church goods.  After this he noteth in prelate's, how they wast and expend the goods of the church in superfluities or upon their kinsfolk, or other worse ways, which should rather be spent upon the poor.  
Nextly, in the x. chapter, he complaineth for that through the negligence of men of the church (especially of the church of Rome) the books and monuments of the old Counsels & also of the new, 
Old books of Counsels lost by the negligence of the clerks.  are not to be found: which should be reserved and kept in all cathedral Churches.  
Item, that many prelate's be so cold in doing their duties. Also reproacheth the unchaste and voluptuous demeanour of Ecclesiastical persons by the example of Storks, 
The unchaste life of priests condemned by the nature of the storks.  whose nature is (saith he) that if any of their company, leaving his own mate, joineth with any other, all the rest flieth upon him (whether it be he or she) beateth him, and plucketh his feathers off: what then (saith he) ought good prelate's to do to such a person of their company, whose filthiness and corrupt life both defileth so many, and stinketh in the whole Church.  
Again, forasmuch as we read in the book of Esdras, lib 2. cap 9 that he purging Israel of strange women, began first with the priests: 
Amendment of life ought first to begin with the priests.  So now likewise in the purging & correcting of all sorts of men, first the purgation ought to begin with these, according as it is written by the prophet Ezechiel. Begin first with my sanctuary, etc.  
Moreover, how that in the time of Philip king of France, 
The realm of France interdicted. King of Portugal deposed.  the whole Realm was interdicted, for that the king had but one woman in stead of his wife, which was not his wife by law. And again, ●eyng in these our days, the king of Portugal hath been sequestered from his dominion, by the authority of the church (being thought not sufficient to govern) what then ought to be said to that Prelate, which abuseth other men's wives, virgins, and Nuns, which also is found unable & insufficient to take upon him the charge of souls?  
About the year of our Lord, 
The Knights of the Rhodes and Templars.  1128. the orders of the knights of the Rhodes called Joannites, also the order of Templars rose up.  
After Honorius, next in the same usurpation succeeded Pope Innocentius 2. 
Pope 〈◊〉 centius the second.  an. 1130. But as it was with his predecessors before him, that at every mutation of new Popes, came new perturbations, and commonly never a Pope was elected, but some other was set up against him, (sometimes 2. sometimes 3. Pope's togethey) so likewise it happened with this Innocentius: for after he was chosen, the Romans elected another pope named Anacletus. Betwixt these two Popes was much ado, and great conflicts through the partaking of Rogerius Duke of Sicily, taking Anacletus part against Innocentius, 
Hurly 〈◊〉 between Popes.  until Locharius the Emperor came, who rescuing Innocentius, drove Rogerius out of Italy. Our stories record, that king Henry was one of the great helps in setting up and maintaining this Pope Innocentius against Anacletus, Gisburnens.  
Amongst many other things this Pope decreed, 
The pope curse proclaimed against 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 any priest.  that whosoever did strike a Priest or Clerk being shaven, he should be excommunicate, and not to be absolved, but only of the Pope himself.  
About the time of doing of these things (being the year of our Lord, 1135.) king Henry being in Normandy (as some say) by taking there a fall from his horse (as other say) by taking a surfeit in eating Lampreys, 
The death of K. Henry.  fell sick & died, after he had reigned over the realm of England 35. years and odd months, 
Anno. 1135.  leaving for his heirs Matilde the Empress his daughter, with her young son Henry to succeed after him, to whom all the Prelates and Nobility of the Realm were sworn. But contrary to their oath made to Mould in the presence of her father before: William the Archbishop of Cant. and the nobles of the realm, crowned Stephen Earl of Boloyne, and sister's son to king Henry, upon S. Stephen's day in Christmas week. Which Archbishop, the next year after died: being (as it was thought) justly punished for his perjury. 
Perjury justly punished.  And many other lords which did accordingly, went not quite without punishment. In like justice of punishment is numbered also Roger bishop of Salisbury, who contrary to his oath (being a great doer in the coronation of Stephen) was apprehended of the same king, and miserably (but justly) extermined.  
A certain written English story I have, which addeth more, and faith, that king Stephen (having many foes in divers quarters, 
Ex Chris. Anglico in certi aut●ris. The Bishop of Sarum and of Lincoln, take● prisoners of the king, and led with ropes about their necks.  keeping there holds and castles against him) went then to Oxford, & took the Bishop of Salisbury, and put a rope about his neck, & so led him to the castle of Vice (that was his) and commanded them to render up the castle, or he would slay and hang their Bishop. Which Castle being given up, the king took the spoil thereof. The like also he did to the Bishop of Lyncolne named Alexander, whom in like manner he led in a rope to a Castle of the Bishops, that was upon Trent, and bade them deliver up the Castle, or else he would hang their Lord, before the gate. Long it was before the castle was given up, yet at length the king obtaining it, there entered and took all the treasure of the Bishop, etc. Roger Hoveden. Fabian alleging a certain old Authors, whom I cannot find, referreth a great cause of this perjury to one Hugh Bigot, 
Roger. ●eued. in 〈◊〉 Steph. Ex Fabian, In vita. Step.  Steward sometime with king Henry. Who immediately after the death of the said Henry, came into England, and before the said Archbishop and other Lords of the land, took wilfully an oath and swore: that he was present a little before the king's death, when king Henry admitted for his heir (to be king after him) Stephen his nephew, for so much as Mould his daughter had discontented him. Whereunto the Archbishop with the other Lords gave to hasty credence. But this Hugh (saith he) escaped not unpunished, for he died miserably in a short time after. Ex Fabia. Albeit all this may be supposed rather to be wrought not without the practice of Henry bishop of Winchester, & other Prelates (by his setting on) which Henry was brother to King Stephen, etc.   

King Stephen.  
THus when king Stephen contrary to his oath made before to Mould the Empress, 
Anno. 1136.  had taken upon him the crown (as is abovesaid) he swore before the Lords at Oxford, 
K. Stephen.  that he would not hold the benefices that were voided and that he would remit the Danegelt, with many other things, 
Building of Castles in England.  which after he little performed, Moreover, because he dread the coming of the Empress, he gave licence to his Lords, every one to build upon their own ground, strong castles or sorcresses, as them liked. All the time of his reign he was vexed with wars, but especially with David King of the Scots, with whom he was at length accorded, but yet the Scottish king did him no homage, because he was sworn to mand the Empress. Notwithstanding, yet Henry the eldest son to king David, did homage to king Stephen. But he after repenting thereof, entered into Northumberland with a great host, & burned and New the people in most cruel wise, neither sparing man, woman, nor child. Such as were with child they ripped, the children they tossed upon their spear points, and laying the priests upon the altars, they mangled and cut them all to pieces after a most terrible manner. But by the manhood of the English Lords and soldiers, 
The cruelty of the Scots against the English man.  and through the means of Thurstine Archbishop of York, they were met withal, and slain a great number of them, and David their king constrained to give Henry his son hostage for surety of peace. In the mean time king Stephen was occupied in the South countries, besieging divers castles of divers Bishops & other Lords, and took them by force, and fortified them with his knights and servants, to the intent to withstand the Empress, whose coming he ever feared.  
About the vi. year of his reign, Maud the Empress came into England out of Normandy, 
Anno. 1140.  & by the aid of Robert Earl of Gloucester, and Ranulph of Chester, made strong war upon king Stephen. In the end whereof the king's party was chased, 
Maude the Empress came into England against Steven.  and himself taken prisoner, & sent to Bristol, there to be kept in sure hold. The same day when king Stephen should join his battle: It is said in a certain old Chronicle before inyuded, that he being at the Mass (which then the bishop of Lincoln said, before the king) as he went to offer up his taper, it broke in two pieces. And when the mass was done, (at what time the king should have been houseled) the Rope whereby the pyx did hang, did break, and the pixe fell down upon the altar.  
After this field, the Queen (king Stephen's wife, lying then in Kent) made great labour to the Empress and her counsel, to have the king delivered and put into some house of religion, but could not obtain. Also the Londoners made great sure to the said Empress, to have and to use again S. Edwardes laws, and not the laws of her father, 
King Steuē●ken prisoner. What it is for princes to be hard and strait to their subjects.  which were more strait and strange to them then the other: which when they could not obtain of her and her counsel, the citizens of London (being therewith discontented) would have taken the Empress. But she having knowledge thereof, fled privily from London to Oxford. But then the Kentishmen and Londoners taking the king's part, joined battle against the Empress: there the foresaid Robert Earl of Gloucester, and base brother to the Empress was taken. And so by exchange, both the King, and Earl Robert were delivered out of prison. 
K. Stephen and Robert Earl of Gloucester delivered by exchange.  Then Stephen (without delay) gathering to him a strong army, straightly pursued the foresaid Matild or Mauld, with her friends; besieging them in the Castle of Oxford. In the siege whereof, fell a great snow and frost so hard, that a man well laden might pass over the water. Upon the occasion whereof, the Empress (bethinking herself) appointed with her friends & retinue: clothed in white shectes (& so issuing out by a postern gate) went upon the ise, over Thames and so escaped to Wallingford. 
Ex incerti autoris chronise.  After this, the king) the castle being gotten) when he found not the Empress, was much displeased, and molested the country about diuer's ways. In conclusion, he pursued the empress & her company so hard, that he caused them to flee the realm, which was the vi. year of his reign.  
The second year after this, which was the viii. year of his reign, there was a parliament kept at London, Unto the which, all the Bishops of the Realise resorted, and there denounced the king accursed (and all them with him) that did any hurt to the Church, or to any minister thereof. Whereupon the king began somewhat to amend his conditions for a certain space: but afterward as my story saith, was as evil as he was before: but what the causes were, mine author maketh no relation thereof, 
The decease of Geoffrey Plantagenet.  etc. To return again to the story, the Empress compesled (as is said, to flee the realm) returned again into Normandy to Geffrey Plantagenet her husband. Who, after he had valiantly won and defended the Duchy of Normandy, against the puissance of king Steven a long time, ended his life, leaving Henry his son to succeed him in that dukedom. In the mean while, Robert Earl of Gloucester, and the Earl of Chester (who were strong of people) had divers conflicts with the king. In so much, that at a battle at Wilton between them, the king was well near taken, but yet escaped with much pain.  
It was not long after, but Eustace son to king Stephen, 
Henry Duke of Normandy.  who had married the French kings sister, made war upon duke Henry of Normandy, but prevailed not. Soon after, the said Henry Duke of Normandy (in the quarrel of his mother Maude) with a great puissance entered into England, 
Henry entereth into England.  and at the first won the castle of Mahnesbury, than the Tower of London, and afterward the town of Nottingham, with other holds and castles, as of Walynford and other more. Thus, between him and the king were fought many battles, to the great annoyance of the realm. During which time, Eustace the king's son departeth. Upon the occasion whereof, the king caused Theobald (which succeeded next after W. above mentioned) Archbishop of Canterbury, 
Theobalde Archbishop of Cant. Peace between king Steven, and Duke Henry concluded.  to make means for the Duke for peace, which upon this condition between them was concluded, that Steven during his life time should hold the kingdom, and Henry in the mean time to be proclaimed heir apparent, in the chief cities throughout the Realm. These things thus concluded, Duke Henry taketh his journey into Normandy (king Steven and his son William, bringing him on his way) where William the king's son, taking up his horse before his father, had a fall and broke his leg, 
The death of K. Steven.  and so was had to Canterbury. The same year king Stephen, about October (as some say for sorrow) ended his life, after he had reigned 19 years periuredly.  
As Theobald succeeded after William Archbishop of Canterb. so in York after Thurstine succeeded William, 
S. William of York.  which was called S. William of York, who was poisoned in his chalice by his chaplains.  
In the time of this king, which was the xvi. year of his reign, Theobaldus Archbishop of Cant. and Legate to the Pope, did hold a council at London. In the which council first began new found appellations, from counsels to the Pope, found out by Henry Bishop of wint. For as the words of mine author do record: In Anglla namq;, appellationes in usu non erant, donec eas Henricus Wint. Episcopus dum legatus esset, malo suo crudeliter intrusit. In eodem namq; concilio ad Rom. pontificis audientiam ter appellatum est, etc. That is, For appellations before were not in use in England, till Henry Bishop of Winchester being then the Pope's Legate, brought them cruelty in, to his own hurt. For in that Council thrice appeal was made to the Bishop of Rome.  
In the time of king Stephen died Gracianus a monk of Bononie, 
Gracianns the compiler of the pope's decrees. Petrus Lombardus master of the sentence.  who compiled the book called the Pope's decrees. Also his brother Petrus Lambardus bishop of Paris (which is called the master of Sentences) compiled his four books of the sentence. These two brethren were the greatest doers in finding out and stablishing this blind opinion of the sacrament, that the only simnitude of bread and wine remained, but not the substance of them: and this they call the spiritual understanding of the mystery. And therefore no marvel if the sun in those days were seen black and dim.  
Some also affirm, 
Petrus Comestet.  that Petrus Comestor, writer of the Scholastical history was the third brother to these above named.  
In the same time and reign of the said king Stephen was also Hugo surnamed De sancto victore. 
Hugo de sancto Victore. Bernardus Clarevalensis.  About the which time (as Polychronicon reciteth) lived and died Bernardus Clarevallensis.  
The author of the history (called jornalensis) maketh also mention of Hildegare the nun and propheresse in Almain, 
Hildegare.  to live in the same age. Concerning whose prophesy against the Friars: hereafter (by the grace of Christ) more shallbe said, when we come to recite the order and number of Friars and religious men crept into the Church of Christ.  
We read moreover of one named joannes de temporibus, 
joannes detemporibus.  which by the affirmaunce of most of our old histories, lived 361. years (servant once to Carolus Magnus) and in the reign of Stephen, king of England died, Polychron. lib 7. Continuator, Henr. Hunt. jornalens in vita Steph. Nicol. Trivet, etc.  
In the days also of this king (and by him) was builded the Abbey of Feversham, where his son & he were buried. He builded the monastery of Finerneys, & of Fomitance, the castle of Walingford, with a number of other Castles more.  
During the time of the said king Stephen, 
The fewes crucified a christian body at Norwich.  the year of our Lord, 1144. the miserable jews crucified a child in the City of Norwich, N. Trivet & alij.  
Much about the same time came up the order of the Gilbertines, by one Gilbert son to Jacoline a knight of Lincolnshire, etc.  

The order of the Gilbertines.  Mention hath been made before of certain English Counsels, holden in the time of this king, where it was (in one of them under Theolbald the Archbishop of Canterbury) decreed, that bishops should live more discreetly, should reach their flock more diligently, that reading of scriptures should be frequented more usually in Abbeys: 
The lords prayer and the Creed in English.  that Priests should not be rulers of worldly matters, and that they should learn and teach the lords prayer, and Creed in English, Malmesb.  

Matthaeus Pariensis lib. Chron. 4.  Matth. Parisiensis writeth, how Stephen king of England in these days reserved to himself, the right and authority of bestowing of spiritual liings, 
Steven king of England.  and investing Prelates, an. 1133.  
At which time also, Lotharius the Emperor began to do the like in recovering again the right & privilege taken away from Henricus his predecessor, had not Bernardus given him contrary counsel.  

Cursing with book, bell, and candle.  Here came into the Church, the manner of cursing with book, bell, and candle, devised in the Council of London holden by William bishop of Winchester under Pope Celestinus, which succeeded after Innocentius, an. 1144.  

Anno. 1138.  Also Lotharius succeeded in the Imperial crown, Conradus the nephew of Henricus the v. afore mentioned, an. 1138. which only amongst many Emperors is not found to receive the crown at the Pope's hand.  
In the days of this Emperor (who reigned 15. years) were divers Popes, as Celestinus 2. Lucius the 2. Eugenius the 3. at which time the Romans went about to recover again their former old manner of choosing their Consuls and Senators. But the Popes then being in their ruff, in no case would abide it, whereupon rose many commotions, with much civil war amongst them. In so much, 
Pope Lucius, the ij. warring against the Senators.  that Pope Lucius (sending for aid to the Emperor, and he otherwise letted at that time could not come) armed his soldiers, thinking to invade them or else to destroy them in their Senate house. But this coming to their knowledge before, the people was all in array, and so much add was amongst them. Pope Lucius being also amongst them in the fight (well pelted with stones & blows) lived not long after. Likewise Pope Eugenius after him, an. 1145. (pursuing the Romans for the same matter) first did curse them with excommunication. After, when he saw that would not serve, 
Spiritual excommunication abused in temporal causes.  he came with his host: and so compelled them at length to seek his peace, and to take his conditions which were these: That they should abolish their Consuls, and take such Senators, as he by his Papal authority should assign them.  

Hadrianus a Pope an Englishman.  Then followed Anastacius the 4. & after him Hadrianus 4. an Englishman, by his name (called Breakespere) belonging once to S. Albons. This Hadrianus kept great stir in like sort with the citizens of Rome for abolishing their consuls and Senate, cursing, excommunicating, and warring against them with all power he could make: to the time he removed the Consuls out of their office, and brought them all under his subjection. The like business and cage he also stirred up against Apulia, and especially against the Empire, blustering and thundering against Friderieus the Emperor, as (the Lord granting) you shall hear anon after we have prosecuted such matter, as necessarily appertaineth first to the continuation of our English story.   

King Henry the second.  

Anno. 1154. King Henry the second.  HEnry the second of that name, the son of Jeffrey Plantagenet, and of Maude the Empress and daughter of king Henry the first, began his reign after king Stephen, and continued 35. years. The first year of his reign he subdued Ireland, 
Thomas Becket chancellor of England.  and not long after, Thomas Becket was made by him Lord Chancellor of England. This king cast down divers Castles which were erected in the time of king Stephen. He went into the North parts, where he subdued William king of Scotland, who at that time held a great part of Northumberland unto new Castle upon Tyne, and joined Scotland to his own kingdom from the South Ocenm to the North Isles of Orchades; Also he put under his dominion the kingdom of Wales, and there let to fall down many great wooodes, and made the ways plain. So that by his great manhood and policy; the signory of England was much augmented with the addition of Scotland, Ireland, the Isles Orchades, Britain, Poytow, and Guyan. Also he had in his rule, Normandy, Gascoigne, Angeow, and Chinon: also Aluerne and the City of toulouse he won, and were to him subject. Over and besides (by the title of his wife Elenore daughter to the Earl of Poytow) he obtained the mounts Pyraine in Spain: so that we read of none of his progenitors, which had so many countries under his dominion.  
In England were seen in the firmament two suns, 
Anno. 〈◊〉  or as it is in Chronica Chronicorum, in Italy appeared three suns by the space of three hours in the West, and the year following, appeared three moons, whereof the middle moon had a red cross overtwart the face. Whereby was tokened (by the judgement of some) the great schism, that after fell among the Cardinals for the election of the Bishop of Rome: 
Gerhardus, Dulcinus, Preaches against Antichrist of Rome.  or else rather the business between Fridericus the Emperor and the Popes, whereof partly now incidently occasion giveth us to discourse. After that I have first written of Gerhardus and Dulcinus Navarensis, who in their time according to their gift, did earnestly labour & preach against the church of Rome, defending and maintaining, that prayer was not more holy in one place then in an other, that the Pope was Antichrist, that the Clergy & prelate's of Rome were reject, and the very whore of Babylon prefigured in the apocalypse, etc. Peradventure these had received some light of knowledge of the Waldenses. Who at length with a great number of their followers were oppressed and slain by the Pope. And although some inconvenient points of doctrine and dishonesty in their assemblies be against them alleged of some, 
Ex 〈◊〉 Gisbaron si.  yet these times of ours do teach us sufficiently, what credit is to be given to such popish slanders, forged rather upon hatred of true religion, then upon any judgement of truth. Illyricus in his book De testibus referreth the time of these two, to the year of our Lord, 1280. but as I find in the story of Robert Guisburn: these two. about the year of our Lord, 1158. brought 30. with them into England, 
Anno. 11●●.  who by the king and the Prelates, were all burnt in the forehead, and so driven out of the Realm, and after (as Illyricus writeth) were slain by the Pope.  
And now according to my promise premised, the time requireth to proceed to the history of Fredericus the first, (called Barbarossa) successor unto Conradus in the Empire, 
Fredericus Barbarosa Emperor.  who marched up to Italy, to subdue there certain rebels. The Pope hearing that, came with his Clergy to meet him by the way, in a town called Sutrium, thinking by him to find aid against his enemies. The Emperor seeing the Bishop, lighteth of his horse to receive him, holding the stirrup to the Prelate on the left side, 
The pope displeased, that the Emperor did not held his right stirrup. The Emperor holdeth the Pope's stirrup.  when he should have held it on the right, whereat the Pope showed himself somewhat aggrieved. The Emperor smiling, excused himself that he was never accustomed to hold stirrups. And seeing it was done only of good will, and of no duty, the less matter was, what side of the horse he held. The next day to make amends again to the Bishop, the Emperor sending for him, received him, holding the right stirrup to the prelate, & so all the matter was made whole and he the Popes own white son again.  
After this, as they were come in and late together, Hadrianus the Pope beginneth to declare unto him, 
The Pope's old practice in setting Princes together by the ears.  how his ancestors before him (such as sought to the sea of Rome for the crown) were wont always to leave behind them some special token or monument of their benevolence, for the obtaining thereof, as Carolus Magnus in subduing the Lombard's, Ottho the Berengarians, Lotharius the Normands, etc. Wherefore, he required some benefit to proceed likewise from him to the church of Rome, in restoring again the country of Apulia, to the Church of Rome. Which thing if he would do, he for his part again would do that which appertained to him to do: (meaning in giving him the crown) for at the time the pope's had brought the Emperors, to fetch their crown at their hands.  
Fredrick with his princes perceiving, that unless he would of his own proper costs & charges fetch in again Apulia out of duke William's hands, he could not speed of the crown, was fain to promise to all that the Pope required, and so the next day after was crowned.  
This done, the Emperor returneth into Germany, to refresh his army and his other furnitures, for the subduing Apulia. 
War more gainful to the Pope then peace. War stirred up by the Pope.  In the mean while, Hadrianus not thinking to be idle, first giveth forth censures of excommunication against William duke of Apulia. Besides (not content with this) sendeth also to Emanuel Emperor of Constantinople, incensing him to war against the foresaid William. The duke perceiving this, sendeth to the Pope for peace, promising to restore to him whatsoever he would.  
But the Pope through the malignant counsel of his Cardinals, would grant to no peace thinking to get more by war. The Duke seeing nothing but war, prepareth himself with all expedition to the same. To be brief, making all his power out of Sicilia, he arriveth at Apulia, & there putteth Emanuel the Emperor to flight. This done, 
The pope driven to entreat for peace.  he proceedeth to the City Bonaventuee, where the Pope with his Cardinals were looking for victory. He planting there his siege, so straightly pressed the City, that the Pope with his Cardinals were glad to entreat for peace which they refused before. The Duke granted to their peace upon certain conditions: that is, that neither he should invade such possessions as belonged to Rome, and that the Pope should make him king of both Siciles. So the matter was concluded, and they departed. The bishop coming to Rome was no less troubled there about their Consuls and Senators. In so much, that when his curses and excommunications could not prevail nor serve, he was sayne to leave Rome, and removed to Ariminum.  
The Emperor all this while sitting quietly at home, began to consider with himself, how the Pope had extorted from the Emperors (his predecessors) the investing and enduing of prelate's: how he had pylied and poled all nations by his Legates, and also had been the sour of seditions through all his Empery, he began therefore to require of all the bishops of Germany homagium, and oath of their allegiance, 
The godly proceed of Frederick the Emperor against the pope.  commanding also the Pope's Legates, if they came into Germany without his sending for, not to be received. Charging moreover all his subjects, that none of them should appeal to Rome. Besides this, in his letters he set & prefixed his name before the pope's name. Whereupon, the Pope being not a little offended, directed his letters to the foresaid Fredrick Emperor, after this tenor and form as followeth.  
The copy of Hadrianus the Pope's letters, to Frederick the Emperor.  
HAdrianus Episcopus servus servorum Dei, Friderico Imperatori salutem, & Apostolicam benedictionem. Caetera vide in priore aeditione. 
A letter of Pope Hadrian, to the Emperor Frederick.  In English.  
Hadrian Bishop, servant of the servants of God, to Friderike Emperor, health and Apostolical benediction. The law of God, as it promiseth to them that honour father and mother long life, so it threateneth the sentence of death to them that curse father & mother. We are taught by the word of truth, that every one which exalteth himself shallbe brought low. Wherefore (my well-beloved son in the Lord) we marvel not a little at your wisdom, in that you seem not to show that reverence to blessed S. Peter, and to the holy church of Rome, which you ought to show. For why? in your letters sent to us, you prefer your own name before ours, wherein you incur the note of insolency, yea (and rather to speak it) of arrogancy. What should I here recite unto you, the oath of your fidelity, which you swore to blessed S. Peter and to us, 
The emperors name before the Popes.  and how you observe and keep the same? Seeing you so require homage and allegiance of them that be Gods, and all the sons of the high God, and presume to join their holy hands with yours, working contrary to us? Seeing also you exclude (not only out of your churches, but also out of your cities) our Cardinals, whom we direct as Legates from our side: what shall I say then unto you? Amend therefore I advise you, amend: for while you go about to obtain of us your consecration and crown, & to get those things you have not. I fear much your honour will lose the things ye have. Thus far ye well.  
The answer of Fredrick the Emperor to the Pope.  
FRederike by the grace of God, Roman Emperor, ever Augustus, unto Adrian bishop of the Roman church, and unto all such that be willing to cleave unto those things which jesus began to work and teach, greeting. The law of justice giveth to every person accordingly that which is his. Neither do we derogate from our parents: of whom, according as we have received this our dignity of the Imperial crown and governance: so in the same kingdom of ours, we do render their due & true honour to them again. And forasmuch as duty in all sorts of men is to be sought out, let us see first in the time of Constantine (Silvester then being Bishop of Rome) what patrimony or regality he had of his own, due to him that he might claim. Did not Constantine of his liberal benignity give liberty, and restored peace unto the church? And whatsoever regality or patrimony the see of your papacy hath, was it not by the donation of Princes given unto them? Revolve and turn over the ancient chronicles (if either you have not red, or neglected that we do affirm) there it is to be found. Of them which be Gods by adoption, and hold our lord ships of us: why may we not justly require their homage, & their sworn allegiance, when as he which is both your master and ours (taking nothing of any king or any man, but giving all goodness to all men) paid toll and tribute for him & Peter, unto Cesar? giving you example to do the like. And therefore salth to you and all men: Learn of me, for I am meek and humble of hart, etc., Wherefore either render again your lordships & patrimonies which ye hold of us: or else if ye find them so sweet unto you, then give that which is due to God, to God: and that which is due to Cesar, unto Cesar. As for your Cardinals, we shut them out both of churches and cities. For that we see them not preachers, but proylers: not repairers of peace, but rakers for money, not pillars and upholders of the church, but polers insatiable of the world, and moylers of money and gold. What time we shall see them to be other men (such as the church requireth them to be) members and makers of peace shining forth like lights to the people, assisting poor and weak men's causes in the way of equity, etc. Then shall they find us priest and ready to relieve them with stipends, and all things necessary. And where as you infer such questions as these unto secular men (little conducing to religion) you incur thereby no little note and blemish of your humility (which is keeper of all virtues) and of your mansuetude. Therefore let your fatherhood beware and take heed, lest in moving such matters as seem to us unseemly for you, ye give thereby offence to such as depend of your word (giving ear to your mouth, as it were to an evening shower.) For we cannot but tell you of that we hear, seeing now the detestable beast of pride, doth creep into the seat of Peter, providing always (as much as we may by god's grace) for the peace of the church. Far ye well.  
Upon this, Hadrianus the Pope directeth out a Bull against Friderike, excommunicating him with public & solemn ceremonies, Moreover (conspiring with William duke of Apulia) sought all manner of ways to infest the emperor, and to set all men against him, especially the clergy. Amongst many other writing to Hilituns' Bishop of Drivers, to Arnulphus bishop of Mentz, & to Friderike bishop of Colen, seeketh first to make them of his side. His Epistle to them soundeth to this effect.  

A seditious and proud letter of the pope to the Bishops of Germany.  THe Empire of Rome was transferred from the Greeks to the Almains, so that the king of Almains could not be called Emperor, before he were crowned of the bishop Apostolical. Before his consecration he is a king, afterward Emperor. Whence hath he his Empire then, but of us? By the election of his princes he hath the name of a king by our consecration he hath the name of the Emperor of Augustior of Caesar. Ergo, by us he reigneth as Emperor: Search ancient antiquities. Zacharias P. promooted Carolus, and made him a great name, that he was made and called Emperor. And after that, ever the king of Almains was named Emperor and advocate to the see Apostolical, so that Apulia (conquered by him) was subdued to the bishop of Rome: which Apulia with the city of Rome, is ours, and not the Emperors. Our seat is at Rome, 
Well bragged and like a Pope.  the seat of the Emperor is at Aquis in Arduenna, which is a wood in France. The Emperor whatsoever he hath, he hath it of us. As Zacharias did translate the Empire from the Greeks to the Almains: so we may translate it again from the Almains, to the Greeks. Behold it lieth in our power to give it to whom we will, 
Scripture well wrested.  being therefore set up of God above Gentiles and nations, to destroy and pluck up, to build and to plant, etc.  
And yet further to understand the ambitious presumption of this proud see of Rome, it so chanced this Emperor Fridericus at his first coming up to Rome, did behold there in the palace of Laterave, a certain picture brought forth unto him, how Lotharius the two. Emperor was crowned of the Pope, with the inscription of certain verses in Latin, declaring how the foresaid Emperor coming to Rome, first did swear to the city, after was made the Pope's man, and so of him received the crown. Fridericus offended with this picture, desired the pope it might be abolished, for that it should be no cause of any dissension hereafter. The Pope understanding the intent of the Emperor, how loath he was to come under subjection to his see, devised by all crafty ways to bring it to pass. And first taking his occasion by the bishop of Laodicea (being them detained in custody, 
Ex Radenuico, in appendice Frisingensis.  I cannot tell by whom) sent divers and sharp letters unto him. And yet not so sharp, as proud & disdainful. Wherein the first saluration by his legates, was this in Latin: Salutat vos beatissimus pater noster Papa, & universitas Cardinalium, 
See the ambitious presumption of a proud priest.  ille ut pater, hij ut fratres. That is, our most blessed father the Pope greeteth you, and the universal company of the Cardinals, he as your father, they as your brethren. Meaning thereby that he should understand himself to be subject and underling to the Pope, no less than the Cardinals were. Moreover in his letters objecting divers things against him, reciteth, how many and great benefits he had received of the church of Rome: by the which church he had obtained the fullness of his honour and dignity, etc. The Emperor with his princes perceiving whereunto the Pope by his Legates did shoot: (being a prince of courage) could not abide such intolerable presumption of a proud message: whereupon, much contention fell between the Legates and the Princes. And of whom then (say the Legates) receiveth Cesar the Empery, if he take it not of the Pope; with the which word, the german princes were so much offended, that had not the Emperor stayed them (with much ado) they would have used violence against the Legates. But the Emperor not permitting that, commanded the Legates away, straightly charging them to make no turn by the way to any person or persons, but strait to departed home. And he (to certify the whole state of the Empire of the truth of the matter) direcreth forth these letters that follow.  
The tenor of the emperors letter sent through all his Empire.  
FOrasmuch as the providence of God (whereof dependeth all power both in heaven and earth) hath committed to us his anointed, this our regiment and Empery to be governed, and the peace of his Churches by our Imperial arms to be protected, we cannot but lament and complain to you with great sorrow of heart, seeing such causes of dissension (the root and fountain of evils, and the infection of pestiferous corruption) thus to rise from the holy church, imprinted with the seal of peace, and love of Christ.  
By reason whereof (except God turn it away) we fear the whole body of the church is like to be polluted: the unity thereof to be broken, and a schism and division to be betwixt the spiritual and temporal regiment For we being a late at Bisunze, & there entreating busily of matters pertaining as well to the honour of our Empire, as to the wealth of churches, there came Ambassadors of the see Apostolical, declaring they brought a legacy to our majesty of great importance, redounding to no small commodity of our honour and Empire.  
Who then, the first day of their coming, being brought to our presence, and received of us (as the manner is) with honour accordingly, audience was given them to hear what they had to say. They forthwith bursting out of the Mammon of iniquity, haughty pride, stoutness and arrogancy, out of the execrable presumption of their swelling hart, did their message with letters Apostolical, whereof the tenor was this: That we should always have before our eyes how that our sovereign lord the Pope gave us the Imperial crown, and that it doth not repent him, if so be it, we have received greater benefits at his hand. And this was the effect of that so sweet and fatherly legation, which should nourish peace both of the church and of the Empire, to unite them fast together in the band of love.  
At the hearing of this so false, untrue, and most vain glorious presumption of so proud a message, not only the Emperor's majesty, conceived indignation, but also all the Princes (there present) were moved with such anger and rage's the reat, that if our presence and request had not stayed them, they could not have held their hands from these wicked priests, or else to have proceeded with sentence of death against them.  
Furthermore, because a great number of other letters (partly written already, partly with seals ready signed, for letters to be written according as they should think good to the Churches of Germany) were found about them: whereby to work their conceived intent of iniquity here in our churches, to spoil the altars, to carry away the jewels of the church, and to flay the limbs and plates of golden crosses, etc. To the intent their avaricious meaning should have no further power to reign, we gave them commandment to departed the same way, 
Note here a courageous hart in a valiant Emperor. An example for all princes to follow.  they came. And now, seeing our reign and Empery standeth upon the election of Princes, from God alone, who in the passion of his son, subdued the world to be governed with two swords necessary. And again, seeing Peter the Apostle hath so informed the world with this doctrine, Deum timete, Regem honorificte that is, Fear God honour your king. Therefore, who so saith that we have & possess our imperial kingdom by the benefit of the Lord Pope, is contrary both to the ordinance of God, 
Note.  and to the doctrine of Peter, and also shallbe reproved for a liar.  
Therefore as our endeavour hath been heretofore to help and to deliver the servile captivity of churches out of the hand, and from the yoke of the Egyptians, and to maintain the right of their liberties and dignities, we desire you all with your compassion to lament with us, this slanderous and ignominy inferred to us and our kingdom, trusting that your faithful good will which hath been ever trusty to the honour of this Empire (never yet blemished from the first beginning of this city, and of religion) will provide, that it shall have no hurt through the strange novelty and presumptuous pride of such. Which thing, rather than it should come to pass, know you this for certain: I had rather incur the danger of death, then to suffer such confusion to happen in our days.  
This letter of Cesar fretted the Pope not a little, who wrote again to the bishops of Germany, accusing the emperor, and willing them to work against him what they could: they answer again with all obedience to the Pope submitting themselves, and yet excusing the emperor, and blaming him rather. And exhorted him henceforth to temper his letters and legacies with more gentleness and modesty, the which counsel he also followed, perceiving otherwise, that he could not prevail.  
Much trouble had good Fridericus with this Pope: but much more with the other, that followed. For this Pope continued not very long, the space only of 4. years & odd months. About whose time rose up the order of the hermits by one William once duke of Aquitania, 
The order of Erenu●●.  and afterward a Friar. This Hadrianus walking with his cardinals abroad, to a place called Anagnia or Arignanum, (as Volateran calleth it) chanced to be choked with a fly getting into his throat, 
Anno. 1159.  and so was strangled, who in the latter time of his papacy, was wont to say, that there is no more miserable kind of life in the earth, then to be a Pope, 

The saying and judgement of P. Adrianus of the papal sea.  
The pope's rather successors to Romulus then to Peter.  
Pope Alexander the third.   and to come to the papacy by blood, that is (said he) not to succeed Peter, but rather Romulus, who to reign alone, did slay his brother.  
Although this Adrian was bad enough, yet came the next much worse, one Alexander the 3. of that name. Who yet was not elected alone: for beside him the Emperor with 9 Cardinals (albeit Sabellicus saith but with 3.) did set up another Pope named Victor the 4. Between these two Popes rose a soul schism and great discord, and long continued. In so much, that the Emperor being required to take up the matter, sent for them both to appear before him, that in hearing them both, he might judge their cause the better. Victor came, but Alexander (disdaming that his matter should come in controversy) refused to appear. Whereupon the Emperor with a full consent of his Bishops and clergy about him, assigned and ratified the election of Victor to stand, and so brought him into the City there to be received & placed. Alexander (flying into France) accused them both, sending his letters to all christendom against them, as men to be avoided and cast out of all christian company. 
Alexander curseth the Emperor.  Also to get him friends at Rome by flattery and money got on his side the greatest part of the City, both to the favouring of him, and to the setting up of such Consuls as were for his purpose. After this, Alexander coming from France to Sicily, and from thence to Rome, was there received with much favour, through the help of Philip the French king.  
The Emperor hearing this rebellion and conspiracy in Rome, 
Anno. 1164.  removed with great power into Italy, where he had destroyed divers great cities. Coming at length to Rome, he required the Citizens that the cause betwixt the two Popes might be decided, and that he which had the best right, might be taken. If they would so do, he would restore again that which he took from them before. Alexander mistrusting his part, and doubting the wills of the Citizens, (having ships ready prepared for him, from William Duke of Apulia) fetched a course about to Venice.  
To declare here the difference in histories, between Blondus Sabellicus, and the Venetian chronicles, with other writers, concerning the order of this matter, I will overpass. In this most do agree, that the Pope being at Venice, and required to be sent of the Venetians, to the Emperor, they would not send him. Whereupon, Fridericus the Emperor sent thither his son Otho with men and ships well appointed, charging him not to attempt any thing before his coming. The young man more hardy than circumspect (joining with the Venetians) was overcome, & so taken was brought into the city. Hereby the Pope took no small occasion to work his feats.  
The father to help the captivity and misery of his son, was compelled to submit himself to the Pope, and to entreat for peace. So the Emperor coming to Venice (at S. Marks Church, where the bishop was, there to take his absolution) was bid to kneel down at the Pope's feet.  
Pope Alexander treading on the neck of Frederick the Emperor.  
Here, as I note in divers writers, a great diversity and variety touching the order of this matter (of whom some say that the Emperor campt in Palestina before he came to Venice, 
Volateran ●ken with a ●tradiction  some say after) so I marvel to see in Volaterane (so great a favourer of the pope) such a contradiction who in his 22. book saith: the Otto (the emperors son) was taken in this conflict, which was the cause of the peace between, his father and the pope: And in his 23. book again saith, that the Emperor himself was taken prisoner in the same battle: & so (afterward peace concluded) took his journey to Alia & Palestina: 
Concilium 〈◊〉.  This P. in the time of his papacy (which continued 21. years) kept sundry counsels both at Turo & at Lateran, where he confirmed the wicked proceed of Hildebrand, 
The clergy ●ounde to ●he vow of chastity. Papi●tes are not so much in pro 〈◊〉 chastity, as in desining chastity.  and other his predecessors. As to bind all orders of the clergy to the vow of chastity, which were not greatly to be reprehended if they would define chastity aright. For who so liveth not a chaste life (saith he) is no fit person to be a minister. But herein lieth an error full of much blindness: and also peril, to think that matrimony immaculate (as S. Paul calleth it) is not chastity, but only a single life, that they esteem to be a chaste life.  
Now forasmuch as our english pope holy martyr, called Thomas Becket, happened also in the same time of this pope Alexander, let us somewhat also story of him so far as the matter shall seem worthy of knowledge and to stand with truth. To the end that the truth thereof being sifted from all flattery and lies of such popish writers as paint out his story: men may the better judge both of him what he was, and also of his cause.   

The life and history of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury.  

Tho. Becket Archb. at Cant.  IF the cause make a Martyr (as is said) I see not why we should esteem Tho. Becket to die a martyr, more than any other whom the Prince's sword doth here temporally punish for their temporal deserts. To die for the Church, 
Becket no martyr.  I grant is a glorious matter. But the Church, (as it is a spiritual and not a temporal Church) so it standeth upon causes spiritual, and upon an heavenly foundation, as upon saith, religion, true doctrine, sincere discipline, obedience to God's commandments. And not upon things pertaining to this world, as possessions, liberties, exemptions, privileges, dignities, patrimonies, and superiorities. If these be given to the Church, I pray God churchmen may use them well, but if they be not given, the church cannot claim them: or if they be taken away, that stadeth in the prince's power. To contend to Princes for the same, it is no matter (in my mind) material, to make a martyr, but rather a rebellion against them, to whom we own subjection. Therefore as I suppose Tho. Becket to be far from the cause and title of a Martyr (neither can he be excused, from a plain rebel against his prince) so yet would I have wished again, the law rather publicly to have found out his fault: then the swords of men (not bidden not sent) to have smitten him, having no special commandment, neither of the prince nor of the law so to do. For though the indignation of the Prince (as the wise Prince saith) is death: yet it is not for every private person straghtwayes to revenge the secret indignation of his Prince, except he be publicly authorised thereunto. And thus had been (as I suppose) the better way, the laws first to have executed their justice upon him. Certes, it had been the safest way for the king, as it proved after: who had just matter enough, if he had prosecuted his cause against him. And also thereby, his death had been without all suspicion of martyrdom, neither had their followed this shrining and fainting of him as there did. Albeit, the secret providence of God (which governeth all things) did see this way percase to be best, and most necessary for those days. And doubtless (to say here what I think, and yet to speak nothing again charity) if the Emperors had done the like to the Popes, contending against them what time they had cook them prisoners: that is, if they had used the law of the sword against them, and chopped off the heads of one or two, according to their traitorous rebellion: they had broken the neck of much disturbance, which long time after did trouble the Church. But for lack of that, because emperors having the sword, and the truth on their side, would not use their sword: but standing in awe of the Pope's vain curse, and reverencing his seat for Saint Peter's sake, durst not lay hand upon him: though he were never so abominable and traitorous a maletactour. The Pope's perceiving that, took so much upon them (not as the scripture would give) but as much as the superstitious fear of Emperors and kings would suffer them to take: which was so much, that it past all order, rule, and measure. And all because the superior powers (either would not, or durst not) practise the authority given to them of the Lord, upon those inferiors, but suffered them to be their masters.  
But as touching Thomas Becket, what soever is to be thought of them that did the act: the example thereof yet bringeth this profit with it, to teach all Romish Prelates not to be so stubborn (in such matters not pertaining to them) against their Prince, unto whom God hath subjecteth them.  
Now to the story, which if it be true that is set forth in Quadrilogo, by those source who took upon them to express the life and process of Thomas Becket: it appeareth by all conjectures that he was a man of a stout nature, 
Herberturde busebam. joan. Charnot. A lanus Abbot of Tenchbury. Gulselmus Cantuariensis. Tho. Becked described.  severe, & inflexible. What persuasion or opinion he had once conceived: from that he would in no wise be removed, or very hardly. threatenings & flatterings were to him both one. In this point singular, following no man's counsel so much as his own. Great helps of nature were in him (if he could have used them well) rather than of learning. Albe it, somewhat skilful he was of the civil law, which he studied at Bonomie. In memory excellent good, and also well broken in courtly and worldly matters. Besides this, he was of a chaste and strait life, if the histories be true. Although in the first part of his life (being yet Archdeacon of Canterbury and after Lord Chancellor) he was very evil, courtlike, pleasant, given much both to hunting & hawking, according to the guise of the court. And highly favoured he was of his prince, who not only had thus promoted him: but also had committed his son & heir to his institution and governance. But in this his first beginning he was not so well beloved: but afterward he was again as much hated (& deservedly) both of the king, and also of the most part of his subjects: save only of certain Monke●● and priests, and such other as were persuaded by them: who magnified him not a little, for upholding the liberties of the church (that is) the licentious life and excess of Churchmen. Amongst all other, these vices he had most notable, & to be rebuked. Full of devotion, but without all true Religion. Zealous, but clean without knowledge. And therefore as he was stiff and stubborn of nature, so (a blind conscience being joined withal) it turned to plain rebellion. 
What cometh of blind zeal destitute of right knowledge.  So superstitious he was to the obedience of the pope, that he forgot his obedience to his natural and most beneficial king. And in maintaining (so contentiously) the vain constitutions and decrees of men: be neglected the commandements of God. But herein most of all to be reprehended, that not only (contrary the kings knowledge) he sought to convey himself out of the realm (being in that place and calling) but also (being out of the realm) set matter of discord between the Pope & his K. and also between the French king and him: contrary to all honesty, good order, natural subjection, and true christianity. Whereupon followed no little disquietness after, both to the king and damage of the realm, as here (in process and in order following by the grace of Christ) we will declare. First beginning with the first rising up of him, & so consequently to prosocute in order his story as followeth.  
And first here to omit the progeny of him and of his mother named Rose, whom Polyd. Virgilius falsely nameth to be a Saracen: when in deed she came out of the parts bordering near to Normandy. To omit also the fabulous vision of his mother, 
The life of Tho. Becket. Polydorus mistaketh the mother of Becket. Ex Roberto Cri●eladensi. Ex Florilego.  mentioned in Rob. Crikeladensis, of a burning torch issuing out of her body and reaching up to heaven: his first preferment was to the Church of Branfield, which he had by the gift of S. Albous. After that, he cutred in the service of the Archb. of Cant. by whom he was then preferred to be his Archdeacon. And after by the said Theobald was put (as a man most meetest for his purpose) to K. Hen. to bridle the young K. the he should not be fierce against the clergy: whom in process of time, the K. made lord Chancellor, and then he left playing the archdeacon, and began to play the Chancellor. He fashioned his conditions like to the kings both in weighty matters & trifles. He would hunt with him, and watch the time when the King dined and and slept. Furthermore he began to love the merry gessinges of the court, to delight himself in the great land of men & praise of the people. And the I may pass over his household stuff, he had his bridle of silver, & the bosses of his bridle were worth a great treasure. At his table and other expenses, he passed any earl: That on the one side, men would judge him little to consider the office of an Archdeacon: and on the other side would judge him to use wicked doings. He played also the good soldier under the K. in Gascon, and both wan and kept towns. When the K. sent Thomas being Chancellor home into England (ambassador with other nobles after the death of the Archb.) he willed Rich. Luci (one of the chiefest) to commend in his name, this Thomas to the covent of Canterbury, that they might choose him archbish. Which thing he did diligently. The monks said, it was not meet to choose a courtier and a soldier to be head of so holy a company, for he would spend (said they) all that they had. Other had this surmise also, because he was in so great favour with the prince, the kings son, & was so suddenly discharged. of the Chancellorship which he had borne five years. In the 44. year of his age (on the Saturday in the Whitson-weeke) he was made priest, and the next day consecrated Bishop.  
As touching the priesthood of this man, I find the histories to vary in themselves, 
〈…〉.  for if he were beneficed, and chaplain to Theobald, & afterward archdeacon (as some say) it is no other like, but that he was priest before, & not (as our most English stories say) made priest in one day, and archbishop the next.  
But howsoever this matter passeth, here is in the mean time to be seen, what great benefits the K. had done for him, and what great love had been between them both. Now after that Becket was thus promoted, what variance and discord happened between them, remaineth to be showed: The causes of which variance were divers and sundry.  
As first when (according to the custom) the kings officers gathered, 
The 〈◊〉 of van●● recited between 〈◊〉 king 〈◊〉 Archb.  of every one, hide money through the Realm, for the defence of their own country: the King would have taken it to his coffers. But the Bishop said, that which every man gave willingly, he should not co●●t as his proper rent.  
another cause was, that where a Priest was accused of murder, and the kings officers and the friends of the dead, accused the priest earnestly afore the bishop of Salisbury his Diocesan to whom he was sent, desiring justice to be done on him: the priest was put to his purgation. But when he was not able to defend himself, the Bishop sent to the archbishop to ask what he should do. The Archb. commanded he should be deprived of all ecclesiastical benefices, & shut up in an abbey to do perpetual penance. After the same sort were divers other handled for like causes, but none put to death, nor lost joint, nor burned in the hand, or the like pain.  
The third cause was, that where a canon of Bruis did revile the kings justices: the king was offended with the whole clergy. For these and such like, the Archbishop (to pacify the kings anger) commanded the canon to be whipped, & deprived of his benefices for certain years. But the king was not content with this gentic punishment, because it rather increased their boldness: and therefore he called the Archbishop, bishops, and all the clergy to assemble at Westminster. When they were assembled together: the king earnestly commanded, that such wicked Clerks should have no privilege of their Clergy, but he delivered to the jailers, because they passed so little of the spiriturll correction: and this he said, also their own Canons and laws had decreed. The Archbishop counseling with his bishops and learned men, answered probably: and in the end he desired heartily the kings gentleness (so: the quietness of himself and his realm) that under Christ our new king, and under the new law of Christ, he would bring in no new kind of punishment into his Realm (upon the new chosen people of the Lord) against the old decrecs of the holy fathers: And oft he said, that he neither ought nor could suffer it. The king moved therewith (and not without cause) allegeth again and exacteth the old laws and customs of his grandfather, observed and agreed upon by archbishops, bishops, prelate's, & other privileged persons: enquiring likewise of him, whether he would agree to the same, or else now (in his reign) would condemn that which in the reign of his grandfather was well allowed. To which laws & customs, the said Thomas did partly grant, and partly not grant. The copy of the which foresaid laws are contained in the number of xxviii. or xxix. whereof I thought here to recite certain, not unworthy to be known.  

The copy of the old laws and customs, whereunto Thomas Becket, did grant.  
1. That no order should be given to husband men's children and bondmen's Children, 
The king's custom.  without the assent or testimonial of them which be the Lords of the country where they were borne and brought up: & if their sons become Clerks, they shall not receive the order of priesthood without licence of their Lords.  
2. And if a man of holy Church, hold any lay fee in his hand: 
Out of an English Chronic●● as it appearreth, 〈◊〉 en cured French●● earl ●●lord 〈◊〉.  he shall do therefore, the king the service that belonlongeth thereto, as upon juries, assize of lands, and judgements: saving only, at execution doing of death.  
3. If any man were the kings traitor, and had taken the Church: that it should be lawful to the king and his officers to take him out.  
4. Also if any felons goods were brought to holy church, that there should none such keep there: for every felons goods been the kings.  
5. That no land should be given to the Church, or to any house of religion, without the kings licence.   

These articles following, Thomas agreed not unto.  
1. IF that between a clerk and a lay man, were any striving for Church goods: they would the i'll should he done in the kings court.  
2. That there should neither bishop nor clerk, go out of the land without the kings licence: And then he should swear upon a book, he should procure no hurt against the king nor none of his.  
3. If any man were denounced accursed, and were come again to amendment: the king would not that he should be sworn, but only find sureties to stand to that, the holy Church should award.  
4. The fourth, that no man that held of the king in chief or in service, should be accursed without the king's licence.  
5. That all the bishoprics & abbeys that were vacant, should be in the king's hands, until such time that he should choose a prelate thereto: and he should be chosen out of the kings chapels, and first before he were confirmed, he should do his homage to the king.  
6. If any ple were to consistory brought, they should appeal from thence to the archdeacon: and from thence to the bishops court: and from the bishops court, to the archbyshops: and from thence to the king, and no further: So that in conclusion the complaints of holy Church, must come before the king and not the pope.  
7. That all debts, that were owing through trouthplyght, should not be pleaded in spiritual but in temporal Court.  
8. That the Peter pence, which to the Pope were gathered should be taken to the king.  
9 If any clerk for felony were taken, and so proved: he should be first disgraded, and then through judgement, to be hanged, or if he were a traitor to be drawn.   

Other laws and constitutions made at Claredoun in Normandy, and sent to England, whereunto Becket and the Pope would not agree. He being then fled out of the Realm.  
1. 
The laws of Claredoun.  IF any person shall be found to bring from the Pope, or from the Archbish. of Canterb, any writing, containing any indict or curse against the realm of England: the same man to be apprehended without delay, for a traitor, and execution to be done upon the same.  
2. That no monk, nor any Clerk shall be permitted to pass over into England, without a passport from the king or his justices: who so doth the contrary, that man to be tached and imprisoned.  
3. No man to be so bold once to appeal to the Pope, or to the Archbishop of Canterbury, out of England.  
4. That no decree, or commandment proceeding from the authority of the pope or the Bishop of Canterbury, to be received in England under pain of taking & imprisoning.  
5. In general, to forbid any man to carry over any commandment or precept (either of clerk) or layman to the Pope or to the archbishop of Canterbury, under pain of imprisonment.  
6. If any Bish., clerk, abbot, or lay man shall do contrary to this inhibition: or will keep the sentence of interditing: the same incontinent to be thrust out of the land, with all their kindred, and to leave all their goods behind them.  
7. All the possessions, goods & cartel of such as favour the pope, or the Archbishop of Canterbury, to be ceased and confiscate for the king.  
8. All such of the clergy, as be out of the realm having their contes and profits out of the land: to be summoned and warned through every shire, within three months to repair home: either else their rents and goods to return to the king.  
9 That S. Peter's pence, should be no more paid to the Apostolical see: but to be reserved diligently in the kings coffers, and there to be at his commandment. Arq● haec ex Quadrilogo.  
10. That the Bishops of Salisbury and Norwicht, be at the king's mercy: and be summoned by the Sheriff and bedels', that they before the king's justices, do right to the K. and his justices: because, (contrary to the statutes of Clarendon) by commandment they interdicted the land of Hugh Earl, and published the same in their Diocese with out licence of the kings justices.   
By these and such other laws and decrees it may appear that the abolyshing of the pope, is no new thing in the realm of England. This only difference there is, the the P. being driven out then, could not be kept out so long as now he is. The cause is, that the time was not yet come, that antichrist should so fully be revealed. Neither was his wickedness then so fully ripe in those days, as it hath been now in our time. Now these premised, let us return where we left, to the matter betwixt the king and Thomas becket.   

The communication and controversy between the king and Thomas Becket with his clergy.  
THe king as is aforesaid, conventing his Nobles and clerks together, required to have the punishment of certain misdoers of the Clergy. But Thomas Becket not assenting thereunto: the king came to this point: to know whether he would consent with his clergy, that the customs than set forth in the realm (meaning by the first part of those decrees above specified) should be observed. To which the Archbishop consulting together with his brethren, giveth answer again, that he was contented the kings ordinances should be observed, adding this withal, 
Beckets addition. Saluo ordine suo.  Saluo ordine suo: that is, saving his order. And so in like manner all the other bishops after, being demanded in order, answered with the same addition, Saluo ordine suo. Only hilarius bishop of Chichester, perceiving the king to be exasperate with that addition, 
The Bishop of Chichester.  instead of Saluo ordine, agreed to observe them Bona fide. The king hearing them not simply to agree unto him but with an exception, was mightily offended: who then turning to the Archbishop and the Prelates said: that he was not well contented with that clause of theirs, Saluo ordine suo, which he said, was captious and deceitful: having some manner of venine lurking under, & therefore required an absolute grant of them without any exception to agree to the kings ordinances. To this the Archbishop answered again, that they had sworn unto him their fidelity, both life, body, and earthly honour, Saluo ordine suo: and that in the same earthly honour, also those ordinances were comprehended: and to the observing, they would bind themselves after no other form, but as they had sworn before. The king with this was moved, & all his nobility not a little. As for the other bishops, there was no doubt but they would easily have relented, had not the stoutness of the Archb. made them more constant than otherwise they would have been. The day being well spent: the king (when he could get no other answer of them) departed in great anger: giving no word of salutation to the bishops. And likewise, the bishops every one to his own house departed. The bishop of Chichester (amongst the rest) was greatly rebuked of his fellows, for changing the exception contrary to the voice of all the other. The next day following, the king took from the archbishop all such honours & Lordships, as he had given him before, in the time that he was chancellor: whereby appeared the great displeasure of the king against him and the clergy. Not long after this, the king removing from London (unknowing to the bishops) sailed over to Normandy, whither the bishop of London called Gilbert (not long after) resorted to crave the kings favour: & gave him council withal to join some of the bishops on his side, lest if all were against him, peradventure he might sooner be overthrown. And thus the greatest number of the bishops were by this means reconciled again to the King: only the archbishop with a few other remained in their stoutness still. 
The stubborn wilfulness of T. Becket.  The K. (thinking to try all manner of ways) when he saw no fear not threats could turn him: did assay him with gentleness, it would not serve. Many of the nobles laboured betwixt them both, exhorting him to relent to the King, it would not be. Likewise the archbishop of York with divers other Bishops and abbots (especially the bish. of Chester) did the same. Besides this his own household daily called upon him: but no man could persuade him. At length understanding (partly by them the came to him) what danger might happen not only to himself, but to all the other clergy upon the king's displeasure: 
T. Becket relenteth to the king.  partly considering the old love & kindness of the king towards him in time past, was content to give over to the kings request: & came to Oxeford to him, reconciling himself about the addition, which displeased the king so much. Whereupon, the king (being somewhat mitigate) receiveth him with a more cheerful countenance: but yet not all so familiarly as before, saying: that he would have his ordinances and proceedings after the form confirmed in the public audience & open sight of his Bishops and all his Nobles. After this the K. (being at Clarendon) there called all his peers and prelate's before him: requiring to have that performed which they had promised, in consenting to the observing of his grandfathers ordinances and proceed. The archbishop suspecting (I cannot tell what) in the king's promise, drew backward, & now would not that he would before. At last with much a do he was enforced to give assent. First, came to him the bishop of Salisbury and of Norwiche, who (for old matters endangered to the king long before) came weeping & lamenting to the archbishop, desiring him to have some compassion of them, & to remit this pertinacy to the king: left if he so continued (through his stoutness to exasperate the kings displeasure) happily it might redound to no small danger, not only of them which were in jeopardy already: but also of himself to be imprisoned, and the whole Clergy to be endangered. Besides these two bishops, there wet to him other two noble peers of the realm labouring with him to relent & condescend to the king's desire. If not, they should be enforced to use violence, as neither would stand with the kings fame, and much less with his quietness. But yet the stout stomach of the man would not give over. After this, came to him ij. rulers of the temple called Templars: one Richard de Hast: an other Costans de Heverio with their company: lamenting & bewailing their great peril which they declared unto him to hang over his head: yet neither with their tears nor with their kneelinges, would he be removed. At length came the last message from the king, signifying unto him with express words (and also with tears) what he should trust to, if he would not give over to the kings request.  
By reason of which message, he (either terrified or else persuaded) was content to submit himself. 
Becket yieldeth to the king.  Whereupon, the king incontinent assembling the states together: the Archbishop first before all other beginneth to promise to the king obedience and submission unto his custom, 
Saluo ordine left out in the composition.  and that Cum Bona fide leaving out of his former addition, Saluo ordine, mentioned before: in steed whereof he promised in Verbo veritatis, to observe and keep the king's customs and swear to the same. After him the other bishops likewise gave the like oath. Whereupon, the king commanded incontinent certain instruments obligatory to be drawn: of the which: the king should have one: the archbishop of Canterbury an other: the Archbishop of York the third: requiring also the said Archbishop to set his hand and seal. To the which, the Archbishop (although not denying but that he was ready so to do) yet desired respite in the matter, while that he (being but newly come to his bishopric) might better peruse with himself the foresaid customs and ordinances of the king. This request as it seemed but reasonable, so it was lightly granted: and so the day being well spent, they departed for that season and broke up.  

Becket repenteth of his good deed.  Alanus one of the iiij. writers of the life of this Thomas Becket, recordeth: that the archbishop in his voyage toward Winchester, begun greatly to repent that he had done before, partly through the instigation of certain about him, but chief of his crossebearer, who going before the Archbish. did sharply and earnestly expostulate with him, for giving over to the king's request against the privilege & liberties of the Church: polluting not only his fame and conscience, but also giving a pernicious example to them that should come after, with many like words. To make the matter short: the Archbishop was so touched upon the same with such repentance, that keeping himself from all company, lamenting with tears, with fasting, and with much penance macerating and afflicting himself, did suspend himself from all divine service: and would not receive comfort, before that (word being sent to his holy grandfather the pope) he should be assoiled of him: who tendering the tears of his dear chicken, directed to him letters again by the same messenger which Thomas had sent up to him before. In which letters not only he assoiled him from his trespass: but also with words of great consolation did encourage him to be stout in the quarrel he took in hand. The copy of which letters consolatory sent from the Pope to Popish Becket, here follow under written.  

A letter of pope Alexander to T. Becket.  ALexander Bishop etc. Your brotherhood is not ignorant that it hath been advertised us, how that upon the occasion of a certain transgression or excess of yours: you have determined to cease henceforth from saying of Mass, and to abstain from the consecration of the body and blood of the Lord. Which thing to do, how dangerous it is (especially in such a parsonage) and also what inconvenience may rise thereof: I will you advisedly to consider, and discreetly also to ponder. Your wisdom ought not to forget what difference there is betwixt them which advisedly and willingly do offend, and those which through ignorance, and for necessity sake do offend. For as you read, so much the more greater is wilful sin: as the same not being voluntary is lesser sin. Therefore if you remember yourself to have done any thing that your own conscience doth accuse you of, whatsoever it be: we counsel you (as a prudent and wise prelate) to acknowledge the same. Which thing done, the merciful and pitiful God, who hath more respect to the hart of the doer then to the thing done, will remit and forgive you the same according to his accustomed great mercy. And we trusting in the merits of the blessed Apostles S. Peter and Paul do absolve you from the offence committed, and by the authority Apostolical we release you unto your fraternity, counseling you and commanding you, that henceforth you abstain not (for this cause) from the celebration of the Mass.  
This letter with other more after like sort, the pope then wrote to him: animating and comforting him in this quarrel so nearly pertaining to the pope's profit. By the occasion whereof, Becket took no small hart and consolation In so much, that thereof seemeth to me to proceed, all the occasion the made him so stout & malipart against his prince, as hereafter followeth to be seen by his doings. What the other letters were that the pope wrote unto him, shortly after (when we come to the appellations made to the pope) shall appear God willing. In the mean season (as he sat thus mourning at home) the king hearing of him, & how be denied to set his seal to those sanctions, which he condesceded to before, took no little displeasure against him. In so much that he (threatening to him and his, banishment & death) began to call him to reconinges, and to burden him with payments: that all men might understand that the kings mind was sore set against him. 
Becket, enterprising against the king's 〈◊〉 to fly out of the realm.  The Archbishop hereupon (whether more for the love of the pope, or dread of his prince) thought to make an escape out of the realm, and so went about in the night (with two or three with him stealing out of his house) to take the sea privily. Now amongst other the kings ordinances and sanctions, this was one: that none of the prelacy or nobility without the kings licence (or of his justices) should departed out of the realm. So Becket twice attempted the sea, to flee to the see of Rome: but the wether not serving, was driven home again, and his devise for that time frustrated. After his departure began to be known and noised abroad, the kings officers came to Canterbury to season upon his goods in the kings behalf. But as it chanced the night before their coming, Becket being returned and found at home, they did not proceed in their purpose.  
Upon this, the Archbishop (understanding the king sore bend against him, 
Becket taunted of the king.  and the seas not to serve him) made haste to the court, lying then at woodstock. Where the king received him (after a certain manner) but nothing so familiarly as he was wont: taunting him gestingly & merrily, as though one realm were not able to hold them both. Becket (although he was permitted to go and come at his pleasure to the court) yet could not obtain the favour that he would: perceiving both in himself, and confessing no less to other, how the matter would fall out: so that either he should be constrained to give over with shame, or stoutly stand to that which he had so holdly taken in hand. The Archbishop of York in the mean time (going between the king and the Archbish.) laboured to make a peace & love between them, but the King in no case would be reconciled, unless the other would subscribe to his laws. So the while, neither the K. would otherwise agree, nor yet the archb. in any wise would subscribe: there was a foul discord. Where the fault was, let the reader here judge between them both. The K. (for his regal authority thought it much, that any subject of his, should stand against him. The Archb. again (bearing himself bold upon the authority, & especially upon the letters of the P. lately written to him) thought him strong enough against the king & all his realm. Again, such was his quarrel for the maintenance of liberties and glory of the Church, that he could lack no setters on, & favourers in that behalf, in so sweet a cause amongst the clergy. Wherefore the Archb. (trusting to these things) would give no place, but by virtue of his apostolic authority gave censure upon these laws and constitutions of the king: condemning some, & other some approving for good and catholic, as is before declared. Besides this, 
Ex Rogero Houed. pr●. part historia continuas a post Bedam.  there came also to the K. Rotrodus Archbishop of Rotomage (sent from the Pope) to make peace between the K. and Canterbury. Whereunto the king was well content, so that the Pope would agree to ratify his ordinances. But when that could in no wise be obtained at the Pope's hands: then the king being stopped and frustrate of his purpose by reason of Beckets apostolic legacy (being Legatus a Latere) thought good to send up to the pope and so did: to obtain of him that the same authority of the apostolic Legacy might be conferred to an other after his appointment, which was the Archbishop of York. 
The king to be the Pope, Legate.  But the pope denied. Notwithstanding at the request of the king's Clergy, the Pope was content that the king should be Legate himself: whereat the king took great indignation (as Hoveden writeth) so that he sent the Pope his letters again. Here the Pope was perplexed on both sides.  
If he should have denied the king, that was to hot for him. For the Pope useth always to hold in with kings howsoever the world speedeth. Again, if he should have forsaken such a churchly chaplain (the cause being so sweet and so gainful) that should have been against himself: what did he then? 
The ce●sty dissimulation of the Pope.  Here now cometh in the old practice of popish prelacy, to play with both hands: privily he conspireth with the one, and openly dissembleth with the other. First, he granted to the king's ambassadors their request, to have the Legate removed, and to place in that office the Archbishop of York, after his own contentation, and yet notwithstanding (to tender the cause of Tho. Becket) he addeth this promise withal, that the said Becket should receive no harm or damage thereby. Thus the Pope craftily conneying the matter between them both (glad to further the Archbishop for his own advantage, and yet loath to deny the king for displeasure) writeth to the king openly, and also secretly directeth another letter to Becket: the contents whereof here follow.  
Alexander the Pope, to Thomas Archb. of Caunterbury.  
ALthough we condescending to the king's request, have granted the gift of our legacy after his mind from you, 
The pope's secret letters to Becket.  yet let not your mind thereby be discomforted, nor brought into sighs of despair. For before that we had granted that, or gave our consent thereunto: the king's ambassadors firmly promised in the word of truth (ready also to be sworn upon the same, if I would have so required) that their letters also, which he had obtained, should not be delivered to the Archbishop of York, without our knowledge and consent therein. This is certain, and so persuade yourself boldly without any scruple, doubt or mistrust, that it was never my mind or purpose, nor ever shallbe God willing, to subdue you or your Church under the obedience of any person, to be subject save only to the Bishop of Rome. And therefore we warn you and charge you, that if you shall perceive the king to deliver these foresaid letters, which we trust he will not attempt, without our knowledge to do, forthwith by some trusty messenger or by your letters, you will give us knowledge thereof: whereby we may provide upon the same, both for your person, your Church, and also your city committed to you, to be clearly exempt by our authority Apostolical, from all power & jurisdiction of any legacy.  
Upon these letters and such other, as is said before: Becket seemed to take all his boldness to be so stout and sturdy against his Prince as he was. The Pope (beside these) sent secretly this Chaplain of his, and directed an other letter also unto the king: granting and permitting at his request, to make the Archbishop of York Legate Apostolical.  
The king (after he had received his letters sent from the Pope) began to put more strength to his purposed proceedings against the Archbishop: first beginning with the inferiors of the clergy, such as were offenders against his laws, as felons, robbers, quarrelers, breakers of peace, 
More than an C. murders done by the clergy. Guliel. Neuburg. lib. 2. ca 16.  and especially such as had committed homicide and murders, whereof more than an hundred at that time were proved upon the clergy (as witnesseth Guliel. Neuburgensis, in his book de gestis Anglorum, lib. 2. cap. 16) urging and constraining them to be arraigned after the order of the law temporal, and justice to be ministered to them according to their deserts: as first to be deprived, and so to be committed to the secular hands. This seemed to Becket to derogate from the liberties of holy church, that the secular power should pass in causes criminal, or sit in judgement against any ecclesiastical person. This law, the roisters (than of the clergy) had picked and forged out of Anacletus & evaristus by whole falsely alleged and pretenced authority, they have deduced this their constitution from the Apostles, which giveth immunity to all ecclesiastical persons to be free from secular jurisdiction. Becket therefore like a valiant champion (fight for his liberties, and having the Pope on his side) would not permit his clerks infamed, otherwise to be convented, then before ecclesiastical judges, there to be examined & deprived for their excess, and no seculare judge to proceed against them. So that after their deprivation, if they should incur the like offence again, than the temporal judge to take hold upon them, otherwise not. This obstinate and stubborn rebellion of the Archb. stirred up much anger and vexation in their king, & not only in him, but also in the nobles and in all the bishops (for the greater part) that almost he was alone a wonderment to all the realm.  
The king's wrath daily increased more and more against him (as no marvel was) and caused him to be cited up to appear by a certain day at the town of Northhampton, 
Becket cited to Northampton.  there to make answer to such things as should be laid to his charge. So when the day was come (all the Peers and nobles, with the prelate's of the Realm upon the king's proclamation being assembled in the Castle of Northhampton) great fault was sound with the Archb. for that he (personally cited to appear) came not himself, but sent another for him. The cause why he came not, Hoveden assigneth to be this: for that the king had placed his horse and horsemen in the Archb. lodging (which was a house there of Canons) wherewith he being offended, sent word again that he would not appear, 
The Archbish. condemned in the Council of Northamton, in the lo●●e of all his movables.  unless his lodging were voided of the kings horsemen, etc. Whereupon (by the public sentence as well of all the Nobles, as of the bishops) all his movables were adjudged to be confiscate for the king, unless the kings clemency would remit the penalty. The stubborn Archbishop again (for his part) quarrelling against the order & form of the judgement, complaineth: alleging for himself (seeing he is their Primate and spiritual father not only of all other in the realm, but also of the king himself) not to be convenient, the father so to be judged of his children, nor the pastor of his flock so to be condened: saying moreover that the ages to come should know what judgement was done, etc. But especially he complaineth of his fellow bishops (when they should rather have taken his part) so to sit in judgement against their Metropolitan, and this was the first days action.  
The next day following, the king laid an action against him in the behalf of one that was his Marshal (called john) for certain injury done to him, and required of the said Archb. the repaying again of certain money, which he (as is said) had lent unto him being Chancellor, the sum whereof came to 500 marks. This money the Archb. denied not but he had received of the king, howbeit (by the way and title of gift as he took it) though he could bring no probation thereof. Whereupon, the king required him, to put in assurance for the payment thereof: whereat the Archbish. making delays (not well contented at the matter) was so called upon, that either he should be countable to the king for the money, 
Becket required to give an account.  or else he should incur present danger, the king being so bend against him. The Archbishop being brought to such a strait (and destitute of his own suffragans) could here by no means have escaped, had not v. persons of their own accord stepped in, being bound for him, every man for one C. marks a piece. And this was upon the second day concluded.  
The morrow after (which was the third day of the council) as the Archb. was sitting below in a certain conclave with his fellow bishops about him consulting together (the doors fast locked to them, as the king had willed & commanded) it was propounded unto him in the behalf of the king, that he had had divers bishoprics & Abbarikes in his hand which were vacant (with the fruits and revenues thereof due unto the king for certain years) whereof he had rendered as yet no account to the king: wherefore it was demanded of him to bring in a full and a clear reckoning of the same. This (with other such like) declared to all the council great displeasure to be in the king and no less danger toward the Archbishop.   

The advise of the bishops for Thomas Becket.  
THus while the bishops and prelate's were in council, 
The verdict of Winchester.  (advising and deliberating what was to be done) at length it came to voices, every man to say his mind, and to give sentence what were the best way for their Archb. to take. First began Henry bishop of Winchester, who then took part with Becket so much as he durst for fear of the king, who said, he remembered that the said Archb (first being Archdeacon, and then Lord Chancellor, at what time as he was promooted to the church of Caunterbury) was discharged from all bands and reckonings of the temporal court, as all the other bishops could not but bear record to the same.  
Next spoke Gilbert bishop of London, 
The counsel of the Bishop of London.  exhorting and motioning the Archbishop that he should call with himself to mind, from whence the king took him, and set him up, what and how great things he had done for him, also that he should consider with himself the dangers and perils of the time, and what ruin he might bring upon the whole church (and upon them all there present) if he resisted the king's mind in the things he required. And if it were to render up his archbishopric (although it were x. times better than it is) yet he should not stick with the king in the matter. In so doing it might happen, the king seeing that submission and humility in him, would release him peradventure of all the rest. 
Canterbury.  To this the Archbishop answering, well, well (saith he) I perceive well enough my Lord, whether you tend, & where about you go. Then spoke Winchester, inferring upon the same. This form of council (saith he) seemeth to me very pernicious to the Catholic Church, 
Winchester.  tending to our subversion, and to the confusion of us all. For if our Archbishop and Primate of all England do leave to this example, that every Bishop should give over his authority and the charge of the flock committed to him, at commandment & threatening of the prince: to what state shall the Church be brought them, but that all should be confounded at his pleasure and arbitrement, and nothing to stand certain by any order of law, and so as the priest is, so shall the people be:  

Chichester.  Hilary the bishop of Chichester replieth again to this saying: If it were not, that the instance and the great perturbation of time did otherwise require and force us, 
Moderate counsel.  I would think this counsel here given were good to be followed. But now seeing the authority of our canon faileth, & cannot serve us, I judge it not best to go so straightly to work, but so to moderate our proceed, that dispensation with sufferance may win that which severe correction may destroy. Wherefore my counsel and reason is, to give place to the king's purpose for a time, lest (by over hasty proceeding, we exceed so far) that both it may redound to our shame, & also cannot rid ourselves out again when we would.  

Lincoln.  Much to the same end spoke Robert the bishop of Lincoln after this manner: Seing (saith he) it is manifest that the life and blood of this man is sought, one of these two must needs be chosen: that either he must part with his archbishopric, or else with his life. Now what profit he shall take in this matter of his Bishopric, his life being lost, I do not greatly see.  

Exeter.  Next followed Bartholomew bishop of Exeter, with his advise, who (inclining his counsel to the state of time) confirmed their sayings before, affirming how the days were evil and perilous. And if they might so escape that violence of that raging tempest under the cover of bearing and relenting, it were not to be refused. But that he said could not be, except strait severity should give place to tractability, and so the instance and condition of time then present, required no less, especially seeing that persecution was not general, but personal and particular, & thought it more holy and convenient, one head to run in some part of danger, than the whole church of England to be subject and exposed to inconvenience inevitable.  
The answer of Roger bishop of Worcester was divided in a double suspense, neither affirming the one, nor denying the other, whose saying was this: that he would give no answer on neither part. For if I (saith he) shall say that the pastoral function & cure of souls, aught to be relinquished at the kings will or threatening, than my mouth shall speak against my conscience to the condemnation of mine own head. And if I shall give again contrary counsel to resist the king's sentence, here be they that will hear it, and report it to his grace, and so I shall be in danger to be thrust out of the synagogue, and for my part to be accounted amongst the public rebels (with them to be condemned) wherefore neither do I say this, nor counsel that.  
And this was the consultation of the Bishops in that place, 
Worcester. Becket the Archbishop replieth against the Bishops.  assembled together by the king's commandment. Against these voices & censures of the bishops Becket the Archbishop replieth again, expostulating and checking them with rebukeful words. I perceive (saith ' he) and understand ye go about to maintain and cherish but your own cowardness, under the colourable shadow of sufferance: and under pretence of dissembling softness, to choke the liberty of Christ's church. Who hath thus bewitched you, O unsatiable bishops? What mean ye? Why do ye so under the impudent title of forbearing, bear a double heart, and cloak your manifest iniquity? What call ye this bearing with time, the detriment of the Church of Christ? Let terms serve the matter, why pervert you the matter that is good, with vocables & terms untrue? For that ye say we must bear with the malice of time, I grant with you, but yet we must not heap sin to sin. Is not God able to help the state and condition of his church, but with the sinful dissimulation of the teachers, of the church? Certes God is disposed to tempt you. And tell me (I pray you) whether should the governors of the church put themselves to dangers for the church in time of tranquility, 
A great arielle grown in the church because that Bishop, may no●●● above 〈◊〉 and prince.  or in time of distress? Ye will be ashamed to deny the contrary but in distress. And now then (the church lying in so great distress and vexation) why should not the good pastor put himself into peril therefore? For neither do I think it a greater act or merit for the ancient bishops of the old time, to lay the foundation of the church then (with their blood) then now for us to shed our blood for the liberties of the same, And to tell you plain, I think it not safe for you to serve from an example, which you have received of your holy elders. After these things were spoken, they sat all in silence a certain space, being locked in together. At length (to find a shift to cause the door to be opened) I will saith the Archbishop speak with two Earls which are about the king, and named them whom they were. Which (being called) opened the door and came in with haste, thinking to hear some thing which should appease the kings mind. To whom the Archbishop spoke in this manner: As touching and concerning the matters between the king & us, we have here conferred together. And for as much as we have them not present with us now, which know more in the matter than we do (whose advise we would be glad also to follow) therefore we crave so much respite as to the next day following, and then to give up our answer unto the king. With this message two bishops were sent to the king, which was the bishop of London, and the bishop of Rochester.  
London (to help the matter, and to set quietness as I take it, adding something more to the message) said to the king, that the Archb. craved a little delay of time to prepare such writings and instruments, wherein he should set forth and declare his mind, in accomplishing the king's desire, etc. Wherefore, two barons were sent to him from the king to grant him that respite or stay, so that he would ratify that which the messengers had signified to the king. To the which the Archb. answereth, that he sent no such message as was intimate in his name: but only, that the next day he would come and give answer to the king, in that which he had to say. And so the convocation of the bishops was dissolved, and dismissed home: so that the most part of them that came with the Archb. and accompanied him before, (for fear of the king's displeasure) severed themselves from him. 
Becket destitute and forsaken.  The Archb. thus forsaken and destitute (as his story saith) sent about for the poor, the lame, and the halt, to come in and furnish his house, saying, that by them he might sooner obtain his victory, than by the other which had so slipped from him.  
On the next day following, because it was sunday, nothing was done. 
Becket 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉nes when he should appeal.  But the night before (being taken with a disease called passio iliaca, the colic) all that day he kept his bed, and was not able, as he said, to rise. Every man supposing this to be but a feigned sickness, as it seemed no less, certain of the chief Nobles were sent to try the matter, and to cite him to the Court: namely, Rob. earl of Leicester, and Reginald Earl of Devonshire. To whom the Archb. answered, that as that day he was so diseased that he could not come, yea though he were brought in an horse litter. So that day passed over. The morrow after certain that were about him, fearing no less, but that some danger would happen to him, gave him counsel in the morning to have a mass in the honour of the holy Martyr S. Steven, 
A mass of S. Steven 〈◊〉 save him from his enemies.  to keep him from the hands of his enemies that day. When the morrow was come (being Tuesday) there came to him the Bishops & Prelates, counselling and persuading him covertly by insinuation (for apertly they durst not) that he would submit himself with all his goods (as also his archbishopric) to the will of the king, if peradventure his indignation by that means might suage. Adding moreover, that unless he would so do, perjury would be laid against him: for that he being under the oath of fidelity to keep the kings laws and ordinances, now would not observe them. 
Becket answer to the Bishops.  To this, Becketh the Archbishop answereth again: Brethren ye see and perceive well how the world is set against me, and how the enemy riseth and seeketh my confusion. And although these things be dolorous and lamentable, yet the thing that grieveth me most of all, is this: the sons of mine own mother be pricks & thorns against me. And albeit I do hold my peace, yet the posterity to come will know and report how cowardly you have turned your backs, and have left me your Archbishop & Metropolitan alone in this conflict. And how you have sitten in judgement against me (although unguilty of crime) now two, days together, and not that only in the civil & spiritual court, but also in the temporal court ready to do the same. But in general this I charge and command (by the virtue of pure obedience, 
●●c●●t appealeth to Rome.  and in peril of your order) that ye be present personally in judgement against me. And that ye shall not fail so to do, I here appeal to our mother (the refuge of all such as be oppressed) the church of Rome: and if any secular men shall lay hands upon me (as it is rumoured they will) I straightly enjoin and charge you in the same virtue of obedience, that you exercise your censure ecclesiastical upon them, as it becometh you to do for a father & an Archbishop. And this I do you to understand: that though the world rage, & the enemy be fierce, and the body trembleth (for the flesh is weak) yet God so favouring me, I will neither cowardly shrink, nor vilely forsake my flock committed to my charge, etc.  
But the bishop of London, contrary to this commandment of the archbishop: did incontinent appeal from him. And thus the bishops departed from him to the court, 
London appealeth from the Archbish.  save only two (Henry Winchester and joceline of Salisbury, who returned with him secretly to his chamber and comforted him. This done, the Archbishop (which yesterday was so sore sick that he could not stir out of his bed) now addresseth him to his mass of S. Steven with all solemnity, as though it had been an high festival day, with his Metropolitan Pall, which was not used but upon the holy day to be worn, etc. The office of his mass began, Sederunt principes, & adversum me loquebantur: that is, Princes sit and spoke against me, 
A mass to charm away persecutors.  etc. (the king's servants being also there and beholding the matter). For this mass, Gilbert bishop of London accused Becket afterward, both for that it was done per artem magicam, & in contemptum regis (as the words of Hoveden purport) that is, both by art, magic, and in contempt of the king, etc.  
The mass being ended, the Archbishop (putting of his pall, his mitre and other robes) proceedeth to the king's Court: 
Becket carrieth with him the sacrament going to the king.  but yet not trusting peradventure so greatly to the strength of his mass (to make the matter more sure) he taketh also the sacrament privily about him, thinking thereby himself sufficiently defenced against all bugs. In going to the king's chamber (there to attend the kings coming) as he was entering the door, he taketh from Alexander his crosier, the cross with the cross staff, in the sight of all that stood by, and carrieth it in himself (the other Bishops following him & saying) he did otherwise then became him. Amongst other Robert bishop of Hereford offered himself to bear his cross rather than he should so do, for that it was not comely: but the Archbish. would not suffer him. Then said the bishop of London to him: if the king shall see you come armed into his chamber, perchance he will draw out his sword against you, which is stronger than yours: 
Hoveden referreth not this sailing to the Bishop of London, but to the Archbishop of York.  and then, what shall this your armour profit you? The Archb. answereth again: if the king's sword do cut carually, yet my sword cutteth spiritually, & striketh down to hell. But you my lord as you have played the fool in this matter, so you will not yet leave of your folly for any thing I can see: and so he came into the chamber. The king hearing of his coming and of the manner thereof, tarried not long but came where Becket was set in a place by himself, with his other Bishops about him. First, the crier called the prelate's and all the lords of the temporalty together. That being done, (and every one placed in his seat, according to his degree) the king beginneth with a great complaint against the Archb. for his manner of entering into the court: not as (sayeth he) a subject into a king's court: but as a traitor, showing himself in such sort, as hath not been seen before in any christian king's court, professing christian faith. To this, all (there present) gave witness with the king, affirming him always to be a vain & a proud man, and that the shame of his fact did not only redound against the prince himself, but also against his whole realm. Moreover they said that this had so happened to the king, for that he had done so much for such a beast, advancing him so highly in such a place and room next under himself. 
Becket called traitor of the king and of all his nobles.  And so altogether with one cry called him traitor on every side, as one that refused to give terrene honour to the king, in keeping (as he had sworn) his laws and ordinances: at whose hands also he had received such honour and great preferments: and therefore was well worthy (said they) to be handled like a perjured traitor and rebel. Whereupon, great doubt and fear was what should befall upon him. The Archb. of York coming down to his men said, he could not abide to see what the archb. of Cant. was like to suffer. Likewise, the Tipstaffs and other ministers of the assembly coming down with an outcry against him, crossed them to see his haughty stubbornness, and the business there was about him. Certain there were of his disciples sitting at his feet, comforting him softly, and bidding him to lay his curse upon them. Other (contrary) bidding him not to curse, but to pray and to forgive them, and if he lost his life in the quarrel of the church and the liberty thereof, he should be happy. afterward, one of them named joannes Stephani, 
A blind zeal for the proud liberties of the Church.  desired to speak something in his care, but could not be suffered by the king's Marshal, who forbade, that no man should have any talk with him. Then he (because he could not otherwise speak to him) wrought by signs, making a cross, and looking up with his eyes & wagging his lips, meaning that he should pray, and manfully to stand to the cross. In the mean time cometh to him Bartholomew B. of Excetor: desiring him to have regard and compassion of himself, and also of them, or else they were all like to perish for the hatred of him: 
Who so taketh Beckets part is counted a rebels  for there cometh out (saith he) a precept from the king that he shallbe taken, & suffer for an open rebel, that hereafter taketh your part. It is said moreover, that jocelinus B. of Salisbury, and William B. of Norwich, are to be had to the place of execution for their resisting and making intercession for the B. of Canterbury. When he had thus said, the Archbishop (looking upon the said Bishop of Exeter) avoid hence from me (saith he) thou understandest not, neither dost savour those things that be of God.  
The Bishop and Prelates then going aside by themselves from the other nobles (the king so permitting them to do) took counsel together what was to be done. Here the matter stood in a doubtful perplexity, for either must they incur the dangerous indignation of the king, or else with the Nobles they must proceed in condemnation against the archbishop for resisting the king's sanctions: 
Becket cited to Rome upon perjury by the Bishops.  which thing neither, they themselves did favour. In this strait necessity (they devising what way to take) at length agreed upon this: that they with a common assent should cite the Archb. to the sea of Rome upon perjury. And that they should oblige and bind themselves to the king with a sure promise, to work their diligence in deposing the Archbish. (upon this condition) that the King should promise their safety, & discharge them from the peril of that judgement, which was toward them. So all the bishops obliging themselves thus to the king, went forth to the Archbishop: of whom, one speaking for the rest (which was Hilary Bishop of Chichester) had these words: Once you have been our Archbishop, and so long we were bound to your obedience: but now for as much as you (once swearing your fidelity to the king) do resist him: neglecting his injunctions and ordinances concerning and appertaining to his terrene honour and dignity: 
Becket condemned of perjury.  we here pronounce you perjured, neither be we bound to give obedience to an Archbishop thus being perjured. But putting ourselves and all ours in the pope's protection, do cite you up to his presence. And upon the same, 
Becket cited to Rome.  assigned him his day and time to appear. The Archbishop answering again, said: he heard him well enough. And upon this sendeth up to Rome in all haste to the pope, signifying to him by letters the whole matter, how and wherefore, and by whom he was cited. To whom the Pope directed again his letters of comfort (as he had done divers before) the copy whereof here ensueth.  
Alexander Pope, to Thomas Archb. of Canterbury.  
YOur brotherly letters which you directed to us, & such other matters which your messenger by word of mouth hath signified unto us, we have diligently heard the reading thereof: & thereby fully understand the grievous vexations and dolorous griefs wherewith your mind is daily encumbered: by reason whereof, we hearing and understanding, are not a little disquieted in our spirit for your sake: in whose prosperities we do both gladly rejoice, & no less do sorrow in your adversities as for our most dear brother. You therefore (as a constant and wise man) remember with yourself that which is written: The Apostles departed away (rejoicing) from the face of the Council. etc. With like patience do you also sustain that man's molestations, and let not your spirit be troubled therein more than needeth, but receive in yourself consolation: that we also together with you, may be comforted in the Lord, who hath preserved you to the corroboration of his Catholic and Christian verity, in this distress of necessity: and from whom also it hath pleased him to wipe away the blot of such things which have been unorderly of you committed, & here to punish the same through sundry afflictions: whereby (in the straight judgement of God) they might not be called to accounted here after. But henceforth let not this much grieve you: neither let your hart be so deject or timorous in the matter (for that you are cited up to the apostolic sea) which to us is both grateful and accepted. And this we will you, that if they which have cited you shall chance to come: draw not you back, but follow the appeal (if ye please) and spare not (all doubt and delay set apart) for the authority of the Church tendering this your constancy, may not do that which may put you either in fear, or doubt. But our diligence shallbe withal labour and study, to conserve the right and pre-eminence (God willing) of that Church committed to you, so much as in us lieth (saving our justice and equity) as to one whom in working for the Church, we find to be both a constant and a valiant champion. Further, this I brotherly require you, to repair unto ●he Church of Canterbury: and retaining but a few Clerks about you (such only as serve your necessity) make no excurses out (as little as you can) in that country: but in this especially I thought to premonish you (that in no case) neither for fear or any adversity, whatsoever may happen: ye be brought to renounce and give up the right and dignity of your Church.  
Written at Sene the seven before the kalends of November.  
As the Archbishop was thus cited up to Rome (sitting with his cross waiting in the Court, neither giving place to the k●ngs request, nor abashed with the clamour of the whole court against him calling him traitor on every side, neither following the advertisement of his fellow Bishops) at length the king by certain Earls and Barons sent commandment to him, (Robert Earl of Leicester doing the message) that he should without delay come & render a full account of all things that he had received, 
Becket called to a full account.  as the profits and revenues of the Realm, in the time he was Chancellor: and especially for the 30000. Marks, for the which he was accountable to the king. 
Ex Rogero Hovedeno.  To whom the archbishop answereth again: the king knew, how oft he had made his reckoning of those things which now were required of him. Farther and besides, Henry his son and heir of his realm, with all his Barons, and also Richard Lucy chief justice of England, told him: that he was free and quit to God and to holy Church, from all receipts and computations, and from all secular exactions on the king's behalf. And so he taking thus his discharge at their hands, entered into his office, and therefore other account besides this he would make none. When this word was brought to the king, 
Becket judged to be laid in prison.  he required his Barons to do the law upon him. Who so doing, judged him to be apprehended, & laid in prison. This done, the king sendeth to him Reignalde Earl of Cornwall & Devonshire, and Robert Earl of Leycester, to declare to him what was his judgement. To whom the Archbishop answereth: hear (my son & good Earl) what I say unto you: how much more precious the soul is more than the body, so much more ought you to obey me in the lord, rather than your terrene king. Neither doth any law or reason permit the children to judge or condemn their father. 
Ex quadripartita historia. lib. 1 cap. 38. Becket appealeth to the Pope.  Wherefore, to avoid both the judgement of the king, of you, and all other: I put myself only to the arbitrement of the Pope, under God alone to be judged of him, and of no other. To whose presence here before you all, I do appeal: committing the ordering of the Church of Cant. (my dignity, with all other things appertaining to the same) under the protection of God and him. And as for you my brethren & fellow Bishops (which rather obey man, 
Becket thinketh not sufficient the protection of God without the pope.  than god) you also I call and cite to the audience and judgement of the pope, and departed hence forth from you, as from the enemies of the Catholic Church, and of the authority of apostolic see.  
While the Barons returned with this answer to the king, the Archbishop passing through the throng, taketh to him his Palfrey (holding his Cross in one hand, and his bridle in the other) the courtiers following after and crying: traitor, 
Becket flieth out of the court.  traitor, tarry & hear thy judgement. But he passed on till he came to the uttermost gate of the Court, which being fast locked there had been stayed, had not one of his servants, called Peter (surnamed Demunctorio) finding there a bunch of keys hanging by: first proved one key, than an other (till at last finding the true key) had opened the gate, and let him out. The archbishop went strait to the house of Canons, where he did lie, calling unto him the poor, where they could be found. When supper was done, making as though he would go to bed (which he caused to be made betwixt two altars) privily while the king was at supper, prepareth his journey secretly to escape away: and changing his garment and his name (being called Derman) first went to Lincoln, 
Becket changeth his name. and is called Derman.  from thence to Sandwiche, where he took ship, and sailed into Flaunders: and from thence journeyed to France, as Hovedenus saith. All be it Alanus differing something in the order of his flight, saith: that he departed not that night, but at supper time came to him the bishop of London, 
Histories differ something in the order of his flight.  & Chichester (declaring to him) that if he would surrender up to the king his two manners of Oxford & wyngecham, there were hope to recover the king's favour, & to have all remitted. But when the Archbishop would not agree thereunto (forasmuch as those manners were belonging to the Church of Canterbury) the king hearing thereof, great displeasure was taken: In so much that the next day, Becket was feign to send to the king two bishops and his chaplain, for leave to departed the realm. To the which message the king answered, that he would take a pause thereof till the next day, & then he should have an answer. But Becket not tarrying his answer, the same day conveyed himself away secretly (as is aforesaid) to Ludovicus the French king. But before he came to the king, Gilbert the bishop of London, & William the earl of Arundel (sent from the king of England to France) prevented him: requiring of the said French king (in the behalf of the king of England) that he would not receive nor retain in his dominion the archb. of Canterbury. Moreover (that at his instance) he would be a means to the pope, not to show any familiarity unto him. But the King of England in this point seemed to have more confidence in the French king, than knowledge of his disposition. For thinking that the French king would have been a good neighbour to him (in trusting him to much) he was deceived. Neither considered he with himself enough the manner & nature of the Frenchmen, at that time against the realm of England: who then were glad to seek and take all manner of occasions to do some act against England.  
And therefore Ludovick the French king, understanding the matter: 
The Fr●●● king supporteth Becket against the king of England.  & thinking (percase) thereby to have some vantage against the king, and realm of England, by the occasion hereof: contrary to the king's letters and request: not only harboureth and cherisheth this Derman: but also (writing to the pope by his Almener and brother) entreateth him (upon all loves, as ever he would have his favour) to tender the cause of the Archbishop Becket. Thus the kings Ambassadors repulsed of the French king, 
Ambassador 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉.  returned, at what time he sent an other embassage (upon the like cause) to Alexander the pope then being at Sene in France. The Ambassadors sent in this message were Roger archbishop of York, Gilbert bishop of London, Henry Bish. of Winchester, Hilary Bish. of Chichester, Bartholomew bishop of Exeter, with other doctors & clerks: also william Earl of Arundel, with certain more Lords & Barons. Who coming to the pope's court, were friendly accepted of certain of the Cardinals: amongst the which cardinals, rose also dissension about the same cause: some judging the Bishop of Canterbury, in the defence of the liberties of the Church (as in a good cause) to be maintained: Some thinking again, that he (being a perturber of peace and unity) was rather to be bridled for his presumption, then to be fostered & encouraged therein. But the P. partly bearing with his cause (which only tended to his exaltation and magnificence) partly again incensed with the letters of the French king: did wholly incline to Becket as no marvel was. Wherefore (the next day following) the pope sitting in consistory with his Cardinals, the ambassadors were called for, to the hearing of Beckets matter: and first beginneth the bishop of London: next, the Archbishop of York: then Exeter: and the other Bishops, every one in their order to speak. Whose orations being not well accepted of the Pope, and some of them also disdained: the Earl of Arundel perceiving that (and somewhat to qualify and temper the matter to the Pope's ears) began after this manner.  
ALthough to me it is unknown (saith he) which am both unlettered and ignorant, 
Theories of the earl of A●●● to the 〈◊〉.  what is that these Bishops here have said, neither am I in that tongue so able to express my mind as they have done: yet being sent and charged thereunto of my Prince, neither can nor ought I but to declare (as well as I may) what the cause is of our sending hither. Not (truly) to contend or strive with any person, nor to offer any injury or harm unto any man (especially in this place) and in the presence here of such a one, unto whose beck and authority all the world doth stoop and yield. But for this intent is our legacy hither directed, to present here before you, and in the presence of the whole church of Rome, the devotion and love of our king and master, which ever he hath had, and yet hath still toward you. And that the same might the better appear to your excellency: he hath assigned & appointed to the furniture of this legacy, not the least, but the greatest: not the worst but the best and chiefest of all his subjects: both Archbishops, Bishops, Earls, Barons, with other potentates more: of such worthiness and parentage, that if he could have found greater in all his Realm, he would have sent them, both for the reverence of your person, and of the holy Church of Rome. Over and besides this, I might add to more (which your sanctitude hath sufficiently tried and proved already) the true and hearty fidelity of this our king and sovereign toward you Who (in his first entrance to his kingdom) wholly submitted himself, with all that is his besides, to your will and pleasure. And truly to testify of his majesty how he is disposed to the unity of the Catholic faith: we believe there is none more faithful in Christ then he, nor more devout to God, nor yet more moderate in keeping the unity of peace whereunto he is called. And as I may be bold this to protest for our king & master: so neither do I deny the Archbishop of Caunterbury, to be a man destitute or unfurnished with gifts and ornaments in his kind of calling: but to be a man both sage and discrete, in such things as to him appertaineth: save only that he seemeth to some more quick and sharp then needeth. This blot alone if it were not, and that the breach between our king and him had not so happened: both the regiments together, (of the temporalty & spirituality) might quietly have flourished one with the other in much peace and concord: both under a prince so worthy, and a pastor so virtuous. Wherefore (the case so standing as it doth) our message hither, and our supplication to your vigilant prudence is, that (through your favour & wisdom) the neck of this dissension may be broken: and that reformation of unity and love (by some good means) may be sought.  
¶ This oration of his, although it was liked of them for the softness and moderation thereof: yet it could not so persuade the Romish Bishop to condescend to their suit and request. Which suit was, to have two legates or arbiters to be sent from his Popish side into England, 
The Pope r●●●dereth Beckets cause against the ●ing.  to examine and take up the controversy between the king and the Archbishop. But the pope incensed (as is said before) would not grant to their petition: forasmuch as it should be (sayeth he) prejudicial, and tending to the oppression of the archbishop to grant unto it, he being not present. And therefore he willed them to tarry his coming up, otherwise (he being absent) he would not (he said in any case) proceed against him. But they (alleging again their time to be expired appointed them of the king, having besides other lets and causes as they alleged) said that they could not there wait for the coming of Becket: but returned back (their cause frustrated) without the Pope's blessing to the king. 
Becket complaineth of the king to the pope.  Within iiij. days after, Becket cometh to the Pope's court, where he prostrating himself at his feet, brought out of his bosom a scroll containing the customs and ordinances of the king, afore mentioned fol. 207. The Pope receiving the foresaid scroll, and reading it in the open hearing of his Cardinals, condemned and cursed the most part of the said decrees of the King, which he called consuetudines avitas, 
Repentance for his well doing.  that is, his grandfathers ordinances. Besides this: the Pope moreover blameth Becket, for that he so much yielded to them at the beginning, as he did: yet notwithstanding (because he was repentant for his unadvised fact) he was content to absoil him for the same, and the rather because of his great troubles, which he for the liberties of holy church did sustain: and so with great favour for that day dismissed him.  
The next day (Alexander the Pope assembling his cardinals together in his secret chamber) appeareth before them archbishop Becket, having this oration to the pope and his popelings: which here I thought to set out in our vulgar English tongue (translated out of Latin) to the intent that the posterity hereafter may understand, either the vain superstition or vile slavery of the Churchmen in those days: who (being not content with their own natural Prince and king given them of God) must seek further to the Pope: thinking no ecclesiastical living to be given, which is not taken at his hands. The words of his Oration be storied rightly thus.  

¶ The Oration of Becket, resigning his Bishopric to the Pope.  
Father's and Lords, I ought not to lie in any place, much less before God, and in your presence here. Wherefore with much sighing and sorrow of heart I grant and confess, that these perturbations of the Church of England, 
Beckets argument: the Pope brought him not in, but the K. Ergo God brought him not in.  be raised through my miserable fault. For I entered into the fold of Christ, but not by the door of Christ for that, not the canonical election did call me lawfully thereunto, but terror of public power drone me in. And albeit I against my will took this burden upon me, yet not the will of God, but man's pleasure placed me in the room. And therefore no marvel though all things have gone contrary and backward with me. And as for the resigning up again thereof: if I had so done, & given up to their hands, the privilege of my bishoply authority which I had granted to me at the commandment of the king (so as my fellow bishops did instantly call upon me to do) then had I left a pernicious and dangerous example to the whole catholic Church. 
And why might ye not (M. Becket) resign it as well to his hands of whom ye took it?  By reason whereof, I thought to defer that unto your presence. And now therefore (recognising with myself my ingress not to be Canonical, and therefore fearing it to have the worse end: and again pondering my strength and ability not to be sufficient for such a charge) lest I should be found to sustain that room to the ruin of the flock, to whom I was appointed a pastor unworthy: I render up to your fatherly hands the Archbishopprike here of Canterbury. etc. And so putting of his ring from his finger, and offering it to the Pope: desired a Bishop for the Church of Caunterburie to be provided: seeing he thought not himself meet to fulfil the same, and so (with tears, as the story saith) ended his oration.   
This done, the Archbishop was bid to stand a part. The Pope conferring upon this with his Cardinals, about the resignation of Becket what was best to be done: 
A consultation between the Pope and the Cardinals about Beckets matter.  some thought it best to take the occasion offered, thinking thereby the kings wrath might easily be suaged if the church of Canterbury were assigned to some other person, and yet the said Becket otherwise to be provided for notwithstanding. Contrary, other again thought otherwise, whose reason was: If he (which for the liberties of the church had ventured not only his goods, dignity and authority, but also his life) should now at the king's pleasure be deprived: like as it might be a precedent hereafter to others in resisting their king in like sort (if his cause were maintained) so contrariwise if it quailed: it should be an example to all other hereafter, none to resist his Prince in the like case. And so, might it redound not only to the weakening of the state of the Catholic Church, but also to the derogation of the Pope's authority. Briefly, this sentence at length prevailed: and so Becket receiveth his pastoral office of the Pope's hand again, with commendation and much favour. But for somuch as he could not be well placed in England: 
Becket in banishment 〈◊〉 years.  in the mean while, the Pope sendeth him with a monks habit into the abbey Pontiniak in France: where he remained 2. years, from thence he removed to Senon where he abode 5. years. So the time of his exile continued a 7. years in all. etc.  
Upon this, the King being certified by his Ambassadors of the Pope's answer, how his favour inclined more to Becket then to him: was moved (and worthily) with wrathful displeasure. Who upon the same sailing from England unto Normandy, directed over certain Inunctions against the Pope, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, as were recited above. Fol. 207. The contents whereof were declared to be these.  
If any person shallbe found to bring from the Pope, or from the Archbishop of Canterbury. etc.  
Of these and such other injunctions Becket specifieth partly in a certain letter, writing to a friend of his in this manner.  
THomas Archbishop of Canterbury, to his well-beloved friend. etc.  
Be it known to your brotherly goodness, that we with all ours here (by God's grace) are safe and in good health. Having a good hope and trust to your faithful amity, I charge you and require you: that either by the bringer hereof or by some other, (whom ye know faithful and trusty to our church of Canterbury, 
The kings decrees.  and to us) you writ with all speed, what is done. As touching the king's decrees here set out, these they be: that all havens and ports should be diligently kept: that no letters of the Popes interdict or curse be brought in. And if religious men bring them in, they shall have their feet cut off: if he be a priest or clerk, he shall lose his privy members: If he be a lay man, let him be hanged: If he be a leper, let him be burned. And if any bishop, for fear of the Popes interdict, will departed (besides his staff only in his hand) let him have nothing else. Also the kings will is: that all scholars and students beyond the seas shall repair home, or else lose their benefices. And if they yet shall remain still, they shall lose the liberty of all returning. Further if any such Priests shallbe found (that for the Pope's suspense or interdict will refuse to sing) they shall lose their privy members. In sum, all such Priests as show themselves rebels to the king, let them be deprived of their benefices. etc.  
Besides these and such like injunctions, it was also set forth by the King's proclamation. 
Anno. 1166.  An. 1166. that all manner of persons (both men and women, who soever were found of the kindred of Thomas Becket) should be exiled without taking any part of their goods with them and sent to him, 
Beckets kindred banished.  where he was: which was no little vexation to Becket to behold them. Moreover, for so much as he then was lying with Gwarine Abbot of Pontiniacke (to whom the pope as is aforesaid had commended him) therefore the king writing to the same abbot, required him not to retain the Archbishop of Canterbury in his house: 
These monks were of the Ciste●●an order.  for if he did, he would drive out of his realm, all the monks of his order. Whereupon Becket was enforced to remove from thence, and went to jews the French King, by whom he was placed at Senon, and there found of him the space of five years, as is above mentioned.  
In the mean time, messengers went daily with letters between the king and the pope, between the Pope again and him, and so between the Archbishop and other. whereof if the Reader (peradventure) shallbe desirous to see the copies: 
Becket complaineth of his prince to the Pope.  I thought here to express certain of them, to satisfy his desire: first beginning with the Epistle of Becket complaining of his prince, to the Pope in manner and form as followeth.  
The copy of an Epistle sent of Thomas Becket, to Pope Alexander.  
TO your presence and audience I flee (most holy father) that you, who hath bought the liberty of the Church with your so great danger: might the rather attend to the same (either being the only or chiefest cause of my persecution) using and following therein the example of you. It grieveth me that the state of the Church should fall to any decay, and that the liberties thereof should be infringed through the avarice of princes. For the which cause, I thought to resist betime that inconveniency beginning so to grow. And the more I thought myself obliged to the same my Prince (unto whom next under God, I am most chief bound) the more boldness I took to me, to withstand his unrightful attempts: till such that were on the contrary part (my adversaries) prevailed, working my disquietness, and incensing him against me. Whereupon (as the manner is amongst Princes) they raised up against me citations and slanders, to the occasion of my persecution: but I had rather to be proscribed, then to subscribe. Besides this, I was also called to judgement, and cited before the king to make answer there as a lay person, to secular accounts: where as they whom I most trusted did most forsake me. For I saw my fellow brethren the Bishops, through the instigation of some, ready to my condemnation. Whereupon all being set against me, & I thus oppressed on every side, took my refuge to appeal to your goodness, which casteth off none in their extremities: being ready to make my declaration before you, that I ought neither to be judged there in that place, nor yet of them. For what were that (father) but to usurp to themselves your right? and to bring the spirituality under the temporalty? 
To keep under the pride of prelate's is no cause sufficient to vnking a Prince.  Which thing (once begon) may breed an example to many. And therefore, so much the more stouter I thought to be in withstanding this matter: how much more prone and proclive, I saw the way to hurt: if they once might see us to be faint and weak in the same. But they will say to me here again: give to Cesar, that which belongeth to Cesar. etc. But to answer again thereunto (albeit we are bound to obey our king in most things) yet not in such manner of things, whereby he is made to be no king: neither were they then things belonging to Cesar, but to a tyrant. Concerning the which points, these Bishops should (not for me only, but for themselves) have resisted the king. For if the extreme judgement be reserved to him which is able to judge both body and soul: is it not then extreme pride for men there to judge, which judge but by themselves? If the cause of the bishops and of the clergy, (which I maintain) be right: why be they set against me? Why do they reprehend me? For if that I appealed to him, before whom either it was not lawful, or else not expedient for me to do: what seem they by this, but either to blame me causeless, or else to distrust your equity? For me to be convicted before your holiness: it had been a double confusion. Or wherein have I deserved to be persecuted of them, for whose cause I have set myself to stand in their behalf? And if they had willed, I had prevailed: but it is ill with the head, when he is left of his members and forsaken: as if the eyes should take the tongue to speak against the head. If they had had eyes to have foreseen the matter, they might understand themselves to speak their own destruction: and that the Princes did use their help, but to their own servitude. And what so great cause of hatred had they against me, to procure their own undoing, in undoing of me? So, while they neglected spiritual things in stead of temporal, they have lost them both. What should I speak more of this, that I repugning them and appealing to your audience (yet notwithstanding) they durst presume to stand in judgement and condemnation against me, as children against their father? Yea, and not against me only, but against the universal Church of God (conspiring together with the Prince) being with me offended. And this suspection might also as well pertain to you holy father. But to this they will say: that they own their duty and service unto the king, 
If ye mean by spiritual things, such as pertain to the spiritual part of man, I grant, but your liberties be not such as which pertain to the inward or spiritual man but r●ther are things more corporal.  as their Lord: to whom they are bound, upon their allegiance. To whom I answer, that to him they stand bound bodily, to me spiritually. But to whom ought they rather to stand bound, then to themselves? And were it not better to sustain the loss of corporal, then of spiritual things? But here they will say again: at this time the Prince was not to be provoked. How subtilely do these men dispute for their own bondage? Yea, they themselves provoke him by their own excess, ministering wings unto him to fight against them, for he would have rested if they had resisted. And when is constancy more to be required, then in persecution? Be not a man's chief friends most tried in persecution? If they give over still, how shall they obtain the victory? Sometime they must needs resist. Condescend therefore (holy father) to my exile and persecution. 
Pe●●●●yeth 〈…〉 bu● 〈◊〉 cause maketh 〈◊〉 true persecution.  And remember, that I also once was a great man, in the time when it was: and now for your sake thus injuriously I am entreated. Use your rigour and restrain them, by whose instigation the name of this persecution began. And let none of these things be imputed to the king, who rather is to be counted the repairer than the author of this business.  
Besides this Epistle sent unto the Pope: he writeth also an other letter, sent to the King in Latin: the tenor whereof (he that is disposed to read) may peruse in our former edition, with the notes adjoined withal.  
Besides which Epistle to the king in Latin, he sent also one or two more, to the said king Henry the second, much after the like rate & sort. The one thus beginning: Loqui de Deo, liberae mentis est & valdè quietae. Indè est quòd loquar ad Dominum meum, & utinam ad omnes pacificum. etc. which Epistle, for that I would not overcharge the volume of these Histories with too much matter superfluous, I thought door to omit. The other he sent afterward, whereof the words be these.  

¶ An other letter of Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, sent to the king.  
TO his Lord and friend Henry by the grace of God, king of England, Duke of Normandy & Aquitane, Earl of Angeow: Thomas by the same grace, humble minister of the church of Canterbury (sometime his temporally, but now more his in the Lord) health and true repentance with amendment. I have long looked for, that the Lord would look upon you: and that you would convert and repent, departing from your perverse way: and cut off from you your wicked and perverse counsellors, by whose instinction (as it is thought) you are fallen into that deep, whereof the Psalm speaketh. A sinner when he cometh to the depth of mischiefs, is without all care or fear. And albeit, we have hitherto quietly suffered and borne: considering and earnestly looking if there would any messenger come that would say: Your sovereign Lord the king (which now a long time hath erred and been deceived, and led even to the destruction of the church) through God's mercy with abundant humility, doth now again make speed for the deliverance of the Church, and to make satisfaction and amendment. Yet notwithstanding, we cease not (day by day continually) to call upon almighty God, with most humble devotion: that, that which we have long desired for you and by you, we may speedily obtain with abundant effect And this is one point, that the care of the Church of Canterbury, whereunto God hath presently appointed us (albeit unworthy) you being K. doth specially constrain me (in that as yet, we are detained in exile) to write unto your majesty letters commonitory, exhortatory, and of correction. But I would to God they were fully able to correct lest that I be to great a cloker of your outrages (if there be any) as in deed there are: for the which we are not a little sorry. I mean specially of them which are done by you in every place, about the Church of God and the Ecclesiastical persons, without any reverence either of dignity or person: and lest also that I appear negligent to the great danger of my soul: for without doubt he beareth the offence of him which doth commit any offence: who neglecteth to correct that, which an other aught to amend. For it is written not only they which do commit evil, but also they which consent thereunto are counted partakers of the same. For they verily do consent, which when they both might and aught, do not resist or at the least reprove. For the error which is not resisted is allowed, and the truth when it is not defended is oppressed: neither doth it lack a privy note of society in him, which ceaseth to withstand a manifest mischief. (2) For like as (most noble Prince) a small City doth not diminish the prerogative of so mighty a kingdom as your is: so your royal power ought not to oppress or change the measure of the religious dispensation. For it is provided always by the laws, that all judgements against Priests, should proceed by the determination of Priests. For whatsoever bishops they are: albeit that they do err as other men do, (not exceeding in any point contrary to the religion of faith) they (3) ought not, nor can in any case be judged of the seculare power. Truly, it is the part of a good and religious Prince, to repair the ruinous Churches, to build new, to honour the Priests: and with great reverence to defend them (after the example of the godly prince of most happy memory. (4) Constantinus which said, when a complaint of the Clergy was brought to him. You said he, can be judged by no secular judge, which are reserved to the only judgement of God. And for so much as we do read that the holy Apostles and their successors (appointed by the testimony of God) commanded that no persecution nor troubles ought to be made, nor to envy those which labour in the field of the Lord: and that the stewards of the eternal King should not be expelled and put out of their seats. Who then doubteth, but that the Priests of Christ ought to be called the fathers and masters of all other faithful princes? Is it not a miserable madness then, if the son should go about to bring the (5) father under obedience? 
5.  or the scholar his master? 
6.  and by (6) wicked bonds to bring him in subjection by whom he ought to believe, that he may be bound and loosed, not only in earth, but also in heaven? If you be a good and a catholic king and will be such a one as we hope, or that we rather desire you should be, (be it spoken under your licence) you are the child of the church, and not the ruler of the Church. You ought to 
7.  learn of the priests, and not to teach them: you ought to (7) follow the Priests in ecclesiastical matters, and not to go before them, having the privilege of your power given you of God to make public laws: that by his benefits you should not be unthankful against the dispensation of the heavenly order, and that you should usurp nothing, but use them with a wholesome disposition.  
Wherefore, in those things which contrary unto that, you have (through your malicious counsel, rather than by your own mind) wickedly usurped: with all humility & satisfaction speedily give place, that the hand of the most highest be not stretched out against you, as an arrow against the mark. For the most highest hath bended his bow openly to shoot against him, that will not confess his offences. Be not ashamed (whatsoever wicked men say unto you, or that traitors do whisper in your ear) to humble yourself under the mighty hand of God. For it is he which exalteth the humble, and throweth down the proud: which also revengeth himself upon Princes: he is terrible, and who shall resist him? You ought not to have let slip out of your memory, in what state God did find you: how he hath preferred, honoured, and exalted you: blessed you with children: enlarged your kingdom: and established the same in despite of your enemies. In so much, that hitherto (in a manner) all men have said with great admiration, that this is he whom God hath chosen. And how will you reward (or can you reward) him for all these things which he hath done unto you? Will you (at the provocation and instance of those which are about you: that (8) persecute the Church and the ecclesiastical ministers, and always have according to their power persecuted them, rendering evil for good, bringing oppressions, tribulations, injuries and afflictions upon the Church and church men) do the like? Are not these they of whom the Lord speaketh: he that heareth you heareth me, he that despiseth you despiseth me, & he that toucheth you toucheth the apple of mine eye? Verily forsaking all that thou hast, take up thy cross, that thou mayst follow thy God our Lord jesus Christ. Yet will it scarcely be (or not at all) that thou shalt appear a thankful recompencer of the benefits received at his hand Search the scriptures of such as are learned, 
9  and you shall understand: that (9) Saul (albeit he was elect of the Lord) pearished with his whole house, because he departed from the ways of the Lord.  
Ozias also king of juda (whose name is spoken of and spread over all) through the manifold victories given him of God, his heart was so puffed up to his destruction (because the Lord did help and strengthen him in every place) that he contemning the fear and reverence of the Lord would usurp unto himself, that which was not his office (that is to say, the priesthood) & to offer incense upon the altar of the Lord, for the which he was stricken with a leprosy, and cast out of the house of the Lord: Many other kings and holy men of great substance (because they have walked above their estate in the marvels of the world, presuming to rebel against God in his ministries) have perished: and at the last, they have found nothing of their substance in their power. Also king Achaz (because he did usurp the office of Priesthood) was likewise stricken with a leprosy by God.  
Oza also (albeit he was not king) yet for somuch as he touched the ark and held it, when it would have fallen by the unruliness of the Oxen (which thing pertained not unto him, but unto the ministers of the Church) was stricken by the wrath of God & fell down by the Ark. O king, it is a famous proverb: that a man forewarned by an other man's misfortune, will take the better heed unto himself For every man hath his own business in hand, when his neighbour's house is on fire.  
dearly beloved king, God would have the disposing of those things which pertain unto the church, to belong only unto priests, and not unto the secular power. Do not challenge unto thyself therefore, another man's right: neither strive against him, by whom all things are ordained, lest thou seem to strive against his benefits, of whom thou hast received thy power. For by the common (10) laws and not by the seculare power, and by the bishops and priests: almighty God would have the clergy of the christian religion to be ordered and ruled. And Christian Kings ought to submit all their doings unto ecclesiastical rulers, and not to prefer themselves: for it is written, that none ought to judge the bishops but only the Church, neither doth it pertain unto man's law to give sentence upon any such. Christian princes are accustomed to be obedient unto the statutes and ordinances of the church, and not to prefer their own power. A prince ought to submit himself unto the bishops, & not to judge the bishops: for there are two things wherewith the world is chief governed (that is to say) the sacred authority of bishops and royal power. (11) In the which, the bishop's charge is so much the more weighty, in that they shall at the latter judgement render account, even of the kings themselves. Truly you ought to understand, that you depend upon their judgement, and can not reduce them unto your own will: for many Bishops have excommunicated both Kings and Emperors. And if you require an especial example thereof, Innocentius the Pope did excommunicate Arcadius the Emperor, because he did consent that john chrysostom should be expulsed from his seat: and S. Ambrose also did excommunicate (12) Theodosius the great Emperor, for a fault (which seemed not so weighty unto other Priests) and shut him out of the Church: who afterward by condign satisfaction was absolved.  
There are many other like examples: for David when he had committed adultery and murder, the prophet Nathan was sent unto him by God to reprove him, and he was soon corrected. And the king (laying aside his sceptre and Diadem, and setting apart all princely majesty) was not ashamed to humble himself before the face of the Prophet to confess his fault, & to require forgiveness for his offence: what will you more? he being stricken with repentance asked mercy, and obtained forgiveness So likewise you (most beloved king and reverend Lord) after the example of this good king David (of whom it is said: I have found a man after mine own heart) with a contrite and humble heart, turn to the Lord your God: and take hold of repentance for your transgressions. For you are fallen and erred in many things; which yet I keep in store still, if (peradventure) God shall inspire you to say with the prophet: have mercy on me O god, according to thy great mercy, for I have sinned much against thee, & don● evil in thy sight. Thus much I have thought good to write to you my dear Lord at this present, passing other things in silence, till I may see whether my words take place in you, and bring forth fruits in you worthy of repentance: and that I may hear and rejoice with them that shall bring me word and say: Oh king, thy son was dead, and is alive again, was lost and is found again. But if you will not hear me: look where I was wont 
* Note the judgement of God against this Becket, who was slain at his mass making the body of Christ.  before the majesty of the body of Christ to pray for you in abundance of tears & sighs: There in the same place I will cry against you, and say: Rise up Lord and judge my cause, forget not the rebukes and injuries which the king of England doth to thee and thine: forget not the ignominy of thy Church, which thou hast builded in thy blood. Revenge the blood of thy saints which is spilled: revenge (O Lord) the afflictions of thy servants, of whom there is an infinite number. For the pride of them which hate & persecute thee, is gone up so high, that we are not able to bear them any longer. Whatsoever your servant shall do, all those things shall be required at your hands: for he seemeth to have done the harm, which hath given the cause thereof. Doubtless, the son of the most highest (except you amend and cease from the oppressing of the church and clergy, and keep your hand from troubling of them) will come in the rod of his fury, at the voices of such as cry to him, and at the sighs of them that be in bands: when the time shall come for him to judge the unrighteousness of men in equity and severity of the holy ghost. For he knoweth how to take away the breath of Princes, and is terrible among kings of the earthe● Your dear and loving grace I wish well to far. Thus far ye well again and ever.   

¶ Certain notes or elenches upon this Epistle: which by the figures you may find out, and their places.  
1. The scope of this Epistle is this, to prove that bishops and priests ought not to come under the court and controlment of temporal power.  
2. This similitude holdeth not. For though the smallness of a City blemisheth not the prerogative of a kingdom: yet the evilness and rebellion of a City, doth worthily blemish his own prerogative.  
3. So saith the Pope's decrees, Dist. 10. but the Scripture of God importeth otherwise. Abiathar the Priest was deposed of king Solomon, not for any heresy, but for other causes. 3. Reg. 1.2. jonathas took his priesthood of king Alexander. And Simon of Demetrius. 1. Mach. 7. Christ offered tribute to Cesar for him and for Peter. Also Peter sayeth: be ye subject to every humane creature: and it followeth, whether it be to the king as to the chief. etc. Item Pope Leo submitted himself to Ludovicus the Emperor with these words: And if we do any thing incompetently, and do serve from the path of righteousness, we will stand to your reformation, or of them whom you shall send. 2.9.7. Hos.  
4. Notwithstanding the said Constantinus writing to the bishops, congregated at Tyrus, first chideth them, than commandeth them to resort unto his presence, to have their cause judged and decided. Trip hist. lib. 3. cap. 7.  
5. The father under obedience, etc. If fatherhood go by age, I suppose that king Henry was elder than Becket. If fatherhood consist in authority, I judge the authority of a king, to be above the authority of an Archbishop. If the see of Canterbury make the fatherhood: yet had Becket no cause to claim fatherhood over the king, seeing the son ordained the father (that is) seeing the king made him his Archbishop, and not he made him his king.  
6. By wicked bonds. All is wicked with the Papists, that bringeth them in subjection to their Princes.  
7. Ecclesiastical matters be such, as properly belong to doctrine and divine knowledge, for the institution of the soul, and information of conscience. In which both Princes and subjects ought to follow their pastors, so long as they go truly before them without error, or else not. But what maketh this for the lands & liberties of churchmen?  
8. Punishment due to malefactors and rebels, is not to be called persecution, but due correction.  
9 Saul broke the commandment of God and was rejected. Ozias contrary to the commandment of God took the office of a priest, and was stricken. Oza against the express word of the law put his hand toy ark, & was punished. But what express word had k. Henry, why he should not correct and punish rebellious bishops, and wicked priests within his own realm? wherefore these similitudes accord not. As for Achas he was not so much punished for taking the priest's office, as for spoiling the temple of the Lord, and offering to Idols.  
10. Common laws. S. Augustin writing to Boniface, sayeth thus: Whosoever obeyeth not the laws of the Emperor (being made for the verity of God) procureth to himself great punishment. For in the time of the prophets, all the kings which did not forbid and subvert all such things as were used of the people against the law of God, are rebuked. And such as did with stand them, are commended above the rest. August.  
11. Isidorus hath these words. Let temporal princes know, that they must render account to God for the church, which they have at the hands of God to govern etc.  
12. The case of Archadius, Theodosius, David, & of this king (as touching this matter) hath no similitude. In them was murder: This king doth nothing, but claim that which is his due. And though by the spiritual sword those kings were resisted: yet it argueth not therefore, that the persons of them which have the use of the spiritual sword, are above the persons of them which have the temporal sword.   
Besides these letters of the archbishop sent to the king, the Pope also in the same cause writeth to the king, beginning after this sort: Alexander Papa ad Henricum regé. Et naturali ratione, & forma juris dictant, providentiam tuam credimus, edoctam fuisse, quòd quanto quis ab aliquo maiora suscepisse dignoscitur, tanto ei obnoxior & magis obligatus tenetur. etc. The whole tenor of the letter as 〈◊〉 wrote it to the king I would here express, but for treating of the time & straightness of room, having so many things else in this story (by the grace of Christ) to be comprehended. But the letter tendeth to this effect: to exhort and charge the king to show favour to Thomas Becket. Where, in the process of the Epistle, it followeth in these words: Ea propter severitatem tuam per Apostolica scripta rogamus, monemus, & exhortamur in domino: nec non in remessionem peccatorum ex part dei omnipotentis, & beati Petri principis Apostolorum antoritate nostra iniungimus, ut memoratum Archiepiscopum pro deo & ecclesia sua & honore tuo, nec non & totius regni tui in gratiam & favorem tuum recipias. etc. That is: therefore we desire you, monish and exhort your honour by these our Apostolical writings, and also enjoin you upon the remission of your sins, in the behalf of almighty God, and of S. Peter Prince of the Apostles, by our authority, that you will receive again the foresaid Archb. into your favour and grace, for the honour of God, his Church, and of your own Realm, etc. Thus you heard the Pope's entreating letter: now here is an other letter sent unto the foresaid king, wherein he doth menace him, as in the tenor thereof here followeth.  
Bishop Alexander, servant of the servants of God, to king Henry king of England, health and blessing Apostolical.  
HOw fatherly and gently we have oft times entreated and exhorted both by Legates and letters your princely honour, to be reconciled again with our reverend brother Thomas Archb. of Cant. so that he and his may be restored again to their Churches and other possessions to them appertaining: your wisdom is not ignorant, seeing it is notified and spread almost throughout all Christendom. For so much therefore, as hitherto we could not prevail with you, neither move nor stir your mind with fair and gentle words: it lamenteth us not a little, so to be frustrate and deceived of the hope and expectation which we had conceived of you. Especially seeing we love you so dearly, as our own dearly beloved son in the Lord, and understanding so great jeopardy to hang over you.  
But forasmuch as it written, Cry out and cease not, lift up thy voice like a trump, and declare to my people their wickedness, and their sins to the house of jacob. Also for as much as it is in Solomon commanded, that the sluggish person should be stoned with the dung of Oxen: we have thought good therefore, not to forbear or support your stubborns any longer against justice and salvation. Neither that the mouth of the foresaid Archbishop should be stopped from henceforth any more: but that he may freely prosecute the charge of his office and duty, to revenge with the sword of Ecclesiastical discipline, the injuries both of himself, and of his Church committed to his charge.  
And here I have sent unto you two Legates, Petrus de ponte dei, and Bernardus de Corilio, to admonish you of the same. But if ye will neither by us be advertised, nor give ear to them in obeying: it is to be feared (doubtless) lest such things as they shall declare to you from us in our behalf, may happen & fall upon you.  
Datch at benevent, the 9 day before the kalends of june.  
To answer these letters again: there was an other certain writing drawn out & directed to the Pope, made by some of the Clergy, as it seemeth: but not without consent of the king, as by the title may appear, inveighing and disproving the misbehaviour of the Archbishop. The tenor whereof here followeth, and beginneth thus.  
An answer to the Pope.  
TIme now requireth more to seek help then to make complaints. 
Answers the Pope's letter.  For so it is now that the holy mother Church (our sins deserving the same) lieth in a dangerous case of great decay, which is like to ensue, except the present mercy of the Lord support her.  
Such is the wickedness now of schismatics: 
Frede●ike falsely compared to Pharaoh, but this was 〈◊〉 claw the pope with●●  that the father of father's Pope Alexander (for the defence of his faith, and for the love of righteousness) is banished out of his country: not able to keep free residence in his own proper see, by reason of the indurate heart of Frederick the Pharaoh.  
Farther and besides, the Church also of Canterbury is miserably impaired and blemished, as well in the spiritual as in the temporal estate: much like unto the ship in the Sea, being destitute of their guide, to fled in the floods, and wrestling wi●h the winds, while the pastor being absent from his province d●re not there remain through the power of the king. Who being over wise (to the jeopardy both of himself, his Church, and us also) hath brought and entangled us likewise with himself in the same partaking of his punishments and labours: not considering how we ought to forbear, and not to resist superior powers And also showeth himself to us unkind, which with all our affections bear the burden with him of his afflictions, not ceasing yet to persecute us which stand in the same condemnation with him. For betwixt him, and our sovereign prince, king of England, arose a certain matter of contention: whereupon they were both agreed that a day should be appointed, to have the controversy discussed by equity and justice.  
The day being come, the king commanded all the Archbyshops, Bishops, and other prelate's of the Church to be called, in a great and solemn frequency: so that the greater and more general this council was, the more manifest the detection of this stubborn malice should appear and be espied.  
At the day therefore above mentioned, this troubler of the realm and of the Church presenteth himself in the sight of our Catholic king: who not trusting the quality and condition of his cause, armeth him with the armour of the cross, as one which should be brought to the presence of a tyrant. By reason whereof, the king's majesty, being something aggrieved (yet because he would be delivered from all suspicion) committeth the matter to the hearing of the Bishops. This done, it rested in the bishops to decide and cease this contention, and to set agreement between them, removing all occasion of dissension Which thing they going about: cometh in this foresaid Archbishop, forbidding and commanding, that no man proceed in any sentence of him before the king.  
This being signified to the kings hearing, his mind was grievously provoked thereby to anger: whose anger yet notwithstanding had been easily suaged, if the other would have submitted himself, and acknowledged his default. But he adding stubbornness to his trespass, through the quantity and greatness of his excess, was the author of his own punishment: which now by the law civil he sustaineth, and yet shameth to crave pardon for his desert, 
Becket a stubborn trespasser, Ergo no martyr.  at the king's hand whose anger he feared not to stir up, in such a troublesome time of the persecution of the Church, greatly against the profit of the same: augmenting & increasing thereby the persecution which now the Church lieth under. Much better it had been for him to have tempered himself with the bridle of moderation, in the high estate of his dignity: lest in exceeding too far, in straining the strait points of things by over much presumption (peradventure through his presumption being not in mean and tolerable things) might fall from higher. And if the detriments of the Church would not move him: yet the gre●t benefits and preforments of riches, and honours ought to persuade him, not to be so stubborn against the king. But here peradventure his friend and our adversary will object: that his bearing and submitting to the king in this behalf, were prejudicial against the authority and sea Apostolical: as though he did not or might not understand that although the dignity of the Church, should suffer a little detriment in that judgement: yet he might & ought to have dissimuled (for the time) to obtain peace into the Church. He will object again, alleging the name of father, that it soundeth like a point of arrogancy, for children to proceed in judgement of condemnation against the father: which thing is not convenient. But he must understand again: that it was necessary that the obedience and humility of the children should temper the pride of the father: lest afterward, the hatred of the father might redound upon the children. Wherefore, of these promises your fatherhood may understand: that the action of this our adversary ought to fall down (as void and of none effect) who only upon the affection of malice hath proceeded thus against us, having no just cause nor reason to ground upon.  
And forsomuch as the care and charge of all churches (as ye● know) lieth upon us: it standeth us upon, to provide concerning the state of the Church of Canterbury, by our diligence and circumspection: so that the said Church of Canterbury through the excess of his pastor, be not driven to ruin or decay.  
By this Epistle it may appear to the Reader thereof: that Becket (being absent from England) went about to work some trouble against certain of the Clergy and of the laity (belike) in excommunicating such as he took to be his evil willers.  
Now to understand further what his working was, or who they were whom he did excommunicate: this letter (sent to William Bishop of Norwitch) shall better declare the matter.  
A letter of Becket to the B. of Norwitch.  

A letter of Becket to the bishop of Norwych  HE bindeth himself to the penalty of the crime, whosoever receiving power and authority of God, useth and exerciseth not the same with due severity, in punishing vice: but (winking & di●simuling) doth minister boldness to wicked doers, maintaining them in their sin. For the blood of the wicked is required at the hand of the Priest, which is negligent or dissembleth. And as the Scripture saith, thorns and brambles grow in the hands of the idle drunkard. Wherefore, lest (through our too much sufferance and dissembling) the transgressions of manifest evil doers should also be laid to our charge, and redound to the destruction of the Church through our guilty silence: We therefore (following the authority of the Pope's commandment) have laid our sentence of curse & excommunication, upon the Earl Hugo: commanding you throughout all your Diocese publicly to denounce the said Earl as accursed: so that (according to the discipline of the Church) he be sequestered from the fellowship of all faithful people. Also, it is not unknown to your brotherhood, how long we have borne with the transgressions of the Bishop of London. Who (amongst other his facts) I would to God were not a great doer and fautor of this schism, and subverter of the right and liberties of holy Church. 
The Bishop of London excommunicated. This Bishop was excommunicated because he set in the Dean of Salesbury without the licence of him being then beyond the seas.  Wherefore, we (being supported with the authority of the Apostolic sea) have also excommunicated him, besides also the Bishop of Salesbury, because of his disobedience and contempt: and others likewise (upon divers and sundry causes) whose names here follow subscribed. Hugo Bernardes' son, Radolph of Brock, Robert of Brock a clerk, Hugode of S Clear, and Letardus a clerk of Norfolk, Nigellus of Scacavil, and Richard Chaplain, William of Hasting, and the Friar which possesseth my Church of Monchote. We therefore, charge and command you by the authority Apostolical and ours, and in the virtue of obedience, and in the peril of salvation, and of your order: that ye cause these openly to be proclaimed excommunicate, throughout all your Diocese, and to command all the faithful to avoid their company. Far ye well in the Lord. Let not your heart be troubled, nor fear: for we stand sure through the assistance of the apostolic sea (God being our borrow) against the pretenced shifts of the malignant sort, and against all their appellations. Furthermore, all such as have been solemnly cited of us: shall sustain the like sentence of excommunication (if God will) in the Ascension day: unless they shall otherwise agree with me. That is to wit: Geffray Archdeacon of Canterbury and Robert his vicar, Rice of Wilcester, Richard of Lucy, William Gifferd, Adam of Cheringes, with such other more: which either at the commandment of the king, or upon their own proper temerity, have invaded the goods and possessions either appertaining to us, or to our clerk about us. With these also we do excommunicate all such as be known either with aid or counsel, to have incensed or set forward the proceeding of our king against the liberties of the Church, and exiling of the innocents. And such also as be known to impeach or let by any manner of way the messengers (sent either from the Pope, or from us) for the necessities of the Church. Far you well again and ever.  
hitherto hast thou seen (gentle reader) divers & sundry letters of Thomas Becket, whereby thou mayst collect a sufficient history of his doings & demeanour (though nothing else were said further of him) concerning his lusty and haughty stomach, above that beseemed either his degree or cause which he took in hand. And here peradventure I may seem in the story of this one man to tarry t●o long, having to write of so many others better than it: yet for the weaker sort (which have counted him, and yet do count him for a Saint, having in themselves little understanding to judge or discern in the causes of men) I thought to add this letter more, wherein he complaineth of his king to a foreign power: doing what in him did lie, to stir for his own cause mortal war to the destruction of many. For suppose wrong had been offered him of his Prince: was it not enough for him to fly? What cause had he for his own private revenge, to set potentates in public discord? Now having no just cause but rather offering injury in a false quarrel, so to complain of his prince: what is to be said of this, let every man judge, which seethe this letter.  
¶ An Epistle of Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury to Pope Alexander.  
A Mantissimo patri & D. Alexandro, 
A seditious complaint of Becket to the pope against his king.  Dei gratia summo pont. Thomas Cant. Ecclesiae humilis minister, debitam & devotam obedientiam.  

In English thus.  
To our most loving father and Lord, Alexander by the grace of God bishop: Thomas the humble minister and servant of the Church of Canterbury due & reverend obedience. Long enough and too long most loving father have I forborn, still looking after amendment of the king of England. But no fruit have I reaped of this my long patience: Nay rather, whilst that unwisely I do thus forbear: I augment and procure the detriment and diminishing of my authority, as also of the Church of God. For oftentimes have I by devout and religious messengers, invited him to make condign satisfaction, as also by my letters (the Copies whereof I have sent you) intimate and pronounced, God's severity and vengeance against him, unless he repent and amend. But he (that notwithstanding) groweth from evil to worse: oppressing and conculcating the Church and sanctuary of God: persecuting both me & those which take part with me: In somuch that with fearful threatening words his purpose is to terrify such, as (for God's cause and mine own) seek any way to relieve and help me. He wrote also his letters unto the Abbot of the Cistercian order, that as he favoured the abbacy of that his order (which was in his power said he) he would not accept me into the fellowship thereof, nor do any thing else for me. What should I use many words? So much hath the rigour and severity as well of the king as of his officers, under our patience and sufferance showed itself: that if a great number of men yea and that of the most religious sort, should show unto you the matter as it is in deed (and that upon their oath taken) I partly doubt whether your holiness would give credit unto them or not With heaviness of mind therefore I considering these things, and beholding as well the peril of the king as of ourself, have publicly condemned not only those pernicious customs: but all those perversities and wicked doings whereby the church of England is disturbed and brought to confusion: as also the writing whereby they were confirmed: Excommunicating generally as well the observers and exactours thereof, as also the inventors and patrons of the same, with their favourers, counsellors, and coadjutors whatsoever, 
Godly articles condemned by Becket.  either of the clergy or laity: absolving also, our Bishops from their oath, whereby they were so straightly enjoined to the observation of the same. These are the Articles which in that writing I have principally condemned. First that it is inhibited to appeal unto the sea Apostolical, for any cause but by the king's licence. That a bishop may not punish any man for perjury or for breaking of his troth. That a bishop may not excommunicate any man that holdeth of the king in capite, or else to interdict either their land or offices without the king's licence. That Clerks and religious men may be taken from us to secular judgement. That the king or any other judge may hear and decide the causes of the church and tithes. That it shall not be lawful for any Archbishop or bishop to go out of the realm, and to come at the Popes call without the king's licence: and divers others such as these. Namely also I have excommunicated john of Oxenford, who hath communicated with the schismatic and excommunicate person (Reginalde Coloniensis) the which also contrary to the commandment of the Lord Pope & ours, hath usurped the deanery of the Church of Salisb●●●: and hath (to renew his schism) taken an oath in the Emperor's court. Also I have denounced & excommunicate Richard of Worceter, because he is fallen into the same damnable heresy, and communicated with that famous schismatic of Colen: devising & forging all mischief possible, with the schismatics and Flemings to the destruction of the church of God, & especially of the Church of Rome, by composition made between the king of England and them. Also Richard de Lucy, and joceline de Balliol, which have furthered the favourers of the king's tyranny and workers of their heresies. Also ranulph de Broe; and Hugo de Sancto Glaro, and Thomas the son of Bernard which have usurped the possessions and goods of the Church of Canterbury without our licence & consent. We have also excommunicated all those which without our licence do stretch out their hands to the possessions & goods of the church of Caunterburie. The king himself we have not yet excommunicated personally: still waiting for his amendment: whom (notwithstanding) we will not defer to excommunicate: unless he quickly amend and be warned by that he hath done. And therefore that the authority of the sea apostolic, and the liberty of the Church of God (which in these parts are almost utterly lost) may be by some means restored: it is meet and very necessary that what we herein have done, the same be of your holiness ratified and by your letters confirmed. Thus I wish your holiness long to prosper and flourish.   
By this Epistle, he that listeth to understand of the doings & quarrels of Becket, may partly judge what is to be thought thereof. Which his doings, although in some part may be imputed either to ignorance of mind, 
Becket reprehended for complaining of his king.  or blindness of zeal, or human fragility: yet in this point (so vilely to complain of his natural Prince, for the zeal of the Pope) he can by no wise be defended. But such was the blindness then of the prelate's in those days, who measured and esteemed the dignity and liberty of Christ's church by no other thing, then only by goods and possessions flowing and abounding in the clergy: and thought no greater point of religion to be in the church then to maintain the same. 
Excommunication abused in private revenge about lands and possessions.  For the which cause they did most abominably abuse christian discipline & excommunication of the church at that time: as by this foresaid Epistle may appear. And what marvel if the acts and doings of this Archb. seem now to us in these days both fond and strange: seeing the suffragans of his own church & clergy writing to him: could not but reprehend him, as in this their Epistle tranflated out of Latin into English may be seen.  
An effectual and pithy letter, full of reason and persuasion, sent from all the suffragans of the Church of Cant to T. Becket their Archb.  
QVa Vertro (pater) in longinquo discessu inopinata rei ipsias no●itate turbata sunt: Vestra sperabamus humilitate. etc.  

In English thus.  

The letters of the Bishops to Becket.  Such trouble and perturbations as happened through the strangeness of your departure out of the Realm: we hoped by your humility and prudence should have been reduced again (Gods grace working with all) into a peaceable tranquillity. And it was no little joy to us, to hear so of you in those parts where you are conversant, how humbly you there behaved yourself, nothing vaunsing yourself against your prince and king: and to attempt no risings of wrestlings against his kingdom: but that you bore with much patience the burden of poverty, and gave yourself to reading and prayer, and to redeem the loss of your time spent, with fasting, watchings, and tears: and so being occupied with spiritual studies, to tend and rise up to the perfection of virtue, etc. But now through the secret relation of certain, we hear (that we are sorry of) that you have sent unto him a threatening letter, wherein there is no salutation premised: In the which also, ye pretend no entreating nor prayers for the obtaining of favour, neither do use any friendly manner in declaring what you writ: but manasing with much austerity, threaten to interdict him, & to cut him from the society of the church. Which thing if you shall accomplish, with like severity as in words ye threaten to do, you shall not only put us out of all hope of any peace, but also put us in fear of hatred and discord without measure, and without all redress amongst us. But wisdom will consider before, the end of things: labouring and endeavouring to finish that which she wisely beginneth. Therefore your discretion shall do well diligently to forecast and consider whereto ye tend, & what end may ensue thereof, & where about ye go. Certes we (for our parts) hearing that we do hear, are discouraged from that we hoped for, which before having some good comfort of tranquility to come, are cast from hope to despair: so that while one is drawn thus against an other, almost there is no hope not place left to make entreaty or supplication. Wherefore, writing to your fatherhood, we exhort and counsel you by way of charity, that you add not trouble to trouble, & heap injury upon injury. But so to behave yourself, that all manasses set aside, ye rather give yourself to patience and humility, & to yield your cause to the clemency of God & to the mercy of your Prince: which in so doing shall heap coals of charity upon the heads of many. Thus charity shallbe kindled, & that which manasings can not do (by God's help and good men's counsel) pity peradventure & godliness shall obtain. Better it were to sustain poverty with praise, then in great promotions to be a common note to all men. It is right well known unto all men, how beneficial the king hath been unto you, from what baseness to what dignity he hath advanced you, & also into his own familiarity hath so much preferred you, that from the North Ocean, to the mount Perineus he hath subdued all things to your authority: in so much that they were amongst all other accounted for men right fortunate, whosoever could find any favour with you.  
And furthermore, lest that your estimation should be overmatched by any nobility: he (against the mind of his mother, and of his realm) hath placed and ratified you substantially in ecclesiastical dignity, and advanced in this honour wherein ye stand: trusting through your help and counsel to reign more safely and prosperously. Now, if he shall find disquietness, wherein he trusted to have quietness: what shall all men say or think of you? What recompense or retribution shall this be thought to be for so many and great benefits taken? Therefore (if it shall please you) ye shall do well to favour and spare your fame & estimation and to overcome your lord and sovereign with humility and charity. Whereunto, if our advertisement cannot move you, yet the love and fidelity you bear to the bishop and holy church of Rome, aught to incline you thereunto, & not to attempt any such thing, whereby the troubles of the church our mother may increase: or whereby her dolour may be augmented in the loss of them; whose disobedience now she doth bewail. For, what if it so happen through provocation, that the king (whom all his subjects & kingdoms obey) should relinquish the Pope, which God forbidden: and should deny all obedience to him, as he denieth to the king help or aid against you: what inconvenience would grow thereof? And think you, he hath not great instigations, supplications, gifts, and many fair promises so to do? Yet he (notwithstanding) abideth firm hitherto in the rock, despising with a valiant mind all that the world can offer. This one thing feareth us, lest his mind (whom no worldly offers can assail: no glory, riches, nor treasure can overturn) only through indignation of unkindness, be subverted. Which thing if it chance to happen through you, then may you sit down and sing the song of lamentation of jeremy, and weep your belly full.  
Consider therefore (if it shall please you) and foresee well with yourself, this purpose of yours (if it proceed) how hurtful and perilous it will be: not only to the Pope, & to the holy church of Rome, but also to yourself most especially. But some peradventure about you (of haughty and high minded stoutness, more stout percase than wise) will not suffer you to take this way: but will give you contrary counsel to prove rather and declare what ye are able to do against your Lord and Prince, and to practise against him and all his, the uttermost of your power and authority: which power and authority of yours (to him that offendeth) is fearful: and to him that will not amend, terrible. Such counsel as this, some peradventure will whisper in your ear. But to these again, this we say and answer for our king, whom notwithstanding to be without fault, we do not affirm. But yet always that he is ready to amend and make satisfaction, that we speak confidently and protest in his behalf.  
The king (appointed for the Lords anointed) provideth for the peace of his subjects all that he is able: and therefore, to the intent he may conserve this peace in his Churches and amongst his subjects committed to him: he willeth and requireth such ordinances due to kings, and exhibited to them before time, also to be exhibited to him. 
The commendation of K. Henry 2. 〈◊〉 his meekness and moderation.  Wherein, if there hath any contradiction sprung betwixt him and us, he (being thereupon convented and admonished from the Pope by the reverend Bishops of London & Herf.) braced not out in any defiance: but meekly & humbly answered, that wherein soever the church or any ecclesiastical person can show himself grieved, he would therein stand to the judgement of the church of his kingdom Which also, he is ready no les to perform in deed: thinking nothing more sweet unto him then to be admonished of his fault (if he have offended the Lord,) and to reform the same: and not only to reform and amend his fault, but also to satisfy it to the uttermost, if the law shall so require him. Wherefore, seeing he is so willing to recompense & satisfy the judgement of the church in all things appertaining to the church: refusing no order that shallbe taken, but in all things submitting his neck to the yoke of Christ: with what right, by what canon or reason can you interdict him, or use excommunication against him? It is a thing laudable & a virtue of great commendation in wise men: wisely to go with judgement and reason, and not to be carried with puffs of hasty violence. Whereupon this is the only and common petition of us all: that your fatherly care will diligently provide for your flock and sheep committed to you: so that they miscarry not, or run to any ruin through any inconsiderate, or to much heady counsel in you: but rather through your softness and sufferance, they may obtain life, peace and security. It doth move us all, that we hear of late to be done by you against the Bishop of Salisbury, & the Dean of the same church, (prosperously) as some men suppose, against whom you have given out the sentence of excommunication and condemnation, before any question of their crime was: following therein (as seemeth) more the heat of hastiness, than the path of righteousness. This is a new order of judgement (unheard of yet to this day in our laws and canons) first to condemn a man, and then to inquire after of the fact committed. Which order, lest ye should hereafter attempt to exercise in like manner against our sovereign and king, or against us and our Churches and Parishes committed to us, to the detriment of the Pope, and the holy church of Rome, and to the no little confusion of us all: therefore we lay here against you for ourselves, the remedy of appellation. And as before, openly in the public face of the Church with lively voice, we appealed to the Pope for fear of certain perils that might have happened: So now again in writing, we appeal to the same, assigning the term of our appellation, the day of the lords Ascension. Most humbly and reverently beseeching your goodness, that you (taking a better way with you in this matter) will let your cause fall: sparing herein both the labours and charges as well of yourself, as ours also. And thus we wish you right well to far (reverend) in the Lord.   

The rescript or answer again of Thomas Becket, to all his suffragans, not obeying, but confuting their counsel sent.  
FRaternitatis Gestra scriptum, (quod tamen prudentia Gestra communi consilio non facilè credimus emanasse) nuper ex insperat● suscepimus. etc.  
Your brotherly letters sent (albeit not by the whole assent of your wisdoms written, (as I suppose) of late I received upon a sudden: the contents whereof, seem to contain more sharpness than solace. And would to God they proceeded more of sincere zeal, of godliness, or affection of charity: then of disobedience or froward wilfulness. For charity seeketh not the things that be his own, but which appertain to jesus Christ. It had been your duty (if there be truth in the Gospel, as most undoubtedly there is) and if you would faithfully have accomplished his business, whose person you represent: rather to have feared him, which can cast both body and soul to hell: then him, whose power extendeth no further than to the body, rather to have obeyed God then man: rather your Father then your Master or Lord: after the example of him who was to his Father obedient unto the death. Which died for us, leaving us example to follow his steps. Let us die therefore with him, and lay down our lives for the deliverance of his Church, out of the yoke of bondage and tribulation of the oppressor: which Church he hath founded, and whose liberty he hath procured, 
Scripture in words rightly alleged but falsely applied.  with his own proper blood: Lest if we shall do otherwise, it may happily fall upon us, which is written in the Gospel: Who so loveth his own life more than me, is not worthy of me. This ye ought to know, that if it be right which your captain commandeth: your duty requireth to obey his will: if not, ye ought then, rather to obey God then men.  

I deny your Minor, M. Becket.  One thing I will say (if I may be so bold to tell it unto you) I have now suffered and abstained a long space, waiting if the Lord had given you to take a better hart unto you, which have turned away cowardly your backs in the day of battle: or if any of you would have returned again to stand like a wall for the house of Israel: at least if he had but showed himself in the field, making but the countenance of a warrior against them, which cease not daily to infest the Lamb of God. I waited and none came: I suffered, and none rose up: I held my peace & none would speak: I dissembled and none would stand with me in like semblance Wherefore seeing I see no better towardness in you: this remaineth only, to enter action of complaint against you, and to cry against mine enemies. Rise up (O Lord) and judge my cause, revenge the blood of the church which is wasted and oppressed. 
The church of Christ cannot be overthrown: Ergo, Bec. ought not to be resisted.  The pride of them which hate his liberty, riseth up ever: neither is there any that doth good, no not one. Would God (brethren beloved) there were in you any mind or affection to defend the liberty of the Church: for she is builded upon a sure rock, that although she be shaken, yet she can not be overthrown. And why then seek ye to confounded me? Nay rather, yourselves in me, than me in you? A man which hath taken upon me all the peril, have sustained all the rebukes, have sustained all the injuries, have suffered also for you all, to the very banishment.  
And so it was expedient one to suffer for that Church, that thereby it might be released out of servitude. These things discuss you simply with yourselves and weigh the matter. 
Servitude and liberty of the Church wrongfully defined. The words of holy scripture clarkly applied  Attend I say diligently in your minds for your parts: that God for his part removing from your eyes, all majesty of rule and empery (as he is no accepter of persons) may take from your hearts the veil, that ye may understand and see what ye have done, what ye intend to do, and what ye ought to do. Tell me which of you all can say I have taken from him since the time of my promotion, either Ox or Ass: if I have defrauded him of any penny: If I have misjudged the cause of any man wrongfully: Or if by the detriment of any person I have sought my own gain, let him complain & I will restore him fourfold. And if I have not offended you, what then is the cause that ye thus leave and forsake me in the cause of God?  
Why bend ye so yourselves against me in such a cause, that there is none more special belonging to the Church?  

Turn to thee? Nay turn thou to the Lord and thou shalt be saved.  Brethren seek not to confound yourselves and the church of God (so much as in you is) but turn to me & you shallbe safe.  
For the Lord saith, I will not the death of a sinner, but rather he should convert and live. Stand with me manfully in the war take your armour and your shield to defend me. Take the sword of the word of the mighty God, that we altogether may withstand more valiantly the malignant enemies, 
The soul of the Church is the liberty of the Church Faith Becket.  such as go about to take away the soul of the church, which is her liberty: without which liberty, she hath no power against them that seek to encroach to their inheritance, the possession of God's sanctuary. If ye will hear and follow me, know ye that the Lord will be with you, and with us all in the defence of the liberty of his church. Otherwise if ye will not, the Lord judge betwixt me and you, and require the confusion of his Church at your hands. Which church (whether the world will or no) standeth firmly in the word of the Lord, whereupon she is builded, and ever shall till the hour come that she shall pass from this world to the Father. For the Lord ever doth support her with his hand.  
Wherefore, to return to the matter: brethren remember well with yourselves (which thing ye ought not to forget) what danger I was brought unto, 
Unbeseeming words of high presumption.  and the Church of God also while I was in England: at my departing out of England, and after my departure from thence: also in what danger it standeth at this present day: But especially at that time, when as at Northampton Christ was judged again in my person, before the judgement seat of the high precedent. 
Christ is not judged in the persons of any traitor.  Who ever heard the Archb. of Canterbury (being troubled for injuries done to him and to his church, and appealing to the Pope of Rome to be judged, condemned appealed and put to his sureties, and that of his own suffragans? Where is this law seen or the authority (nay rather perversity) of this Canon heard of? And why yet shame ye not at this your enormity? Why are ye not confounded? Or why doth not this confusion work in you repentance, and repentance drive you to due satisfaction before God and men? For these and such other injuries done to God and to his church, and to me for gods cause (which with a good conscience I ought to suffer, 
Conscience made where is none.  because that without danger of soul I ought not to dissemble them) I choose rather to absent myself for a season, and to dwell quietly in the house of my Lord, then in the tabernacle of sinners: until the time that (their iniquity be complete) the hearts of the wicked and the congitations of the same shallbe opened. And these injuries were the cause both of my appeal from the king, and of my departure from thence, which ye term to be sudden. But if ye will speak the truth which ye know, it ought no less then to be sudden: lest (being foreknown) it might have been prevented and stopped. And as God turned the matter it happened for the best, both for the honour of the king and better safety of them, which (seeking my harm) should have brought slander to the king. 
But he leaveth out here the ma●●r of his coming to the court and the sturdines of his behaviour.  If such troubles followed upon my departing as ye say, let them be imputed to him which gave cause: the fault is in the worker, not in the departer: in him that pursueth, not in him that avoideth injuries: what would ye more? I presented myself to the court, declaring both the causes of my coming and of my appeal: declaring also the wrongs and injuries done to me & to my Church, and yet could have no answer: neither was there any that laid any thing against me, before we came to the king. Thus while we stood waiting in the court, whether any would come against me or not, they sent to my officials: charging them not to obey me in my temporalities, nor to owe any service to me, or to any of mine. After my appellation made in the Court: my Church was spoiled: we (and they about us) deprived of our goods: outlawed both of the Clergy, and of the laity, men, women, and infants: the goods of the Church (that is, the patrimony of the crucifix) confiscate: and part of the money turned to the kings use, part to your own coffers. Brother Bishop of London, if this be true that we here of you: and that to the use of your own Church, ye convert this money: we charge you and require you forthwith by virtue of obedience: that within forty days after the sight of these letters (all delay and excuse set a●ide) ye restore again within the time aforesaid: all such goods and parcels as you have taken away. For it is unmeet and contrary to all law, one Church to be enriched with the spoil of an other church. If ye stand upon the authority that set you a work: you must understand, that (in matters concerning the church goods) he can give no lawful authority, which committeth violent injury etc.  


Becket seemeth here more skilful of his mass book then of the book of holy scripture, either else he might see it no new thing in the old law for kings to deprive priests, and to place whom they would.  
Kings in the old law did not intermeddle with the priests office in some things that were forbidden: But yet kings were officers over priests to correct them when they did amiss.  
If ye mean of Acha●, and Oze in the old testament, than we deny your Minor.   What authority, and what scripture giveth this prerogative to Princens upon Church goods, which you would attribute to them? What? will they lay for them the remedy of appeal? God forbidden It were evil with the Church of God, if when the sacrilegious extortioner hath violently invaded other men's goods (especially the goods of the church) he should after defend him with the title of appeal etc.  
Do not brethren, so confound altogether the right of the Church and of the temporal regiment: For these two are much different, one borrowing his authority of the other. Read the scriptures, and ye shall find what and how many kings have perished for taking upon them the priestly office. Therefore, let your discretion provide: lest for this your doing, God's punishment light upon you: which if it come, it will be hard for you very easily to escape. Provide also and see to your king, whose favour ye prefer before the wealth & profit of the Church: lest if it happen (which God forbidden) that he doth perish with all his house, after the example of them, which for the like crime were plagued. And if ye cease not off from that ye begin: with what conscience can I dissemble or forbear, but must needs punish you? let him dissemble with you who list (having authority so to do, truly I will not) there shallbe no dissimulation found in me. And where you writ in your letters, concerning my promotion, that it was against the voice of the whole realm, & that the church did reclaim against it: What should I say to you, but that ye know right well: the lie which the mouth doth willingly speak, killeth the soul: but especially the words of a priests mouth ought ever to go with verity. As touching this matter, I appeal to your own conscience, whether the form of my election stood not fully with the consent of them all to whom the election belonged: having also the assent of the prince by his son, & of them which were sent thereto. And if there were some that repugned the same, he that was troubled and is guilty, let him speak.  
Ye say moreover, that I was exalted and promoted from a base and low degree, to this dignity by him. I grant that I came of no royal or kingly blood: yet notwithstanding, I had rather be in the number of them whom the virtue of the mind, then of birth maketh noble. Peradventure I was borne in a poor cottage: of poor parentage, and yet through God's clemency, which knoweth how to work mercy with his servants, and which cherisheth the humble and low things, to confound the high and mighty: in this my poor and low estate, before I came to the King's service, I had abundantly and wealthily to live withal (as ye know) amongst my neighbours and friends. And David even from the sheepfold, 
They be the successors and sons of ●aints, not that hold the places of saints. but that do the works of saints. Hierom.  was taken up and made a king. Peter of a fisher was made a prince of the church: who for his blood being shed for the name of Christ, deserved to have in heaven a crown, and in earth name & renown: would to God we could do the like. We be the successors of Peter, and not of Kings and Emperors.  
And where ye seem to charge me (by insinuation) with the blot of ingratitude. This I answer: there is no offence capital or infamous, unless it proceed from the heart and intention. As if a man commit a murder unwillingly (although he be called a murderer) yet he is not thereby punishable: And so, although I own my duty & service with reverence to my king: yet if I have forborn him as my Lord, if I have warned him, and talked with him fatherly and gently as with a son, and in talking with him could not be heard: If therefore (I say) being enforced thereunto, and against my will, do exercise upon him the censure of due severity: in so doing (I suppose) I make rather with him, then against him, and rather deserve at his hand thank for my correction, than note or suspicion of unkindness or punishment for the fact. Sometimes a man against his will receiveth a benefit: as when necessity causeth a man to be restrained from doing that which he ought not: he that doth so restrain him (though he stop him) doth not hurt him, but rather profiteth him for his soul's health. 
If the king had been an adulterer or tyrant against the true doctrine or preaching of Christ, then might this reason serve, and God more to be obeyed then man. Now where did Bec. learn, that the king in his temporal right was not to be obeyed? Take heed, ye mar all, and ye open that door.  another thing that defendeth us from ingratitude, is our father & patron Christ. Which, in that he is our father (to whom we as children own obedience) then are we bound as children by necessity to obey his commandment, in warning the evil doer: in correcting the disobedient: and in bridling the obstinate: which if we do not, we run into danger to have his blood required at our hands. Ye set forth likewise and show, what loss we thereby may sustain of our temporalties. But ye speak no word of the loss of our souls.  
Moreover, as concerning the departure of the king from the homage of the Church of Rome (which in your letters ye seem to pretend, or rather threaten) God forbidden I say, that the devotion or faith of our king should ever serve away from the obedience and reverence of the church of Rome, for any temporal commodity or incommodity: which thing to do is very damnable in any private subject, much more in the prince which draweth many other with him: therefore, God forbidden, that ever any faithful man should once think so heinous a deed. And you according to your discretion take heed, left the words of your mouth infect any person or persons therein: occasioning them by your words to such dangerous and damnable matter: like to the golden cup which is called the cup of Babylon, which for the outward gold no man will refuse to drink of, but after they have drunk thereof, they are poisoned.  
And where ye lay to my charge for the suspending out of the reverend father bishop of Salisbury, and for excommunicating of john, Deane of the same Church for a schismatic (by knowledge and process had of the matter) to this I answer: 
This john was called ● schisma●●●● because he took pa●● with Reginald A●●●. of Colen & the Emperor against Alexander the Pope.  That both these are justly and condignly excommunicate, and if ye understand perfectly the condition of the matter, and the right order of judgements, ye will say no less. For this standeth with good authority (as ye know) that in manifest & notorious crimes, this knowledge and order of proceeding is not requisite. perpend with yourselves diligently, what the bishop of Salisbury did (concerning the deanery) after that he was prohibited of the Pope & of us, under pain of excommunication: and then shall you better understand (upon so manifest disobedience) suspension did rightly follow: as ye read in the decree of S. Clement, saying: If they do not obey their Prelates, 
Clemen●● decree.  all manner of persons of what order so ever they be, whether they shall be Princes of high or low degree, and all other people: shall not only be infamed, but also banished from the kingdom of God, and the fellowship of the faithful. As concerning john of Oxford, this we say: that excommunication cometh divers ways: Some are excommunicate, by the law denouncing them excommunicate. Some by the sentence of the Prelate. Some by communicating with them which are excommunicate. 
divers 〈◊〉 of excommunication.  Now, he that hath fallen into this damnable heresy, in participating with schismatics, whom the Pope hath excommunicate: he draweth to himself the spot and leprosy of like excommunication. Wherefore, seeing he (contrary to the Pope's express commandment and ours, being charged under pain of excommunication to the contrary) took upon him, the deanery of Salisbury: we have denounced him, and hold him excommunicate: 

The council spea●● of such which be worthily excommunicated.  
This Gregory other●●● called Hi●debrand, 〈◊〉 he that 〈◊〉 took away priests marriage, condemning 〈◊〉 priests for fornicators which had wives.   and all his doings we disannul, by the authority of the viij. Synod, saying. If any man either privily or apertly shall speak or communicate with him that is excommunicated, he draweth unto himself the punishment of like excommunication. And now for so much as you (brother bishop of London) which ought to know that saying of Gregory seven. if any bishop shall consent to the fornication of Priests, Deacons, etc. within his precinct: for reward, favour, or petition, or doth not by authority of his office correct the vice, let him be suspended from his office. And again that saying of Pope Leo, which is this: If any bishop shall institute or consecrate such a priest as shall be unmeet and unconvenient: if he scape with the loss of his own proper dignity, yet he shall lose the power of instituting any more. etc.  
Therefore, forsomuch I say, as you (knowing this) have double wise offended against the sentence of these Canons: we command you, and in the virtue of obedience enjoin you, that if it be so: within three months after the receit hereof, you will submit and offer yourself to due correction and satisfaction to the counsel of our fellowbishops, for these your so great excesses: Lest other (through your example) run into the like offence, and we shall be constrained to proceed against you with severer sentence.  
Finally (in the closing up of your letter) where ye bring in for your appellation against me, a safeguard for you: which rather in deed is an hindrance to you: that we should not proceed against the invaders of the Church goods, nor against the King in like censure, as we have done against the bishop of Salisbury (as ye say) and his Dean. To this I answer, God forbid that we have, or else should hereafter proceed or do any thing against the king or his land, or against you or your Churches, inordinately or otherwise then is convenient. But what if you shall exceed in the same or like transgression, as the bishop of Salesburie hath done: think ye then your appellation shall help you from the discipline of our severity, that ye shall not be suspended? Mark ye diligently whether this be a lawful appeal, and what is the form thereof. We know that every one that appealeth, either doth it in his own name, or in the name of an other, if in his own name, either it is for some grievance inferred already, or else for that he feareth after to be inferred against him. 
Discussing of a true appellation.  Concerning the first, I am sure there is no grievance that you can complain of as yet (God be thanked) that you have received at my hand, for the which you should appeal from me: neither have you (I trust) any cause special against me so to do. If ye do it for fear that is to come, lest I should trouble you and your Churches: consider whether this be the appeal which ought to suspend or stay our power and authority that we have upon you and your Churches. It is thought therefore, of wise men (and we also judge no less) your appeal to be of no force.  
First, for that it hath not the right form of a perfect appellation, and also because it is not consonant to reason, 
The form of a true appellation.  and lacketh order and help of the law.  
Furthermore, if your appellation be in an other man's name, either it is for the King (as most like it is) or for some other. If it be for the king, than ye ought first to understand, that appellations are wont to be made to repel, and not to infer injury: or to release such as be oppressed, that they should not be oppressed any more.  
Wherefore, if any man shall enter any appellation (not trusting to the surety of his cause, but to delay the time, that sentence be not given upon him) that appellation is not to be received. For what state will there be of the Church, if the liberty thereof being taken away: the goods of the Church spoiled: the bishops driven from their places: or at least not received with full restitution of their goods: the invaders and spoilers thereof, may defend themselves by appealing, thereby to save themselves from the penalty of their desert?  
What a ruin of the Church will this be? See what ye have done, and what ye say. Be you no● the vicars of Christ, representing him in earth? Is it not your office to correct and bridle ill doers, whereby they may cease to persecute the Church? And is it not enough for them to be fierce & to rage against the church, but that you should take their part, setting yourselves against us, to the destruction of the church? Who ever heard of so monstrous doings? Thus it shall be heard and said of all nations and countries: that the suffragans of the Church of Caunterburie (which ought to stand with their Metropolitan unto death in defence of the Church) now go about by the king's commandment so much as in them doth lie, to suspend his authority: lest he should exercise his Discipline of correction upon them that rebel against the Church. This one thing I know, that you cannot sustain two sorts of persons at once: 
One person can not both be the appeal maker, and the party appealed.  both to be the appeal makers, and to be appealed up yourselves. You be they which have made the appellation, and you be they against whom the appellation is made. Is there any more churches than one, and the body of the same? And how meet were it than, that you being the members of the Church, should hold together with the head thereof▪ I am afraid brethren lest it may be said of us: These be the Priests which have said where is the Lord? and having the law do not know the law. Furthermore this I suppose you (being discrete men) are not ignorant of: that such as enter any appellation there, are not wont to be heard: unless the matter of their appellation either belongeth to themselves, or except special commandment force them thereunto, or else unless they take an other man's cause▪ upon them. First, that it belongeth nothing unto you, it is plain: for so much as the contrary rather pertaineth to your duty: that is, to punish and to correct all such as rebel against the Church. And if he which subverteth the liberty of the Church, and invadeth the goods thereof (converting them to his own use) be not heard appealing for his own defence: much less is an other to be heard appealing for him. Wherefore, as in this case neither he can appeal for himself, not yet command you so to do: so neither may you receive the commandment to appeal for him.  
Thirdly, as touching the taking of an other man's cause or business upon you, to this I say and affirm: that ye ought in no manner of wise so to do, specially seeing the matter pertaineth to the oppression of the Church, and whereupon ensueth great damage to the same.  
Wherefore, seeing it neither appertaineth to you, neither ought ye to receive any such commandment, nor yet to take upon you any such cause as that is: your appeal is neither to be hard, nor standeth with any law. Is this the devotion and consolation of brotherly love which you exhibit to your Metropolitan, being for you in exile? God forgive you this clemency. And how now? will ye look for your letters and messengers to be gently received here of us? Neither do I speak this, as though there were any thing in hand betwixt your part and ours: or that we have done any thing inordinately against the person of the king, or against his land, or against the persons of the Church, or intend (by God's mercy) so to do. And therefore we say briefly & affirm constantly: that our Lord the king can not complain of any wrong or injury to be done unto him, if he (being often called upon by letters and messengers to acknowledge his fault, neither will confess his trespass nor yet come to any satisfaction for the same) have the censure of severity by the Pope and us laid upon him. 
Though the Pope's law will not defend them yet the law of the scripture will and doth.  For no man can say that he unjustly is entreated, whom the law doth justly punish. And briefly to conclude, know you this for certain: that extortioners, invaders, detailners of the Church goods, and subverters of the liberties thereof: neither have any authority of the law to maintain them, neither doth their appealing defend them. etc.    

¶ A brief Censure upon the former rescript of Becket to his suffragans, in the page before with a general resolution of the reasons therein contained.  
If the king of England had been an idolater, covetous, an adulterer, an incest, a murderer, with such like: than the zeal of this Archbishop (threatening the king and such as took his part) had deserved praise in this Epistle, & the scripture would have borne him out therein. For these and such causes, should bishops prosecute the authority of the Gospel against all persons. But the matter standing only upon Church goods, liberty (or rather licentiousness of Priests) making of Deans, titles of Churches, superiority, of crowning the king, with such other: to stand so stiff in these, is not to defend the church: but to rebel against the king. Again, if the principles which he here groundeth upon, were true: to wit that the Pope were to be obeyed before Princes: that the liberty of Church standeth upon the immunity of priests exempted from prince's laws: or upon ample possessions of the Church: or that the Pope's law ought to prevail in all foreign countries: and to bind all princes in their own dominions: or that the sentence of the Pope & his Popelings, (how, or by what affection so ever it is pronounced) may stand by the undoubted sentence of God: Then all the arguments of this Epistle do proceed and conclude well. But if they stand not ratified upon god's word: but tottering upon man's traditions: Then whatsoever he inferreth or concludeth thereupon (his assumpt being false) can not be true, according to the school saying: One inconvenience being granted in the beginning, innumerable follow thereupon. So in this Epistle it happeneth as is above noted, that the Mayor of this man is true, but the Minor is clean false, and to be denied.  
¶ The letter of Matild the Empress and mother of the king, To Thomas Becket.  
MY Lord the Pope commanded me (and upon the forgiveness of my sins enjoined me) 
The letter of the Empress to Becket.  that I should be a mediator and means of peace and concord between my son and you, by reconciling of yourself to him: whereunto (as you know) ye requested me. Wherefore, the earnester and with more affection (as well for the divine honour as for holy Church) I took the enterprise upon me. But this by the way I assure you, that the king, his Barons, and counsel, taketh it grievously: that you, whom he entirely loved, honoured, and made chiefest in all his Realm (to the intent to have more comfort and better trust in you) should thus (as the report is) rebel and stir his people against him. Yea and further, that (as much as in you lieth) you went about to disherit him, and deprive him of his crown. Upon the occasion whereof, I sent unto you our trusty and familiar servant Laurence Archdeacon, by whom I pray you that I may understand your mind herein, and good will toward my son: and how you mean to behave yourself (if my prayer and petition may be heard of him in your behalf) toward his grace. But this one thing I assure you off, that unless it be through your great humility and moderation (evidently in you appearing) you can not obtain the favour of the king. Herein what you mean to do, I pray you send me word by your proper letters and messengers.  
But to proceed farther in the order of the history: 
Anno. 1169.  After these letters sent to & fro (the year of our Lord 1169) which was the 15. of the reign of Henry the 2. The King misdoubting and fearing with himself that the Archbishop would proceed (or exceed rather) in his excommunication against his own person (to prevent the mischief) made his appeal to the presence of the pope: requiring to have certain Legates sent down from Rome from the pope's side, to take up the matter between the Archbishop and him: requiring moreover that they might also be absolved, that were interdicted, whereupon, two Cardinals (being sent from Alexander the Pope with letters to the King) came into Normandy: where they appointed the Archb. to meet them before the King upon S. Martin's day. But the Archb. (neither agreeing with the day nor place) delayed his coming to the vi●j. day after: neither would any further go then to Brisorlium. Where (the two Cardinals and the Archb. with other bishops conventing together) had a certain entreaty of peace and reconciliation, but came to no conclusion. The contents of which entreaty or action (because it is sufficiently contained in the Cardinal's letters, who were called Bulie●nus & Otho, written to the pope) it shall require no further labour, but to show out the words of the letter, where the sum of the whole may appear. The words of the letter be these.  
¶ The copy of the Epistle written and sent by two Cardinals to the Pope, concerning the matter of the Archbishop Becket.  
WIlliam, & Otho, Cardinals of the Church of Rome, to Alexander the Pope, etc. Coming to the land of the K. of England we found the controversy betwixt him and the Archb. of Canterbury, more sharp and vehement than we would. For the king and the greater part of them about him said, that the Archbishop had stirred up the French king grievously against him. 
Becket stirring up the French king against the king of England  And also, the Earl of Flanders his kinsman (who bore no displeasure to him before) he made his open adversary, ready to war against him, as is by divers evidences most certain. Thus when we came to Cadomus first to the king's speech, we gave the letters of your fatherhood to his hands: which after that he had received and considered (bringing forth withal other letters received from you before, something divers and altering from these which he received of us (was moved & stirred with no little indignation, saying▪ that the Archbishop after our departure from you, had received of you other contrary letters, by the virtue whereof he was exempted from our judgement: so that he should not be compelled to answer us. Moreover the said king to us added and affirmed (and so did the bishops there present testifying the same) that concerning the old and ancient customs of his progenitors, (whereof complaint, was made to you) all that, for the most part was false & untrue which was intimate to you. Offering farther to us, that if there were any such customs or laws in his time that seemed prejudicial or disagreeable to the statutes of the Church, he would willingly be content to revoke and disannul the same. Whereupon, we with other Archbishops, Bishops, & Abbots of the land (hearing the king so reasonable) laboured by all means we might that the king should not utterly break from us, but rather should incline to us to have the matter brought before us betwixt him & the forenamed Archbishop: By reason whereof, we directed out our own Chapleins with letters unto him, appointing him both time and place where safely he might meet with us in the feast of S. Martin. Nevertheless, he pretending certain excuses made his dilatories, driving of the time from the day of S. Martin to the Octaves following: which thing stirred the king's hart more than is to be thought.  

A communication between Becket and the Cardinals.  Thus, although we offered to the Archbishop safe coming, yet when he refused to meet us in the borders of the king: we to satisfy his mind, condescended to meet him within the land of the French king, in the place where he himself appointed: because there should be no let in us whereby to stop his profit. After we had entered communication, we began to exhort him all that we could, to submit and humble himself to his sovereign and king, who had heaped him with such benefits and dignities: whereby matter might be given us to further occasion of reconciling them together. He being thus moved and exhorted by us, departed aside to consult with his counsel upon the matter. At length after counsel taken, he cometh again answering in this manner. That he would submit and humble himself to the King, Saluo honore Dei, & ecclesiae libertate, salva etiam honestate personae fuae, & possessionibus Ecclesiarum: & amplius, sua & svorum in omnibus salva justicia. 
Beckets addition.  That is: Saving the honour of God, and liberty of the Church: saving also the honesty of his person, and the possessions of Churches: and moreover, saving the justice of him and of all his in all things etc. After which communication had among us: we moved & required him more instantly, that the would come to the specialties: whenas yet he had broughtnothing in, either which was certain or particular. Likewise we demanded of him, if he would in all such things contained and comprehended in our letters, stand & submit himself to our letters, so as the king and the bishops before were contented to do. To the which he answering again said, that he had received from you a commandment, not to answer before he and all his were restored full to all their possessions. And then he would so proceed in the matter according as he should receive commandment from the sea Apostolical. Thus, we breaking of communication (seeing that he neither would stand to judgement, nor come to conformity) thought to make relation thereof to the king, and so did: declaring that which he had expressed to us: yet not uttering all, but keeping back a great part of that which we had heard and seen. Which when the king and his nobles had understanding of, affirmed to us again: that he therein was cleared so much the more, for that the Archbishop would not stand to their judgement nor abide their trial. 
Becket would neither stand to judgement nor trial.  After much heaviness and lamentation of the king, the archbishop, bishops, and abbots of the Realm requiring of us, whether we had any such power by virtue of our commission, to withstand him and proceed against him: and perceiving that our authority would not serve thereunto, and fearing least the foresaid Archbishop (refusing all order of judgement) would work again disquietness to some noble personages of the Realm: and seeing our authority could not extend so far to help them against him (taking a consultation among themselves) agreed together with one assent, to make their appellation to your audience, prefixing accordingly the term of their appeal.  
And this is the Epistle of these two Cardinals sent to the pope: wherein, may sufficiently appear at the discourse and manner of that assembly (although particularly every thing not expressed) concerning the talk betwixt the Cardinals and the Archbishop. As when that William (who of the two Cardinals was the more eloquent) amongst other communication had, reasoned long with him concerning the peace of the church: which Becket said he preferred above all things, well then (sayeth the Cardinal) seeing all this contention between the king and you, 
Becket l●ueth ben● his bishopric th●● the peace ● the churchd, for all his gay talice.  riseth upon certain laws & customs to be abrogate, and that you regard the peace of the Church so much: then what say you: will you renounce your Bishopric, and the king shall renounce his customs? The peace of the Church now lieth in your hands, either to retain or to let go, what say you? To whom he answereth again, that the proportion was not like. For I saith he (saving the honour of my Church and my person) can not renounce my Bishopric. Contrary, it standeth the king upon, for his soul's health and honour, to renounce these his ordinances and customs. Which thing he thus proved, because the Pope had condemned those customs, and he likewise with the church of Rome had done the same. etc.   

¶ The talk between the French king, the king of England, and Becket.  
After the Cardinals were returned: the French king seeing the king of England disquieted and solicitous to have peace (or at least wise pretending to set agreement between them) brought the matter to a communication among them. In which communication the French king made himself as umpeare between them. The King of England hearing that the Archb. would commit himself to his arbitrement, was the more willing to admit his presence. Whereupon, many being there present, the Archb. prostrating himself at the King's feet, declared unto him kneeling upon his knees that he would commit the whole cause (whereof the dissension rose between them) unto his own arbitrement: 
Becket cometh in with his 〈◊〉 addition. Saluo honore Die.  adding thereto (as he did before) Saluo honore Dei, that is, saving the honour of God. The king, who (as is said before) being greatly offended at this word: hearing & seeing the stiffness of the man sticking so much to this word Saluo honore. etc. was highly therewith displeased: Rebuking him with many grievous words as a man proud and stubborn, 
Becket ●●●ged with vnkinden●.  and also charging him with sundry & great benefits bestowed upon him, as a person unkind & forgetting what he had so gently done and bestowed upon him.  
And speaking to the French king there present: See sit (if it please you, saith the king of England) whatsoever displeaseth this man: that he sayeth, to be contrary to the honour of God. And so by this means, he will vindicate & challenge to himself both that is his and mine also. And yet notwithstanding: for that I will not seem to do any thing contrary or prejudicial to God's honour, this I offer him. There hath been kings in England before, both of greater and les puissance than I am: Likewise there hath been bishops of Cant. many, 
The kings offer to Becket both charitable and reasonable,  both great & holy men: what the greatest and most holiest of all his predecessors before him hath done to the least of my progenitors and predecessors before me, let him do the same to me & I am content. They that stood by hearing these words of the king, crying all with one voice: the king hath debased himself enough to the bishop. The Archb. staying a little at this with silence: what (saith the French king to him) my lord Archbishop, will you be better than those holy men? will ye be greater than Peter? What stand you doubting? Here now have you peace & quietness put in your own hands, if ye will take it. 
The words of the French king.  To this the Archb. answered again: truth it is (saith he) my predecessors before me were much both better and greater than I, and of them every one for his time (although he did not extirp and cut off all) yet something they did pluck up and correct which seemed adverse & repugnant against God's honour. For if they had taken altogether away: no such occasion than had been left for any man to raise 〈◊〉 fire of temptation now against us, as is now raised to prove us with all: that we being so proved with them might also be crowned with them being likewise partakers of praise and reward, as we are of their labour and travail. And though some of them have been slack, or exceeded in their duty doing: in that we are not bound to follow their example.  
Peter, when he denied Christ, we therefore rebuke him: but when he resisted the rage of Nero, therein we commend him. And therefore, because he could not find in his conscience to consent unto that he ought in no wise to dissemble: neither did he: by reason thereof he lost his life. 
This mayor if it had been joined with a good Minor had made a good argument.  By such like oppressions the church hath always grown. Our forefathers & predecessors, because they would not dissemble the name & honour of Christ, therefore they suffered. And shall I, to have the favour of one man, suffer the honour of Christ to be suppressed? The nobles standing by (hearing him thus speak) were greatly aggrieved with him: noting in him both arrogancy & wilfulness, 
Exqua●ilogo.  in perturbing and refusing such an honest offer of agreement. But specially one among the rest was most aggrieved, who their openly protested: that seeing the Archbishop so refused the counsel and request of both the kingdom, he was not worthy to have the help of either of them: but as the kingdom of England had rejected, so the kingdom of France should not entertain him.  
Alanus, Herbertus, and certain other of his Chaplains that committed to story the doings of Becket, do record (whether truly or no I cannot say) that the French king sending for him as one much sorrowing and lamenting the words that he had spoken: at the coming of Becket did prostrate himself at his feet: confessing his fault in giving counsel to him in such a cause (pertaining to the honour of God) to relent therein & to yield to the pleasure of man: wherefore declaring his repentance, he desired to be absolved thereof. So that after this, the French king and Becket were great friends together: in so much, that king Henry sending to the king to entreat him, and desire him that he would not support nor maintain his enemy within his Realm: the French king utterly denied the kings request, taking part rather with the Archbishop then with him.  
Besides these quarrels and grudges betwixt the king and the Archbishop above mentioned: there followed yet moreover an other, which was this. Shortly after this communication recited between the king and Becket: the K. of England returning again from Normandy to England (which was the year of our Lord, 1170. and the 16. year of his reign) about Midsummer, 
Anno. 1170.  kept his court of Parliament at Westminster, In the which Parliament he (through the assent both of the Clergy, and the Lords temporal) caused his son Henry to be crowned king. Which coronation, was done by the hands of Robert Archb. of York with the assistance of other bishop's ministering to the same, as Gilb. of London, Goceline of Salisbury, Hugo of Duresme and Gualther of Rochester. By reason whereof Becket of Cant. being there neither mentioned nor called for, took no little displeasure: and so did Lodovic the French king, hearing that Margaret his daughter was not also crowned with her husband. Whereupon he gathering a great army forthwith marched into Normandy. But the matter was soon compassed by the king of England, who sending his son to him in Normandy, entreated there and concluded peace with him: promising that his son should be crowned again, & then his daughter to be crowned also. But the Archb. not ceasing his displeasure and emulation, sent unto the Pope complaining of these four bishops, especially of the Archb. of York, who durst be so bold in his absence & without his knowledge or his licence, to intermeddle to crown the king, being a matter proper and peculiar to his jurisdiction. 
The Bishop of London excommunicated, with four other Bishops suspended.  At the instance of whom the P. sent down the sentnce of excommunication against the B. of London. The other 3. bishops with the Archb. of York, he suspended: whose sentence and letters thereof, for avoiding prolixity, I here omit.  
Besides these foresaid bishops excommunicated divers other clerks also of the court he cited to appear before him by virtue of his large commission which he gate from the Pope, to whom they were bound to obey, by reason of their benefices, And some he commanded in virtue of obedience, to appear in pain of forfeting their order and benefices. Of which, when neither sort would appear, he cursed them openly. And also some lay men of the court & the king's familiars: some as intruders, and violent withholders of Church goods, he accursed: as Richard Lucy, and jocelin Balliot, and Ralph Brock which took bells and goods that belonged to the Church of Caunterburye, and Hugh Sainctcleare, and Thomas the son of Bernard, and all that should hereafter take any church goods without his consent, so that almost all the court was accursed either by the name, or as partakers.  
This being done, the Archb. of York with the foresaid bishops, resorted to the king with a grievous complaint: declaring how miserably their case stood, and what they had sustained, for fulfilling his commandment. The king hearing this, 
The cause of the kings wrath against Becket.  was highly moved as no marvel was. But what remedy. The time of the ruin of the Pope was not yet come? and what Prince then might withstand the injurious violence of that Romish potestate?  
In the mean season the French King for his part his clergy, and courtiers, stackt no occasion to incite, and solicit Alexander the Pope against the king of England to excommunicate him also: seeking thereby and thinking to have some vantage against the realm. Neither was the king ignorant of thes, which made him more ready to apply to some agreement of reconciliation. At length cometh down from the Pope two Legates (the Archb. of Rhotomage and the Bishop of navarre) with direction and full commission either to drive the king to be reconciled, or to be interdicted by the pope's censures out of the church. The king understanding himself to be in greater straits than he could avoid: at length (through the mediation of the French king, and of other Prelates and great Princes) was content to yield to peace and reconciliation with the Archbishop whom he received both to his favour, and also permitted and granted him free return to his Church again. Concerning his possessions and lands of the Church of Canterbury, although Becket made great labour therefore: yet the king (being then in Normandy) would not grant him, before he should repair to England, to see how he would there agree with his subjects. 
Becket returneth out of banishment.   
Thus, peace after a sort concluded between the king & him, the Archb. after six years of his banishment, returned to England: where he was right joyfully received of the church of Cant. albeit, of Henry the young king he was not so greatly welcomed. In somuch that coming up to London to the king, 
Ex Rogerio Hovedono.  he was returned back to Canterbury and there bid to keep his house, Roger Doveden maketh mention in his Chronicle, that the Archbishop (upon Christmas day) did excommunicate Robert de Broke, for cutting of the tail of a certain horse of his the day before. In the mean time, the four bishops before mentioned whom the Archb. had excommunicate (sent to him, humbly desiring to be released of their censure. To whom when the archb. would not grant clearly and simply, without cautels and exceptions: they went over to the king, declaring to him and complaining of their miserable state and uncurtuous handling of the archbishop, whereupon the K. conceived great sorrow in his mind, 
The words of the king, which were the cause of Beckets death  and displeasure toward the party. In so much, that he lamented oft & sundry times to them about him, that (among so many that he had done for) there was none that would revenge him of his enemy by the occasion of which words, certain that were about the king (to the number of four) hearing him thus to complain and lament: addressed themselves in great heat of haste, to satisfy the aggrieved mind and quarrel of their prince. 
If the Papists will needs measure the success of things by seasons and wether: then must they by that reason condemn the cause of Becket, his adversaries having such forwardness of wether in doing their feat.  Who within four days after the said Christenmas day (sailing over to England, & having a forward and a prosperous wind in their journey, being in the deep of winter) came to Caunterbury, where Becket was commanded to keep. After certain advisement and consultation had among themselves, they pressed at length into the palace where the archbishop was sitting with his company about him: first to assay him with words, to see whether he would relent to the kings mind, & come to some conformity. They brought to him (said they) commandment from the king: which whether he had rather openly there in presence, or secretly to be declared to him, they had him choose. Then the company being bid to avoid, as he sat alone, they said: you are commanded from the King beyond the sea, to repair to the king here is son, and to do your duty to him: answering to him your fidelity, for your baronage and other things, & to amend those things wherein you have trespassed against him, whereupon, the archbishop denying to swear, and perceiving their intent, 
The talk between the four soldiers and Tho. Becket.  called in his company again, and in multiplying of words to and fro, at length they came to the bishops which were excommunicate for the coronation of the king, whom they commanded in the kings name, he should absolve and set free again. The archbishop answered, that he neither suspended nor excommunicated them, but the pope: wherefore, if that were the matter that grieved them, they should resort to the Pope, he had nothing to do with the matter. Then said Reignald, one of the four: although you in your own person did not excommunicate them, yet through your instigation it was done. To whom the Archbishop said again: and if the Pope (said he) tendering the injuries done to me and my Church, wrought this revenge for me: I confess it offendeth me nothing. Thus then (said they) it appeareth well by your own words, that it pleaseth you right well (in contempt and contumely of the kings majesty) to sequester his bishops from their ministry, who at the commandment of the king did service in the coronation of his son. And seeing ye have so presumed thus to stand against the exaltation of this our sovereign, our new K. it seemeth likely that you aspired to take his crown from him, & to be exalted king yourself. I aspire not said he, to the crown & name of the K. But rather if I had 4. crowns (to give him more) I would set them all upon him: such good will I do hear him, that only (his father the king excepted) there is none, whose honour I more tender and love. And as concerning the sequestering of those Bishops this I give you to understand: that nothing was done in that behalf, without the knowledge & assent of the king himself. To whom when I had made my complaint, at the feast of Mary Magdalen, of the wrong and injury done to me and my Church therein: he gave me his good leave to obtain at the Pope's hand such remedy therein as I could, promising moreover his help to me in the same. What is this, quoth they, that thou sayest? Makest thou the king a traitor, and betrayer of the king his own son? that when he had commanded the bishops to crown his son, he would give thee leave afterward to suspend them for so doing? certes it had been better for you not to have accused so the king of this prodition. The Archb. said to Reignald, that he was there present at that time, and hard it himself. But that he denied, and swore it was not so: and think you (say they) that we the kings subjects will or aught to suffer this? And so approaching nearer to him, said: he had spoken enough against his own head, whereupon followed great exclamation and many threatening words. Then said the archb. I have sith my coming over, sustained many injuries and rebukes, concerning both myself, my men, my cattle, my wines, and all other goods: notwithstanding, the king (writing over to his son) required him that I should live in safety and peace: and now besides all other, you come hither to threaten me. To this Reignald answering again said: if there be any that worketh you any injury otherwise then right is, the law is open: why do you not complain▪ To whom, said Becket should I complain? To the young king said they. Then said Becket, I have complained enough if that would help, and have sought for remedy at the kings hands, so long as I could be suffered to come to his speech: but now seeing that I am stopped from that, neither can find redress of so great vexations and injuries as I have and do daily sustain: nor can have the benefit of the law or reason: such right and law as an archb. may have that will I exercise, and let for no man. At these words one of them bursting out in exclamation, cried, he threateneth he threateneth, what, will he interdict the whole realm & us altogether? Nay that he shall not saith an other, he hath interdicted to many already. And drawing more near to him, they protested and denounced him to have spoken words to that jeopardy of his own head. And so departing in great fury and many high words, rushed out of that doors: who by the way returning to the Monks, charged them in the king's name to keep him forth coming, that he should not escape away. What quoth the archb. think ye I will flee away? Nay neither for the king, nor any man alive, will I stir one foot from you. 
The stout heart of Becket.  No say they thou shalt not annoyed, though thou wouldst, and so the departing with many words, the arch. followeth them out of the chamber door crying after them: here, here here, shall you find me, laying his hand upon his crown.  
The name of these four soldiers above mentioned were these. 1. Reignald Bereson. 2. Hugh Mortevil. 3. William Thracy, and 4. Richard Brito: who going to harness themselves, returned the same day again. But finding the hall door of the palace of Canterbury shut against them: they went to an inward back door leading into the Orchard: there broke they up a window and opened the door, and so issued into the place. The Monks (being about Evensong time) had got the Archbishop into the Church: 
Anno. 1171.  who being persuaded by them, caused his cross to be borne before him, and so through the Cloister (by a door which was broke up for him) proceeded into the choir. The harnessed men following after, at length came to the Church door: 
The death of Tho. Becket.  which door the monks would have shut against them, but (as the story saith) the Archbishop would not suffer them. So they approaching into the Church, and the Bishop meeting them upon the stairs, there was slain: every one of the four soldiers striking him with his sword into the head. Who afterward flying into the North, at length with much ado obtaining their pardon of the Pope (through the kings procurement, as some stories record) went to jerusalem. 
What is to be thought or judged of Thomas Becket.   
Thus you have heard the life and death of this Tho. Becket: of whom what is to be judged, let his own acts and facts declare. And albeit the scripture ought to be only the rule to us to judge all things by: yet if any shall require farther testimony (partly to satisfy their minds therein) ye shall hear the judgements of certain men, in years and times almost as ancient as himself, what they writ, and affirm of him. 
What is to be thought whether Thomas Becket died a saint or not.   
And first to begin with the testimony of one of his own religion, and also not far (as it appeareth) from his own time: who writing of his martyrdom & miracles, thus testifieth of the judgement and sentence of divers concerning his promotion and behaviour. The Chronicle being written in latin, & having the name of the author cut out, thus beginneth: Quoniam verò multi. etc. And in the first book, cap. 8. it follo with in this manner: Nonnullis tamen id circa promotionem eius visum est minus canonicum, quòd ad eam magis operata est regis instantia, quàm cleri vel populi vota. Praesumptionis quoque vel indiscretionis fuisse notatum est, quòd qui remum tenere vix idoneus videbatur, primum gubernaculi locum suscepit, etc. & mox: magis etiam secularia tum sapiens, tam sanctum tantae dignitatis fastigium non horrens renuiise, sed ultroneus ascendisse creditus. 
The pu●●tion of ●●●ket iud●● not cau●● call.  Aliter dei amicus Moses etc. With much more as in latin ensueth, which for the English Reader here followeth translated. divers notwithstanding there be, which as touching his promotion, suppose the same not to be canonical. For that it was wrought rather by the instance of the king (thinking him to be a man ready and inclinable to his utility) then by the assent either of the clergy or of the people. 
Becket ●●●ged with presump●●, and la●●● diser●tion.  Farther it is noted in him for a point of presumption, and lack of discretion: for that he being scarce worthy to take the Ore in hand and play the boteswane, would take upon him to sit at the healm, and guide the ship: namely in that church, where the Covent being in gesture and vesture religious, be wont to have their prelate taken out of the same profession. Where as he, scant bearing the babite of a Clerk, 
Ambi●●● noted in Becket ●● not res●●● but ta●ing his promotion.  and going in his changes and soft apparel, is more conversant among the delicate rufflers in the court, savouring rather of worldly things: not refusing moreover without any dread, to climb up to the high preferment of such an holy dignity, but rather willingly of his own accord, to aspire unto it. Moles, we read did otherwise, who being the friend of God and sent of him to conduct his people Israel out of Egypt, trembled at the message, and said. Who am I Lord, that I should go to Pharaoh: and bring thy people Israel out of Egypt? And again, I pray thee (saith he) O Lord: I am nothing eloquent, send him whom thou wilt send. Likewise jeremias also being sent to the Lord to prophesy against jerusalem, was abashed to take the office upon him, answering again with much dread of hart, A, a, a. Lord I cannot utter my mind for I am a Child.  
After like manner we read of the saints of the new testament, 
Bishops against 〈◊〉 wills th●●● into their byshop●●●,  whereof many were preferred oftentimes to their bishoprics, and functions of the Church by mere forcement and compulsion rather of other, then by their own wills. So was blessed Gregory after his flight, and going away, brought back again, and placed in the sea & chair of Rome. Likewise S. Ambrose fore against his mind, who also of purpose accusing and contessing his own defects, because he would be repealed: yet by the commandment of Valentinian the Emperor was enforced to take the burden upon him, which he could by no wise shake of S. Martin in like sort unknowing of any such matter: was circumvented by a certain godly train and wile of the Citizens, before he could be brought to his consecration, which he did not so much take, as he was thrust into it, with much pensiveness and sorrow of hart. By these and such other examples this Chancellor likewise should have rather excused himself as unworthy and vumeet for that romthe, showing himself more willing to refuse then to take it. To the which this archbishop is judged to do clean contrary, etc. Haec ex Chronico. Cui tutulus. De passione & miraculis beati Thomae.  
And although scarcely any testimony is to be taken of that age (being all blinded and corrupted with superstittion) yet let us hear what Neuburgensis an ancient Historiographer saith: who in the days of the son of this K. Henry the ij. prosecuting his history unto King Richard the first hath these words: 
Ex chro●●co Nen●●●gensit.  writing of Thomas Becket: Sanè cum plerique soleant in his quos amant & laudant affec●u quodam propensiori, sed prudentia parciori, quicquid ab eis geritur, approbare: planè ego in viro illo venerabili ea quae ita ab ipso acta sunt, 
Acta Beckets improbate.  quum nulla exindè proveniret utilitas sed fervour tantùm accenderetur regius, ex quo tot mala postmodum pullulasse noscuntur, laudanda nequaquam césuerim, licet ex laudabilizelo processerint: Sicut in beatiff▪ apostolorum principe, quòd gentes suo exemplo iudaizare coegit: in quo eum doctor gentium reprehensibilem declaret fuisse, licèt cum constet Laudabili hoc pietate fecisse etc. That is in English.  
Whereas many be wont, in them whom they love or praise (judging them more by affection, than prudence) to allow & approve, what soever they do: yet for me to judge upon this reverend man: verily I think not his doings & acts to be praise worthy, or to be allowed. Forasmuch as thereof came no utility but only the anger and stirring up of the king, whereupon afterward sprung so great mischiefs (although the king that he did, might proceed of a certain laudable zeal) like as in the blessed Prince of the Apostles, in that he taught the Gentiles by his example to play the jews: Paul the doctor of the Gentiles, did declare him therein to be rebukeable: albeit it cannot be denied but that he did it of good affection, etc. And in the same author, in an other place it followeth to the like effect, in these words: Literas has in Angliam ad suspensonem Episcoporum praemissas ipse sequebatur, zelo justitiae feruid●s, v●rùm an plene secundum scientiam novit Deus: Nostrae enim paruitati nequaquam conceditur, de tanti viri actibus temerè judicare. Puto enim quòd in molli ad huc teneraque regis concordia minus providè egisset, & ea quae sine fidei Christianae periculo tolerari potuissent, ratione temporis & compensatione pacis dissimulanda dixisse+, juxta illud propheticum: prudens in tempore illo tacebit, quia tempus malum est. Itaque, quod a venerabli pontifice tunc actum est, nec laudandum esse judico, nec vituperare praesumo: sed dico si vel modice in huiusmodi a sancto viro per zeli immoderatiores impetum est excessum, hoc ipsum est sacrae, quae consecata noscitur, igne passionis excoctum. Ita quip sanccti viri vel amandi vel laudandi sunt a nobis, qui nos illis longè impares esse cognoscimus, ut ea, in quibus homines fuerunt, vel fuisse noscuntur nequaquam vel amemus vel laudemus: sed ea tantum, in quibus eos sine scrupulo imitari debemus. Quis enim eos dicat in omnibus, quae ab ipsis fiant, esse imitabises? Non igitur in omnibus, quae faciunt, sed sapientèr & cautè debent laudari, ut sua Deo praerogatina servetur, in cuius utique laudibus nemo potestesse nimius, quantumcunque laudare conetur etc. That is in English.  
The letters which were sent before for the impending of the Bishops, he pursued with burning zeal of justice but whether according to knowledge, god knoweth it. It is not for my rude and slender wit to judge of the doings of such a perion. But yet this I suppose: that he did not behave himself so circumspectly as he ought (considering the time) and that the concord between him and the king as yet was but soft and tender. Who for the consideration of the time, and for the recompense of peace: might have forborn or dissembled such things, which without any peril of Christian religion might be tolerate well enough according to the prophetical saying: A wise man in his time will keep silence, because the time will not serve him, wherefore, as the doings of that reverend Prelate I judge in that behalf not to be commended: so neither did I presume to discommend them. But this I say, that if that holy man through immoderate violence of zeal, did exceed in a part therein: the same was excocted again and purged by the fire of his suffering: which afterward ensited. And so far, holy men are to be loved or praised of us, which know ourselves much inferior to their virtues: that in such things wherein they have been men & also known to be men: therein, we neither hold with them nor commend them, but only such things wherein without all danger or scruple we ought to imitate them. For who is able to say, that they are to be imitated in all that they do, and therefore are not to be esteemed and praised in all things generally whatsoever they do: but considerately & with advisement: wherein they deserve praise: so that the only prerogative in this behalf be reserved to God, in whose praise no man can exceed how servant foever he be in his praising. etc.  
And hear yet more what the said author writeth in the same cause of the kings wrath & Beckets faults. Plusquam 100 homicidia a clericis commissa sub Hen, ij. dicuntur. In quibus plectendis rex aliquanto vehementior. Sed huius immoderationis regiae, nostri temporis Episcopos tantum respicit culpa, quantum ab eis processit & causa. Cumenim sacri praecipiunt canon's, clericos non solùm facinorosos & gravioribus irretitos, criminibus, verùm etiam leviorum criminum reos degradari, & tot millia talium, tanquam innumeras inter pauca grana paleas Ecclesia Anglicana contineat, tamen quam paucos a multis retro annis clericos in anglia contigit officio privari. Nempe Episcopi dum defendendis magis clericorum libertatibus vel dignitatibus quam corum vitijs corrigendis tesecandisque inuigilant●arbitrātur obsequium se praestare Deo & Ecclesiae, sifacinorosoes clericos quos pro officij debito canonicae vigore censurae coercere debeant, contra publicam tucantur disciplinam. Vnden clerici qui in sortem domini vocati, tanquam stellae in firmamento coeli positae, vita & verbo lucere deberent super terram, habentes pro impunitate agendi quodcunque libuerit, licentiam & libertatem, neque Deum, cuius judicium tardare videtur, nenque homines potestatem habentes reverentur, cum & Episcopalis circa eos sollicitudo sit languida, & seculari eos iurisdictioni sacri eximat ordinis praerogativa. That is.  
More than 100 murders are said to be committed by the Clergy under king Henry the 2. In punishing of whom the king was somewhat to vehement: but the fault (saith he) of this immoderate dealing of the king resteth most in the Bishops of our time: for as much as the cause thereof proceedeth of them. For where it is decreed and commanded by the Canon law (concerning the spiritual men of the clergy) that not only such as be notorious, but such as be spotted with lighter crunes should be disgraded: whereof, have we so many thousands and whole swarms of such now in England, as innumerable chaff among the little good grain? and yet how few do we see these many years in England deprived of their office? For why? the Bishops while they labour more to maintain the liberties and dignities of Church men, then to correct their vices: think they do God and the Church great service, if they rescue and defend the enormities of the Church men against public discipline, whom they ought rather to punish by the virtue of the censure ecclesiastical. Whereupon, the Church men: such as be sorted peculiarly to the Lord, and aught like stars to shine in earth by word & example, taking licence and liberty to do what they just: neither reverence god (whose judgement seemeth to tarry) neither men set in authority: when as both the Bishops are slack in their charge doing, and also the prerogative of their order exempteth them from the secular jurisdiction. etc. And thus much out of Nuburgensis. 
Ex Caesario Monacho. lib. 8. dialo. cap. 69.   
To this matter also pertain the words of Cesarius the monk, in his 8. book of Dialogues cap. 69 about the 48. year after the death of Thomas Becket, which was the year of the Lord. 
Whether Tho. Becket be saved or damned.  1220. whose words in sum come to this effect. Quaestio Parisijs inter magistros ventilata fuit, utrum damnatus an saluatus effet ille Thomas. Dixerat Rhogerius tunc Normamnus, fuiffe illum morte ac damnatione dignum, quòd contumax esset in dei ministrum regem. Protulit econtra Petrus Cantor Parisiensis quòd signa saluationis, & magne sanctitatis essent eius miracula: 
If God in these latter days giveth no miracles to glorify the glory of his own son: much less will he give miracles to glorify Thomas Becket.  & quòd martirium probasler Ecclesiae causa pro qua mortem subierat. etc. In English.  
There was a question moved among the masters of Paris, whether Tho. Becket were saved or damned. To this question answereth Roger a Norman: that he was worthy death and damnation, for that he was so obstinate against Gods minister his K. Contrary, Peter Cantor a Persian disputed, saying & affirming that his miracles were great signs and tokens of salvation, and also of great holiness in that man: affirming moreover that the cause of the Church did allow and confirm his martyrdom, for the which Church he died.  
And thus have ye the judgement, and censure of the school of Paris touching this question, for the saincting of Thomas Becket. In which judgement for so much as the greatest argument resteth in the miracles wrought by him after his death: let us therefore pause a little upon the same, to try and examine these his miracles. In the trial whereof we shall find one of these two to be true, that either if they were true, they were wrought not by God, but by a contrary spirit: of whom Christ our Lord giveth us warning in his gospel, saying: whose coming shall be with lying signs and wonders to deceive, 
Liber de miraculis b. thomae autore monacho quodam Cantuar.  if it were possible, the elect. Math 24. for else we shall find that no such were ever wrought at all, but feigned and forged of idle Monks and religious bellies for the exaltation of their churches, & profit of their pouches: which thing in deed seemeth rather to be true: And no less may appear by the miracles themselves, set forth by one of his own Monks & of his own time, who in fine solemn books hath comprehended all the revelation, virtues, and miracles of this archb. the which books (as yet remaining in the hands of William Stephenson Citizen of London) I have seen and perused: wherein is contained the whole sum of all his miracles to the number of 270, being so far of from all truth & reason, some ridiculous, some monstrous, vain, absurd, some also blasphemous & some so impudent: 
Miracles of Be●: considered.  that not only they deserve no credit (altogether savouring of mere forgery) but also for very shame will abash an honest pen to write upon them. First if miracles serve for necessity & for infidels: what cause or necessity was there (in a Christian realm having the word of God) for God to work such miracles after his death, who never wrought any in all his life? Then to consider the end of these miracles: whether do they tend, but only to bring men to Canterbury, with their vows and offerings to enrich the covent?  
Beside the number of the miracles which he said so many, that they lose their own credit: what disease is there belonging to man or woman in the curing whereof, some miracle hath not been wrought by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: as fevers, fistula, the gout: toothache: palsy, consumption, falling sickness, 
Aqua Cantuariensis.  leprosy, headache, broken arms, maimed legs, swelling throats, the raising up of the dead, which have been two days departed, with infinite other. And as all these have healed (for the most part) by one kind of salve (as a certain panacea) which was, with the water only of Caunterbury, like as a cunning Smith which should open with one key all manner of locks: so again in reading of the story of these miracles, ye shall find the matter so conveyed, that the power of this dead Saint, was never twice showed upon any one disease, but every divers disease to have a divers miracle.  
To recite in order all these prodigious revelations and fantastical miracles, falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop: were nothing else, but to write a legend of lies, & to occupy the people with tristes. Which, because it pertaineth rather so the idle profession of such dreaming monks and cloisterers, that have nothing else to maintain that religion withal: I will not take their profession out of their hands. Wherefore, to omit all such vain & lying apparitions and miracles, as how this angry saint (3. days after his death) appeared by vision at the altar in his pontificalibus, commanding the quere not to sing, 
Singing at the mass forbidden by Tho. Becket after his death.  but to say this office of his mass: Exurge, quare obdormis Domine. etc. Which vision the author himself of the book doth say he did see. To omit also the blasphemous lie, how in other vision the said Archbishop should say: that his blood did cry out of the earth to God, 
A blasphemous lie.  more than the blood of just Abel. Iten, in an other vision it was showed to a monk of jews, how S. Thomas had his place in heaven appointed with the Apostles: above Stephen, Laurence, Uincent, and all the other Martyrs. 
Beck. above the Martyrs in heaven.  whereof of this cause is rendered, for that ●. Stephen. Laurence, and such other, suffered only for their own cause. But this Th. suffered for the universal church. Item, how it was showed to a certain young man (Ormus by name) xij. years before the death of this Becket: 
A place prepared in heaven for Becket xii. years before his death.  that among the Apostles & martyrs in heaven, there was a valiant place left, for a certain priest, as he said of England: which was credibly supposed to be this Tho. Becket. Item, how a certain knights son being two days dead, was revived again so soon as he had the water of Caunterbury put in his mouth, & had by his parents 4. pieces of silver bended, to be offered in Caunterbury in the child's behalf. All these, I say, with such other like, to omit (the number whereof cometh to an infinite variety) only this one story or an other that followeth shall suffice to express the vanity and impudent forgery of all the rest.  

An impudent and a lying miracle.  In the fourth book of this fabulous author, and in the 3. chap. a miracle is there contained of a certain countryman of Bedfordshire in kings Weston, whose name was Gilwardus: which Gilwardus in his drunkenness bursting into an other man's house, 
Ex historia monachs Canti●a. de miraculiib. Thomae.  which was his debtor, took out of his house a great whetstone, & a pair of hedging gloves: The other party seeing this value not sufficient for his condemnation (by the council of the towneclerk) entered an action of felony against him for other things besides, as for stealing his wimble, his axe, net, and other clothes. Whereupon, Gilwardus being had to that jail of Bedford, and afterward condemned for the same: was judged to have both his eyes put out, & also those members cut of, which nature with secret shame hath covered. Which punishment by the malice of his adversary being executed upon him, he lying in great danger of death by bleeding, was counseled to make his prayer to this Tho. of Caunterbury. Which done (saith the miracle) appeared one to him by night, in white apparel, bidding him to watch and pray, & put his trust in God, and our Lady, and holy S. Thomas. In conclusion, 
A blasphemous vision.  the miracle thus sell out: the next day at the evening, the man rubbing his eye lids began to feel his eyes to be restored again: first in a little, after in a greater measure: so that one was of a grey colour, the other was of a black. And here was one miracle rung. After this followed an other miracle also upon the same person. For going but the space of 4. miles when his eyes were restored, he chanced (in like manner) to rub the place, 
A false and impudent miracle.  where his secret parts were cut of. And immediately upon the same, his pendenda (to use the words of my story) were to him restored, Principio parva quidem valdè, sed in maius proficientia, which he permitted every one to feel, that would and shamed not to deny. In so much that he coming up to S. Thomas: first at London was received with joy of the B. of Dirchan, who then sending to the burghers of Bedford for the truth of the matter, received from them again letters testimonial: wherein the Citizens there (saith this fabulous festival) confirmed first to the bishop, them to the covent of Canterbury, the relation of this to be as hath been told. This one miracle (gentle reader) so shameless & impudent, I thought here to express, that by this one, thou mightst judge of all the residue of his miracles: & by the residue thereof mightst judge moreover of all the filthy wickedness of all these lying monks and cloisterers, which count it a light sport so impudently to deceive the simple souls of Christ's Church with trifling lies and dreaming fables. Wherefore, (as I said) if the holy saynting of Thomos Becket, standeth upon no other thing but upon his miracles: what credit is to be given thereto, & upon what a weak ground his shrine so long hath stand, by this may easily be seen. Furthermore, an other fable as notable as this, and no less worthy of the whetstone, we read in the story of Geruasius: That Thomas Becket appearing to a certain priest, named Thomas, declared to him that he had so brought to pass, that all the names of the Monks of the Church of Caunterbury, with the names of the priests and Clerks, & with the families belonging to that city and church of Cant. were written in the book of life, Ex Geruas'. fol. 6.  
But whatsoever is to be thought of his miracles, or how soever the testimony of the school of Paris, or of these ancient times went with him or against him: certain it is, that this Anthem or Collect lately collected & primered in his praise, is blasphemous, and derogateth from the praise of him, to whom all praise only and honour is due, where it is said. 

The blasphemous anthem 〈◊〉 Becket. Tu per Thamasangmnem, quten prote impides: Fat nos Chrihe scandere qu Thomas ●● cendi●.  Tu per Thomae sanguinem quem pro te impedit,  
Fac nos christ scandere quò Thomas ascendit.  That is. For the blood of Thomas, which he for thee did spend, Grant us (Christ) to climb, where Tho. did ascend.  
Wherein is a double lie contained: first, that he died for Christ. Secondly, that if he had so done, yet that his blood could purchase heaven. Which thing, neither Paul nor any of the apostles durst ever challenge to themselves. For if any man's blood could bring us to heaven, than the blood of Christ was shed in vain.  
And thus much touching the testimony or censure of certain ancient times concerning the cause of Thomas Becket. In the explication of whose history I have stood now the longer (exceeding peradventure in overmuch prolixity) to the intent that his cause being fully opened to the world and duly weighed on every part: men's minds (thereby long deceived by ignorance) might come unto the more pexiect certainty of the truth thereof, and thereby to judge more surely what is to be received, and what to be refused.  
Whereby the way is to be noted out of the testimony of Rob. Crikeladensis, which in him I find: that the Peers and nobles of this land near about the king, gave out in strait charge upon pain of death, and confiscating of all their goods, no man to be so hardy to name Tho. Becket to be martyr, or to preach of his miracles. etc. Ex Crikeladensi.  
After the death of Thomas Becket, 
The king sendeth ●● Rome.  the king fearing that Pope's wrath and curse to be laid upon him (whereunto Ludovic the French king also helped what he could to set the matter forward) sent to Rome the archb. of Rotomage with certain other bishops and Archdeacon's unto the P. with his excuse, which, the Pope would in no wise hear. And after other messengers being sent, whom some of the Cardinals received, it was showed to them that on good Friday (being then nigh at hand) the pope of custom was used to assoil or to curse, & that it was noised, how the king of England with his bishops should be cursed and his land interdicted, 
Ex librio notatio●● histeru●i manuscrip to ●. Skeng.  and that they should be put in prison. After this certain of the Cardinals showed the pope, that the messengers had power to swear to the Pope, that the king should obey his punishment and penance. Which was taken both of the King and the Archb. of York. So that in the same day the pope cursed the deed doers, with such as were of their consent, either that aided or harboured them. Concerning these deed doers it is touched briefly before: 
The penit of the four knights.  how they fled unto Yorkshire lying in Gnarsboborough. Who after having in penance to go in their linen clothes barefoot (in fasting and prayer) to jerusalem: by reason of this hard penance are said to die in few years after.  
The kings Ambassadors lying as is said in Rome: could find no grace nor fanor a long time at the Pope's hands. At length with much ado it was agreed, that two Cardinals should be sent down to inquire out the matter, concerning them that were consenting to Beckets death. The king perceiving what was preparing at Rome, neither being yet certain: whereto the intent of the Pope, & coming down of the Cardinals would tend: in the incane time addressed himself with a great power to enter into Ireland, 
Ex Houe●● no.  giving in charge and commandment (as Hovedenus writeth) that no bringer of any brief or letter should come over into England or pass out of the realm (of what degree or condition so ever he were) without special licence and assurance to bring nothing that should be prejudicial to the realm.  
This order being set and ordained, 
Ireland 〈◊〉 subdued to England.  the king with 400. great ships taketh his journey to Ireland: where he subdued in short time the whole land unto him, which at that time was governed under divers kings to the number of v. Of whom four submitted themselves unto the said king Henry; only the fifth (who was the king of jonacta) denied to be subdued, keeping him in woods and Marshes.  
In the mean season while the king was thus occupied in Ireland, 
Anno. 1172.  the two Cardinals that were sent from the Pope (Thedinus and Albertus) were come to Normandy. Unto whom, the king the next year following resorted, about the month of October, an 1172. But before (during the time of the kings being in Ireland) the Bish. of London, and joceline v. of Salisbury, had sent to Rome, and procured their absolution from the pope. The K. returning out of Ireland by Wales into England, & from thence to Normandy: there made his purgation before the Pope's legates, as touching the death of the foresaid Becket: to the which he swore he was neither aiding or consenting, but only that he spoke rigorous words against him, for that his knights would not avenge him against the said Thomas. For the which cause, this penance was oujoined him under his oath.  

The king's penance for the death of Becket.  First, that he should send so much to the holy land, as would find two C. knights or soldiers for the defence of that land.  
Also, that from Christmas day next following, he should set forth his own person to light for the holy land that space of 3. years together, unless he should be otherwise dispesed withal by the Pope.  
Item, that if he would make his journey into Spain (as his present necessity did require) there he to fight against the Saracens: And as long time as he should there abide, so long space might he take in prolonging his journey toward jerusalem.  
Item, that he should not hinder nor cause to be hindered by him, any appellations made to the Pope of Rome.  
Item, that neither he nor his son, should departed or dissever from pope Alexander, or from his catholic successors: so long as they should recount him or his son for kings catholic.  
Item, that the goods and possessions taken from the Church of Caunterbury, should be restored again (fully and amply) as they stood the year before Thom. Becket departed the realm, and that free liberty should be graunto all such as were outlawed for Beckets cause to return again.  
Item, that the foresaid customs & decrees by him established against the Church, should be extinct and repelled (such only except, that concerned his own person) etc. besides other secret fastings and alms enjoined him.  
All these former conditions, the king with his son did both agree unto: debasing himself in such sort of submission before the two Cardinals: by the occasion whereof, the Cardinal took no little glory, using this verse of the Psalm: 
Exquadrilogo.  Qui respicit terram, & facit eam tremere: qui tangit montes & fumigant. That is, which looketh upon the earth, and maketh it to tremble: which toucheth the hills, and they smoke etc. Moreover it is mentioned in histories of the said king: 
K. Héry the 2. goeth on pilgrimage with bloody steps to Tho. Bee. Ex Rogero Houdeno & quadrilogo & alijs. Anno. 1174.  that a little after William king of Scots with his army had made a road into the realm, he returning out of Normandy into England, came first to Caunterbury: who by the way (so soon as he came to the sight of Beckets church, lighting of his horse and putting of his shoes went barefoot to his tomb: whose steps were found bloody through the roughness of the stones. And not only that, but also received further penance by every monk of the cloister certain discipline of a rod. By which so great dejection of the K. (if it were true) thou mayest see the blind and lamentable superstition and ignorance of those days. If it were pretenced (as might so be in time of war, to get the hearts of the people) yet mayest thou learned Reader see, 
The city of Canterbury almost consumed with fire. Ex Hovedeno part. 1. continuata historiae. Anno. 1175.  what slavery kings and Princes were brought into at that time, under the pope's Clergy. The same year (as Hoveden writeth) which was 1174. the whole city of Caunterbury, was almost all consumed with fire, and the said minster Church clean burnt.  
The next year ensuing, which was 1175. a convocation of Bishops was holden at Westminster by Rich. archbishop of Cant. In which conventicle, all the bishops & Abbots of the province of Canterbury and of York being present, 
Controversy between the sea of Can. & the sea of York. Archbishop of York appealed the Archb. of Canterterbury to the bishop of Rome.  determined (as it had done a little before in king Henry. 1, days, an. 1113.) about the obedience that York should do to Caunterbury. That is, whether the Archb. of York might bear his Cross in the diocese of Cant. or not: whereof something was touched before in the former process of this history. Also about the Bishopric of Lincoln, of Chichister, of Worcester, & of Herford: whether these churches were under the jurisdiction of the see of York or not, etc. Upon these and other like matters: rose such controversy between these 2. seas, that the one appealed the other to the presence of the Bishop of Rome.  
In these and such causes like, how much better had it been, if the supremacy had remained more near in the kings hands at home, whereby not only much labour & travel had been saved, but also the great and wasteful expenses bestowed at Rome, might with much more fruit and thank have been converted to their cures and flocks committed unto them, and also percase their cause no less indifferently heard (at least more speedily might have been decided) but to the purpose again. In this controversy diverse of that bishop of Yorks clergy (such as were of Gloucester, 
The clerks of S. Oswald in Gloucester excommunicated.  belong to the church of S. Oswald) were excommunicate by the Archb. of Cant. because they being summoned, refused to appear before him. etc. At length the same year which was 1175. there was a Cardinal sent down from Rome by the kings procurement: who studied to set a peace between the two archbishops. 
Agreement between the Archb. of Cant. and of York.  Whereupon, this way of agreement was taken (by the means of the king) at Winchester: that as touching the church of S. Oswald at Gloucester, the Archbishop of Canterb. should cease of his claim thereof, molesting the see of York no more therein. Also should absolve again the Clerks thereof, whom he had excommunicated before. And as concerning the bearing of the cross and all other matters: it was referred to the Archbishop of Rhotomage, and of other Bishops in France: so that for five years, a league or truce was taken betwixt them, till they should have a full determination of their cause.  
The next year following, 
Anno. 1176.  the foresaid king Henry the 2. (dividing the realm of England into 6. parts) ordained upon overy part 3. justices of assize. The circuit or limitation of which justices was thus disposed. The first upon Norfolk, 
justices of assize divided into vj. circuits.  Suffolk, Cantebridshire, Huntendunshire, Bedfordshyre, Buckinghamshire, Essex, Hertfordshire. 2. Upon Lincolnshire. Notinghamshire, Darbishire, Stamfordshyre, Warwickshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire. 3. Upon Kent, Surrey, Southamptonshyre, Southsaxe, Berkshire, Oxfordshire. 4. Upon Herefordshyre, Gloucestershyre, Wyrcestershyre, Salopsshyre. 5. Upon Wiltshyre, Dorcetshyre, Somercetshyre, devonshire, Cornwall. 6. Euerwickshire, Richmondshire, Lancaster, Copland, Weshnarland, Northumberland, Cumberland.  
In the which year also, 
Ex Epitome Math. Parisensis & alsarum historiarum.  Richard Archb. of Caunterbury, made 3. Archdeacon's in his diocese, where as before there was but one. About which time also it was granted by the king to the pope's legate, that a Clerk should not be called before a temporal judge, except for offence in the forest, or for his say see that he holdeth.  
Item, 
A frivolous contention between the Archb. and the Abbot of Canterbury. Where was here the precept of the gospel: he that will be greatest amongst you, let him be an underling to other.  that no Archbishop or Bishopric, nor Abbey should remain in the king's hands over one year without great cause. It chanced the same year, that this was done there was at Canterbury one elected to be Abbot in the house of S. Austen named Albert: who made great labour and suit unto the Archbishop that he would come to his Church, and there consecrate him Abbot of S. Austin's. To whom the archb. sent word again, that he was not bound to come to him but rather the other should repair to the Metropolitan church of Caunterbury, there to receive his consecration. Whereupon (controversy rising between them) the foresaid new Elect appealed up to the audience of the Pope, and so laboured up himself to Rome. Where, he so handled the matter (by what means I cannot tell, unless with his golden bottle, wherewith he quenched the pope's thirsty soul, for Abbots never travel lightly without far purses to Rome) that with short dispatch he procured letters from Alexander the pope, 
The tenor of the pope's letter to the Bishop of Worcester.  to Roger bishop of Worcester: Signifying to him, that he had given in charge and commandment to the archb. of Cant. (in the behalf of his dear son Albert) that he should consecrate him within his own monastery: which monastery properly and solely without mediation, belonged to the jurisdiction of Rome, and so likewise should do to his successors after him, without any exaction of obedience of them. Which thing further he said if the archb. would refuse to do, within the term appointed: that then he the foresaid B. of Worcester (should by the authority committed unto him) execute the same, all manner of appellation or other decree whatsoever should come notwithstanding. This letter being obtained, the Abbot (that would be) returneth home supposing with himself all things to be sure. The archb. understanding the case, and seeing himself so straightly charged, and yet loath to yield and stoop to the Abbot, took to him policy where authority would not serve: and both to save himself, and yet to disappoint the Abbot, he watcheth a time when the Abbot was about business of his house. And coming the same time to the monastery (as he was commanded to do) with all things appointed, that to such a business appertained: called for the Abbot, pretending no less but to give him his consecration. The Abbot being called for, was not at home. The archb. feigning himself not a little aggrieved at his labour & good will so lost departed, as one in whom no ready diligence was lacking: if in case that the Abbot had been at home. Whereupon, the Abbot (being thus disappointed) was fain to fill his silver stagon a fresh, & make a new course to Rome to his father the pope, of whom he received his consecration, and so came home again with as much wit as he went forth: but not with so much money peradventure as he went withal.  
We have declared a little above, pag. 175. touching the acts and doings of this Pope Alexander the 3. how he had brought the emperors head under his foot in S. Marks Church at Venice: at which time and place peace was concluded, and a composition made between the P. and the said Frederick the Emperor. Which pacification, Rog. Hovedenus, 
Hovedenus Gisbergensis. Anno. 1177.  and Gualterus Gisburgensis, refer to this time being the year of our Lord. 1177. bringing in two several letters sent from the said Pope to Richard Archbishop of Canterbury, and to Roger Archbishop of York, and Hugh bishop of Duresme. Out of the which letters (so much as serveth to our purpose) I have taken and here inserted.  
The letter of Pope Alexander, sent to Roger Archbishop of York, and to the Bishop of Duresme.  
ALexander, servant of the servants of God, to his reverend brethren Roger Archbishop of York, and Hugh Bishop of Duresme greeting, and Apostolical blessing.  
The obsequy and service of your kind devotion, which hitherto you are known to have given, both devoutly and laudably to us and to the Church: requireth that we should describe to you as to our special friends, the prosperous success of the Church: and to let you know as spiritual children of the Church, what hath happened to the same: For meet it is, convenient and also honest, that you whom we have had so firm, and sure in our devotion: should now be cherished and made joyous in the prosperity of us, and of the Church. And about the end of the Epistle it followeth thus.  
The next day following, which was the feast of S. james (the said Emperor so requesting) we came to the foresaid Church of S. Mark, 
A meek Emperor & a proud Pope.  there to celebrate our solemn Mass: where (as we were coming in the way) the said Emperor met us without the Church, and placing us again on his right hand, he brought us so into the said Church. After the mass was done, placing us again on his right hand, 
The Emperor holdeth the Pope's stirrup.  he brought us to the Church door. And moreover, when we should take our palfrey: he held our stirrup: exhibiting to us such honour and reverence as his progenitors were wont to exhibit to our predecessors. Wherefore these shall be to incite your diligence and study towards us: that you rejoice with us and the Church in these our prosperous successes, and also that you shall open the same effect of peace to other devout children of the church: that such as be touched with the zeal of the house of the Lord, may congratulate & rejoice also in the Lord, for the great working of peace which he hath given.  
Given at Venice in the deep river, the xxvi. of july.  
This year the contention revived again, spoken of little before, pag. 173. between the 2. archbishops of York and Canterb. The occasion whereof was this. The manner and practice of the pope is, when he beginneth to lack money, he sendeth some limiting Cardinal abroad, to fetch his harnessed in. So there came this year into England (as lightly few years were without them) a certain Cardinal from Rome called Hugo, or as Hovedenus nameth him, Hugezun, who would needs keep a Council at Westin. To this Council resorted a great confluence (about middle of Lent) of Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Doctors, & such other of the clergy. As every one was there placed in his order, and after his degree: first cometh the archb. of York named Roger: 
Contention between two Archbishops who should sit on the right hand of the Cardinal.  who (thinking to present the other Archbishop) came something sooner, & straighway placed himself on the right hand of the Cardinal. Richard the Archbishop of Cant. following shortly after: and seeing the first place taken up, refuseth to take the second: complaining of the Arch. of York, as one prejudicial to his sea. So, while the one would not rise, & the other part not sit down, rose no small contention between them two. The archb. of Canterb. claimed the upper seat by the pre-eminence of his church. Contrary the archb. of York alleged for him the old decree of Gregory, whereof mention is made before, pag. 118. By which this order was taken between the 2. metropolitans of Canterbury and York: that, which of them two should be first in election, he should have the pre-eminence in dignity, & go before the other. Thus they contending to and fro, waxed so warm in words, that at last they turned to hot blows. Now strong the Archbishop of York was in reason and argument I cannot tell: but the Archbish. of Cant, was stronger at the arms end. whose servants being more in number (like valiant men) not suffering their master to take such a foil: so prevailed against York (sitting on the right hand of the Cardinal) that they plucked him down from the hand, to the foot of the Cardinal upon the ground: treading & trampling upon him with their feet, that marvel it was he escaped with life. His Casule, Chimer, and Rochet, were all to be rend and torn from his back. Here no reason would take place, no debating would serve, no praying could be heard, such clamour and tumult was there in the house among them: much like to the tumult, which Virgil describeth.  
Ac veluti in magno populo, cum saepe coorta est  
Seditio, saevitque animis ignobile vulgus,  
jamque faces & saxa volant, furor arma ministrat.  
Now, as the first part of this description doth well agree, so some peradventure will look again, that according to the latter part also of the same: my Lord Cardinal with sageness and gravity (after the manner of the old Romans standing up) should have ceased and allayed the disturbance: according to that which followeth in the Poet.  
Tum pietate gravem meritis si fortè virum quem  
Conspexêre, silent, arrectifque, auribus astant:  
Ille regit mentes dictis, & pectora mulcet. etc.  
But what did the noble Roman Cardinal: Like a pretty man of his hands (but a prettier man of his feet) standing up in the midst, & seeing the house in such a broil, committed himself to flight, and (as Hovedenus writeth) abscondit se a fancy illorum. The next day after, the Archbishop of York bringeth to the Cardinal his Rochet, to bear witness what injury and violence he had sustained: appealing and citing up the Archbishop of Caunterbury with certain of his men, to the Bishop of Rome. And thus the holy counsel (the same day it was begun) broke up and was dissolved.  
Under the reign of this K. Henry the 2. the dominion and crown of England extended so far as hath not been seen in this realm before him, 
The large dominion of K. Henry the 2.  whom histories record to possess under his rule and jurisdiction, first Scotland, to whom William king of Scots, with all the lords temporal and spiritual did homage, 
Homage of Scotland in pain of interdiction.  both for them and for their successors (the seal where of remaineth in the kings treasury) as also Ireland, England, Normandy, Aquitane, Gaunt, etc. unto the mountains of Pireney, which be in the uttermost parts of the great Ocean in the British sea: 
K. Henry the 2. protection of France.  being also protector of France, to whom Philip the French king yielded both himself and Realm wholly to his governance, an. 1181. Moreover, he was offered also to be the king of jerusalem, by the Patriarch & master of the hospital there: 
K. Henry chosen king of Jerusalem ● & refused ●.  who then being distressed by the sultan, brought him the keys of their City, desiring his aid against the infidels: which offer he then refused, alleging the great charge which he had at home, & the rebellion of his sons, which might happen in his absence.  
¶ And here, the old histories find a great fault with the king for his refusal, declaring that to be the cause of God's plagues, which after ensued upon him, by his children: as the patriarch (in his Oration, being offended with the king) prophesied should so happen to him for the same cause. Which story if it be true, it may be a lesson to good Princes: 
Aid not to be denied to our neighbours the cause being godly. Ex Poly●●●● Ex Gira●●● Cambrica●●.  not to deny their necessary help to their distressed neighbours, especially the cause appertaining unto God.  
The wisdom, discretion, manhood, and riches of this Prince was so spread and renowned through all quarters: that messages came from Emanuel Emperor of Constantinople, Frederick Emperor of Rome, and William Archbishop of Trever in Almaigne, & Duke of Saxon, and from the Earl of Flaunders, and also from the French K. (upon determination of great questions and strifes) to ask council & determination thereof, of this K. Henry: as of one most wise and schoolmaster of all wisdom & justice, to have solution of their questions & doubts. Moreover, Alphonsus' king of Castille, and Sauncius king of Naverue, being in strife for certain Castles, and other possessions: submitted them (of their free accord) and by their oath, to abide the award of this king Henry: who 
●ing Henry ●osen arbiter by two ●nges.  made 〈…〉 whereby it is to be 〈…〉 resort, as to they arbitrer & 〈…〉 to any 〈…〉 the acres of this 〈…〉 kish writer's 〈◊〉.  
Among many other things 〈…〉 this one is to be 〈…〉 35. years: and having such wars with his enemy's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon his subjects put any 〈…〉 upon the spiritualty, first unites, and appropriations 〈◊〉 benefices, 〈…〉 And yet his treasure 〈…〉 chard his son) 〈…〉 safid pound, 
The treasure of K. Henry the ●.  〈…〉 furniture. Of the which 〈…〉 thousand pound came do him by the death of 〈…〉 who had practised a 〈…〉 
A covetous Archbishop.  〈…〉 died within 〈…〉 have all his goods. And shortly after the Archbishop 〈◊〉 and the king had all his goods 〈…〉 to eleven thousand pound beside plate 〈…〉  
But as there is no felicitye●● or wealth in this mortal world so perfect, which is not darkness 〈…〉 of encumbrance and adversity: So it happened to this king, the among his other 〈◊〉 successors: this incommodity followed him withal: that his sons rebelled & stood in armour against him, taking the part of the 〈◊〉 king against their father. First 〈◊〉 coronation of Henry his son, whom the Father joined with him as king, he being both Father and king, took upon him (that notwithstanding) as but a steward: and set down the first dish as Shower unto his son: renouncing the name of a king. At what time, the foresaid Archbishop of York, sitting on the right hand of the young king said: sir ye have great cause this day to joy. 
Pride destroyeth all.  For there is no Prince in the world that hath such an officer this day, etc. And the young king disdaining his words, said: my father is not dishonoured in this doing. For I am a king and a Queen's son, and so is not he. And not only this, but after he also persecuted his father. And so in his youth, when he had reigned but a few years, died: teaching us what is the price and reward of breaking the just commandment of God.  

K. Henry the 2. persecuted by his sons  After him likewise Richard his son (who was called Richard Coeur de Lion) rebelled against his father: And also john his youngest son did not much degenerate from the steps of his brethren. In somuch that this foresaid Richard (like an unkind child, persecuting and taking part against his father) brought him to such distress of body and mind? that for thought of hart he fell into an ague, and within four days departed, after he had reigned 35. years, whose corpse as it was carried to be buried, Richard his son coming by the way & meeting it, & beginning for compassion to weep: 
The death of K. Henry the second. How the king being being dead bled at the coming of his son.  the blood braced incontinent out of the nose of the king at the coming of his son: giving thereby a certain demonstration how he was the only author of his death.  
After the death and reign of which king: his children after him (worthily rewarded for their unnaturalness against their father) lacking the success which their father had: lost all beyond the sea that their father had got before.  
And thus much concerning the reign of Henry the second, and the death of Thomas Becket: whose death (as is aforesaid) happened in the days of pope Alexander the third: which pope usurping the keys of Ecclesiastical regiment 21. years (or as Gisburgensis writeth, 23. years) governed the Church with much tumult: striving and contending with Frederick the Emperor not shaming like a most proud Lucifer, to tread with his foot upon the neck of the said Emperor, as is above described pag. 205.  

Anno. 1179.  This Pope among many other his acres, had certain Counsels (as is partly before touched) some in France, some at Rome in Lateran, by whom it was decreed: that no Archbishop should receive the pall, unless he should first swear. Concerning the solemnity of which pall: for the order and manner of giving and taking the same with obedience to the pope, as it is contained in their own words: I thought it good to set it forth unto thee, that thou mayest well consider and understand their doings therein.  

¶ The form and manner how and by what words the Pope is wont to give the p●lle unto the Archbishop.  

giving of the pall.  AD honorem omnipotentis Dei, & beatae Mariae virgins & beatorum Petri & Pauli, & Domini nostri N. Papae, & sanctae Romana Ecclesiae see non N. Ede●● 〈…〉 tradimus 〈…〉 'pon 〈…〉 diebus, qui 〈…〉 concessis.  
That is in English.  
To the honour of almighty God, and of blessed Mary the virgin, and of 〈◊〉 ●. Peter and Paul, and of our Lord Pope ●. and of the holy Church of Rome, and also of the Church of ● committed to your charge, we give to you the 〈…〉 from the body of S. Peter, as a 〈◊〉 of the office 〈◊〉, which you may wear ●in your own church, 〈◊〉 days, which be expressed in the privileges of the said church, granted by the sea Apostolic.   

¶ Notes upon the same.  
¶ To the honour. etc. with what confidence durst the Pope ●●uple the honour of almighty God, and the honour of Mary. of S. Peter, and of the Pope, and of the Romish Church altogether if he had not been a presumptuous Lucifer, equalling himself not only with faith Saints, but also even with him which is God alene, to be blessed for ever.  
Taken from the body. etc. If S. Peter's body be not all consumed, let him show it if he can● if he can not show ●t, how then is this pall t●●en from the body of S. Peter ●or if he mean it to be of S. Peter's own wearing the 〈◊〉 S Peter had a godly wardrobe of palles, when ever Archbishop in all Christondome receiveth from the Pope 〈◊〉 pall.  
As a fullness of the office etc. Rather he might say, the fullness of his own purfe, when as Archbishops paid so sweetly for it. In so much that 〈◊〉 the Archbishop of Mentz, as is above touched pag. 172. a little before in the council of Basile where the price was wont to be but a thousand florences, could not obtain it without 26. thousand florences. 
Ex libro gravaminum nationis germanic.   
Upon certain days. etc. This difference there was between the Pope and other Archbyshops. For the Pope might wear the pall at all times and in all places at his pleasure. archbishops might not wear it, but upon certain days, and in their church only within their province. Moreover, this posse should not be asked but with great instance, and within three months with out which pall he is not to be named. Archbishop, But may be deposed, having it not after three months. And the same pall must also be buried with him when he dieth And when it is given, some privilege must be given withal, or the old renewed.   

In like-maner proceedeth the oath of every Bishop swearing obedience to the Pope, in like words as followeth.  
EGo N Episcopus N ab hac hora in a●tea fidelis & obediens ero beato Petro, 
The solemn oath of Bishops made to the Pope.  sanctaequè Apostoneae Romanae Ecclesiae, & Domino meo. D N. Papae, suisque succelloribus canonicè intrantibus. Non ero in consilio, seu auxilio, consensu, vel faeto, ut v●am perdant, aut membrum, seu capiantur mala capatione. Consiltrum verò quod mihi credturi sunt, per se aut per ●uncium, feu literas corum, 
Saluo me● ord. This was the clause that made Becket to be banished and to be slain.  me sciente nemini pandam. Papatum Romanum & Regalia S. Petri adiutor eis ero ad retinendum & defendendum saluo meo ordine, contrá omnem hominem. Legatum Apostolicae sedis in cundo & redeundo honorificè tractabo, & in suis necessitatibus adiuu●bo. Vocatus ad synodum veniam, nisi praepeditus fuero canonica praepeditione Apostolorum limina singulis trenniis visitabo, ●ut per me, aut per meum nunclum, ●●● Apostolica absoluar licentia. Possessiones verò ad mensam mei Episcopatus pertinentes non-vendam, neque donabe, neque oppignorabo, neque de novo infeudabo, nec aliquo modo alienabo, inconsulto Rom. pontifice, sic me Deus adiuuel, & sancta Dei evangelia.   

That is in English.  
IN. Bishop of N. from this hour henceforth, willbe faithful and obedient to blessed S. Peter, and to the holy Apostolic Church of Rome, and to my Lord N. the pope. I shallbe in no council, nor help, either with my consent or deed: whereby either of them or any member of them may be unpayred, or whereby they may be taken with any evil taking. The council which they shall commit to me, either by themselves or by messenger or by their letters, wittingly or willingly I shall utter to none, their hindrance and damage. To the remining and maintening the papacy of Rome, and the regalities of S. Peter I shallbe an arder (so mine order be salved) against all persons. The Legate of the Apostolic sea both in going and coming, I shall honourably entreat and help him in all necessities, Being called to a ●●hode I shallbe ready to c●me, unless I be let by some lawful & canonical ●●peehment. The palace of the Apostles onery thied year I shall visi●e either by myself, or my messenger, except other wise being licenced by the sea Apostolic, All such possessio●s as belong to the table and diet of my Bishopric: 
And how be not those Bishops then persured which at the death of Q. Marry, set and let out a great part of their possessions, from their successors.  I shall neither sell, nor give, nor lay to mortgage, nor less out, or ●●●due away by any manner of means, without that consent & knowledge of the Bishop of Rome, so God help me and the holy Gospels of God.   

A note upon the same  
¶ Hereby thou hast by the way (gentle Reader) to note and consider among other things which here may be understand, that since the time the oath began to be laid and must upon Bishops, all general Counsels began to lose they robbery. For how could any freedom remain for men to speak their knowledge in redress of things: being by their oath so bound to the▪ Pope to speak nothing but on his side, to maintain the Papacy and the church of Rome in all times and places? Conjecture by thyself (Christian Reader) what is more hereby to be considered.   
BEsides this it was also decreed in the said Council at Rome of 310. Bishops, by pope Alexander: that no man should have any spiritual promotion, except he were of lawful age, and born in wedlock. That no parish Church should be void above 6. months. That none within orders should meddle with temporal business. That priests should have but one benefice. And that the Bishop should be charged to find the priest a living till he be promoted.  
That open usurers should not communicate at Easter, ●or be buried within the Churchyard.  
That nothing should be taken for ministering Sacraments, or burying.  
Item, that every cathedral church should have a master to teach children freely, without taking any thing for the same.  

The vow of chastity laid upon priests.  In this council the vow of chastity was obstruded & laid upon Priests. Thomas Becket also, and Bernard were canonised for saints.  
During the reign and time of this king Henry the second: the City of Norwich was destroyed and burnt by the men of Flaunders. Also the town of Leicester. Nottingham wasted, and the burgesses slain by the Earl of Ferers. The town of Barwick destroyed by the Scots. The king of Scots was taken in war by Englishmen, an. 1174. The town of Huntingdon taken and burned. The town of Canterbury by casualty of fire, burnt with all the Churches, specially with the Trinity church, where Becket was worshipped. an. eod. The year of our Lord. 1170 Willia king of Scots with David his brother, and all the Barons of the realm did homage to the king of England. Ireland made subject to England. Decreed in a council in Normandy, that no boys or children should possess any benefice. A council of Lateran was held at Rome, where were 33. articles concluded. an. 1179. The French king came in pilgri●nage to Thomas Becket, the king of England meeting him by the way. an. 1184. After the death of Richard Archbishop of Caunterbury, 
Richardus Baldwinus Archb of Canterb.  who followed after Thomas Becket, succeeded Baldwinus, who of a Cistercian monk being made a bishop, is said never to eat flesh in his life. To whom a certain poor woman (bare & lean) meeting him in the street: desired to know of him whether it were true that was said of him, that he never eat flesh. Which thing when he had affirmed to be true: Nay, saith she that is false: for ye have eaten my flesh unto the bone. For I had but one cow wherewith I was sustained, and that hath your Deans taken from me. True, true said the Bishop and thou shalt have an other Cow as good as that. etc. jornalens.  
Moreover, in the reign of the said king Henry, about the year of our Lord. 1178. I find in the story of Rog. Noveden and other, that in the city of Tholouse was a great multitude of men and women, whom the pope's Commissioners, to wit, Peter Cardinal of S. Crisogoim, and the Pope's Legate: with the Archbishops of Narbone & Byturiensis: Reginald Bishop of Bathe, john Bishop of Pictavia, Henry Abbot Clarevallensis. etc. did persecute & condemn for heretics: Of whom some were scourged naked, some chased away, some compelled to abjure. Concerning whose articles & opinions I have no firm ground to make any certain relation: for so much as I see the Papists many times so false in their quarreling accusations, untruly collecting men's sayings, not as they meant, & meanings, not as they said: but wresting and depraving simple men's assertions after such a subtle sort as they just themselves to take them. But this I find how one of the said commissioners or Inquisitors (Henry the Abbot) in a certain letter of his, writ thus of them: Nam & panem sanctum vitae aeternae sacerdotis ministerio in verbo Domini consecratum non esse corpus Domini, novo dogmate contendebat asserere. That is: After a new 〈◊〉 he affirmed, that the holy bread of eternal life, 〈◊〉 by the ministry of the Priest, was not the body of the 〈◊〉.  
In the time of this Alexander Sprung up the doctrine and name of them: which were then 〈◊〉 Pauperes de Lugduno which of one waldus a chief Senator in Lions were named Wilden ●item Leonishae & Infabbatati: 
Valde●●● seu paup●●● do 〈◊〉 Leon●●● Insabbate 4. Arch p●lers 〈◊〉 papistry.  about the year of our Lord, 〈◊〉 (as 〈◊〉 us writeth) an. 1170.  
Not long before this time (as is expressed above) rose ●● Gratianus master of the decrees, & Petrus Lombardus, mai●●er of the sentence, both arch●ilers of all papistry. After whom followed also two as evil, ● worse than they, Franci●eus and Domi●cus, maintaining blind hypocrisy, no less than the other maintained proud prelacy. As these laboured one way, by superstition and worldly advaun cement to corrupt the sincerity of Religion: So it pleased Christ the contrary way, labouring against these, to cause up therefore the said Maldensians, against he pride and hypocrisy of the other.  
Thus we never see any great corruption in the church, but that some sparkle, yet of the true light of the Gospel, by God's providence doth remain. Whatsoever Doctor Augustinus, Remerius, silvius, Cranzius with other in their popish histories, do write of them (defaming them through misreport) and accusing them to Magistrates, as disobedient to orders, rebels to the Catholic church, and contemners of the virgin Mary: ye they that carry judgement indifferent, rather trusting truth then wavering with times, in weighing their Articles, shall find it otherwise: that they maintained nothing else, but the same doctrine, which is now defended in the Church. And yet I suppose not contrary, but as they did with the Articles of Wickliff, and Hus: so the Papists did in like manner with their articles also, in gathering and wresting them otherwise then they were meant.   

The history of the Valdenses, concerning their original, and doctrine, with their persecutions.  
THe first original of these Valdenses came of one Waldus, 
The history of Waldenses or Albingenses.  a man both of great substance, and no less calling in the City of Lions: the occasion whereof is declared of divers writers, thus to come. About the year of the Lord 1160. it chanced that divers of the best and chiefest heads of the City of Lions, talking and walking in a certain place, after their old accustomed manner, especially in the Summer time, conferred and consulted together upon matters, either to pass over time, or to debate things to be done. Amongst whom it chanced one (the rest looking upon) to fall down by sudden death. In the number of whom this foresaid Waldus there being amongst them was one. Who beholding the matter more earnestly than the other, and terrified with so heavy an example, being (as is said) a rich man, and Gods holy spirit working withal: was strooken with a deep & inward repentance whereupon followed a new alteration, with a careful study to reform his former life. In somuch that first he began to minister large alms of his goods, to such as needed. Secondly to instruct himself and his family, with the true knowledge of God's word: Thirdly, to admonish all that resorted to him, by any occasion, to repentance and virtuous amendment of life.  
Whereby, partly through his large giving to the poor, partly through his diligent teaching, & wholesome admonitions: more resort of people daily frequented about him. Whom when he did see ready and diligent to learn, begun to give out to them certain rudiments of the Scripture, which he had translated himself into the French tongue. For as he was a man wealthy in riches, so he was also not unlearned.  
Although Laziardus Volateranus, with other: note him utterly unlearned, & charge him with ignorance, as who should procure other to write and translate for him, By other that have seen his doings, yet remaining in old parchment monuments, it appeareth he was both able to declare and translate the books of scripture, also did collect the doctor's mind upon the same.  
But whatsoever he was (lettered, 
The true nature of Antichrist, neither hi● self to further the word nor suffer other men to do it.  or unlettered) the bishops and prelates seeing him so to intermeddle with scriptures, and to have such resort about him: albeit it was but in his own house, under private conference: could not abide either that the scriptures should be declared of any other, neither would they take the pains to declare it themselves. So being moved with great malice against the man: threatened to excommunicate him, if he did not leave so to do. Ualdus seeing his doing to be but godly, and their malice stirred up upon no just nor godly cause neglecting the threaminge & frettings of the wicked, said, that god must be obeyed more than man: to be brief, the more diligent he was in setting forth the true doctrine of Christ against the errors of Antichrist: the more maliciously their fierceness increased. Insomuch that when they did see their excommunication to be despised, & would not serve: they ceased not with prison, with sword and banishment to persecute, till at length they had driven both Ualdus, and all the favourers of his true preaching out of the city.  
Whereupon came first their name, that they were called Ualdenses, or pauperes de Lugduno, not because the would have all things common amongst them: or that they professing any wilful poverty, would imitate to live as the Apostles did (as silvius did falsely bely them) but because they being thrust out both of country and goods, were compelled to live poorly, whether they would or no. And thus much touching the first occasion and beginning of these men, and of the restoring and maintaining the true doctrine of Christ's gospel, against the proud proceed of popish errors. Now concerning their articles: which I find in order, and in number to be these.  
SOlis sacris literis credendum esse in ijs, quae ad salutem. etc.  
That is: Only the holy Scripture is to be believed in matters pertaining to salvation: and no man's writing, or man besides.  
2. All things to be contained in holy Scripture necessary to salvation: 
The articles of Waldenses.  and nothing to be admitted in religion, but what only is commanded in the word of God.  
3. To be one alonely mediator. Other saints in no wise to be made mediators, or to be invocated.  
4. To be no purgatory, but that all men either by Christ are justified to life: or without Christ to be condemned: and besides these two, neither any third or fourth place to be.  
5. That all masses, namely such as be song for the dead to be wicked, and to be abrogate.  
6. All men's traditions to be rejected, at least not to be reputed as necessary to salvation: and therefore this singing & superfluous chanting in the chancel to be left: constrained & prefixed fasts, bound to days & tunes: difference of meats: such variety of degrees and orders of Priests, friars, monks, & nuns: superfluous holidays: so mady sundry benedictions & hallowing of creatures: vows peregrinations: with all the rabblement of rites & ceremonies brought in by man to be abolished.  
7. The supremacy of the Pope, usurping above all churches, and especially above all politic realms, & governments, or for him to occupy or usurp the jurisdiction of both the sword to be denied neither that any degree is to be received in the Church, but only Priests, Deacons, and Bishops.  
8. The communion under both kinds to be necessary to all people, according to the institution of Christ.  
9 Item, the church of Rome to be the very Babylon spoken of in the apocalypse: And the Pope to be the fountain of all error, and the very Antichrist.  
10 
* This article seemeth to be given up of them in Bohemialong after, for indulgences came not in before Bonifacius. 8.  The pope's pardons and indulgences they reject.  
11. The marriage of Priests, and of ecclesiastical persons, to be godly and also necessary in the Church.  
12. Such as hear the word of God, & have a right faith, to be the right Church of Christ. And to this Church the keys of the church to be given, to drive away wolves, & to institute true pastors, to preach the word, and to minister the Sacraments.  
These be the most principal articles of the Uladenses albeit some there be, that add more to them: some again divide the fame into more parts. But these be the principal to which the rest be reduced.  
The same Ualdenses at length exiled, were dispersed in divers & sundry places: of whom many remained long in Bohemia, which writing to their king Uladislaus, to purge themselves against the slanderous accusations of one D. Augustine, gave up their confession with an Apology of their christian profession: defending with strong & learned arguments, the sane which now is received in most reformed churches: both concerning grace, faith, charity, hope, 
Thomas Acuin first finder of Purgatory. Ex Ortbuin●●ratio.  repentance, and works of mercy. As for purgatory, they say, that Tho. Aquinas is the author thereof.  
Concerning the Supper of the Lord, their faith was, that it was ordained to be eaten, not to be showed & worshipped: for a memorial, not for a sacrifice: to serve for the present ministration, & not for reservation: to be received at the table, not be carried out of the doors: according to the ancient use of the primitive church, when they used to communicate sitting. And this they prove both by an old chronicle called Chronica gestorum: 
Chronica Gestorum. Or●gines super tertium librum Mosis.  as also by ancient Origen upon the third book of Moses: bringing in his words which be these: proving that this sacramental bread ought not to be reserved: Quicunque hunc panem coenae Christi, secunda, vel tertia die sumpserit, non benedicitur anima eius, sed inquinabitur: Propterea Gabaonitae, quia antiquos panes portaverunt ad filios Israel, 
The sacramental bread ought not to be kept or reserved.  oportuit eos ligna, ac aquam portare. etc. That is, whosoever receiveth this bread of the Supper of Christ upon the second or three day after: his soul shall not be blessed but polluted. Therefore the Babaonites, because they brought old bread to the children of Israel, it was enjoined them, to carry wood and water. etc.  
D. Austen (of whom mention is made before) disputing against them, 
Part of the disputation between Doct. Austen and Waldenses.  about this matter of the holy Eucharist, urgeth them with this interrogation: whether it be the same Christ, (present in the Sacrament) which is present at the right hand of the father: If it be not the same Christ, how is it true in the Scripture, una fides, unus Dominus nostet jesus Christus. 

Dilemmae. That is a captious question, i● conferring on both sides an inconvenience.  
The answer of though Waldenses.   One faith, one Lord jesus Christ? If it be the same Christ, them how is he not to be honoured and worshipped here as well as there?  
To this the Ualdenses answer again, and grant that Christ is one, and the same with his natural body in the sacrament, which he is at the right hand of his Father: but not after the same existence of his body. For the existence of his body in heaven is not personal and local, to be apprehended by the faith and spirit of men. In the sacrament the existence of his body is not personal or local, to be apprehended or received of our bodies, 
What it is to receive after a sacramental manner.  after a personal or corporal manner, but after a sacramental manner: that is, where our bodies receive the sign, & our spirit the thing insignified. Moreover in heaven the existence of his body is dimensive, and complete with the full proportion and quantity of the same body where with he ascended: here the existence of his complete body, with the full proportion, measure & stature thereof: 
Natural. Sacramental.  doth not, neither can stand in the sacrament. Briefly, the existence of his body in heaven is natural not sacramental: that is, to be seen, and not remembered: here it is sacramental, not natural: that is, to be remembered, not to be seen.  
That answer being made to the captious proposition of D. Augustine. 
another Dilemma against Transubstantiation.  The Ualdenses (retorting the like interrogation to him again) demand of him to answer them in the like objection: whether it be all on christ substantially & naturally, which sitteth in heaven: & which is under the forms of bread and wine, and in the receivers of the Sacrament▪ If he grant to be: Then they did him say, seeing Christ is as well in the sacrament as in heaven, & as well in the receiver as in the sacrament, & all one Christ in substance & nature: why then is not the same Christ as well in the breast of the receiver to be worshipped, as under the forms of bread and wine in the sacrament? seeing he is there after a more perfect manner in man, then in the sacrament: for in the sacrament he is but for a t●●e, and not for the sacraments sake, but for the man's cause. In man he is not for the sacraments cause: but for his own, and that not for a season but for ever: as it is written: Qui manducat hunc panem vivet in aeternum, that is: he that eateth this bread shall live for ever, etc.  
Moreover and besides, seeing transubstantiation is the going of one substance into an other: they question again with him, whether the forms of bread and wine remaining, the substance thereof be changed into the whole person of our Lord Christ jesus: that is, both into his body, soul, and divinity: or not into the whole Christ? If he grant the whole: Then say they, that is impossible (concerning the divinity) both to nature and to our faith, that any creature can be changed into the creator. If he say, the bread is changed into the body and soul of Christ, not to his divinity: then he separateth the natures in Christ. If he say into the body alone, and not the soul: then he separateth the natures of the true manhood. etc. And so cannot be the same Christ that was betrayed for us: for that he had both body & soul. To conclude, to what part soever he would answer: this doctrine of transubstantiation cannot be defended without great inconvenience of all sides.  
Over and besides, 
Aeneas' Silvius Bohemica historia de Valdonsium dogmatibus.  Aeneas Silvius writing of their doctrine and assertions (perchance, as he found them, perchance making worse of them, than they taught or meant) reporteth them after this manner, which I thought here to set out as it is in the Latin.  
ROmanum praesulem reliquis episcopis parem esse. Inter sacerdotes, nullum discrimen. Praes' byterum non dignitatem fed vitae meritum efficere potiorem. In English.  
The bishop of Rome to be equal with other bishops. Amongst priests to be no difference of degree. No Priest to be reputed for any dignity of his order, but for the worthiness of his life.  
The souls of men departed, either to enter into pain everlasting or everlasting joy. No fire of Purgatory to be found. To pray for the dead to be vain, and a thing only found out for the lucre of Priests.  
The images of God (as of the Trinity and of saints) to be abolished. The hallowing of water & palms to be a mere ridicle. The religion of begging Friars to be found out by the devil. That priests should not encroach riches in this world, but rather follow poverty, being content with their tithes, and men's devotion. The preaching of the word to be free to all men called thereunto.  
That no deadly sin is to be tolerate, for whatsoever respect of a greater commodity to ensue thereupon. The confirmation which bishops exercise with oil, and extreme unction: are not to be counted amongst the sacraments of the Church. Auriculare confession to be but a toy: to suffice for every man to confess himself in his chamber, to God. 

The Temple of the Lord that is, the proper habitation wherein God most properly dwelleth and worketh.  
That is, the very place maketh not the ministration of holy things either more or less holy.   Baptism ought to be ministered only with pure water, without any mixture of hallowed oil. The temple of the Lord to be the wide world. The majesty of God not to be restrained more within the walls of temples, monasteries and chapels, so that his grace is rather to be found in one place then in an other.  
priests apparel ornaments of the high altar, vestiments, corporaces, chalices, patens, and other Church plate to serve in no stead. For the difference and respect of the very place: to make no matter, where the priest doth consecrate, or doth minister to them which do require. To be sufficient to use only the sacramental words without all other superfluous ceremonies.  
The suffrages of saints reigning with Christ in heaven, to be craved in vain, being not able to help us. In saying or singing the hours and Matins of the day, the time to be but lost. A man ought to cease from his labour no day, but only upon the Sunday.  
The feasts and festivals of saints, aught to be reiceted. Item, such fasts as be coacted and enjoined by the Church, have no merit in them.  
These assertions of the Ualdenses, being thus articled out by En●as silvius, I thought to give them abroad in English as they are in Latin: to the intent, that as they are the less to be doubted, being set out of a pope's pen: so we may the better know both them hereby, what they were: and also understand how this doctrine now preached and taught in the Church, is no new doctrine, which here we see both taught and persecuted almost 400, years ago. And as I have spoken hitherto sufficiently concerning their doctrine: So now we will briefly somewhat touch, of the order of their life and conversation, as we find it registered in a certain old written book of Inquisition.   

¶ Ex Inquisitorio quodam libello.  
MOdus autem Valdensium talis est. etc. The whole process cometh to this effect in English. 
De moribus et consu●tudiue Valdensium.  The manner of the Ualdenses is this: They kneeling upon their knees, leaning to some bank, or stay, do continue in their prayers with silence, so long as a man may say 30. or 40. times Pater noster. And this they do every day with great reverence, being amongst themselves, & such as be of their own religion, & no strangers with them, both before dinner & after: likewise before supper and after: also what time they go to bed: and in the morning when they rise, & at certain other times also, as well in the day as in the night. Iten, they use no other prayer but the prayer of the Lord, & that without any ave Maria and the Creed, which they affirm not to be put in for any prayer by Christ, but only by the church of Rome. Albeit they have and use the seven articles of faith concerning the divinity: and seven articles concerning the humanity, and the x. commandments, and seven works of mercy, which they have compiled together in a compendious book, glorying much in the same, & thereby offer themselves, ready to answer any man for their faith.  
Before they go to meat, they have this grace, Benedicite Korieeleyson. 

Their manner of grace before meat.  
Their grace after meat.   Christ eleyson. Kyrieeleyson. Pater noster: Which being said, than the elder amongst them beginneth thus in their own tongue: God which blessed the five barely loaves and two fishes in the desert, before his disciples, bless this table & that is set upon it, or shallbe set upon it. In the name of the father, of the son, and of the holy Ghost. Amen. And likewise again when they rise from meat, the senior giveth thanks: saying the words of the apocalypse: Blessing, and worship, and wisdom, & thanksgiving, honour, virtue, and strength to God alone for ever and ever, Amen. And addeth moreover: God reward them in their bosoms, and be beneficial to all them, that be beneficial to us, and bless us. And the God which hath given us corporal feeding, grant us his spiritual life, and God be with us, and we always with h●m. To which they answer again. Amen. And thus saying grace, they hold their hands upward, looking up to heaven. Altar their meat and grace said, they teach and exhort amongst themselves conferring together upon their doctrine. etc. 
Reinerius' ● old inquisitor agata●: Waldense   
In their doctrine and teaching they were so diligent & painful, that Reinerius a writer about their time, (an extreme enemy against them) in a long process, wherein he describeth their doctrine and teaching, testifieth: that he heard of one which did know the party, that a certain heretic (saith he) only to turn a certain person away from our faith, and to bring him to his, (in the night, and in the winter time) swam over the river called Ibis, to come to him and to teach him: moreover so perfect they were then in the Scriptures, that the said Reinerius saith, he did hear and see a man of the country unlettered, which could recite over the whole book of job word by word, without book: with divers other, which had the whole new testament perfectly by hart.  
And although some of them, rather merely then unskilfully, expounded the words of 1. joan. 
Pius ●idetur locus is lascivossacerdotes. The power and multitude of Waldenses.  Sui non receperunt eum, Swine did not receive him: yet were they not so ignorant and void of learning, nor yet so few in number but that they did mightily prevail. In somuch that Reinerius hath these words. Non erat qui eos impedire auderet propter potentiam & multitudinem fautorum suorum Inquisitioni & examinationi saepe interfui. Et computatae sunt 40. Ecclesiae, quae haeresi infectae fuerunt●ac in yna parochia Cammach fueruut decem eorum scholae. etc. That is, There was none durst stop them, for the power and multitude of their favourers. I have often been at their inquisition. & examination. And there were numbered 40. churches, infected with their heresy, insomuch that in one parish of cammach, were x, open schools of them. etc. Haec ille.  
And the said Reinerius, when he hath said all he can, in depraving and impugning them: yet is driven to confess this of them, where he doth distinct their sect from other sects and hath these words: 

Waldenses in all other points sound, but only for holding against the church of Rome.  
Ex Orthin. no Grain.   Haec verò Leonistarum secta magnam habet speciem pietatis, eò quòd coram hominibus justè vivant, & benè omnia de Deo credant, & omnes articulos, qui in symbolo continentur. Solam Romanam Ecclesiam blasphemant & oderunt. That is. This sect of Leonistes, hath a great show of holiness: in that both they live justly before men and believe all things well of God, and hold all the articles contained in the Creed. Only they blaspheme the Romish church, and hate it, etc.  
Now to touch somewhat their persecutions. After they were driven out of Lions, they were scattered into divers & sundry places (the providence of God so disposing) that the sound of their doctrine might be heard abroad in the world: Some, as I said, went to Bohemia. Many did fli● into their provinces of France. Some into Lombardy, other into other places, etc. But as the cross commonly followeth the verity & sincere preaching of God's word: 
The cross commonly followeth the word.  so neither could these be suffered to live in rest. There are yet to be seen, the consultations of Lawyers, Archbishops and bishops of France, as Narbonensis, A relatensis, Aquensis and Albanensis, devised amongst themselves, and yet remain in writing, 
Waldenses persecuted more than 300. years ago by Antichrist.  for the abolishing, & extirping of these Ualdenses. written above 300. years ago: whereby it appeareth, there was a great number in France.  
Besides, there was a whole council kept in Theolouse about 355. years to fore, and all against these Ualdenses: The which also were condemned in an other council at Rome before that.  
What great persecutions were raised up against them in France. by these 4. Archbishops before mentioned, it appeareth by their writings, whereof I will recite some of their words, which towards the end be these: Quis enim est solus ille peregrinus, qui condemnationem haereticorum Valdensium ignoret a long retro annis factam, tam famosam, tam publicam, tot & tantis laboribus, expensis, & sudoribus fidelium insecutam, & tot mortibus ipsorum infidelium solemniter damnatorum, publiceque punitorum tam fortiter sigillatam. etc. That is: Who is such a stranger, that knoweth not the condemnation of Ualdenses the heretics, done and passed so many years ago: so famous, so public, followed upon so great labours, expenses, and travail of the faithful, and sealed with so many deaths of these Infidels, so solemnly being condemned and openly punished. Whereby we may see persecution to be no new thing in the Church of Christ, when Antechrist so long before (even 300. years) began to rage against these Ualdenses. In Bohemia likewise after that, 
Antichrist with whom he first begun his persecution.  the same called by the name of Thaborites (as silvius recordeth) suffered no little trouble. But never persecution was stirred up against them, or any other people more terrible, then was in these latter years in France by the French king, an. 1545. which lamentable story is described in Sleidan: and hereafter in the process of this book, as we come to the order of years, shall be set forth (by the grace of Christ) more at large. 
An horrible m●rther of Christ's holy martyrs.  In the which persecution is declared in one town Cabriera to be slain by the Captain of Satan (Minerius) eight hundred persons at once, without respect of women or children of any age: Of whom 40. women (and most of them great with child, thrust into a barn and the windows kept with pikes, and so fire set to them) were all consumed. Besides in a cave not far from the town Mussium, to the number of xxv. persons, with smoke and fire were the same time destroyed: At Merindolum, the same tyrant (seeing all the rest were fled away, 
Minerius an horrible persecutor.  finding one young man) caused him to be tied to an Olive tree, & to be destroyed with torments most cruelly: with much other persecution as may appear hereafter, in the history translated out of Sleidan into English.  
But to return again to higher times from whence we digressed. 
A Glover suffered martyrdom in Cheron. 44● brought to examination.  Besides that, Rinerius (above mentioned) speaketh of one in the town of Cheron, a glover, which was brought in this time to examination, & suffered. There is also an old Monument of process, wherein appeareth, 443. brought to examination in Pomerania, Marchia, and places there about: about the year of our Lord 1391.  
And thus much touching the original doctrine, and the lamentable persecutions of the Ualdenses: who (as is declared) first began about the time of this king Henry the second.   

Other incidences happening in the reign of this Henry the second.  

Incidences in the reign of K. Henry the, 2.  COncerning the first origine of Waldenses, springing in the days of this king, is sufficiently hitherto declared. Now remaineth in like order of time, to story also such other incidencies, as chanced under the reign of the said king, not unworthy to be observed: keeping the order of the time, so near as we may, & as authors do give unto us.  
Marry the daughter of king Stephen (being the Abbes of Ramessey) was married in this kings days to Matthew Earl of Bolon, 
Becket a dissoluer of manages.  which marriage Thomas Becket did work against and did dissolve: by reason whereof he procured him great displeasure with the said Earl etc. an. 1161. Ex Chronico Bibliothecae Cariensis.  
The same year a certain child was crucified of the jews in the town of Gloucester. 
Two children crucified by the jews.  an. 1161. jornalens. After the same manner the wicked jews had crucified an other child before in the City of Norwich, in the days of King Stephen. an. 1145.  
A collection was gathered through all England and France (two pence of every pound) for the succour of the East Christians against the Turks. an. 1167. Ex eodem,  
Babylon was taken and destroyed, and never since repaired, by Almaricus king of Jerusalem. 
Babylon utterly destroyed.  an. 1170. Ex vetusto manuscripto exemplari historiae Cariensis.  
An. 1173. almost all England was diseased with the cough, Ex vetusto Chron. acephalo. About which year also William king of Scots was taken in battle, and imprisoned in England.  


The holy cross taken with the city of jerusalem, by the Saracens.  
Persecution of the Turk against the Christians.   Great war happened in Palestina: wherein, the City of jerusalem with the cross and the king of the City, & other of the temple was taken of the saracenes, and most part of the Christians there either slain or taken. Cruel murder and slaughter there was used by the Turk, who caused all the chief of the Christians to be brought forth and beheaded before his face. In so much that Pope Urbanus the three for sorrow died: & Gregory the viii next pope after him, lived not 2, months. Then in the days of pope Clement iii. (news and sorrow growing daily for the loss of Palestina, and destruction of the Christians) K. Henry of England, & Philip the french king, the duke of Burgundy, the Earl of Flaunders, 
A voyage against the Turks.  the Earl of Campania, with divers other Christian Princes, with a general consent: upon S. George's day, took the mark of the cross upon them, promising together to take their voyage into the holy land. At which time the stories say, the king of England received first the red cross, 
How the difference of the crosses first came in amongst christian princes  the French king took the white cross, the Earl of Flaunders the green cross, & so other princes diversly, divers colours: thereby to be discerned every one by his proper cross. But king Henry (after the three years were expired, in which he promised to perform his voyage) sent to the Pope for further delay of his promise, offering for the same to erect three Monasteries. Which thing he thus performed: 
The king's promises fulfilled to the Pope.  In the Church of Waltham he thrust out the secular Priests, and set in Monks for them. Secondly, he repaired again & brought in the Nuns of Amesbury, which before were excluded for their incontinent life. And thus performed he his promise made before to the Pope. an. 1173.  
The king of Scots did his homage and alleageaunce to the King of England and to his son, 
King of Scots doing homage to the king of England.  and to his chief Lords: promising that all the Earls and Barons of scotland should do the like with their posterity. Item all the Bishops and Abbots of the Church of Scotland promised subjection and submission to the Archbishop of York. 
The Church of Scotland ordered by the church of York. Murderers could not be punished by the Pope's decrees.  an. 1175. Nic. Trivet.  
The custom was in this realm, that if any had killed any Clerk or Priest: he was not to be punished with the temporal sword, but only excommunicate & sent to Rome for the Pope's grace and absolution. Which custom in the days of this king began first to be altered by the procurement of Richard Archbishop of Caunterbury, an. 1176. Trivet.  
London bridge first began to be made of stone by one Peter Priest of Colechurch. an. 
London bridge of stone.  1176. Ex Chron. cuius initium: In diebus sanctis. regis Edovardi. etc. ex Bibliot. Cariensi.  
S. William of Paris was slain of the jews on maundy thursday, 
S. William of Paris.  wherefore the jews were burned, & he counted a Saint. an. 1177.  
Ireland subdued to the crown of England by this king. an. 
Ireland subdued to England.  1177. Ex varijs Chron.  
Under the reign of the said king Henry about the 25 year of his reign, Ludovicus the frenchking (by the vision of Thomas Becket, 
Pilgrimage to Canterbury sprang by a lying vision.  appearing to him in his dream. & promising to him the recovery of his son if he would resort to him at Canterbury) made his journey into England to visit S. Thomas at Caunterbury with Philip Earl of Flaunders: where he offered a rich cup of gold, with other precious jewels, & a 100 vessels of wine yearly to be given to the Covent of the church of Caunterbury: notwithstanding the said Philip in his return from England taking his journey to Paris, 
A just reward for an idolatrous voyage.  to visit S. Devis, in the same his pilgrimage was strike with such cold, that he fell into a palsy, and was benumbed of the right side of his body. an. 1178. jornalensis & alij.  
Stephanus Episcopus Redomonsis, was wont to make many rhymes, and gaudish prose, to delight the ears of the multitude, to whom a little before his death, this verse was founded in his care. Desine ludere temerè, nitere properè surgere de pulvere. an. 1178. Nic. Trivet.  
Albingenses denied transustantiation in the Sacrament of Christ's body and blood, 
Transubstantiation gaynsayd.  about the city of Tholouse, also that matrimony was not a Sacrament, etc. an. 1178, ibidem.  
King Henry separated himself from his wife Alionor, and held her many years in prison, 
Queen Alionor imprisoned.  as some think for the love of Rosamunde. Which seemeth to me to be the cause, why God afterward stirred all his sons up to war against him, and to work him much sorrow. an. 1179. Nic. Trivet. Notwithstanding the said Alionor was shortly after reconciled to him.  
S. Frideswide was translated unto Oxford. an. 1179.  
An. 1180. There came to the council of Pope Alexander, one Pisanus Burgundio, a man very cunning both in Brecke and Latin, which brought and presented to the counsel the Homelyes of chrysostom upon the Gospel of S. john, 
Expositions made by Chris. both of the old and new testament.  translated out of Greek into Latin, and said that he translated likewise a great part of his exposition upon Genesis, saying moreover that the said chrysostom had made expositions in Greek upon the whole old testament, and also the new. an. 1180.  
The Monks of Charterhouse, 
The Charter house monks.  first entered into this land. an. 1180.  
An. 1181. Richard Pech Byshopp of Coventry, before his death renounced his bishopric, 
The Bishop of Coventry v●●untarely renounceth his bishopric.  and became a canon, in the Church of S. Thomas, by Stafford. Ex Chronico pervetusto, cui initium: In diebus sanctis. Regis. etc.  
About the latter time of this king Henry, one Hugo (whom men were wont to call S. Hugh of Lincoln) borne in Burgundy, 
S. Hugh of Lincoln.  and Prior of the Monks of Charterhouse, was preferred by the king to the Bishopric of Lincoln, who after his death is said to do great miracles, and therefore was counted a Saint. an. 1186. Flores Hist.  
Baldwinns Archbishop of Caunterbury began the building of his new house and Church of Lambeth, 
Lambeth first begun to be built.  but by the letters of pope Clement 3. he was forbid to proceed in the building thereof. an. 1187. Trivet.  
I do find likewise in the foresaid written Chronicle remaining in the hands of one William carry Citizen of London: that this forenamed king Henry the 2. 
K. Henry's gift to the Church of Rome for the death of Becket.  gave to the court and church of Rome, for the death of Becket 40. thousand marks of silver. And 5. thousand marks of gold. an. 1187.  
Mention was made a little above of Amalrike king of jerusalem, which destroyed Babylon, so that it was never after to this day restored, but lieth waist and desolate: wherein was fulfilled that, which in the Prophets in so many places was threatened to Babylon before. 
A worthy story of Sibilla and Guido, in jerusalem.  This Amalrike had a son named Baldwin, & a daughter called Sibilla. Baldwine from the beginning of his reign was a Leoper, and had the falling sickness, being not able for feebleness of body (although valiant in hart and stomach) to satisfy that function.  
Sibilla his sister was first married to one Willermus, Marquis of Mount Ferrat, by whom she had a son called also Balwinus. After him she was married to another husband, named Guido de Liziniaco, Earl of joppes and of Ascalon. Upon this befell, that the foresaid Baldwine the Leoper son of Amalricus, being thus feeble & infirm, as is said: called his nobles together with his mother & the patriarch, declaring to them his inability, and by the consents of them, committed the under government of the City to Guido the husband of Sibilla his sister. But he being found insufficient or else not lucky in the governing thereof: the office was translated to another, named Raimundus Earl of Tripoli. In the mean time the Sultan with his Saracens mightily prevailed against the Christians, & overran the country of Palestina. In which mean time Baldwine the king departed. Whereby the kingdom fell next to Baldwinus the son of Sibilla by her first husband Willermus. The which Baldwinus being but five years old, was put to custody of Raimundus aforesaid. Who also in his minority, before he came to his crown, died: whereby the next succession by dissent fell to Sibilla, the wife of Guido above mentioned. To whom the peers and nobles joining together in counsel, offered to the said Sibilla as to the lawful heir to the crown, to be their Queen: with this condition, that she should sequester from her by solemn divorcement the foresaid Guido her husband. But she refused the kingdom offered to her on that condition: 
A worthy example of a true wife to her husband.  till at last, the Magistrates with the nobles in general granted unto her, & by their oaths confirmed the same, that whomsoever she would choose to be her husband, all they would take and obey as their king. 
A worthy example in Guido of a true subject to the common wealth.  Also Guido her husband with like petition among the rest, humbly requested her: that the kingdom not for his sake, or for his private loss, might be destitute of government. At length she with tears consenting to their entreaty was contented, and solemnly was crowned their Queen: who after the manner, again received their fidelity by their oath. Whereupon Guido without all hope both of wife and kingdom, departed home quietly to his own. This done, the Queen assembling her states and prelate's together, 
A singular example of prudence in a princes, and fidelity in a wife.  entered talk with them about the choosing of the king, according to that which they had promised and sworn unto her: and to obey him as their king, whom she would name to be her husband. Thus, while they were all in great expectation waiting every man whom she would nominate: The Queen with a loud voice said to Guido that stood amongst them: Guido my Lord, I choose thee for my husband, and yielding myself and my kingdom unto you, openly I protest you to be the king. At these words all the assembly being amazed, wondered that one simple woman so wisely had beguiled so many wise men. And worthy no doubt was she to be commended and extolled for her singular virtue both of faithful chastity and high prudence: so tempering the matter that both she obtained to her husband the kingdom, and retained to herself again her husband, whom she so faithfully loved. an. 1186. Ex Historia manu scripta, cui initium: Rex Pictorum ex Bibliotheca Cariensi mutuata.  
As I have hitherto described the public acts of king Henry, so now I mean to touch something of his private conditions. He was of mean stature, eloquent and learned, manly and bold in chivalry. Fearful of the mutability and chance of war, more lamenting the death of his soldiers dead, them loving them alive, none more courteous & liberal for the obtaining of his purpose: in peace and tranquillity none more roughter: stubborn against the stubborn: sometimes merciful to those whom he had vanquished: strait to his household servants, but liberal to strangers: publicly of public things liberal, sparing of his own: whom once he took a displeasure against, hardly or never would he receive again to favour: somewhat lavash of his tongue, a willing breaker of his promise, a lover of his ease, but an oppressor of his nobility: a severe revenger and furtherer of justice: variable of word, and crafty in his talk: an open adulterer: a nourisher of discord amongst his children. Moreover the Papists bearing him (for Thomas Beckets quarrel & such like, as may be gathered) no good will: term him to be an adversary of the saith, the maul and beetle of the church.  
Also in the Chronicle entitled Scala mundi, I find of him: that he followeth the steps, manners and conditions of Henry the first his grandfather in every point. He preserved firm peace, & executed strait justice through all his dominions. He loved marvelous well his forest: & again those that were transgressors either to his crown or person, he most severely punished.  
Moreover, in a certain history entitled De regibus Angliae, I find that this king was sundry times admonished to reform and amend his life. And first by one that was an old man at the castle of Card●f in Wales, at that time of the year called Dominica in albis, the eight day after Easter. Where also, after that he had heard mass, and was going to take his horse: there stood a certain man by him, somewhat yellowish (his hear being rounded, leave, and ill-favoured) having on a white coat, and being barefoot, looked upon the king, and spoke in this wise: good old king. That done, thus he proceedeth. The king saluteth you and his blessed mother, john Baptist, & Peter: straightly charging you, 
The king admonished to amer●● his life.  that upon the Sundays throughout all your dominions there be no buying & selling or other servile business (those only except, which appertain to the preparation of meat and drink) which thing if thou shalt observe, whatsoever thou takest in hand thou shalt happily finish and bring to pass. 
Sunday to be free 〈◊〉 buying and selling.  Then spoke the king in French to the knight that held his horse by the bridle: Ask of this chourle whether he dreamt this or not. And in the mean while that the knight should have interpreted the kings words and message, he spoke before, and said. Whether this be a dream or not, mark well what day this is: for unless that thou do these things, and amend thy life: such news shalt thou hear within these 12. months, that will make thee lament and mourn, till thy dying day. And when these words were spoken the man vanished out of his sight. And within one year next after: Henry, Bawfride, and Richard his sons, for sook him their father, and took part with the French king. The king of Scots, the Earl of Chester, and Earl of Leciter, made an insurrection against the king. Many other premonitions were given also to the king, but all these did he little esteem. The second which did admonish him was a certain Irish man, 
The seco●● and third admonitor to the ●ing to reform his life.  giving him certain secret signs. And thirdly, a certain knight of Fyndesey, named Philip de Easterby: sailing with him over into France, declared unto the king in Normandy seven articles, which he should amend. Which thing if he would do, he should reign seven years most honourably, and should take the holy cross from his enemies: or else he, in the fourth year should die in great ignominy. 
Seven things to be am●●ded.  The 3. first things were these, which he at his coronation swore to observe (that is) to defend the Church, to maintain good laws, and to condemn no man to death without judgement. The fourth was, for the restoring of inheritance wrongfully taken. The fift was in doing justice without reward. The sixth was of ministers & officers wages and stipends. The seventh was of expelling the jews, leaving them some money to departed withal. 
The kinge● victory was falsely imputed to the cause of hi● pilgrimage. The death K. Henry the 2.  But the king not amending his life, there rose up against him 3. strong enemies, that is to say his three sons with the Frenchking. But after that the king (forsooth) had gone a pilgrimage to the Martyrs tomb, barfoote: William the king of Scots, the Earls of Chester and Leicester, were taken at Alnewick.  
In the 35. year of his reign, being in the Castle of Chiven in Normandy, he died: at whose death those that were present, were so greedy of the spoil, that they left the body of the king naked, and not so much could be found as a cloth to cover it: till that a Page coming in, and seeing the king so ignominiously to lie, threw his cloak upon his nether parts, wherein (saith the author) was verified the surname, which from his youth he bore, being called Henry court Mantill.   

¶ King Richard.  
IN this year of the Lord above recited, 
Anno. 1189. K. Richard crowned.  which was 1189. King Richard the eldest son of Henry 2. succeeding his Father, entered his crown: at which time Pope Clement sat at Rome, succeeding after Gregory which died a little before with sorrow for the loss of the holy cross.  

The kings restraint that no jew should enter the place nor Church during his coronation.  During the time of whose coronation it befell, that not withstanding the king the day before his coronation, and by public edict commanded both the jews and their wives not to presume either to enter the church, or else his palace, during the solemnisation of his coronation amongst his nobles and Barons: yet (whilst the king was at dinner) the chiefetayne of the jews with divers other of his jewish affinity and superstitious sect, against the king's prohibition (together with other press) entered the court gates. Whereat a christian man being offended, struck one of them with his hand or fist, & bade him stand further from the court gate, as the king had given in commandment: whose example others also following being displeased against the jews, offered them the like contuinely. Other also, supposing that the king had so commanded in deed (as using the authority of the king) fell upon all the jews that stood by without the court gate. And first they bet them with their fists: but afterward they took up stones and such other things, as they could get, and threw at them, and bet them therewith. And thus driving them from the court gates, some of them they wounded, some they slew, and some they left for dead.  

A jew through fear was baptised.  There was amongst this number of the jews, one which was called the blessed jew of York: which was so fore wounded and beaten with the rest, that for fear of his lyfe-he said he would become a christian: and was in deed of William the Prior of the church of S. Mary of York baptized: whereby he escaped the great peril of death he was in, and the persecutors hands. In the mean while, there was a great tumour spread throughout all the City of London, that the king had commanded to destroy all the jews. Whereupon, as well the Citizens as innumerable people more, being assembled to see the king's coronation: armed themselves and came together. 
The jews in London stain and their houses set on fire.  The jews thus being (for the most part) stain, the rest fled into their houses: where, for a time through the strong and sure building of them, they were defended. But at length, their houses were set on fire, and they destroyed therein.  
These things being declared to the king, whilst he with his nobles and Barons were at dinner: he sendeth immediately Ranulph de Glanuile, the Lord high Stuard of England, with divers other noble men to accompany him: 
The small regard of nobility had in tumults and insurrections.  that they might fray and restrain these so bold enterprises of the Londoners, but all was in vain. For in this so great a tumult, none there was that either regarded what the nobility said, or else any whit reverenced their personages: but rather with starve looks and threatening words, advised them and that quickly to departed. Whereupon, they with good deliberation thinking it the best so to do, departed: the tumult and insurrection continuing till the next day. At which time also the king sending certain of his officers into the City, gave them in commandment to apprehend and present some such as were the chiefest of the malefactors: of the which, three were condemned to be hanged, and so were. The one, for that he had rob a Christians house in this tumult: and the other two, for that they fired the houses to the great danger of the City. After this the king sent for him that from a jew was converted to Christiannitye: and in the presence of those that saw where he was baptized, the king asked him whether he was become a Christian or not. 
A new christian revolteth to an old jewe.  He answering the king said no: but to the intent he might escape death, he promised to do whatsoever the christians would have him. Then the king asked the Archbishop of Caunterbury (other Archbishops and bishops being present) what were best to be done with him: who unadvisedly answering said: 
An unadvised answer of an Arcb.  If he will not be a man of God, let him be a man of the devil: and so revolted he again to jewdaisme.  
Then the king sent his writs to the sheriffs of every country to inquire for the authors & stirrers of this outrage. Of whom 3, were hanged, divers were imprisoned. So great was then the hatred of Englishmen against the jews, that as soon as they began to be repulsed in the court the Londoners taking example thereof, fell upon them, set their houses on fire, and spoiled their goods. The country again following the example of the Londoners semblably did the like. And thus the year, which the jews took to be their jubilee, was to them a year of confusion. 
Ex Chron. Westm. cui initium: Aneas cum Ascanio. etc.  In so much as in the city of York the Jews obtaining the occupying of a certain Castle for their preservation, and afterward not willing to restore it to the Christians again, when they saw no other remedy but by force to be vanquished, first they offered much money for their lives: when that would not be taken, by the counsel of an old jew among them, every one with a sharp razor cut an others throat, whereby a thousand & five hundred of them were at that present destroyed. 
A miserable and deserved destruction of the jews.  Neither was this plague of theirs undeserved. For every year commonly their custom was to get some christian man's child from the parents, and on good friday to crucify him in despite of our religion. Ex chron. Westm.  
King Richard after the death of his father, 
Anno. 1189.  coming to remembrance of himself, and of his rebellion against his father, sought for absolution of his trespass, and in part of satisfaction for the same, agreed with philipp the French King about Easter next ensuing to take his voyage with him for the recovery of Christ's patrimony, which they called the holy land. Whereupon the said king Richard immediately after his coronation, to prepare himself the better toward his journey, set to sale divers of his manors. Whereof Godfrey Lucy then B. of Wint. 
The covetous greediness of Bishops noted, in buying great lordships.  bought a couple for 2. M. marks, to witee, Wergrave, and Melenge. The Abbot of Bury bought another for a M. marks, called Middlesaie. Hugh Pusaz B. of Durham, bought the Lordship of Seggesfield, or Sedberga with the wapintake, and all the appertenaunce thereto belonging. He bought also the Earldom of Northumberland. Whom When the king should solemnize after the manner of secular Earls, merrily with a mocking jest, lo (said he) of an old Bishop I have made a young Earl. And because the said Bishop had professed before by a solemme vow to visit the holy land, to be released of his vow, he compounded with the Pope for a great sum of money therefore, and moreover gave to the King a thousand Marks to remain at home, as chief justice of England. Over and besides, the King set out all that he had to sale, woods, castles, 
sleights to get money.  townships, Lordships, Earledoms, Baronages. etc. ordaining also divers new Bishops, & not without some advantage (as appeared) to his purse: feigning moreover, his old seal to be lost, that they which had lands to hold, might be driven to renew their writings again by the new seal, whereby great substance of money was gained.  
Above all this, 
A tenth gathered through all England.  by the commandment of Pope Clement. 3. a tenth also was enacted of the whole Realm, in such sort as the Christians should make to the king 70000 pound, the jews 6000. Ex Geruas'. fol. 134. King Richard after his coronation sent certain Earls and Barons to Philip the French King in the time of his parliament at S. Denis, desiring him to remember his promise made for the recovery of Christ's holy patrimony out of the saracens hands. 
K. Philip and K. Richard concluding to travail to the holy land.  Unto whom he sent word again in the month of December, certifying him how he had bound himself by solemn oath, deposing upon the Evangelists, that he the next year following about the time of Easter, had certainly perfixed to address himself toward that journey, requiring him likewise not to fail but to be ready at the term above limited, appointing also the place where both the Kings should meet together.  
The next year than ensued, which was 1190 in the beginning of which year, 
Anno. 1190. A Northern brawl in the Cathedral church of York, between the new Archb. and the Dean.  upon I welfe even, fell a foul northern brawl, which turned well near to a fray, between the Archbishop new elected of the Church of York, and his company on the one side, and henry Deane of the said Church, with his Catholic partakers on the other side, upon occasion as followeth. Gaufridus or Geffray, son to King Henry 2. and brother to King Richard, whom the King had elected a little before to the Archbyshoprick of York, upon the even of the Epiphany, which we call Twelve day, was disposed to hear Evensong with all solemnity in the Cathedral church, having with him Hamon the chanter, with divers other Canons of the church. Who tarrying something long, belike in adjourning and attiring himself: in the mean while Henry the Deane, 
Henry Deane of York and Bucarde begin service, not tarrying for their Archb.  and Bucardus the treasurer, disdaining to tarry his coming, with a bold courage lustily began their holy Evensong, with singing their Psalms, ruffling of descant, and merry piping of Organs. Thus this Catholic Evensong with as much devotion begun, as to gods high service proceeding, was now almost half complete, when as at length (they being in the midst of their mirth) cometh in the new elect, with his train and gardeviaunce, all full of wrath and indignation, for that they durst be so bold, not waiting for him to begin gods service, and so eftsoons commanded the Duyre to stay & hold their peace. 
The Dean and Treasurer would not cease evenlong at the archbishop's commandment  The chanter likewise, by virtue of his office, commandeth the same. But the Deane and Treasurer on the other side willed them to proceed, and so the song on, and would not stint. Thus the one half crying against the other, the whole Duyre was in a roar, their singing was turned to scolding, their chanting to chiding, and if in stead of the Organs they had had a Drum, I doubt, they would have solsede by the ears together.  

The Archb. beginneth evensong again being half done before. The Treasurer putteth out the candles at evensong.  At last, through the authority of the Archb. and of the chanter, the Queare began to surcease and give silence. Then the new elect not contented with that had been sung before, with certain of the Choir began the Evensong new again. The Treasurer upon the same caused by virtue of his office, the candles to be put out. Whereby the evensong having no power further to proceed, was stopped forthwith. For like as without the light and beams of the sun there is nothing but darkness in all the world: 
The Pope's Church can do nothing without candle light The Dean and Church of York suspended by the Archb. from divine service.  even so you must understand, the Pope's church can see to do nothing without candle light, albeit the sun do shine never so clear and bright. This being so the archb. thus disappointed on every side of his purpose, made a grievous plaint, declaring to the clergy and to the people, what the Dean, and Treasurer had done, and so upon the same suspended both them and the church from all divine service, till they should make to him due satisfaction for their trespass.  
The next day which was the day of Epiphany, when all the people of the City were assembled in the Cathedral church (as their manner was, namely in such feasts) devoutly to hear divine service (as they call it) of the church, 
The stoutness of the Dean and Treasurer in not submitting themselves to Archb.  there was also present the Archb. and the chanter with the residue of the Clergy, looking when the Dean and Treasurer would come and submit themselves, making satisfaction for their crime. But they still continuing in their stoutness, refused so to do, exclaiming & uttering contemptuous words against the Archb. & his partakers. Which when the people heard, they in a great rage would have fallen upon them, 
The people incensed against the Dean of York and his Canons. Ex Chron. anonimo cui instium: Anno gratiae.  but the Archb. would not suffer that. The Dean them & his fellows perceiving the stir of the people for fear like pretty men were fain to fly, some to the tomb of S. William of York, some ran to the Deans house, & there shrouded themselves: whom the Archb. then accursed. And so for that day the people returned home without any service. Ex veteri Chronico manu scripto, cui initium: Anno gratiae Milles. etc.  
After this King Richard preparing to set all things in an order before his going, 
K. Richard prepareth toward his journey. William Bishop of Ely the king's Chancellor, & Hugh Bysh. of Durham made chief overseers of the Realm in the kings absence. William Bishop of Ely made the pope's Legate in England and Scotland.  committed the whole government of the realm principally to William Bishop of Ely his Chancellor, & to Hugh B. of Durham, whom he ordained to be the chief justice of all England in his absence, the one to have the custody of the tower, with the oversight of all other parts of the land on this side of Number: the other (which was the B. of Durham) to have charge upon all other his dominions beyond Number: Sending moreover to Pope Clement in the behalf of the foresaid William B. of Ely, to be made the Pope's Legate through all England and Scotland, which also was obtained. Thus the B. being advanced in high authority, to furnish the king toward his setting forth, provideth out of every city in England ij. Palfreys, and ij. sumpters, & out of every Abbey, one palfrey, and one sumpter.  
These things and other thus set in a stay, the king according to his former appointment, about the time of Easter, sailed to France, where the French king and he conferring together, because they could not make ready at that time of Easter, concluded to take a longer day, proroging their voyage till after midsummer. In which mean time the king occupying himself in redressing & stablishing such things as further were to be ordered, there determined, that Baufridus & john his brethren should not enter into England in 3. years after his departure: Nevertheless he released that band afterward to his brother john. 
Captains and Constables of the kings navy appointed.  Thenn he appointed the Captains & Constables over his navy, & set laws to be observed in his journey upon the seas. But especially his care was to make unity and concord between parties that were at variance, and to set them together at one. 
The long contention between Baldwyn Arch. of Cant. and the Monks of Christ's Church.  At which time the long contention began also to be appeased which so many years had continued between Bald winus Archb. of Cant. and his monks of Christ's church. The discourse whereof, although it be some what tedious to be set forth at large being enough to make a whole tragedy, yet to the intent the age now present may see what great conflicts and disquietness, upon what little trifles hath been stirred up, 
Archbyshops of Canterbury commonly were wont to work the kings of England much sorrow. King of England ever careful about the choosing of the Archbishop and wherefore. Ex chron. Geruas'.  what little peace & unity hath been not only in this church, but commonly in all other churches, under the pope's catholic regiment: I thought it labour not ill bestowed, somewhat to intermeddle in opening to that eyes of the Reader, the consideration of this matter. Wherein first is to be understood that the Archbishops of Cant. commonly being set up by the pope, especially since the time of the conquest, have put the Kings of this land to much sorrow & trouble: as appeared by William Rufus & Lanfranck, and also Anselme. By Henry 1. and Anselme, King Stephen & Theobald, Henry 2. & Becket. etc. For which the Kings of this land have used the more care & circumspection, to have such Archbishops placed in that sea, as either should stand with them, or at least should not be against them.  
Now to the purpose of our matter intended. First after Laufrancus who was Archb. xx. years, the sea standing vacant v. years, succeeded Anseimus, & sat 17. years. After whom the sea standing vacant 4. years, succeeded Radulphus, and continued 9 years. Then followed William, who sat 12. years, 
* Or xv. ●● some ruler.  and died, an. 1137. After whom came Theobaldus in the time of king Stephen. This Theobaldus being no great favourer of the monkish generation, fell out with jeremias Prior of the house of Cant. for certain causes between them: for which the Archb. taking stomach against the Prior, would lay the sentence of interdiction against him. 
jeremy the Prior of C●●●ter. appealeth to Pope Innocent. jeremy the Prior deposed by the Archb. jeremy restored to his place again by the Pope. Consicium Remens●●●, 1140.  The Prior, seeing that, to save himself, made his appeal to Pope Innocent. The Archb. provoked the more by that, deposed him from the Priorship, and placed one Walter in his room. jeremias notwithstanding making his complaint and appeal to Rome, obtained letters from the Pope to Henry B. of Wint. being the pope's Legate: by the virtue whereof, he against the hart of the Archbishop was restored, and Walter displaced. Nevertheless, the said jeremy not willing there to continue with displeasure of the Archb, shortly after of his own accord, renounced his Priority, and Walter again was received in his stead. Not long after this followed the general council of Rheims, an. 1140. To the which council Theobald contrary to the commandment of the king, would needs resort, to show his obedience to the pope, wherefore at his returning home again the king took such displeasure with him, that within a while after the Archbishop was driven to void the realm, and fly into France: where he by censure of interdiction suspended divers churches, and religious houses which refused to come to the council, and also hearing how the king had seized upon all his goods, he interdicted likewise all the king's lands, whatsoever belonged to the crown, so that the king in conclusion was fain to compound with him and fall to agreement, which was about the year. 1148. Ex Geruasio.  
After this in the year of our Lord 1151. after the death of Hugh Abbot of S. Austin's in Cant. 
A frivolous strife between Theobald Arch. and Silvester Abbot of S. Austes about the place, in what church the Abbot should take his consecration. Silvester goeth up to Rome.  Silvester was elected by the Covent to be their Abbot, in the reign of R. Stephen. Which Silvester when he came to Theobald the Archb. to make his profession of subiction unto him, and to receive of him consecration: the Archb. was contented, so that the Abbot would come to christes church in Cant. and there make his profession. But to this Silvester in no case would grant to take his consecration there, but else in any other church wheresoever the Archbishop would, he was contented. Whereunto when the Archbish. in no wise would agree, Silvester making a great bag of money, went to Rome, where he obtained of the pope for money, (for what can not money do at Rome?) letters that the Archbishos should consecrate the Abbot in his own church of S. Austen, and also not exact of him any profession of canonical subjection. Whereupon the Archb. was compelled against his will, to come to the Abbot's Church, and there at the pope's commandment to consecrate him simply, & without any further profession to be required.  
Then Walter Prior of Christ's Church in Cant. 
The Monks of Christ's church stri●● against the Monks of S. Austen is Cant. for the honour of their house. Walter Prior of Christ's Church appealeth the Archb. up to Rome.  seeing that, and perceiving how prejudicial and derogatory the example thereof would be to the honour & majesty of their church, through counsel of his brethren, went thither, and notwithstanding the doors were straightly watched & kept, yet by means he at last gate in. And as he saw the Archb. attired in his Pontificalibus, ready to minister consecration to the Abbot, he stepped straight to the Archb. & eftsoons appealeth him up to Rome, for the great injury wrought against the church of Cant. forbidding him in the name of him to whom he appealed, not to proceed any further. And so this holy consecration was for the present time stayed. For the which Silvester with a new purse of money was feign to travel & troth again to Rome. Where he complaining of the Archb. and accusing him of contempt to the Pope in not executing the commandment sent down, 
Silvester trudgeth again to Rome.  obtaineth again new letters with more effectual charge to the foresaid Archb. that he without any profession, simply should give to Silvester his consecration in his own church: omni occasione & appellatione remota, all manner of stay or let, or appellation to the contrary notwithstanding, and so in conclusion the Abbot contrary to whatsoever the Archb. 
Silvester cosecrated Abbot in his own church whether the archb. wield or not.  & all the Monks of Cant. would do, was in his own church made Abbot, and had the victory for that time. Notwithstanding the Archb. left not the matter so, but within five years after obtained of pope Adrian, that Silvester should make profession of his obedience to the Archb. and so did. Ex Geruas'.  
In few years after this, died king Stephen. an. 1154. and after him Theobald the Archb. an. 1159. after he had sit 23. years. After whom through th'instant procurement or king Henry the 2. was placed Tho. Becket, the kings Chancellor. an. 1162. of whose sturdy rebellion against the king, because sufficient hath been said before, it shall not need to make a double labour now about the same.  

Petition of king Henry to the Prior of Cant. for choosing of the Archb. & yet could not be granted. Odo Prior of Cant.  After the death of Becket, much ado there was between king Henry and Odo Prior of Cant. about the election of a new Archb. For the king seeing the Realm so oftentimes encumbered by those Popish Archbishops, and fearing least the Monks of Cant. should elect such an other as would follow the steps of Tho. Becket, most humbly with cap in hand & courtesy of knee, desired Odo the Prior, that at his request, & for contentation of his mind, such a one might be elected, whom he would appoint (appointing and naming a certain bishop, which was a good simple man after the kings liking: 
Richard Prior of Dover elected Archb. of Cant. anno. 1173. ) but the Prior diffemblingly answering the king again, that he neither could nor would without the consent of his Covent give promise to any man, in fine contrary to the kings so humble request, agreed to the election of an other, which was the prior of Dover, called Richard. an. 1173. who continued in that seat xi. years.  

Another frivolous contention between Richard Arch. and Roger Abbot of the Austen Monks in Cant. about profession of obedience.  And here was renewed again the like variance between this Archbishop and Roger Abbot of the Austen monks in Canterbury as was before mentioned between Theobaldus, and Silvester. For when the said Roger after his election to be Abbot. must needs take his consecration at the Archbishop's hand, neither would the Archbishop grant it unto him unless he made profession of obedience, according to the ancient custom of his predecessors: then Roger consulting with his Monks, first denied so to do but at length was contented, so it might not be done in the archbishops Church, but in any other Church where he would, under writing this clause withal: Saluis utriusque Ecclesiae privilegijs, that is, saving the privileges of both Churches. 
Roger Abbot of Saint Austin's maketh his house tributary to pope Alexander. anno. 1177.  To this the Archbishop said again, first that he should make his due, & canonical profession & that he should not come to him with writing or underwriting but should say in his hart: Salue sancta parens: or Salue festa dies: not Saluis privilegijs, or any such like thing. Whereunto when the Austen Monks in no case would consent, nor the Archbishop otherwise would grant his benediction: Roger the Abbot ●as fayn to post to Rome, and there to bring the Archb. in hatred in the Court of Rome, made his Abbay tributary to Pope Alexander.  
The Pope well contented with this, not only granteth the Abbot his desire, but also in contumely of the archbishop dubbeth the Abbot with all such ornaments as to a Prelate appertained, 
Roger the Abbot returneth home with triumph. Appellation of the archb.  and so in the year. 1178. scent home the Abbot triumphantly with his ring and mitre, and other ensigns of victory, with letters also to the Archbishop enjoining him immediately upon the sight thereof to consecrate the Abbot in his own Church, & without making any profession. Although with these letters the archbishop was shrewedly pressed, yet notwithstanding his stout hart would not stoop for this, but laid his appeal against the same: and so the consecration for that time was suspended.  

Concilium Lateranum sub Alexandro Papa. Roger Abbot of s. Aust. travaileth up again to Rome.  Then Roger for his more defence, getting the king's letters, travailed up the second time to Rome, where grievously he complained to Pope Alexander of the Archbishop. At the same time a general council was summoned to be kept at Lateran, where Richard the foresaid arch bishop was also looked for amongst other Bishops to be present. Who than came as far as Paris, but being there, durst approach no further, & so retired home again. Whereupon the Pope being offended with his contempt, without any more delay exalted the Abbot with his own consecration, 
Roger Abbot consecrated at Rome by the pope.  and invested him with all pomp and glory: howbeit providing before that the said consecration should redound to no prejudice against the liberties of the mother church of Canterbury, and so upon the same wrote to the Archbishop his letters of certificate, with this addition annexed, Saluo iure & dignitate Cant. Ecclesiae, that is to say, Saving the liberties and dignity of the Church of Cant. etc. 
The house of the Austen Monks in Cant. not able to show for them any deeds or writings of antiquity.   
After the counsel ended, Roger the Abbot returneth home, although with an empty purse, yet full of victory & triumph. The Archbishop again thinking to work some grievance to the Austen Monks, had procured in this mean time letters from Pope Alexander to the Bishop of Durham, and Abbot of S. Albon, that they should cause the said Roger Abbot of the Austen monks, to show unto the Archbishop at the old privileges of his house, which in deed being showed seemed to be razed, 
Ex hist. Ger●a●y ●.  & new written, with Bulls of lead not after the manner nor stile of that age, nor pretending no such antiquity as should seem to reach from the time of Austen, but rather newly sergeant.  
All this notwithstanding, 
Richard the Archb. going toward Rome to complain of the Abbot, was stayed by the king.  the Abbot bearing him bold upon the Pope's favour, ceased not still to disquiet & overcrow the Archbishop by all ways he could, in exempting all his Priests and laymen belonging to his jurisdiction, from the archb. obedience: forbidding also that none of his should come to his Chapters or Sinods, nor to fear any sentence of his curse or excommunication. Whereupon the Archbishop about the month of November the same year sailing over to Normandy where the king was, thought to take his journey to the pope, 
A Catholic practice of the Romish Court to set men together at variance, that they might get their money.  to complain of the Abbot: but being stayed by the king was not suffered to pass any further, the king labouring what he could, to bring them to agreement, nevertheless the Pope and his Romans (saith my story) Aurum & argentum magis quàm justiciam sitientes, seditiones inter eos & litigia commovebant, that is, caring more for gold and silver, then for justice, still stirred coals of sedition and debate between them. Ex Historia Geruasij.  
The next year after this ensuing, 
Trouble in choosing the Archb. of Cant. after the death of Richard.  which was the year of our Lord 1184. died Richard the Archbishop aforesaid: in the 38, year of king Henry 2. After whose decease much trouble happened about the election of a new Archb. between the king and monks of Canterbury. And now to enter here into the story of Baldwin above mentioned, first the king sent to the monks, that they should consider with themselves about the election of their Archbishop and to be ready against the time that he would send for them to the court. 
Monks of Cant. sent for by king Henry. 2. about choosing of their Archbishop.  Upon this the Covent gladly assembling together, agreed in themselves upon one, whom they thought chief to prefer, yet naming four more, that if the king would refuse one, the other yet might stand. Now the practice in the monks was, first to keep the election only in their own hands, as much as they could. 
Monks of Can. partial in choosing their Arch.  And secondly ever to give the election either to some Prior or Monk of their own house, or to some Abbot or Bishop, which some time had been of their company. Whereby as much inconvenience and blind superstition was bred in the church of England: so the same disliked both the king and the Bishops not a little.  
As this past on, 
Monks of Cant. again sent for to the king about their election.  the king when he saw his time willed the monks of Canterbury, to be cited or sent for, to understand what they had concluded in their election. Whereupon the Monks sent up their Prior called Alanus, with certain other Monks to Reding, where the king then lay, about the month of August. Who at first were curtuously entertained: 
Alanus Prior of Canterbury. The king offended with the Prior & Monks of Canterbury. The stubbornness of the Monks again the king.  but after the king had intelligence whom they had nominated & elected: they were sent home again with cold cheer, the king willing them to pray better, and to advise more earnestly upon the matter amongst themselves. Alanus the Prior, with his fellows thus departed, who coming home, in conclusion so concluded amongst themselves, that they would remit no jot of their liberties to the king, without the pope's consent and knowledge. The king understanding hereof, sent his Ambassadors likewise to the Pope, for the fortifying of his cause, being in that mean time grievously offended with the Prior: saying: that he was proud & would make archbishop whom he listed. and would be the second Pope in England. etc.  
Not long after this, 
The king sendeth to Rome against the Monks. The kings gentle words to the Monks.  as these letters were sent up to Rome, the king sent for Alanus the Prior, and more of the monks, to come to him. Whom he entreateth, desiring them in gentle speech, that they would show so much gentleness & favour to him being their Lord & King as becometh his friends and subjects to do, as to confer with the Bishops of the Realm about this matter, and to take some better council, so as might redound to God's glory, his honour, & wealth of the public state, with other like words to the same effect.  
To whom when the Prior again had answered with thanks & due reverence, according to the kings request, the Bishops and Monks went to confer together about the matter. And first, the Bishops marveled why the monks should exclude them out of the election, 
Bishops of England claim to have interest in the election of the Archb. of Cant.  seeing they were professed & suffragans to the said church of Canterbury: Neither is there any Prince, quoth the bishop of Bathe, that will refuse our counsel. There be some counsels, said the Monks, whereat you may be called: but as touching the doing of this election, it pertaineth nothing unto you further than to publish only and denounce the party whom we have chosen, The bishop of London then asked, if they had already made any election. 
The pope's letters commanding the Bishops of the realm with the Prior and Covent to choose the Archb.  No election, said the Prior, as yet, but only we have denominate the persons. Then have ye proceeded further, quoth he, than ye ought, having a commandment from the pope not to proceed with out us. And with that was brought forth the pope's letter commanding that within xl. days the bishops of England and the Prior, & Covent of Canterbury should elect an able and fit person to be their Archbishop. About the scanning of these letters was much a do. The Bishops said, they were first named, & therefore aught to have most interest in this election. The Monks said again. that they also were not excluded, and required to have a transcript of the letter, whereof much doubt was made.  

The king separateth the Bishops from the Monks.  After long concertation, when they could not agree, the king coming between them both, called away the Bishops from the Monks, supposing by separating the one from the other, to draw both parties to his sentence. But that would not be, for the Monks stiffly standing to their liberties, would lose no pre-eminence of their church, 
The Monks will lose no pre-eminence of their Church.  still alleging how by the ancient privileges of the church of Canterbury the Covent should choose their Pastor & Bishop, and the Prior to publish and denounce the person. The Bishops again replied, that it was their right to appoint their Archbishop & Metropolitan, which were Bishops and suffragans, and namely the bishop of London also being Deane of the said church of Canterbury. The king then as umpire between them, yet favouring rather the side of the Bishops, desired them to agree together in peace. When that would not prevail, he set the Lord Stuard, and other noble men to entreat the Prior, to draw to some agreement: at least to be conteuted with this form of election, which was that the Bishop of London or some other Bishop should declare the election in these words.  
We bishops, and the Prior and Covent of Christ's Church in Caunterbury, 
The form of election of the Archb. set between the Bishops and the Monks of Cant.  with the assent of our Lord our King do choose such a person to be Archbishop. etc. or else thus, that the Prior should pronounce forth the election in these words saying: The bishops of England and I Prior and the Covent of Caunterbury, with the assent of our Lord & King do choose such a person. etc.  

The Bishops & Monks could not agree about the form of election.  Upon this the Prior said, he would convent with his Covent. Who with much ado were content to grant to the kings desire, but afterward being required to put down the same in writing, that they refused to do: yet notwithstanding relented at last to the king. But when the Bishops made excuses for the absence of their fellow Bishops, 
The election of the Archb. differred to the month of December, an. 1184  so the matter for that time stayed. And the king sending home the Monks again to their house in peace, deferred that business to a further day, which was till that first day of December commanding the Prior with his fellows the same day not to fail but to be at London about the choosing of the Archbishop.  
As the day prefixed came, the Prior with his company were also present, who giving attendance all that day and the next day also following, so were driven off till the third day after. At length the Lord Stuard with other nobles of the realm, 
The king's message to the Monks of Can. to agree and join with the Bishops.  were sent to them from the king, to declare, that where as the king before had divided the bishops from the Monks, that they both might have their election by themselves after the form of a bill, which was put down in writing: now the mind of thel King was, that the Monks taking an other way, should join with the Bishops, and so having the matter in talk together, should proceed jointly in the election.  
Against this, many things were alleged by the prior & his mates, complaining much upon the bishops, which said that the Bishops had ever holden with the kings astaynst the liberties of their Church and Archbyshops. As first they stood against Anselme, for king William: Then against Theobalde for king Stephen: After that against Thomas Becket for king Henry: And after him did supplant the election of Richard their Archbishop: And now again went about to practise and work against this their election present. etc. At last the Prior with his fellows concluding, desired they might speak with the king himself. Who eftsoons coming to them, willed them as good men to be contented, 
The kings words to the monks of Can.  and go talk with the bishops about the election, promising that whom they agreed upon, he also would grant his assent to the same. To whom when the Prior again had objected the writings that before were made: truth it is said the king, such writings were made: but I neither may, nor will go against the council of my realm: and therefore agree said he, with my Bishops and Abbots, and remember, that the voice of the people is the voice of God. 
The Monks of Cant. compelled against their wills to join with the bishops touching the election of the Archbishop.   
Upon this the Prior with his Monks seeing no other remedy, went to the Bishops to confer according to the kings request about the election. Who then were willed by the bishops to nominate whom they would, & the Bishops would likewise name theirs. So that when the Prior with his complices had named three after their choosing, the Bishops said they would nominate but one, & so did, which was the Bishop of Worcester: willing the Prior to go home, and to confer with his Covent about the same. To whom shortly after the Bishops sent certain Priests to signify to the Covent, that they, according to the Pope's letters, should repair to the Bishops concerning the election of the Archbishop, also to declare moreover to them, that the persons whom they had named were good men, but he whom they had nominated, was a more worthy man, whom they both had nominated & also would elect. The Monks marveling hereat, sent two Monks, 
Bishops of the realm make the● election of the Archb. without 〈◊〉 Monks of Canterb●●●.  with the Arcedeacon of Canterbury to the king.  
This done, immediately after the return of the priests, the Bishops caused all the bells of the city to be rung, and Te Deum to be song for the Archbishop new elect. Whereof when the two Monks brought tidings to the Covent at Canterbury what was done at London, they were all in a marvelous dump. The king hearing this & perceiving the stiffness of the monks, in all haste sent messengers to Caunterbury with gentle words to will the Prior to come to the king, & certify him of the purpose of his Monks. Unto whom the Prior eftsoons being come, 
Condition prescribed to the king by the mo●●● of Cant. ●●● the ratification of the Archb. ma●● by the Bishops.  declareth in the name of the whole Covent, that in no case he nor the Monks would never while the world stood, agree to that election of the bishops, unless the king in his own person would come to Canterbury, and there ovenly before the whole Covent, protest by his own month the foresaid election to be nought and void: and so returning to London again openly likewise before the Clergy & the people would repudiate and reject the same: And furthermore that the party also elected should openly in the same place protest, & say, that he neither would nor ought to take that function upon him, unless he entered by the consent of the Prior & Covent of canterbury: And all this to be done in the same place where the bishops had made their election before & so peradventure (said they) at the kings so earnest suit and request, 
Baldwine Bishop of Worcester elected Archb. of Cant. anno. 1184.  they would gratify his will & ratify the said election with the voices of their consent. To make the story short, after great hold between the seculare Clergy on the one side, & the regular order on the other side, and after the kings indignation against the Prior, and the swonding of the Prior before the king, at length the king to take up the matter, and to save the Prior's life was fain to perform in his own person all these conditions above prescribed by the Monks. Ex Geruas'. fol. 100  
And thus have ye heard the tradgicall election of the bishop of Worcester, named Baldwinns made Archbishop of Cant. Now what a troublesome time the said Baldwin had with the Monks, in governing the church of Cant. here followeth likewise not unworthy to be considered.   

The troubles between Baldwine Archbishop of Caunterbury and, the Monks of the same Church.  
IN the first year the Archbishop showed himself friendly and loving to the Monks: 
The gre●● trouble an● contention between Baldwine Archb. & the Monks of Cant.  the next year following he began to appear some what rough unto them. The manner than was of the house of Christ's Church toward the time of the nativity and of Easter, to receive certain presents or gifts of their farmers or tenants, which the cellarer should take & lay up. Those presents the archbishop began first to intercept from the Monks, & to bestow them upon his seculare Clerks. After this he took three Churches or benefices (which the Monks claimed as proper to themselves) and placed in them 3. of his chaplains. After this he encroached to his hands certain tenements, revenues & victual belonging before to the monks (as they said) and committed the custody thereof to certain of his own Clerks and household servants.  
The monks which had borne so much with the archbishop before seeing this, could forbear him no longer, but needs would make their appeal against him. The archbishop not much regarding that, 
The monks of Cant. appeal to th● pope against their Archb. Reconciliation between the Archb. and the Monks, which did not long ho●●  waxed thereby more fierce against them, insomuch that such fermes and tenements, as he before had let alone, now he received to his own occupying: w. many other grievances, wherewith he greatly vexed the Monks, so that 3. Abbots were fain to come and reconcile the Archbishop and the Monks. Which reconciliation was this, that the Monks should let fall their appeal, and the archbishop should restore again to them their fermes and tenements. But as touching the benefices & the presents, the archbishop still kept them in his hands for a further trial of their obedience and patience. Nevertheless some there were of the ancient monks, which in no case would give over the foresaid appeal before the archbishop made a full restitution of all together.  
After this agreement, such as it was, between that Monks and him, 
The Archb. sendeth to the Pope.  the archbishop soon after sent up to Rome one of his chaplains (to whom he had given one of the benefices afore mentioned) partly for confirmation of his benefice, partly also to obtain licence for the archbishop to build a church, which he intended to erect of secular Priests near to the town of Canterbury. Which being obtained of the Pope, the archbishop not a little glad thereof, began now more & more in ware fierce against the monks, 
The Archb. goeth about to pluck down the pride of the Monks of Cant.  not only in taking from thou their churches & oblations, but also in aggravating the whole state of their house, which he entonded either to subvert, or greatly to diminish, to pluck down the pride & stubbornness of the Monks. Wherefore taking with him certain other bishops (whom he knew bore no good will to, that Monkish generation) he went to the king, declaring how he had a good purpose in his mind, to erect a new & a solemn Church in the honour of S. Tho. of Cant. of secular priests or Canons, 
Baldwine Archb. of Cant. about to build a a new Church on the North side of Cant. The purpose of the archb. in building his new Church at Cant.  and therefore desired of the king, to have his favourable licence to the same. The king right well perceiving the purpose of the archbishop whether it tended: as to the bridling of the stiff-necked monks, was the more willing to give assent, if he were not also the chief worker of that matter himself.  
The intent of the archbishop in planting of that new church was to found there divers prebends, and to make both the king and every Bishop being his suffragans, prebendaries thereof, so that every one of them should confer one prebendship to the same foundation, minding there to consecrate Bishops, to make his Chrismatory, to celebrate his Synods, and to administer all other things belonging to the function of his Sea, and the same to be called Hakington Church. 
Hakyngton Church.  The Monks not ignorant how the Archb. privily intended the desolation and subversion of their house & liberties, consulting upon the matter, 
The monks of Canter. make their appeal against Baldwine their Archb.  determined at length among themselves to appeal to the sea of Rome, namely for these 3. causes against the Archbish: First for spoiling them of their gifts & oblations: Secondly, for depriving them of their Churches & benefices: And thirdly for erecting a new foundation of secular Canons to the derogation & overthrow to their religious order giving admonition to the archb. before by their Monks sent unto him of this their appellation. 
Three causes alleged against the Archb. by the Monks  To whom the Archb. answered, that the foundation which he went about, was to no derogation, but rather to the fortification and honour of their house. Who answered again that it was & could not otherwise be, but to their subversion. And what should let me then (said the Archb.) but I may build in mine own ground what I will? 
The monks of Canter. claim all the the goods of the Archb. to be their own.  No (said they) no ground of yours, but your ground is our ground, as all other things that you have, by right are ours, for somuch as you have them not of yourself, but of the church & for the church's cause: all which things have been given neither to you, nor to the archbishops, but to the church of Christ: and therefore (said they) all such as appertain unto us inwardly and outwardly, 
The monks put themselves and their house in the pope's protection.  with the persons also, & the whole state of our church we submit under the pope's protection: & now here make our appeal to the Sea Apostolic, assigning also the term when to prosecute the same.  
The Archbishop receiving this appellation, & saying that he would answer to the same either by himself or by his responsal, 
Appellation against the Archb.  so within 3. days after, which was the 10. of December, he came to Canterbury: where the Monk's understanding how he was in mind to place new secular Priests in the church of S. Stephen, where the Monks had served before, came to the Church to stop the proceeding of the archbishop by way of appeal. 
Business between the Monks and the Archb. for placing secular Clerks in the Church of s. Stephen's in Cant.  Whereof the arch bishop having warning before, deferred that matter till the next day after. On which day the Monks again being sent by Honorius the Prior into the Church, charged the Archbishop in the name of almighty God, & by virtue of their appeal made to the Apostolic Sea, to surcease those his doings, forbidding also the Parson of the Church in no wise to suffer those secular Clerks to be admitted into the Church. All which yet notwithstanding the Archb. proceedeth in his business. And first placing in his Clerks he suspendeth the Prior from his administration. 
The Prior of Cant. suspended.  Then he adjureth the Porters of the gate upon their oath to let none of the Monks pass out of the house without his licence. The Monks likewise he commanded by virtue of obedience, not to stray any where abroad without his leave. And further more one of the foresaid Monks, which served the appeal against him, he utterly banished from that Covent. Upon this, the day next following Honorius the Prior trusting (saith the story) on God, and S. Thomas, took his way to Rome, sent in commission by the Covent, to prosecute the appeal against the Archbishop.  

another garboil between the monks of Cain & their Archb.  In this mean season a new jar began between that said Archb. and the Monks, about their rents and revenues, which the Archb. would have committed to the receiving & keeping of 3. Monks, but the Supprior Geffray, with the Covent, in no case would suffer that: whereabout there was a foul stir. The Archb. craving the aid of the king first had 3. Bishops sent down to him, of Coventry, Norwich and Worcester. Who being instant with the Monks to submit their cause into the kings hands, like as the Archb. had done, they utterly refused it, especially seeing they had already referred the whole state of their cause to the determination of the Apostolical sea. 
The k. cometh into the Chapter of Cant.  The king seeing no other remedy came himself with the Archb. into the chapter house, where he commanded first the doors to be kept fast, that none should enter but which by name were called for. 
Petrus Blesensis a great doer against the Monks.  Amongst whom were two Bishops, to wit, of Norwich, and Durham, and one Petrus Blesensis a learned man (whose Epistles be yet extant in Libraries) a chief worker in this matter against the Monks. Then was called in Geffrey the Supprior, with a few other Monks whom he brought with him. 
The king entreateth peace between the Monks and the Archb.  The king than first talking with the Archb. and his company, & afterward with the Monks, laboured to entreat them that they would let fall their appeal, and so stand to the arbitrement of him and of the Bishops, concerning the cause which was between the Archb. and them in travers.  
To this the Monks answered, that these were good words, but served not for that time, for somuch as their cause was already translated to the court of Rome, & now was presently in hearing before the Pope's holiness: and therefore they could not, ne would that injury to their lord pope, to refuse him, and to put the matter to the judgement of any other. 
The Monks deny to put their matter from the Pope to the kings hearing.  Then was it required of the Monks, that they would put the matter in compromise, in case the prior would consent thereto, upon this intent, that if the Prior consented and the Monks not, then should they run in contempt and disobedience: or if the Monks would consent, and the Prior not, then should the Prior be excluded the Realm. The wily Monks being not unprovided of this subtlety, made their answer, that seeing they had sent their prior forth in their commission, it stood not with their honesty, to give any determinate consent, without the knowledge and before the return of the said Prior, 
The Monks excuse to the king.  unless the Archb. first would promise to make full restitution of all that he had wrongfully wrested from them. When the king could get no other answer of the Monks, neither could move the Archb. to release the sentence of their suspension, unless they would confess and knowledge their fault, he so parting from them passed over into France.  
Not long after this, 
The first letter of Pope Vrban sent to Baldwin Archb. of Cant.  came a messenger from Rome, bringing letters from Pope Vrbanus to the Archb. wherein the pope considering & tendering (as he said) the enorm grievances done against the Monks, straightly enjoined & commanded him, within x, days after the receiving thereof, to release the sentence of his suspension against that Prior and other of the said Covent, and also to retract & restore again to the Monks whatsoever he plucked from them since the time of their appeal first made. Who in case he should deny, or forslack the doing hereof, commission was given to 3. Abbots, of Bartaile, of Feversham, of S. Austin's, with ample authority to perform the same. 
The answer of the Archb. to the Pope's letter.  etc. The Archb. receiving these letters brought to him by a Monk of the foresaid house, first made his excuse, that the Pope was misinformed. But the Monks not contented with that excuse, when they would needs know what answer he would make to the Pope's nuncio: his answer was that he had yet x, 
The Archb. maketh his oil and cream at London.  days given him of the pope. In which mean time the Archb. went to London and there in the church of S. Paul. consecrated his holy oil & cream (making one of the Pope's 7. Sacraments) which was grievously taken in the church of Cant. At last, the x. daics being ended when the Archb. refused to accomplish that was in the pope's letter enjoined him, 
Three Abbots assoil the Monks of their suspension.  the 3. Abbot's aforesaid to execute the Pope's commandment, came at their day assigned, to Cant. and there assoiled all such as the Archb. before had suspended, and in the end certified pope Vrbane by letters, what they had done.  
The Archb. hearing this, 
The Archb. appealeth up the three Abbots to Rome. The Archbyshops new Church made of wood.  within 4. days after sent. 2. of his Clerks, which appealed the 3. Abbot's aforesaid up to Rome, and he himself in the mean time prepared busily for the building up of his church, sending to all churches in England, upon releasement of their sins, to confer to the same: and to make the more haste, for lack of free stone, he made up his building with timber, and such other stuff as he could get.  
The prior Honorius all this while remained still at the court of Rome, 
A letter of pope Vrban against the Archb.  giving attendance upon the Pope, who having intelligence of the archbishops doings, procured an other letter of Pope Vrbane to the whole clergy of England straightly enjoining them, that none should confer to the new fraternity of Baldwin Archbishop of Canterbury. To these letters the Archbish. showed such reverence, that where before he had planted his chapel of wood and boards, now he provided the same to be builded of lime and stone.  

The archb. messengers come to the Pope's court  By this time Petrus Blesensis, with other messengers of the Archb. seeing Honorius the Prior to be gone, from the court to France, resorted to the court of Rome, bringing with them letters of credit from the king, from the Archb. & also from other Bishops of the realm: but the pope reading only the king's letters & the archbishops, the residue he cast into a window by, 
Letters of the ●●ng, the archb. and of other Bishops to the Pope.  saying he would read them at further leisure. Then the pope giving audience in his consistory to hear their cause: first came in Petrus Blensensis with the agents of the Archb. exhibiting their letters and propounding their requests to the Pope, which were that restitution should be made by the Monks to the Archb. wherein they had injuried him: Item that the things which had been granted before to the Prior in the Court, might be called in again. Thirdly, that the archb. might have licence to proceed in building his College of Canons. etc. After this was called in M. Pilleus, 
M. Pilleus' Attorney in the Pope's Court for the Monks of Cant.  the attorney for the Monks of Cant. Who alleging many great things against the archb. for his contempt and disobedience to the pope's precepts, required that he rather should make restitution to the Monks for his injuries done to them: & also that his new foundation of secular canons, tending to the overthrow of the conventual Church of Cant. should be utterly razed and thrown down to the ground. 
Petrus Blesensis agent for the Archb. of Cant.  Thus between these two parties pleing & repleing one against the other, much hard hold there was, But in conclusion for all that king's letters, & for all that the Archb. and Bishops could do, the matter went on the Monk's side. So that there was no remedy, but the pope would needs have the archbishop's new building to come down, 
The Pope holdeth on the Monks side against the king. the Archb. and the Bishops of the Realm. The Pope's executors commanded by L. Glanuile in the kings name not to proceed against 'gainst the archbishop.  and the Monks to be restored again to their full possessions. The execution whereof was committed to the 3. abbots aforesaid, to wit, of Battle, of Feversham, of S. Austin's in Cant. & to Beffrey Supprior of Cant.  
Which things being thus determined at Rome, than Raduph Granuille Lord Stuard of England writing to the said Abbot of Battle, and to the Supprior and Covent of Cant. commandeth them in the king's name, and upon their oath & fealty given unto him, that they nor any of them do proceed in this controversy between the monks and the archbishop of Cant. before they come and talk with him, there to know further of the kings pleasure: & furthermore charging the Covent of Cant. not to enter further in any examination concerning the archb. matters, and also citing the Supprior of the said house, to appear before him at London, at the feast of S. james the same year, which was 1187. Notwithstanding he excusing himself by sickness, sent two Monks in his stead, and so kept himself at home. To whom commandment was given that the Monks of Cant. within 15. days should sail over to Normandy to the king, 
Monks of Can. commanded to show their privileges to the king. Certain officers put in the house of Christ's Church against the Monks wil  and there to show the tenor and evidences of their privileges: And also that such stewards and Balifs whom they had placed in their farms & lordships, contrary to the will of the archb. should be removed. And likewise the 3. Abbots in the king's name, were commanded in no wise to execute the pope's commandment against the archb. Not long after this, the Archb. took shipping at Dover, and went over to the king, where he ordained three principal officers over the Monks of Christ's Church: the Sacrist, the Cellarer and Chamberlain, contrary to the will of the Covent, with other grievances more: whereby the Monks were not a little offended so that upon the same, 
another appellation of the Monks against the Archb.  they made a new appellation to the Pope. Whereupon pope Urbane, by the setting on of Honorius the prior, who was now come again to the court, wrote to him another letter after a sharper and more vehement sort, to the effect as followeth.  
The Tenor of Pope Vrbanes letters to Baldwine Archb. of Cant.  
VRbanus Episcopus servus servorum Dei Baldwino Centuar. Archiepiscopo & Apostolicae sedis Legato, 
The copy of Pope Urban'S letter to the Archb. of Cant.  salutem & Apostolicam benedictionem etc.  
In that we hove borne with your brotherhood hitherto, and have not proceeded in such grievous manner against you, as we might, although being thereto greatly provoked, the chiefest cause was this, that we supposed your hart would have relented from the oppression of the conventual church of Cant. committed unto you, if not for our reverence, which you seem to have contemned more than became you, yet at least for fear of God's judgement. For well we hoped, our conscience persuading us to the same, that after you had obtained that high state & dignity in the church of England, you would have been an example to other of obedience and reverence to be given to the sea Apostolic, 
Note home the Popes stand all upon their honour.  of all Ecclesiastical persons. Wherefore at the first beginning both of our, and also of your promotion we did not spate to advance and honour you as we have done few other besides, thinking no less, but that we had found a faithful friend of the church, for our honour. 
The Pope expectati●● deceived in the Archb. of Cant.  Wherein We perceive now (which 〈◊〉 us not a little to marvel) our expectation greatly deceived. And whom we well trusted to be a sure stay for the maintenance of our estate, him now we find a persecuter against us in our members.  
For where as we sundry times have written to you in the behalf of our brethren, 
The Pope, expostulateth with Baldwin ●● contempt ●● his sea.  and the church committed to your charge, that you should desist from disquieting them, and not vex or disturb their liberties, at least for reverence of us: you not only in this but in other things more (as commonly is reported of you in all places) setting at light our letters and appellations made to the Apostolical Sea, what you have wrought against them after their so manifold appellations laid unto us, and our inhibitions again unto you, we are ashamed to utter. But revolve and consider in your mind, if ye have well done, and advise in your own conscience what you have done. We for our part because we may ne ought not with deaf ears to pass over the clamours mours of the brethren, and such contempt of the Apostolic Sea, although our bid and warnings given to you seem to be all in vain, yet notwithstanding we send our mandates again to your brotherhood, in these Apostolical writings, districtly, and in virtue of obedience commanding you, that whether ye be present in your Church, or absent, all that notwithstanding, whatsoever you have done in building of your Chapel (which you to the destruction of the Monastery of Cant. 
The Archb. commanded by the pope to throne down the building of his new Church, of his own costs and charges. The Archb. comman●●● to restored assoil the Monks whom he did deprive and excommunicate. The Archb. threatened by the Pope.  have erected) after the time of their appeal made to us or our inhibition sent to you, you fail not of your proper costs and charges to demolish, undoing again, and making void, whatsoever ye have begun and innovated concerning the institution of the canons, and other things belonging to the erection of the said Chapel: accounting moreover and reputing the place where the Chapel was, to be accused and profane: and also that all such whosoever have celebrated in the same place, shall stand suspended, till the time they appear before our presence: Commanding furthermore, that all those Monks whom you have presumed to remove from their office or to excommunicate, since the time of their appeal made, you shall restore and affoyle again, rendering also and restoring all such farms, manors, tenements, and oblations, as you altar their appeal made, have inveigled from them: And finally that you innovate nothing touching the state of that Monastery, during the time of this controversy depending before us. giving you to understand, that in case you shall continue in your stubbornness and rebellion upon this present warning, or differre the execution of this precept 30. days after the receiving hereof, we shall appoint others to execute the same, enjoining also your suffragans, that as you shall show yourself disobedient and rebelling to us: so they all shall refuse likewise to give any obedience or reverence unto you. etc.  
Given at Ferraria 5. non. Octob.  
another letter beside this, 
The Pope writeth to the Abbot, and also to the king.  the Pope also sent to the 3. Abbot's aforesaid for the correction of these enormities. Likewise an other letter was sent to king Henry 2. wherein the pope enjoineth and requireth him upon remission of his sins, not to dissemble and bear with the Archb. in his oppression of his Monks, but to help those things to be amended, where he hath trespassed against them.  
These pontifical letters were written an. 1187. the 3. 
Pope Vrb● dieth. Baldwin●● king of Herusalem with many nob●s taken of 〈◊〉 Saracens, & the city won. The king ● Archb. g●● to agree wi●● the Monks.  day of Octob. and in the 19 day after, the same month the said pope Urbane died. In the which year, and about the which month, Baldwinus king of jerusalem was taken with many noble men of Saladine the Saracen: and jerusalem lost, after it had been in the possession of the Christians, and so continued the space of 88 years, & 80. days, from the time that Godfridus Bolonius did first win it from the Infidels.  
After the receiving of those letters of pope Urbane above specified, both the king and archb. with all the bishop's of the realm were marvelously quailed, glad now to please. and speak fair to the Monks, promising all things to be done and restored to them aster the best sort. 
The Monk●● got upper had over t●● Archb.  Neither was the king now and Archb. so submiss: but the Monks on the other side, were as brag and iocant, being fully assured that all now was their own. In the narration of which history (as it is set in Geruasius at large) this we have to note by the way in what fear & thraldom kings in those days were under the Pope, who could not be masters over their own subjects, but that every piled Monk, or pelting Prior, upon virtue of their appeal to the Court of Rome, & making their house tributary to the Pope, was able not only to match, 
The miserable subjection of kings under the Pope to be noted. Calypha is the high Priest of the Saracens, sitting in Damascus, unto whom all the Sultan's were subject, ●s our princes now are to the Pope.  but to give checkmate to the best king Christened, as not in this story only may appear.  
It followeth then in the story of these Monks, that as they were thus in the midst of their joy and jollity, suddenly cometh news of the death of Pope Urbane their great Calypha, and also how that Gregory 8. was placed in his room, who was a special friend & favourer of the archb. which as it did greatly encourage the king and the Archb. so the Monks on the other side were as much discomforted, so that now all was turned upside down. For whereas the king and the archb. before thought they had lost all, & were glad to compound with the monks, and to seek their favour: now were the Monks an the contrary side fain to crouch to the king, and glad to have a good countenance, who then resorting to him, and finding him altered both in word and gesture, desired he would confirm & grant that which of late before he had promised. To whom it was answered again by the king, 
The kings answer to the monks of Cant.  that seeing the archb. had granted to them their Sacrist, their Chamberlain, & their Cellerar, they should have no more restored of him, neither would he suffer the liberties and privileges of the archb. to be impaired or take any wrong. And as touching the new Chapel of S. Thomas (said he) whereaboutes ye strive so long, with the Canonships and other buildings, belonging thereto, the same I receive into my hands, so that none shall have any thing to do therein but myself. etc. In like manner of the archb. such an other like answer they received, & of the bishops little better. So the monks sent away with a flee in their ear, went home again out of Normandy unto their cell.  
Now the Archb. having the Monks where as he would, wrought them much grievance, but that continued not very long. For within two months after & less, died pope Gregory 8. 
Pope Gregory. 8. dieth Pope Clement. 3.  about the 16. day of December following. After whom succeeded Pope Clement 3. who following the steps of Urbane, bend all his power with the Monks against the Archb. sending divers precepts and mandates in the year next following, which was 1188. with an Imperious letter, willing & commanding him to desist from his oppression of the monks, 
Pope Clement's let●ers to the Archb.  & to throw down his new chapel. Whereupon the archb. made his appeal and minded to go to Rome: but was called back of the king, being ready to sail over. In the which year Honorius the prior died at Rome of the plague, 
Honorius Prior of Canterbury died ●t Rome.  which was some help & comfort to the archb. For whom the archb. made Roger Noris Prior, against the wills of the Covent. After this about the latter end of the same year, Pope Clement sent down his Legate called Radulfus a Cardinal, 
The second letter of Pope Clement to the Archb.  to Cant. with an other letter more sharply written to the same effect unto the Archb. Ex hist. Geruasij.  
Furthermore, in the year next after, which was 1189. he wrote also the third letter to him. In the which year also died king Henry 2. 
K. Henry. 2. dieth.  After whom succeeded king Richard his son, who joining likewise with the Archbishop, took his part strongly against the said Monks. 
K. Richard. 1 joineth with the Archb.  At last, after much a do on both parts, and after great disturbance, and imprisoning divers of the Monks, king Richard preparing his voyage toward jerusalem, and studying first to set peace between them, consulted and agreed with the Bishops and Abbots about a final concord in this matter, between the Archb. and monks of Cant. which at length on both parts was made, upon these conventions as follow.  
1. First, 
Agreement between the Archb. and Monks of Cant. upon what conditions.  that Roger Noris should be deposed, whom the Archbishop had made Prior against their wills. Whom the king then at the request of the Archb. promoted to be Abbot of Eusham. 2. Item, that the Archbishop should pluck down his chapel, which he builded in the suburbs of Cant. against the minds of the Monks. 3. Item, that the foresaid monks should make profession of their obedience and subjection to the Archb. as they had done to his other predecessors before him. 
Conditions of peace concluded.  4. Iten, as touching all other complaints and injuries (except only the Chapel, and deposition of Roger Noris the Prior) the monks should stand to the arbitrement of the king, of the Archb. and the Prelates. 5. Item, that the monks kneeling down before the king in the Chapter house, 
Ex libr. ano●imo, & ex hist. Geruaiij Mo ●achi Can●queriensis.  should ask the Archb. forgiveness. Which being done, they went altogether to the Church, & sang Te Deum for this reformation of peace. Ex veteri Chronico manuscripto & ex Geruasio.  
The next day after the Archb. coming into the Chapter, restored to the Covent their manors & farms again: also discharged the Prior which he had made before, desiring them likewise, that if he had offended them either in word or deed, they would from their heart remit him. This reconciliation being made between the Archb. and that covent, than the Archb. going about to dissolve the building of his new Church, 
Arcb. of Cant. purchaseth of the B. of Rochester land in Lambeth to build his house upon. Baldewin archbishop of Cant. buildeth his house at Lambeth.  though he changed the place, yet thought not to change his intent, and therefore making exchange of lands with the Bishop and Monks of Rochester, purchased of them their ground in Lambeth an. 1191. which done, he came to his Clerks whom he had placed to be Canons in his new College of Hakington, and willed them to remove all their goods & furniture to Lambeth over against Westminster, where he erected for them an other church, and there placed the said Canons. About which college of Lambeth afterward much trouble likewise ensued by the stirring of the said Monks of Cant. in the time of Hubert the archbish. in the reign of the said King Richard, and in the year of our Lord. 1196. Furthermore after the deposing of Roger Norys prior of Cant. aforesaid, Baldwyn the archb. enforesaid to grant them an other Prior by the assent of the king and of the Covent, assigned Olbernus to their Prior, who had taken part before with the archbish, but the monks not pleased with him, after the death of Baldwine the Archb. removed him again.  
And thus have you the tedious discourse of this Catholic tragedy, between the monks of Cant. and their Archb. scarce worth the rehearsal, 
Three things to be observed in this story of Canterbury. Monks above rehearsed.  Notwithstanding, this I thought to give that reader to see, of purpose first to show forth unto the world the stout sturdines of this monkish generation, who professing profound humility in their coat, what little humility they had in their hart, what pride & arrogancy in their conversation, and what hypocrisy in their religion, this one example amongst a thousand other may give some experience, 
Hypocrisy in Monkery.  Secondly, that the posterity now may see, how little kings could then do in their own Realms, for the Pope. And thirdly, to the intent it may more notoriously appear to all readers, 
Kings made slaves under the Pope.  what strife and debate, what dissension and division, what little unity and concord hath always followed the pope's Catholic church, 
No concord not unity in Popish Churches.  wheresoever the corrupt religion and usurped ambition of the pope prevailed. For not to speak only of this monkish house of Cant. what Church Cathedral, Collegiate, or Conuentuall, what sea, Church Monastery or Chapel was under all the pope's government, but ever there happened some variance, either between the king and the archb. as between K. William & Lancfranck king Henry 1. and Anselme, king Stephen and Richard, king Henry 2. and Becket, king john & Stephen Lancton, king Henry 3. and Boniface etc. or else between archb. and archb. for making profession, for carrying the Cross, for sitting on the right hand of the pope's Legate. etc. or else between archbishops and their suffragans, or between Archbishops and their covents, or between Bishops and monks, between Deane and the Chapter, between monks and secular Priests, monks of one sort against an other, Friars of one order against an other, students against Friars, towns men against scholars. etc. 
Examples proving what discord and how little unity is in the Pope's Church.  As for example, what discord was between the archb. Of Canterbury, and Richard archbish. of York. Between Lancfrancus and archb. Thomas, between Theobalde archb. of Cant. and Silvester Abbot of S. Austin's, between Walter of Christ's Church, and Silvester Abbot aforesaid, between William archb. of Cant. and jeremias Prior of Cant. an. 1144. between the monks of Cant. and O do their Prior for translating the relics of Dunstane, between King Stephen and Roger bishop of Salisbury, the bishop of Lincoln, and Roger bishop of Ely his son. an. 1138. between Pope Innocent, and Anacletus the space of seven years, the Cardinals for money (saith Gernasius) sometime holding with the one, sometime with the other, at at last the election was determined by a sore battle between Lotharius Emperor, & Rogerius Duke of Apulia. an. 1137. Also between pope Innocent. 4. and Frederick Emperor 2. between R. Henry 3. and William Rale bishop of Winchester, when the king had the gates of Winchester town to be shut against him. an. 1250. between Boniface Archbishop of Canterb. and Canons of S. Paul. Item, 
Ex Math. Paris.  between the said Boniface and Monks of S. Bartholomew, who sat there in harness in his visitation. an. 1250. between the Abbot of Westminster, and monks of the same house. an. 1251. Iten, between the foresaid William Rale Bishop of Winchester and Boniface archbishop of Canterbury for a priest of the Hospital in Soutwarke. an. 1252. between the said Boniface, and Canons of Lincoln after the death of Robert Grosthead, for giving of prebend's. an. 1253. between the monks of Coventry, and Canons of Lichfield, for choosing their bishop in the time of R. Henry 3.  
And what should I speak of the discord, 
No unity in the pope's Church.  which cost so much money between Edmund archbishop of Canterb. and the monks of Rochester, for choosing Richard Wandour to be their bishop. an 1238. between Robert Grosted Bishop of Lyncolne, and Canons of the same house, for which both he and they were driven to travail to Rome, an. 1244. between Gilbert bishop of Rochester delegate to archbishop Baldwine, and Robert the Pope's Legate for sitting on the right hand of the Legate in his council at Westminster, an. 1190. between the Abbot of Bardeney and the said Grosted, about the visitation of their Abbay. an. 1243. Item between the Covent of Canterb. & the said Robert bishop of Lyncolne. an. 1243. between Hugo B. of Durham, and Hubert Bishop of Sarum: and Geffrey Archbishop of York, an. 1189. between William Bishop of Ely the king's Chancellor, & the Canons of York, for not receiving him with procession. an. 1190. between the Abbot of Westminster, and his Covent of Black monks, whom king Henry the 3. had much ado to still and agree. an. 1249. Item, between the foresaid bishop of Lincoln, & the Abbot of Westminster. Likewise between Nicolas bysh. of Durham, and john Abbot of S. Alban's. an. 1246. Also between Hubert archbishop of Canterbury and the monks there for the house of Lambeth. an. 1146. And what a stir was between the preaching Friars, and the grey Friars mentioned In. Math. Paris. for superiority, an. 1243. Also between the said grey Friars, and the Prelates and Doctors of Paris about ix. conclusions, and condemned of the Prelates to be erroneous.  



Conclusions of the Friars condemned for erroneous by the Prelates of Paris.  
Ex Mat. Paris. sol 167.   1. Concerning the divine essence, that it can not be seen of the angels or men glorified.  
2. Concerning the essence of the holy Ghost.  
3. Touching the proceeding of the holy ghost, as he is love.  
4. Whether men glorified shallbe in coelo Empyreo, or in coelo Christallino.  
5. That the evil Angel at his first creation was evil and never good.  
6. That there have been many verities from the beginning, which were not God.  
7. That an angel in one instant may be in divers places.  
8. That the evil angel never had whereby he might stand. no more had Adam in his state of innocency.  
9 That he which hath meliora naturalia, that is to say more perfect strength of nature working in him, shall have more full measure of necessity to obtain grace and glory. To the which article the Prelates answering, did excommunicate the same as erroneous, 
Contention between Friars abo●t the conception of our Lady.  affirming, that grace and glory shall be given according to that God hath elected and predestinate. etc. Ex Math. Paris. fol. 167.   
In like manner between the said Dominicke Friars, & the grey Friars, what a brawl and tumult was about the Conception of our Lady, whether she was without original sin conceived or not, in the reign of R. Henry seven & King Henry viii. an. 1509. Ad moreover to these the 24. heinous schisms & not so few, which happened between Pope and Pope in the Church and Sea of Rome. But what do I stand to recite the divisions and dissensions the pope's Church, 
Continual variance in the Pope's church.  which is as much almost as to reckon the sands of the sea? For what Church, Chapter, or Covent was in all that Religion, which either had not some variance with themselves, or with others? Upon which continual strife and variance among them, the readers hereof may judge of them & their religion as pleaseth them: In the mean time, 
Anno. 1190.  my judgement is this: that where such dissension dwelleth, there dwelleth not the spirit of Christ.  
These things thus discoursed touching the tragical dissension between Baldwyne archbishop and monks of Canterbury. 
King Richard taketh his journey toward the land of Jerusalem.  Now to proceed (by the Lord's assistance) in convocation of our story: After king Richard had thus, as is declared, set the monks and the Archbishop in some agreement, & had composed such things as were to be redressed within the realm, he advanceth forward his journey, 
The oath of fidelity between Philip second French king, and king Richard the first, going to the holy land.  & came to Turon, to meet with Philip the French king: & so after that went to Uizeliace, where the French R. and he joining together for that more continuance of their journey, assured themselves by solemn oath, swearing fidelity one to the other: the form of whose oath was this: That either of them should defend and maintain the honour of the other, and bear true fidelity unto him, of life, members, and worldly honour, and that neither of them should fail one the other in their affairs: but the French king should aid the king of England in defending his land and dominions, as he would himself defend his own City of Paris if it were besieged: and that Richard King of England likewise should aid the French king in defending his land and dominions, no otherwise then he would defend his own City of Rouen, if it were besieged. etc. 
Discipline and orders set by king Richard for malefactors.  But how slenderly this oath did hold between these 2. kings, and by whose chief occasion first it fell asunder, the sequel of the story (the Lord willing) shall declare hereafter.  
Furthermore touching the laws and ordinances appointed by the king Richard for his navy, the form thereof was this.  

1. That who so killed any person on shypbord, should be tied with him that was slain and thrown into the sea.  
2. And if he killed him on that land, should in like manner be tied with the party slain, & be buried with him in the earth.  
3. He that shallbe convicted by lawful witness to draw out his knife or weapon, to the intent to strike any man, or that hath strike any to the drawing of blood, shall lose his hand.  
4. Also, he that striketh any person with his hand, without effusion of blood, shall be plunged three times in the sea.  
5. Iten, who so speaketh any opprobrious or contumelious words, in reviling or cursing one an other, for so oftentimes as he hath so reviled, shall pay so many ounces of silver.  
6. Item, a thief, or fellow that hath stolen, being lawfully converted, shall have his head shorn and boiling pitch poured upon his head, & feathers or down strawed upon the same, whereby he may be known, & so the first landing place they shall come to, there to be cast up. etc.   
These things thus set in a readiness, 
The French king & 〈◊〉 Rich. 〈◊〉 to Lions.  king Richard sending his navy by the Spanish seas, and by the straits of jubaltarie between Spain and Africa, to meet him at Marsilia, he himself went (as is said) to Uizeliace, to the French King. Which two kings from thence went to Lions, where the bridge over the flood Rhodanus, for press of people broke, and many both men & women were drowned. By reason whereof the two. kings for the cumbrance of their trains, were constrained to deceiver themselves for time of their journey, appointing both to meet together in Sicilia: and so Philip the French king took his way to Genua, 
K. Richard cometh ●● Marsilia.  & king Richard to Marsilia, where he remained 8. days, appointing there his navy to meet him. From thence crossing over to Genua, where the French king was, passed forward by the coast of Italy, and entered into Tiber not far from Rome, where meeting with Octomanus Cardinal and Bishop of Hostia, 
K. Richard complained of the filth Simony of the Pope's Court.  he did complain greatly of the filthy simony of the pope and the Pope's Court, for receiving seven. hundred Marks for consecrating the Bishop Cenomanensis: Also a thousand and five hundredth Marks of William Bishop of Ely for his office Legative. And likewise an infinite sum of money of the Bishop of Bordeaux, for acquitting him when he should be deposed for a certain crime laid to his charge by his clergy. etc.  
The seven. day of August, 
K. Richard departeth from Ma●●●lia.  in the year aforesaid, R. Richard departed out of Marsilia, after he had there waited viii. days for his navy, which came not, & so hyering xx. Galleys, and x. great Barks, to ship over his men, sailed by the Coast of Italy, and came to Naples, & so partly by horse and waggon, partly by the sea passing to Falernum, came to Calabria, where after that he had heard, his ships were arrived at Messana in Sicilia, he made the more speed and so the xxiii. of September sent to Messana, 
The kings ships ar●e at Messana. The coming of 〈◊〉 Richard t● Messana.  with such a noise of trumpets and shawms, with such a rout and show, that it was to the great wonderment and terror both of the French men, and all other that did hear and behold the sight.  
To the said town of Messana the French king was come before the xvi. of the same month of September, 
The French king 〈◊〉 in Messana  and had taken up the Palace of Tancredus R. of Sicilia, for his lodging. To whom R. Richard after his arrival eftsoons resorted, and when the two kings had communed together, immediately the same day the French R. took shipping and entering the seas, thinking to sail toward the land of Jerusalem. 
The French king drive back again by the wy● to Messan●  But after he was out of the haven, the wind rising contrary against him returned him back again to Messana. Then R. Richard (whose lodging was prepared in the suburbs without the City) after he had resorted again, & talked with the French R. and also had sent to Tancredus R. of Sicilia for deliverance of joane his sister (who had been sometimes Queen of Sicilia) and had obtained her to be sent unto him, 

K. Richard obtaineth his sister joan que●● sometime ●● Scicilia to 〈◊〉 sent unto him.  
K. ●ichard getteth the monastery of Gr●●●●   the last day of September passed over the flood of Del far, and there getting a strong hold called De la Bagmare, or Le Bamre, and placing therein his sister with a sufficient garrison, he returned again to Messana. The second of October R. Richard wan an other cercayne strong hold called Manasterium Griffonum, situated in the midst of the River of Del far, between Messana and Calabria, from whence the Monks being expulsed, he reposed there all his story and provision of victuals which came from England or other places.  
The Citizens of Messana seeing that the R. of England had won the Castle and Island in De la Bagmare, 
Discord between the Citizens & Messana of the English army.  and also the Monastery of the Griffones, & doubting lest the king would extend his power farther to invade their city, & get if he could the whole Isle of Sicilia, begun to stir against the kings army, and to shut the English men out of the gates, and kept their walls against them. The Englishmen seeing that, made to the gates, and by force would have broken them open, in so much that the King riding among them with his staff, & breaking divers of their heads, could not assuage their fierceness. Such was the rage of the Englishmen against the Citizens of Messana. 
The king ●oulde not ●tay the rage of the people.  The king seeing the fury of the people to be such as he could not stay them, took boat, & went to the Palace of K. Tancred to talk of the matter with the French king. In which mean time the matter was so taken up by the wise handling of the ancient of the city, that both parts laying down their armour went home in peace.  
The fourth day of the said month of October came to king Richard the archbishop of Messana, with two other archbishops also with the French king, and sundry other Earls, Barons, and Bishops, for entreatance of peace. Who as they were together consulting, 
Communication about peace among the kings.  & had almost concluded upon the peace, the Citizens of Messana issuing out of the town, some went up upon the mountains; some with open force invaded the mansion or lodging of Hugh Brunne an English captain. The noise whereof coming to the ears of the king, he suddenly breaking of talk with the French king and the rest, departed from them, & coming to his men, commanded them forthwith to arm themselves. 
A skirmish between the Citizens of Messana & the Englishmen.  Who then with certain of his soldiers making up to the top of a mountain (which seemed to pass their power to climb) there put the Citizens to flight, chase them down the mountain, unto the very gates of the City, whom also certain of the kings servants pursued within the City, of whom five valiant soldiers, and xx. of the king's servants were slain, the French king looking upon, and not once willing to rescue them, contrary to his oath and league before made with the king of England. For the French king with his men being there present, 
The French King, a bearer with strangers against the English men  road in the midst of them safely & without any harm, to and fro, and might well have eased the kings party, more than he, if it had so liked him.  
This being known to the English host, how their fellows were slain, and the Frenchmen permitted in the city, & that they were excluded, & the gates barred against them, being also stopped from buying of victual and other things, 

English men w●ane the City of Messana in Sicilia.  
English arms set up at Messana.   they upon great indignation gathered themselves in arms, braced open the gates, and scaled the walls, and so winning the City, set up their flags with the English arms upon the walls. Which when the French king did see, he was mightily offended, requiring the king of England, that the arms of France might also be set up & joined with his. But king Richard to that would in no case agree. Notwithstanding to satisfy his mind, he was contented to take down his arms, and commit the custody of the City to the Hospitallaries and Templaries of Jerusalem, till the time that tancred king of Sicilia and he should agree together upon conditions.  
These things being done, the v. & vi. day of October, it followed them upon the viij, day of the same month of October, 
The league renewed between K. Richard, and the French king.  that peace among the kings was concluded. In which peace first king Richard and Philip the French king, renewed again their oath and league before made concerning their mutual aid and society during the time of that peregrination. Secondly, peace also was concluded between king Richard, and Tancred king of Cicilia aforesaid with the conditions, that the daughter of Tancreda in case (King Richard should die without issue) should marry to Arthure Duke of Britain, 
Peace concluded between K. Richard, & tancred K. of Sicilia.  the king's nephew, and next heir to his crown. etc. whereof a formal chart was drawn and letters sent thereof to Pope Clement being dated the the ix. day of November.  
In this mean time, as these two kings of France and England were thus wyntering at Messana, 
Frederick 1. Emperor with his son Conrade come up toward the siege of Achon. Frederick the Emperor drowned in a river going to the siege of Achon.  Frederick Emperor first of that name (the same, on whose neck Pope Alexander did tread in the Church of Venice, saying the verse of the Psalm Super aspidem & basiliscum ambulabis etc. whereof read before pag. 205.) and his son Conradus, with a mighty army of Almanus and others, were coming up likewise toward the land of Jerusalem, to the siege of Achon: where by the way the good Emperor, through a great mischance falling of his horse into a River called Salef, was therein drowned. After whose decease Conradus his son taking the government of his army, came to the siege of Achon, in which siege also he died. Upon whose coming such a dearth followed in the camp which lasted two months, that a loaf of bread, which before there coming was sold for i. penny, was afterward sold for iij. pound, By reason whereof many Christian soldiers did there perish through famine. The chiefest food which the princes there had to feed upon was horse flesh. This famine being so miserable, 
A miserable famine in the siege of Achon.  some good bishops there were in the camp, namely Hubert Bishop of Salisbury, with certain other good Bishops; who making a general collection through the whole camp for the poor; made such provision, 
God's providence in time of need.  that in such penury of all things, yet no man was so destitute, & needy, but somewhat he had for his relief, till within a few days after by the merciful providence of God (who is the feeder of all creatures) ships came unto them with a boundance of corn, wine and oil.  
The siege of this town of Achon endured a long season, 
The siege of AAchon.  which as it was mightily oppugned by the Christians, so it was strongly defended by the Saracens, specially by help of wild fire, 
Ignis Graecus. much used of the Saracens.  which the Latins do call Ignem Graecum, so that great slaughter there was on both sides. During the time of which siege, many noble personages & also bishops died, among whom was Conradus the emperors son, Randulph Earl of Fougeres, the Earl of Pericio, Robert Earl of Leicester, Baldwine archbishop of Canterbury with four Archbishops, and divers other Bishops and Abbots and Earls and Barons to the number of 34. and not so few. All this while king Richard & King Philip of France, still kept at Messana in Sicilia, from the month of September till April, 
K. Richard conferreth with joachim Abbot about the coming of Antichrist.  for lack (I suppose) of wind or weather, or else for necessity of repairing their ships. In which mean time king Richard hearing of joachim Abbot of Curacio a learned man in Calabria (who was then thought to have the spirit of prophesy, & told many things of a people that should come) sent for him, with whom he & his Bishops had much conference about the coming & time of Antichrist. 
Abbas joachim condemned in the council of Lateran, by Innocent. 3.  This joachim belike in his book and Revelations uttered some things against the Sea and pride of Rome: for the which he was less favoured of the pope's, & judged an enemy to their Sea, and so by pope Innocent the 3. was condemned with his books for an heretic, in his Idolatrous general Council of Laterane. an. 1215. as ye may read in Antoninus.  
After this Henricus king of almains, 
Henricus son of Frederick standeth to be Emperor.  son of Frederick the Emperor hearing of the decease of his father, standing now to be Emperor, first restoreth to Hen. Duke of Saxony, and to others, whatsoever his father before had taken from them. That done he sent to Clement & his Cardinals, promising in all things to confirm the laws and dignities of the Church of Rome, if they would grant him their assent to be Emperor. Whereupon pope Clement by advise of the Romans assigned him the term of Easter in the next year ensuing for his coronation. 
Pope Clement dieth. Celestinas 3. Pope.  But before that Easter came. P. Clement died, after he had sit 3. years and about 4. months. After whom succeeded Celestinus the 3. Of whom more hereafter, God willing.  
The time thus passing over in the month of February, 
Anno. 1191.  the next year following, which was of the Lord. 1191. king Richard sent over his Galleys to Naples, there to meet his mother Alinore, and Berengaria the daughter of Sanctius king of Navarre, whom he was purposed to marry. Who by that time were come to Brundisium, under the conduct of Philip earl of Flanders, & so proceeding unto Naples, there found the king's ships, wherein they sailed to Messana. 
The bountiful liberality of king Richard.  In this mean space king Richard showed himself exceeding bounteous and liberal to all men. To the French king first he gave divers ships: upon others likewise he bestowed rich rewards, and of his treasures and goods he distributed largely to his soldiers and servants about him. Of whom it was reported that he distributed more in one month, than ever any of his predecessors did in a whole year: by reason whereof he purchased great love and favour, which not only redounded to the advancement of his fame, but also to his singular use and profit, as the sequel afterward proved.  
To proceed then in the progress of king Richard it followeth. 
King Richard removeth from Messana, and cometh to Cathneys.  In the first day of the month of march, he leaving the city of Messana where the French king was, went to Cathniensium, a City where Tancredus King of Sicilia then lay, where he was honourable received, & there remained with king Tancred 3. days & 3. nights. On the fourth day when he should departed, 
The honourable entertainment of king Richard by king Tancredus.  the foresaid Tancredus offered him many rich presents in gold and silver, and precious silks, whereof king Richard would receive nothing, but one little ring for a token of his good will. For the which king Richard again gave to him a rich sword. At length when R. Richard should take his leave, king Tancredus would not so let him part, but needs would give him 4. great ships, and 15. Galeys: and furthermore, he himself would needs, accompany him the space of two days journey to a place called Tavenium.  
Then the next morning when they should take their leave, Tancredus declared unto him the message which the French king a little before, had sent unto him by the Duke of Burgundy, 
Philip the french king traitorously seeketh the destruction of K. Richard by secret letters sent to the king of Sicilia.  the contents whereof was this: That the king of England was a false traitor, and would never keep the peace that was between them. And if the said Tancredus would war against him, or secretly by night would invade him, he with all his power would assist him, and join with him to the destruction of him and all his army, etc. To whom Richard the king protested again, that he was no traitor, nor never was: and as touching the peace begon between them, the same should never be broken through him: neither could he believe, that the French king, being his good Lord and his sworn compartiner in that voyage, would utter any such words by him. 
A faithful part of Tancredus king of Sicilia toward king Richard.  Which when Tancredus heard, he bringeth forth the letters of the French R. sent to him by the Duke of Burgundy, affirming moreover, that if the Duke of Burgundy would deny the bringing of the said letters, he was ready to try with him by any of his Dukes. King Richard receiving the letters & mu●ing not a little upon the same, returneth again to Messana. The same day that king Richard departed, the French king cometh to Tavermum to speak with Tancredus, & there abode with him that night, and on the morrow returned to Messana again.  
From that time king Richard moved in stomach against king Philip, 
The first occasion of discord between the French king and king Richard.  never showing any gentle countenance of peace and amity, as he before was wont. Whereat the French K. greatly marveling, and inquiring earnestly what should be the cause thereof, word was sent him again by Philip Earl of Flaunders, what words he had sent to the king of Sicilia, & for the testimony thereof the letters were showed which he wrote by the Duke of Burgundy, to the king of Sicilia. 
K. Richard chargeth the French king with falsehood.  Which when the French king understood, first he held his peace as guilty in his conscience, not knowing well what to answer. At length turning his tale to an other matter, he began to quarrel with king Richard, pretending as though he sought causes to break with him, 
The French king quarelleth with L. Richard about marrying his sister.  and to malign him: and therefore he forged these lies (said he) upon him, and all because he by that means would void to marry with Alice his sister, according as he had promised: Adding moreover, that if he would so do, and would not marry the said Alice his sister, according to his oath, but would marry an other, he would be an enemy to him and his, while he lived.  
To this king Richard said again, that he could by no means marry that woman, 
Causes alleged why K. Richard could not marry with the French kings sister. Agreement between the two kings, with the conditions touching the same.  for so much as his father had carnal copulation with her, & also had by her a son: for proof whereof he had there presently to bring forth divers and sundry witnesses to the king's face, to testify with him. In conclusion through counsel and persuasion of divers about the French king, agreement at last was made, so that king Philip did acquire king Richard from his bond of marrying his sister, and king Richard again should be bound to pay to him every year for the space of v. years, two thousand marks, with certain other conditions besides, not greatly material in this place to be deciphred. And thus peace being between them concluded, the 28. day of the said month of March, 
The French king cometh to Achon.  the French king launching out of the haven of Messana, in the 22. day after in Easter week came with his army to the siege of Achon.  
After the departure of the French king from Messana, (king Richard with his army yet remaining behind) arrived Queen Alinore the kings mother, bringing with her Bernegera the king of Navarres daughter to be espoused to king Richard. 
Berengaria, or as some do call her Bernegera daughter to the king of Navarre brought to be married to king Richard by his mother Alinor.  Which done, Alinore leaving Bernegera behind her, departed, taking her journey toward Rome, to entreat the pope for Gaufrious her other son above mentioned, to be consecrated in the archbishopric of York, being before elected by the procurement of king Richard his brother, as ye heard. In which mean time as Queen Alinorie was traviling toward Rome, Pope Clement above mentioned died about the 6. day of April, in whose room succeeded pope Celestinus the 3. who the next day after his consecration, 
Pope Celestinus 3.  came from Lateran to S. Peter's church, wherein the way meeteth him Henricus the Emperor, & Constantia his wife, with a great rout of armed soldiers. But the Romans making fast their gates, would not suffer them to enter their City. 
Conditions required of Henricus K. of almains before he should be made Emperor by the Pope. The Pope of Rome in the full top of his pride.  Then pope Celestine standing upon the stairs before the church door of s. Peter, received an oath of the said Henricus king of the Almains (his army waiting without) that he should defend the church of God, & all the liberties thereof, & maintain justice, also to restore again the patrimony of S. Peter full and whole, what soever hath been diminished thereof, & finally that he should surrender to the church of Rome again, the city of Tusculanum. etc. Upon these conditions and grants then the pope took him to the Church, and there anointed him for Emperor, & his wife for Empress, who there sitting in his chair pontifical, held the crown of gold between his feet, and so the Emperor vowing down his head to the pope's feet: received the crown: 
Pope Celestine cro●neth Her●cus the emperor was his feet. The Pope striketh is the emperors 〈◊〉 with his foot. K. Richard moveth his Messana 〈◊〉 Achon.  and in like manner the Empress also. The crown thus being set upon the emperors head, the Pope eftsoons with his foot struck it off again from his head unto the ground, declaring thereby that he had power to depose him again, in case he so deserved. Then the Cardinals taking up the crown set it upon his head again. Ex veteri Chronico manuscripto anonimo, De gestis Richardi regis cui initium: Anno gratiae etc. Item ex alio eiusdem vetustatis Chronico manuscripto, cui initium. Aeneas cum Ascanio. etc.  
Not long after the departure of king Philip from Messana, which was in the month of march, king Richard in April following, about the xx. day of the said month, sailing from the haven of Messana, with an 150. great ships, & 53 great Baleis well manned and appointed, took his journey toward Achon. who being upon the seas, on good Friday about the 9 hour rose a mighty southwind with a winpest, which dissevered and scattered all his navy, 
K. Richard overtaken with a ●●●pest in the Seas, going to Achon.  some to one place, and some to an other. The king with a few ships was driven to the isle of Creta, and there before the haven of Rhodes cast an anchor. The ship that carried the king's sister Queen of Sicilia, and Bernegera the king of Navarres daughter, with 2. other ships were driven to the isle of Cyprus. The king making great moan for the ship of his sister, & Bernegera his wife that should be, not knowing where they were become, after the tempest was overblown sent forth his Galleys diligently to search the rest of his navy dispersed, but especially for the ship wherein his sister was, & the maiden whom he should marry, who at length were found safe and merry at the port of Lunszem in the isle of Cyprus. notwithstanding the ij. other ships which were in their company before in the same haven, were drowned, with divers of the king's servants & men of worship, amongst whom was M. Roger, called Maws Catulus, the king's Vice chancellor, who was found having the king's seal hanging about his neck. 
Isakiu● king of Cyprus 〈◊〉 cruel enemy to English men.  The king of Cyprus was then Isakius (called also the Emperor of the Griffones) who took and imprisoned all Englishmen which by shipwreck were cast upon his land: also inveigled into his hands the goods & prizes of them which were found drowned about his coasts, neither would suffer the ship wherein the two Ladies were to enter within the port.  
The tidings of this being brought to king Richard, 
K. Richard maketh sure to the king of Cyprus for his soldiers in captivity.  he in his great wrath gathering his Galleys & ships together, bordeth the land of Cyprus, where he first in gentle wise signifieth to king Isakius, how he with his Englishmen, coming as strangers to the supportation of the holy land, were by distress of wether driven upon his bounds, & therefore with all humble petition besought him in God's behalf, and for reverence of the holy Cross: to let go such prisoners of his which he had in captivity, and to restore again the goods of them which were drowned, as he detained in his hands, 
The dis●●● full & 〈◊〉 answer of Isakius to K. Richard  to be employed for the behouse of their souls. etc. And thus the king once, twice, & thrice, desired of the Emperor. But he proudly answering again, sent the king word, that he neither would let the captives go, nor render the goods of them which were drowned etc.  
When king Richard heard this, how little the Emperor Isakius made of his so humble and honest petition, and how nothing there could be gotten without violent force, 
K. Richard exhorteth his men to fight against Isakius.  eftsoons giveth commandment through all his host, to put themselves in armour and to follow him, to revenge such injuries received of that proud and cruel K. of Cyprus, willing them to put their trust in God, and not to misdoubt but the Lord would stand with them, and give them the victory. 
K. Richard setteth upon Isakius 〈◊〉 of Cyprus.  The Emperor in the mean time with his people stood warding the Sea coasts, where the Englishmen should arrive, with swords, bills, and lances, and such other weapons as they had, setting boards, stools, and chests before them in stead of a wall. Nowheir but few of them were harnessed, and for the most part all unexpert, & unskilful in the feats of war. 
The battle between the Emperor of Cyprus and K. Rich.  Then king Richard with his soldiers issuing out of their ships, first set his bowmen before, who with their shot made a way for other to follow. The Englishmen thus winning the land upon them, so fiercely pressed upon the Griffones, that after long fight and many blows, 
Isakius Emperor of the Griffons put to flight▪ The town of Lymez●● taken by king Rich.  at last the Emperor was put to flight, whom king Richard valiantly pursued, and slew many, and divers he took alive, and had gone near also to have the Emperor, had not the night come on & parted the battle. And thus K. Richard with much spoil & great victory returning to the port town of Lym●zem, which the townsmen had left for fear, found there great abundance of corn, wine, oil, and victuals.  
The same day after the victory got, joane the kings sister, and Bernegera the maiden, entered the Port and town of Lyme●zem, with L. great ships, and xiv. Galliots: So that all the whole navy there meeting together were CCLiiij. tall ships, and above 60. Galliots. Then Isakius the Emperor seeing no way for him to escape by the Sea, the same night pitched his tents v. miles of from the English army, swearing that the third day after he would sure give battle to king Richard. But he preventing him before, suddenly the same morning before the day of battle should be, setteth upon the tents of the Griffones early, 
The king of Cyprus again put to flight.  they being unwares and a sleep, & made of them a great slaughter, in so much that the Emperor was fain naked to run away: leaving his tents and pavilions to the English men, full of horses and rich treasure, also with the Imperial standard, 
K. Richard marrieth Bernegera daughter of the king of Navarie in the Isle of Cyprus.  the lower part whereof with a costly stremer was covered and wrought all with gold. King Richard then returning with victory and triumph to his sister, and Bernegera, shortly after in the month of May next following, and the 12. day of the said month, married the said Bernegera daughter of Rancon king of Navarre, in the Isle of Cyprus, at Lymeszen.  
The king of Cyprus seeing himself overmatched, 
Isakius king of Cyprus yieldeth himself to king Richard.  was driven at length to yield himself with conditions, to give king Richard xx. thousand marks in gold, for amends of such spoils, as he had gotten of them that were drowned: Also to restore all his captives again to the king: And furthermore he in his own person to attend upon the king to the land of Jerusalem, in God's service and his, with CCCC. horsemen, and v. hundredth footmen: in pledge whereof he would give to his hands his Castles, and his only daughter, & would hold his kingdom of him. This done, and the Emperor swearing fidelity to king Richard, before Guido king of jerusalem, and the Prince of Antioch (who were come thither to king Richard a little before) peace was taken, 
The king of Cyprus breaketh conditions with king Richard.  and Isakius committed to the ward of certain keepers. Notwithstanding shortly after he breaking from his keepers, was again at defiance with the king. Whereupon K. Richard besetting the Ileland of Cyprus round about with ships and Galleys, did in such sort prevail, that the subjects of the land were constrained to yield themselves to the K. and at length the daughter also of the Emperor, 
King of Cyprus again submitteth himself, and was kept in golden fetters.  & at last the Emperor himself, whom king Richard caused to be kept in fetters of silver and gold, and to be sent to the City of Tripoli.  
These things thus done, and all set in order touching the possession of the Isle of Cyprus: the keeping whereof he committed to Radulfe son of Godfrey Lord chamberlain, being then the first day of june, upon the v. of the said month, 
K. Rich. taketh his journey to Achon.  king Richard departed from the Isle of Cyprus with his ships and galleys toward the siege of Achon, & on the next morrow came to Tyrus, where by procurement of the French K. he was constrained by the cititizens to enter. The next day after, which was the vi. day of june, crossing the Seas, he met with a great Bark, fraught with soldiers and men of war to the number of a thousand and five hundredth, 
A thousand & five hundredth Saracens sent to the rescue of Achon, vanquished on the sea by K. Richard.  which pretending to be Frenchmen, and setting forth their flag with the French arms, were in deed Saracens secretly sent with wild fire & certain barrels of unknown serpents, to the defence of the town of Achon. Which K. Richard at length perceiving, eftsoons set upon them, and so vanquished them, of whom the most were drowned, & some taken alive. Which being once known in the City of Achon, as it was a great discomfort to them, so it was a great help to the christians for winning the city. The next day after, which was the seven. of june, King Richard came to Achon, which at that time had been long besieged of the Christians. After whose coming it was not long, 
The City of Achon yielded to the Christians.  but the Pagans within the City, seeing their walls to be undermined and towers overthrown, were driven by commposition to escape with life & limb, to surrender the City to the two kings. another great help, to the Christians in winning the City was this. In the said City of Achon there was a secret Christian among the Saracens, who in time of the siege there, used at sundry times to cast over the walls into the camp of the Christians certain bills written in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, wherein he disclosed to the Christians, from time to time, the doings and counsels of the enemies, advertising them how and what way they should work, 
An honest part of a secret Christian in the city of Achon.  & what to beware. And always his letters began thus: In nomine patris, & filii, & spiritus sancti. Amen. By reason whereof the Christians were much advantaged in their proceed. But this was a great heaviness unto them, that neither he would utter his name, or when the City was got they could ever understand who he was. Ex Chronico manuscripto, De gestis Richardi.  
To make of a long siege a short narration, upon the 12. day of july the year aforesaid, the Princes and captains of the Pagans, upon agreement resorted to the tent of the Templaries, and to common with the two kings touching peace, & giving up of their city: the form of which peace was this: 
The form of peace concluded between the Kings and the Princes of Achon.  That the kings should have the city of Achon freely, and fully delivered to them with all which was therein, and five hundredth captives of the Christians should be restored to them, which were in Achon. Also the holy Cross should be to them rendered, and a thousand Christian captives, with 2. hundredth horsemen, whosoever they themselves would choose out of all them which were in the power of Saledine. Over and besides, they should give to the kings 200. thousand Bysants, so that they themselves would remain as pledges in the king's hands, for the performance hereof, that if in xl. days these foresaid covenances were not accomplished, they would abide the king's mercy touching life and limb. 
covenances made in giving up the city of Achon.  These covenances being agreed upon, the kings sent their soldiers and servants into the City, to take a C. of the richest and best of the City, to close them up in towers under strong keeping, and the residue they committed to be kept in homes and streets, ministering to them according to their necessities: to whom notwithstanding this they permitted, that so many of them as would be baptized & receive the faith of Christ, should be free to go whether they would. 
Religion would be taught and not coacted.  Whereupon many there were of the Pagans, which for fear of death, pretended to be baptized, but afterward so soon as they could, revolted again to the Saladine. For the which it was afterward commanded by the kings, that none of them should be baptized against their wills.  
The 13. day of the said month of july, 
The two kings divide the city of Achon, with all the spoil thereof between themselves. Commonly seen, who so taketh most pains, their part to be the least. Many of the Christian soldiers for need were constrained to departed from Achon.  King Philip of France, and king Richard, after they had obtained the possession of Achon, divided between them, all things therein contained, as well the people as gold & silver, with all other furniture what soever was remaining in the City: who in dividing the spoil were so good carvers to themselves, that many Knights and Barons with other soldiers, who had there sustained the whole travail 2. years together about the siege, seeing the kings to take all to themselves and there part to be but little, retracted themselves without the uttermost trench, and there after consultation had together, sent word to the kings that they would leave and forsake them, unless they were made partakers also of the gains, for the which they had so long travailed. To whom answer was sent again by the kings, that their wills should be satisfied. How beit because of long differing of their promise, many constrained by poverty departed from them.  
The xx. day of july king Richard speaking with the French king, 
K. Richard requireth of the French king to remain three years with his army, but he would not.  desired him that they two with their armies, would bind themselves by oath to remain there still in the land of Jerusalem the space of 3. years, for the winning and recovering again of those countries. But he would swear (he said) no such oath: and so the next day after K. Richard with his wife and sister entereth into the city of Achon, and placed there himself in the kings Palace: the French K. remaining in the houses of the Templaries, where he continued till the end of that month. So about the beginning of the month of August, Philip the French king, after that he and king Richard had made agreement between Guido and Conradus the Marquis, about the kingdom of Jerusalem, went from Achon to Tyrus: notwithstanding king Richard, & all the Princes of the Christian army with great entreaty desired him to tarry, showing what a shame it were for him to come so far, & now to leave undone that, for which he came, & on the 3. of August from Tyrus departed, leaving his half part of the city of Achon in the hands of the foresaid Conradus Marques. After whose departure the Pagans refused to keep their covenants made, who neither would restore the holy cross nor the money, nor their captives, sending word to king Richard, that if he beheaded the pledges left with him at Achon, they would chop of the heads of such captives of the christians: which were in their hands. Shortly after this the Saladine sending great gifts to king Richard, requested the times limited for beheading of the captives to be prorogued: but the king refused to take his gifts, and to grant his request. Whereupon the Saladine caused all the christian captives within his possession forthwith to be beheaded: 
Christian captives slai● 〈◊〉 the Saladine.  which was the xviii. day of August. which albeit K. Richard understood, yet would not he prevent the time afore limited for the execution of his prisoners, being the xx. day of August. 
The Saracen captives slain by k. Richard.  Upon which day he caused the prisoners of the Saracens, openly in the sight of the Saladines army to lose their heads: the number of whom came to two thousand and five hundredth, save only that certain of the principal of them he reserved for purposes & considerations, especially to make exchange for the holy cross, and certain other of the Christian captives.  
After this king Richard purposed to besiege the City of joppes. ●o hereby the way between Achou and joppes, near to a Town called Assur: Saladine with a great multitude of his Saracens, came fiercely against the kings rearward, but through God's merciful grace; in the same battle the kings warriors acquitted them so well, that the Saladine was put to flight (whom the Christians pursued the space of three miles) & lost the same day many of his nobles and captains, 
Saladine put to flight.  in such sort (as it was thought) that the Saladine was not put to such confusion xl. years before: and but one Christian captain called james Avernus in that conflict was overthrown. 
A noble victory by God's power gotten by King Rich▪ against the Saracens.  From thence king Richard proceeding further went to jop and then to Ascalon, where he found first the city of joppes forsaken of the Saracens, who durst not abide the kings coming. Ascalon the Saladine threw down to the ground, & likewise forsook the whole land of Syria, through all which land the king had free passage without resistance: 
K. Richard in possession of Syria.  neither durst the Sarazen prince encounter after that with K. Richard. Of all which his achevances the said king Richard sent his letters of certificate as well into England, as also to the Abbot of Clara Ualle in France, well hoping that he (God willing) should be able to make his repair again to them by Easter next.   

A brief story of William Bishop of Ely the Kings Chancellor.  

The story of William the proud Bishop of Ely.  ANd now to leave king Richard a while in the field, let us make a step into England, and look a little what is done at home while the king was abroad, and so return to the king again. Ye heard before how king Richard at his setting forth, committed the government of the realm to Hugo Bishop of Durham, and to William Bishop of Ely, so that to the bishop of Durham was committed the keeping of the Castle of Wyndsore: the other, which was the Bishop of Ely, 

Vt justè iudicarent ●lerum & populum, verba hist.  
Four chief justices with two Bishops appointed overseers of the Realm in the king's absence.   had the keeping of the tower of London, about which he caused a great ditch with a rampear to be cast, which is yet remaining. Furthermore to these 2. Bishops, the king also assigned 4. other chief justices, which jointly with them should have the hearing and oversight of all causes as well to the clergy as the laity appertaining: to wit, Hugh Bardolfe, William Martial, Geffrey Peterson, and William Bruer. But the bishop of Ely was the principal, or at least, he that took most upon him. Who both was the kings Chancellor, and bought with his money to be the pope's Legate through England, Ireland, & Scotland, as is before specified. Touching the excessive pride and pomp of which Bishop, his ruffing outrageous, & fall most shameful, it would make a long tragedy to discourse the whole circumstances at full: Only to demonstrate certain specialties thereof for our present purpose, it may suffice.  


William Longchamp B. of Ely, Lord chancellor, and the pope's Legat.  
The church and bells of York suspended because the Lord Legate was not set in with procession.   First, this William called Longchamp being thus advanced by the king to be his high Chancellor, and chief justice of the realm, and also the pope's Legate, to show abroad the authority of his Legatshyp, began to suspend the Canons, Clerks, & Uicares of the Church of s. Peter in York, because they received him not with procession: under which interdiction he held them, till they were fain at last, both Canons, Clerks, and Uicares to fall down at his foot, causing all their bells to be let down out of the steeple. After this cometh Hugo bishop of Durham, whom the king sent home out of Normandy with his letters, who meeting with the foresaid William Bishop of Ely in the town of Blye, showed him the kings letters, wherein was granted to him the keeping of Windsor Castle, and to be the kings justice from the river of Humber, to the borders of Scotland. To the which letters the Chancellor answered, that the king's commandment should be done, and so brought him with him to Suwell, 
Bysh. of Ely getteth the ca●tel of Wyndsore from the b. of Durham. Hugo Bishop of Durham vexed by W. Bishop of Ely.  where he took him and kept him fast, till he was forced at last to surrender to him the Castle of Wyndsore, & other things which the king had committed to his custody, & moreover was constrained to leave with the said Chancellor Henry de Puteaco his own son, & Gilbert Ley for pledges & hostages of his fidelity, to be true to the king and the realm. And thus the bishop of Durham being set at liberty, went to his town of Hoveden. Where after he had made his abode a few days, cometh thither Osbert Longchamp the Chancellors brother, and William Stutivill, with a great company of armed men sent by the Chancellor to apprehend him. But the said Bishop of Durham putting in sureties not to departed that town without the licence of the king & of the Chancellor, there still remained, till he got letters to be sent to the King, signifying how he was used. Whereupon the king writing his letters from Marsilia to the bish. of Ely, set the said bishop of Durham free, & confirmed to him all the possessions and grants that he before had given him.  
It is almost incredible to think how intemperately this bishop and Chancellor misused himself after the king's departure into Syria in excess of pride, 
The excessive pride and enormities of W●●shop of E●●.  and in cruel exactions and oppressions of the kings subjects. First his fellow justices, whom the king joined with him for government of the realm, he utterly rejected & refused to hear their counsel, reputing none to be equal with him in all the realm. Neither was he contented with the authority of a Prelate, but played both king and priest in the realm. All Castles, Lordships, abbeys, Churches, and all other appropriations belonging to the right of the king, he claimed to himself, and by virtue of his Legatship, when he came to any bishops house, Abbay, Priory, or any other Religious house, he brought with him such a superfluity of men, horses, dogs, & hawks, that the house was worse for it 3. years after. 
Bishop of Ely never road under a 1500▪ horse  For commonly he road never under a 1500. horses of chaplains, Priests, and other serving money waiting upon him. From the clergy & laity he took away their Churches, their vow●ans, their livings, and lands, to bestow upon his nephews, & other waiting chaplains to serve his vain glory, 
His 〈◊〉  or else converted them to his own use, to maintain his pomp & vanity. In getting and gathering of treasures he had no measure, in misspending the same he kept no order. And that no vice should be wanting where such avarice taketh root, the money which he wrongfully got, he committed to the bank, 
His vs●ry.  to be increased by usury. What wantonness and lasciviousness was used in that so riotous life, the stories do shame to declare it. 
His riotous and delicate life.  All ruffenly runagates, idle belies, & light persons, wheresoever he went, hanged upon his Court. To increase the vain jollity of this royal Prelate, there was lacking no kind of Musical instruments & melodious noise, to refresh belike his wearied senses to much beaten and macerated with continual labour and study of hunting, hawking, and gaming: of preaching, and reading I should have said.  
Briefly this foresaid Prelate, 
The Bishop of Ely playeth both king & priest  bearing the authority both of the king and of the pope, kept such a stir in England, that all the whole realm was at his beck, with cap and knee crouching to him, Neither durst any man rich or poor displease him. Yea none in all the realm so noble or worshipful, but was glad to please him, accounting themselves happy if they might stand in his favour. At his table all noble men's children did serve and wait upon him, with whom he coupled in marriage his nieces and kinswomen. And when any that stood waiting before him, durst once cast up his eyes, or did not dimurely look downward upon the ground, he had a staff in hand with a prick, wherewith he used to prick them, learning belike by the carter his father, 
〈◊〉. Bish. of Ely guarded with French men & Flemings.  which used at the plough or cart to drive his oxen. Furthermore, as kings use to have their guard about them, so he because he would not also be ungarded, refusing men of the English nation, had his waiters and warders most of Frenchmen and flemings.  
It happened after this, 
Anno. 1191.  in the year 1191. that a great discord rose between john Earl of Morton the king's brother, with other states of the realm, 

A general complaint to the K. of W. Bish. of Ely.  
Of these four associates read the page before.  s  and the said William bishop of Ely, so that universally they all wrote over to the king concerning the misgovernment & enormities of the said Bishop. Who understanding of the case, sent from Mesiana into Eng. Walter archb. of Rouen, and William marshal Earl, unto the Bish. of Ely with letters, commanding him that in all his doings he should associate unto him the said Archb. of Rouen, W. marshal, Geoffrey Peterson, W. Bruer, and Hugh Bardolfe above mentioned. Who when they came into England, durst not deliver their letters, dreading the displeasure of the Chancellor: for he despised all the commandments of the king, nor would suffer any fellow to join with him in his kingdom.  
Hitherto have you heard of the glorious vanity of this lordly Legate and Chancellor of the realm, now ye shall hear of his shameful fall, after his shameless exaltation. For shortly after this followeth another breach between the said Earl john the kings brother and him, 
Another dissension between john the king's brother & William Bish. of Ely.  about the besieging of the Castle of Lincoln. Concerning that which castle the said john sent him word, that unless he raised his siege the sooner from thence, he would send him away by force of sword. The bish. either not able to make his party good, or not daring to resist, thought best to fall to some composition with the Earl, and so did. In which composition, he was contented against his will, by mediation of divers bishops and others, to make surrender, not only of the castle of Lincoln, but also of Nottingham, of Tickhill, Walingford & many more, which were then committed to the custody of sundry men of worship and honour. And thus was that controversy agreed, wherein the bishop of Ely began a little to be cut shorter.  
It followed then not long after in the same year, that another like business began to kindle between Geffrey the Archb. of York the King's brother, 
Another broil between the Chancellor and Geffray Archbish. of York the king's brother.  and the foresaid glorious bishop of Ely, upon this occasion. Ye heard before how the king at his setting out, left order that Earl john and Geffrey his brethren, should not enter into the realm the space of three years after his departure (howbeit his brother john was shortly after released of that bond:) and also after that how K. Richard being at Messana, sent his mother Alinore to the Pope for his brother Geffrey (elected before to the See of York) to be consecrated Archbishop. whereupon the said Geffrey being consecrated through licence of Pope Celestine by the Archb. of Turon, the said Geffrey ●●●●oones after his consecration differred no time, but would needs come into England. Whereof the bishop of Ely having intelligence, sent him word being at Wissand in Flaunders not to presume to adventure into the realm, contrary to his oath made to K. Richard before: commanding moreover, that if he came, he should be apprehended. All which notwithstanding the Archb. letted not for all that, but needs would repair to his sea, & so arrived at Dover in the month of September, where the Chancelours men stood on the sea side to apprehend him. But he by changing his apparel and swiftness of his horse escaped their hands, & came to the monks house of Dover. But the chancellors men whom he sent to take him, beset the church of the Monks round about, so that in no wise he could avoid their hands.  

The cruel handling of Geffray Archbish. of York, by the B. of Ely the Pope's ●egate and Chancellor of England.  To make the story short, as the archb. on a day, when he had said mass was standing at the altar, with his garments yet about him, the rude soldiers having little good manners, & less devotion, spared not boldly to rush into the church, and there laid hands upon the Archb. as he stood: took him, bound him & dragged him through dirt & mire, (and as we use to say) through thick and thin, and so committed him to Matthew Clerk their constable to be kept: whereat the people greatly disdained, seeing him that was a king's son, and the brother of a king so to be entreated. The hearing whereof when it came to the ●ares of Earl john his brother, he being not a little offended therewith, sent to know of the Chancellor whether this was his doing or not. To whom when the Chancellor sent answer again, & stoutly confessed the fact to be his, than the Earl sent commandment that his brother should be delivered, 
Geffray Archb. of York delivered out of prison by commandment of Earl john his brother.  and so he was. Who then coming to London, made his complaint to the Earl his brother, and to other nobles of the realm, of the injuries done to him by the Chancellor. Whereupon the Earl sent for the said Chancellor, & appointed a day peremptory for him to appear before the whole body of the Counsel, to make answer to such injuries as he had done, both to the Archb. of York, and also to the bishop of Durham above mentioned. But the Chancellor driving of the time with delays, would neither come nor send. Then the Earl with the Bishops about him, made their journey toward London, to have the matter there handled in greater audience.  

A skirmish between the servants of the B. of Ely and the servants of Earl john.  The Chancellor seeing that, withdrew himself from Windsor to the City of London. Where by the way it happened that the servants of the Earl and of the Chancellor, meeting, did skirmish together. In which fray one of the Earls family was slain, but yet his men had the better, and the Chancellor with his men were put to flight, and so fled to the tower, where they did hide themselves. The next day after (which was about the 12. day of October) Earl john the king's brother, and the Archb. of Rouen, with all the bishops, Earls and Barons, and citizens of London assembled together in Paul's Church, where many & great accusations were laid against the said Chancellor, 

The nobles assembled in counsel against the B. of Ely.  
The B. of Ely chancellor of the realm and Legate deposed.  
The B. of Ely resigneth his Castles.   so that in fine it was agreed in that assembly, that the said Chancellor should be deposed, and in his place was substitute the Archb. of Rouen, according to the tenor of the kings letters sent from Messana, which was, that certain other persons should be associated with the Chancellor for the government of the realm, by whose counsel if he would not be directed, the Arch. of Rouen should be set in his place, and he to be deposed. The third day after this, the Chancellor firmly promised, not to departed out of the realm before he had delivered out of his hands all such castles, the keeping whereof he co●mmitted to certain foreigners and strangers, & for assurance thereof, he gave his two brethren and Chamberlain for pledges, and so went to Canterbury, where he said he would take the cross of a Pilgrim's, and leave the cross of his Legateship.  
Now when he was come to the Castle of Dover, and there had remained a few days, contrary to his promise made, his purpose was to take ship, and to pass over the Seas. 
The B of Ely clotheth himself in a woman's apparel.  And because he durst not do it openly, he devised a new kind of disguising, decking himself in the apparel of a woman, and so as gouty as he was, went to the sea side in his woman's weed, having in his hand a met yard, and on his arm a piece of linen cloth. And thus as he was sitting upon a rock waiting for his ship to come, and to convey him over, a certain fisherman cipying him, and supposing the same to be a harlot, came to him, & so with struggling with him, found him, as he was in deed to be a man in likeness of a woman. Whereat he wondered, and began to make an outcry upon him. But the bishop's servants being not far off, came running and stilled him as well as they could.  
The fisherman then going to the next village, 
A Fisherman taketh the B. of Ely to be a woman.  & there belike declaring what he had s●ne, to try out the matter further, came out certain women, who seeing the linen cloth hanging at his arm, began to question with him of the price of his cloth, & what he would take for it. But to this he would answer never a word, but smiled upon them. Whereat they musing with themselves, & whispering one with another, 
The B. of Ely in a woman's apparel found to be a man.  at last with their hands were so bold to pluck down his nui●●ler, and there by his beard new shaven, found him in deed to be a man, & so with a loud exclamation raised the village upon him, and would have fallen upon him with stones. Then came running a great multitude both of men and women, who wondering at him, as birds are wont at an Owl, 
Baited of women by the Seas side.  laid hands upon him, and plucked him down to the ground, hailing & drawing him by the sleeves and collar of his gown through stones and rocks, whereby he was shrewdly hurt. His servants once or twice made out to rescue their old master, or new mistress, but could not for the press of the people, who beating him with their fists, 

Cast in a dark cellar in stead of a prison.  
Set at liberty by john Earl of Morton.   and spitting at him, drew him through the whole town, and so with shame enough at length laid him in a dark cellar in stead of a prison. Of whom all the country about wondered & cried out. In conclusion Earl john hearing thereof, within 8. days after sent word, that they should deliver him, and let him go.  
The bishop then set at liberty, 
The B of Ely giveth lx. marks to be received with procession.  sailed over as he could, to Flaunders, where he had but cold welcoming. From thence he went to Paris, where he gave Mauricius their bishop 60. Marks of silver, to be received in, with procession, & so he was. Then returned he into Normandy. But the Archbishop of Rouen there gave commandment, that the Church doors should be locked, and no service said so long as he there remained. 
The Bish. of Ely complaineth to the King and the Pope.  The bishop seeing that, directeth his letters and messengers to Pope Celestine, and also to king Richard into Syria, signifying to them how john the earl of Morton and his complices had handled him, and expulsed him out of the realm, requiring that he might be restored again to that was taken from him: and also offering himself to be tried by the law for that he had done, so that if the king should dislike in any thing that he had done, he was ready to satisfy the king's contentation in all things wherein justly he could be charged.  
Upon this pope Celestine inflamed with an Apostolical zeal in the behalf of the said Bishop of Ely his Legate, 
The letter of Pope Celestine, in the behalf of the Bish. of Ely his Legate.  wrote a sharp and thundering letter to the Archb. bishops, and prelate's of England, commanding them by his authority Apostolical, that for so much as the injuries done to his Legate, did redound to the contumely of the whole mother church of Rome, they should not fail therefore, but with severe censures of the Church, that is, with book, bell, and candle, proceed as well against the foresaid john Earl of Morton, as also all other, who so ever had, or should attempt any violence or injury against the said his legate B. of Ely, with no less severity, then if the said injury should be offered to the person of the Pope himself, or any other of his brethren the Cardinals. etc.  
The bishop of Ely the pope's Legate, 
The B. of Ely bold upon the Pope's favour.  bearing himself bold upon the favour and letters of the Pope which took his part, writeth to Henry B. of Lincoln, charging & requiring, that he in virtue of obedience should execute the Pope's sentence & mandate, in excommunicating all such as were offenders in that behalf, 
The names of many which stood against the B. of Ely appointed to be excommunicated.  & there reciteth the names of divers against whom he should proceed, as the Archb. of Rouen, y● B. of Wint. W. Marshal, Geffrey Peterson, Bruer, and Bardo●f, the Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Mellent, Gilbert Basset, the Archdeacon o● Oxford, and especially Hugh B. of Coventry. Also M. Benet, & Steven Riddle, Chancellor to Earl john the king's brother, to the which Earl he reserved a further day of respite, before he should be excommunicate, with a number of other more beside these. Howbeit the said B. of Ely could find none to execute this commandment of the Pope. Then they with a general consent wrote again to K. Richard, complaining of the intolerable abuses of the said B. his Chancellor. In like sort the said Chancellor also complaining of them, 
The Bish▪ of Ely complaineth to the king of the Earl of Morton his brother.  wrote his letters to the king, signifying how Earl john his brother, went about to usurp his kingdom, & would also shortly set the crown upon his own head, unless he made the more speed homeward. The king than was busy in repulsing the Saladine, and prepared to lay siege against Jerusalem, and got Sclavonia, with divers other towns from the Saracens, which was in the year of our Lord 1192. having divers conflicts in the mean space with the Saladine, 
Anno. 1192.  and ever put him to the worse. As the king thus was preparing to lay his siege against jerusalem, the Saladine glad to fall to some composition with the king, sent unto him, that if he would restore to him again Sclavonia, in as good state as it was when he took it, he would grant to him, and to all Christians in the land of jerusalem truce for 3. years, and offered himself thereunto to be sworn. The king seeing the Duke of Burgundy and the frenchmen to shrink from him, and his own men to decay, and also his money & health to diminish, but especially for that he understood by the B. of Ely his Chancellor, the French king to set up john his brother to possess his kingdom, being counseled thereto by the Templaries, took the truce offered of the Saracens, & so began to draw homeward.  
In this mean while much grudge and strife increased more and more between the B. of Ely, 
Strife between the B. of Ely & the Archb. of Rouen.  and the archbishop of Rouen above specified, in so much that the Archb. being excommunicate, sent up his Clerks to Pope Celestine to complain of the Bishop. But the Pope ever stood in his purgation. 
Pope Celestine standeth in excuse of the Bish. of Ely.  At last he sent two of his Cardinals, to wit, Ottomannus Bishop of Hostia, and jordanus de fossa nova, to break the strife between the B. of Ely, and the Archbishop of Rouen.  
After this, king Richard being taken, and in the custody of Henry the Emperor, the B. of Ely resorting to him, was sent by him into England to Alinor his mother, 
The Bish. of Ely with the kings letters cometh again into England.  and other nobles. Who then returning into England again, not as chancellor, nor as Legate (as he said) but as ● simple plain Bishop, so by that means was received. Ex Matt. Paris. Et ex alijs incerti nominis manuscriptis codicibus.  
But of this vain glorious prelate enough & too much. Now to return again to Richard, 
What discord doth.  concerning whose worthy acts done abroad in getting of Cyprus, Achon & Ptolemaida in pacifying joppes etc. partly is spoken of before. Many other valiant & famous acts were by him and the French king achieved, and more should have been, had not those two kings falling into discord, dissevered themselves: 
The french king returneth from Palestina.  by reason whereof Philip the French king returned home again within short space. Who being returned again eftsoons invaded the country of Normandy, exciting also john the brother of king Richard to take on him the kingdom of England in his brother's absence. Who then made league (upon the same) with the French king, and did homage unto him, which was about the fourth year of king Richard. Who then being in Syria, & hearing thereof made peace with the Turks for 3. years. And not long after, 
Ann. 1193.  king Richard the next spring following returned also. Who in his return driven by distress of weather about the parties of Histria, 
K Richard returneth from Palestina.  in a town called Synaca, was there taken by Limpold duke of the same country, and so sold to the Emperor for 60000. marks. Who for no small joy thereof, writeth to Philip the French king these letters here following.  
The letter of the Emperor to Philip the French king, concerning the taking of king Richard.  
HEnricus dei gratia Romanorum Imperator, & semper Augustus, dilecto & speciali amico suo Philippo, illustri Francorum Regi salutem, & sincerae dilectionis affectum.  
Quoniam Imperatoria celsitudo non dubitat regalem magnificentiam tuam laetiorem effici, de universis quibus omnipotentia creatoris nostri nos ipsos & Rom. imperium honoraverit & exaltaverit, nobilitati tuae tenore praesentium declarare duximus, quòd inimicus imperij nostri & turbator regni tui Rex Angliae, quum esset in transeundo mare ad partes suas reversurus, accidit ut ventus rupta navi sua in qua ipse erat, induceret eum in parts Histriae, ad locum qui est inter Aquileiam & Venetias. Vbi Rex Dei permissione passus naufragium, cum paucis evasit. Quidam itaque fidelis noster comes Maynardus de Gooxce, & populus regionis illius audito quòd in terra erat, & considerato diligentiùs qualem nominatus Rex in terra promissionis, proditionem & traditionem, & perditionis suae cumulum exercuerat, insecuti sunt, intendentes eum captivare: Ipso autem rege in fugam converso, ceperunt de suis octo milites Postmodum processit Rex ad Burgum in Archiepiscopatu Salseburgensi, qui vocatur Frisorum, ubi Fridericus de Betesow, rege cum tribus tantùm, versus Austriam properante, noctu, sex milites de suis cepit. Delectus autem consanguineus noster Limpoldus Dux Austriae, obseruata strata, saepe dictum Regem juxta, Denam in villa vicinori in domo despecta captivauit. Cum itaque in nostra nunc habeatur potestate, & ipse semper tua molestavit, & turbationis operam praestiterit, ea quae praemisimus, nobilitati tuae insinuare curavimus, scientes ea d●●ectioni tuae beneplacita existere, animo tuo uberrimam importare laetitiam.  
Datum apud Ritheountum, V Kalendas januar.  
King Richard thus being traitorously, taken and sold to the Emperor by the duke of ostrich for 60000. marks, was there kept in custody a year ano iii. months. In some stories it is affirmed, that K. Richard returning out of Asia, came to Italy with prosperous wind, where he desired of the pope to be absolved from an oath made against his will, and could not obtain it. And so letting out from thence toward England, passing by the country of Conradus the Marquis, whose death (he being slain a little before) was falsely imputed by the French king, to the king of England, and there traitorously was taken as is before said by Limpoldus Duke of ostrich. Albeit in an other story I find the matter more credibly set forth, which saith thus that king Richard slew the brother of this Limpoldus, playing with him at chess in the french king's court. And Limpoldus taking his vantage was more cruel against him, 
Confederacy of the French 〈◊〉 and Earl john against king Richard. Earl john besieged a● Wyndsore  and delivered him, as is ●aid, to the Emperor. In whose custody he was detained, during the time above mentioned, a year and 3. months. During the which time of the king's endurance, the French king in the mean season stirred war in Normandy. And Earl john the king's brother made stir and invaded England, but the barons and bishops of the land mightily withstood him. And besieged him in the Castle of Windsor, where they took from him all the castles & munitions, which before he had got. Thus the Earl seeing no hope to prevail in England, & suspecting the deliverance of the king his brother made in to France, & kept with the French king. At length it was so agreed and concluded with the Emperor, that K. Rich. should be released for 14000. pounds. Of the which money part should remain to the duke of ostrich, the rest should be the Emperors. The sum of which money was here gathered & made in England, of chalices, crosses, shrines, candlesticks and other church plate, also with public contribution of friars, abbeys, and other subjects of the realm. Whereof part was presently paid, & for the residue remaining, hostages and pledges was taken: 
Anno. 1195.  which was about the 5. year of his reign. And then it was obtained of the Pope that priests might celebrate with chalices of latin and tin. 
Ex Chro●●● cui titulus Eulogium.  And so was granted & continued long after, which mine author (in his Chronicle entitled Eulogium) doth testify himself to have scene. At what time this foresaid money was paid, and the hostages given for the ransom of this king. I have an old story that saith how the foresaid duke of ostrich shortly after was plagued by God with v. sundry plagues: First with burning of his chief towns. Secondly, with the drowning of x. M. of his men in a flood happening no man could tell how. 
The just punishment 〈◊〉 God upon the Duke● ostrich.  Thirdly, by turning all the ears of his corn field into worms. Fourthly, by taking away almost all the Nobles of his land by death. Fiftly, by breaking his own leg, falling from his horse, which leg he was compelled to cut off with his own hands, & after died upon the same. Who then at his death is said to forgive K. Richard 50000. Marks, & sent home the hostage, that was with him, ex varijs Chron. The book entitled Eulogium before mentioned, declareth thus, that the said Limpoldus Duke of ostrich fell in displeasure with the bishop of Rome, 
An. 1196.  and died excommunicate, the next year after. An. 1196.  
Thus the said King Richard being ransomed, as hath been declared from the covetous captivity of the Emperor, was restored again, and made his repair into England. At whose return, Earl john his brother resorting to him with humble submission: desired to be pardoned of his transgressions. 
The answer of k. Richard to his brother.  To whom king Richard answering again: would God (saith he) this your trespass, as it dieth with me in oblivion, so it may remain with you in remembrance. And so gently forgave him. And after he had again recovered his holds and castles, caused himself to be crowned again. Which done, he made his power against the French king, and drove him out of Normandy. After that he turned his voyage against the Welshmen, and subdued them.  
The next year following: 
Anno. 1197.  which was the 1197. year of the Lord, Philip the french king broke truce made between him and king Richard, whereupon the king was compelled to sail over again to Normandy to withstand the malice of his enemy. About which time, my story recordeth of one called of some Fulco: some say, he was the Archbishop of Roan called Gualther. This Fulco being then in England, and coming to the king's presence, said unto him with great courage & boldness. Thou hast O mighty King, 
3. daughters of the king ●oted.  three daughters very vicious and of evil disposition: take good heed of them, and betimes provide for them good husbands: lest by untimely bestowing of the same, thou shalt not only incur great hurt and damage, but also utter ruin and destruction to thyself. To whom the king in a rage said: Thou lying and mocking hypocrite, thou knowest not where thou art, or what thou sayest: I think thou art mad or not well in thy wits, for I have never a daughter as all the world knoweth, and therefore thou open li●r get thee out of our presence. To whom Fulco answered: no, and like your grace I lie not, but say truth: for you have three daughters, which continually frequent your court, and wholly possess your person: and such three whores & naughty packs as never the like hath been heard off. I mean mischievous pride, greedy covetousness and filthy luxurity. And therefore again I say, O king, beware of them, and out of hand provide marriages for them, lest in not so doing, thou utterly undo both thyself and all the whole realm.  
The which his words, the King took in good part: with correction of himself, & confession of the same. Whereupon incontinently he called his Lords and Barons before him, unto whom he declared the commoning and monition of Fulco, who had willed him to beware of his three daughters: pride, avarice, and luxury, with counsel out of hand to marry them: lest further discommodity should ensue both to him and the whole realm, whose good counsel (my Lords) I intend to follow, not doubting of all your consents thereunto. Wherefore here before you all, I give my daughter swelling pride to wife, to the proud Templars: my greedy daughter avarice to the covetous order of the Cistercian Monks, and last of all, my filthy daughter luxury, to the riotous prelate's of the Church, whom I think to be very meet men for her: and so severally well agreeing to all their natures, that the like matches in this our Realm are not to be found for them. And thus much concerning Fulco.  
Not long after this, it befell that a certain noble parsonage (Lord of Lemonice in little Britain, Widomarus by name) found a great substance of treasure both of gold and silver hid in the ground: whereof a great part he sent to king Richard, as chief Lord and Prince over the whole country. 
He that all would have, shall all forego.  Which the king refused, saying, he would either have all or none, for that he was the principal chieftain over the land. But the finder would not condescend to that. Wherefore the king laid siege to a Castle of his called Galuz, thinking the treasure to lie there. But the keepers and warders of the castle, seeing themselves not sufficient to withstand the king, offered to him the castle, desiring to departed with life and armour. To this the king would in no wise grant, 
Covetous greediness plagued.  but bid them to re-enter the castle again, and to defend it in all the forcible wise they could. It so befell, that as the King with the Duke of Brabant went about the castle, viewing the places thereof: a soldier within, 
The death of k. Richard the first.  named Bertandus Cordoun, struck the king with an arrow in the arm, whereupon the iron remaining and festering in the wound, the king within 9 days after died: who because he was not content with the half of the treasure that another man found, lost all his own treasure that he had. The king being thus wounded caused the man that struck him, to be brought unto him, and asked the cause of him, why he so wounded him. Who answered again (as the story sayeth) that he thought to kill rather than to be killed. And what punishment soever he should sustain, he was content, so that he might kill him, which had before killed his father and brethren. 
K. Richard forgiveth him that killed him. Ex bibliotheca Cariensi. Ex Gualtero Hemyngford, monacho Gisbur●ensi. Vain fear of purgatory  The king hearing his words, freely forgave him, and caused an hundredth shillings to be given him. Albeit (as the story addeth▪) after the death of the king, the duke of Brabance, after great torments caused him to be hanged. Ex historia Regis Richardi 2. cui initium. De patre istius Bruti. etc. The story of Gisburne sayeth, that the killer of king Richard, coming to the French king, thinking to have a great reward, was commanded to be drawn a sunder with horse, and his quarters to be hanged up.  
another story affirmeth, and Gisburn partly doth testify the same, that a little before the death of K. Richard: 3. Abbots of the order Cistercian came to him, to whom he was confessed. And when he saw them somewhat stay at his absolution, had these words: that he did willingly commit his body to the earth, to be eaten of worms: and his soul to the fire of Purgatory there to be tormented till the judgement, 
Ex jornal. Gisburnensi. & alijs.  in the hope of God his mercy. Ex jornalens. Gisburn. & alijs.  
About the reign of this king, the said jornalensis maketh mention of Roger archbish. of York, which put out of his Church the Monks, 
Monks put ou●, and secular priests received.  and placed for them seculare Priests: saying that he would rather with Ecclesiastical benefices to be given to wanton Priests then to abominable Monks, & that Thurstinus did sin never worse in all his life, then in building that house for monks etc. Another story I have which saith, that this was the Bishop not of York, but of Coventrie.  
The king not long after departed without issue: and john his brother reigned after him: in whom, although some vices may worthily be reprehended: especially for his incontinent and too much licentious life, yet was he far from that deserving, for the which he hath been so il reported of divers writers: who being led more with affection of Popery, then with true judgement and due consideration, depraved his doings more than the sincere truth of the history will bear them. Concerning which history, after so many writers we thought also to bestow a little labour: although in this matter we can not be so long as I would, and as the matter requireth.   

King john.  
AFter the death of king Richard called Coeur de Lion, 
King john.  reigned his brother john Earl of Morton. Afterward the Archbishop put the crown on his head, and swore him to defend the church, and to maintain the same in her good laws, and to destroy the evil. And except he thought not in his mind to do this, the Archb. charged him, not to presume to take on him this dignity. And on Saint john Baptists day next following, king john failed into Normandy & came to Rouen: where he was royally received, and truce concluded between him & the French king for a time. And thither came to him the Earl of Flaunders, and all other Lords of France that were of K. Richard's band and friendship, and were sworn unto him.  
Not long after this, Philip the French king made Arthur Knight, 
Arthur of Britain.  and took his homage for Normandy, Britain, and all other his possessions beyond the sea: and promised him help against K. john. After this King john and the French king talked together with their Lords, 
A communication between the king of england and the French king.  about one hours space: And the French King asked so much land for himself and knight Arthur, that king john would grant him none, and so departed in wrath.  
The same year, a legate came into France, and commanded the King in pain of interdiction, to deliver one Peter out of prison, that was elect to a Bishopric, and thereupon he was delivered.  
And after that, the Legate came into England, & commanded K. john under pain of interdiction, to deliver the Archb. which he had kept as prisoner 2. years: which the King denied to do, till he had paid him 6000. marks. Because he took him in harness in a field against him, and swore him upon his deliverance, that he should never wear harness against any Christian man.  
This time, 
Marlage in the 3. degree forbidden by the pope  divorce was made between K. john and his wife, daughter of the Earl of Gloucester, because they were in the three degree of kindred. And after, by the counsel of the French king, 
Anno. 1200.  King john wedded Isabel daughter of the Earl of Anguilla, and then Arthur of Britain did homage to king john for Britain and other.  
At this time fell strife between K. john and Geoffrey the Archbishop of York for divers causes: first, because he would not suffer and permit the Sheriff of York in such affairs as he had to do for the King within his Diocese. Secondly, because he did also excommunicate the said sheriff. Thirdly, because he would not sail with him into Normandy, to make the marriage between jews the French kings son and his niece. etc.  
After this, 
Anno. 1202.  in the year of our Lord 1202. Philip the French king (in a communication between K. john and him) required: that the said K. john should departed with all his lands in Normandy and Pictavia which he had beyond the sea, unto Arthur his nephew, and that incontinent, or else he would war against him, and so did. For when king john denied that request, the next day following, the French king with the said Arthur, set upon certain of his towns and castles in Normandy, and put him to much disquietness. 
Nat. Paretti in vita joannis Regis.  But he (the Lord so providing, which is the giver of all victory) had such repulse at the Englishmens hands: that they pursuing the Frenchmen in their flight, did so follow them to their hold, & so enforced upon them: that not only they took the said Arthur prisoner with many other of the Frenchmen: but also gave such an overthrow to the rest, that none was there left to bear tidings home. 
Arthur.  This Arthur was nephew to king john, & son to Geffrey, which was the elder son to john. For king Henry the 2. (to make the matter more evident,) had viij. children: one W. which died in his childhood: the second Henry, which died also his father being yet alive: the third Geoffrey earl of Britain, which likewise deceased in his father's days, leaving behind him two children, Arthur & Brecca. The fourth, Richard coeur de Lion King: the v. john now reigning: and 3. other daughters besides. The same Arthur being thus taken in war, was brought before the King at the castle of Falesic in Normandy: who being exhorted with many gentle words to leave the French king, and to incline to his uncle, answered again stoutly & with great indignation: requiring the kingdom of England withal the other dominions thereto belonging, to be restored to him as to the lawful heir of the crown. By reason whereof he (provoking the kings displeasure against him) was sent to the tower of Rouen: where at length (whether by leaping into the ditch thinking to make his escape, or whether by some other privy hand, or by what chance else: it is not yet agreed upon in stories) he finished his life. By occasion whereof, the foresaid K. john was had after in great suspicion: whether justly or unjustly, the Lord knoweth.  
The year following, Historiographers writ that king john for lack of rescue, 
Anno. 1203.  lost all his holds and possessions in Normandy, through the force of the French king.  

Normandy lost and gotten by the French men.  After these losses, came other troubles upon him: with other as great or more greater enemies (that is with the Pope and his Popelings) by occasion of choosing of the Archb. of Cant. as in this history followeth by Christ his grace, to be declared.  
The year of our Lord 1205. about the month of july, Hubert the Archbishop of Canterbury deceased, 
Anno. 1205.  whose decease after it was in Cant. to the Monks known: and afore his body was yet committed to the earth: the younger sort of the monks there gathered themselves together at midnight, 
Striving for the election of the Archb. of Cant.  and elected their superior Reignold, and without the king's licence or yet knowledge privily placed him in the Metropolicall seat, singing Te deum at midnight. And because the king should not make their election of none effect, they charged him by virtue of his oath to keep all secret by the way, and to show nothing what was done before he came to the pope: but he contrary to his oath, so soon as he came in Flanders opened all abroad the matter, and uttered their counsel: whereupon the monks being not a little aggrieved with him, sent him privily to the court of Rome out of hand. The next day, the elder monks sent to the king: desiring him of his gracious licence Canonically to choose their Archb. The king most gently & favourably granted their petition: requiring them instantly and desiring, that for his sake they would show favour to john Gray then B. of Norwich, as they did in deed: erecting him into that seat of their high primacy. Moreover, because the authority of kings and princes was then but small in their own dominion without the Pope's consent, & confirmation to the same: he sent also to Rome of his own charges, to have the foresaid election ratified by the pope. The suffragans of Canterbury then (being not a little offended at these two elections) sent speedily to Rome to have them both stopped: for that they, had not been of counsel with them. And hereupon at the last grew a most prodigious tumult.  
The next year after, the suffragans of the province of Canterbury on the one side, 
Anno. 1206.  and the Monks of Canterbury on the other side: came afore the Pope with their brawling matter. 
Prelates of the Church had them money enough belike that they could keep play at Rome against their prince. Which thing caused the princes after to seek such means to cut them short.  First the Monks presenting Reignold their superior, desired that their election might be confirmed. The suffragans likewise complained that the Monks would presume to choose the Archbishop without their consent, and therefore desired by divers reasons the first election to be of none effect. The Pope deciding the matter between both, pronounced with the Monks, charging the suffragans and Bishops, to meddle no more with that election, but to let the monks alone. The monks of Cant. now having the whole election in their own hands, fell also at square among themselves, the younger sort with the elder. The younger sort which had chosen Reignolde their superior, would that election to stand. The elder sort of the Monks replied again, saying: that the first election was done by stealth and by night and by the younger part, also without the counsel of other monks: 
Anno. 1207.  over and besides it was done without the king's licence or appointment, and without the one solemnity thereunto belonging.  
And as concerning our election (said they) it was done in the clear light of the day, 
Disse●●● among the Mon●es 〈◊〉 Cant 〈◊〉 the elec●●● of the 〈◊〉  by which it had authority in presence of our liege Lord the king and his counsel being willing to the same.  
This allegation thus proponed: the suffragans proctor or man of law stood ●orth, & proved the former election to be good, and this latter, to be void and of no value, after this sort. Whether the first election (saith he) were just or unjust, ye ought first by the law to have condemned it, afore ye should have presumed to the second, but thus yet did not. Therefore is this your latter doing no election at all: and the first therefore is rather to be ratified than yours. When they had thus multiplied talk on both sides, with many frivolous allegations a long time, and could not agree upon one person: Pope Innocent condemned both their elections, commanding them to choose Stephen Langton, than Cardinal of S. Chrisogone for their Archb. The monks then answered, that they durst not so do, without consent of their king, and for that it was prejudicial to their ancient liberties. The Pope by and by (sayeth the text) as one in a fury, taking the words out of their mouths, said thus unto them. We will ye to know, that we have full power and authority over the church of Cant. neither are we wont to tarry the consent of princes: 
The pride and tyran●● of the Pope.  therefore we command you in pain of our great curse that ye chose him only whom we have appointed.  
The Monks at these words abashed and terrified, though they much murmured in their hearts, yet consented they all in one, 
Stephen Langton made archb. of Canterbury.  and thereupon sang Te Deum. Only doctor Helias Brantfield withdrew himself from that election, whom the king had sent for the admission of the Bishop of Norwich.  
Thus was Stephen Langton (in the high Church of Uiterby, by the pope's hand) made archbishop of Canterbury. From thenceforth therefore (saith Matthew Paris) the pope could do no less but mightily defend him from all vexation and danger: considering that he was his own dear darling, and a child of his own creation.  
Upon this occasion, king john conceived an exceeding displeasure against the Clergy, and Monks of Canterb. (as he had good cause) they doing so many evils against his Princely prerogative. Without his licence they elected their Archb. and put by the Bishop of Norwich, whom he had appointed. They wasted a great part of his treasure for the wars: and to bring all to the devil, they made Stephen Langton their high Metropolitan, whom he took for a grievous enemy unto the whole realm, being always so familiar with the French king. Wherefore in his anger he banished them out of the land, to the number of 64. for this their contumacy and contempt of his regal power.  
● The monks of Canterbury thus being expulsed, the king forthwith sendeth messengers to the Pope with his letters, wherein he doth sharply and expressly expostulate with the Pope: 
The king doth expostulate with the Pope 〈◊〉 consecrating Stephen Langton Archb. of Cant.  First, for that so uncourteously he repulsed the election of the bishop of Norwich, and set up one Stephen Langton, a man unknown to him, and brought up amongst his enemies a long time in the kingdom of France, consecrating him Archb. of Cant. and letting the other go. Also (which is more) it redoundeth to the subversion and derogation of the liberties appertaining to his crown: for notwithstanding his consent past (being before of the monks not made privy, which should so have done) yet he rashly presumed to promote and prefer another. Wherefore, he can not marvel (he saith) enough, that neither the said Pope, nor the Court of Rome doth consider and revolve with themselves, how necessary his love and favour hath been always hitherto to the sea of Rome: & that they consider not what great profit and revenues, hath proceeded hitherto to them out of the realm of Enland: the like whereof hath not been received out of any other country besides, on this side the Alpes. He addeth moreover and saith, that for his liberties he will stand (if need be) unto death, neither can he be so removed and shaken of from the election of the B. of Norwich, which he seethe to be so commodious to him and profitable. Finally, he thus concludeth, saying: that in no case in this his request he be not heard, he will so provide by the seas, that there shallbe no such gadding & coursing any more over to roam suffering the riches of the land no more to be transported over, whereby he should be himself the less able to resist his enemies. And seeing he hath of his own at home, archbishops, bishops, & other prelate's of the Church (both of English men & of other) sufficiently provided & instructed in all kind of knowledge: therefore he shall not need greatly to seek for judgement and justice farther abroad.  
When these came to the Pope's intelligence, he directeth letters to t●● king again in this form.  

The Pope's letters ans●●●ng K. John.  INnocentius P. servant of the servants of God, to our well-beloved son in Christ, the king of England health, & Apostolical blessing.  
Where as we have written to you heretofore, exhorting and entreating you after an humble, diligent, and gentle sort (concerning the Church of Cant.) you have written to us again after a threatening sort and upbraiding manner: both spitefully and also frowardly. And where, as we more and above that our right and duty required, 
It is pity but this Pope should be honoured of kings and princes.  have borne and given to you: you again for your part have given to us not so much as by right & duty you are bound to do. And though your devotion as you say, hath been to us very necessary, yet consider again that ours also is not a little opportune & expedient for you. And where as we, in such like cases have not showed at any time the like honour to any prince as we have unto you: you again have so much derogated our honour, as no prince else hath presumed to do besides you alone: pretending certain frivolous causes & occasions I cannot tell what, why you would not condescend to the election of Steven Langton Cardinal of S. Chrysogono, chosen by the Monks of Cant: for that the said Stephen as you say hath been conversant & brought up amongst your enemies, and his person to you unknown. But you know what is the proverb of Solomon: the net is cast, but in vain in the sight of the flying birds, etc.  

A pitiful case that a king cannot constitute an archb. within his own realm, who him most liketh.  With much other matter in the same Epistle, wherein he falleth into the commendation of Steven Langton his Cardinal, declaring how learned he was in the liberal arts, and in divinity, in so much he was p●ebendated at Paris: also come of an honest stock and an Englishman borne, and not unknown to the king, seeing the king had written his letters thrice to him before. Declaring moreover in the said letter, how the messengers of the King had specified to him an other cause: which was, for the the monks of Cant. which had to do in the election, came not to him before for his consent, declaring moreover in the said letter, how the said messengers of the king, entreated in the king's behalf: that for so much as the pope's letters (wherein the king was commanded to send his proctor's to Rome for the same matter) came not to the king's hand, neither did the Monks direct any such letters or message to the king to have his consent: therefore the Pope considering the same, would grant so much for the regard of the king's honour, that the monks of Cant. should not proceed without the king's assent therein. And for as much, as that hath not been done as yet, therefore they desired some delay therein to be given, sufficient for the doing thereof. whereunto he said, that he had granted, & fulfilled their request, in sending his letters and messengers once or twice to the king for the same purpose, although he said it was not the manner of the sea apostolic, (who had the fullness of power over the Church of Cant.) to wait for Prince's consents in such elections, who then could not be suffered to do that which they came for. wherefore in knitting up his letter, he thus concludeth in these words.  
And therefore seeing the matter so standeth, we see no cause why we should require or tarry for the king's favour, or consent any more therein: but intent so to proceed in this matter, neither inclining on the right hand nor on the left, according as the canonical ordinances of the holy fathers shall direct us: that is (that all impediments & delays set aside) so to provide, that the church of Canterbury be no longer destitute of her pastor. Wherefore be it known to your discretion or kingly prudence, that for so much as this election of Stephen Langhton hath orderly & concordely thus proceeded without fraud or deceit, upon a person meet for the same: therefore, we will not for no man's pleasure, neither may we without danger of fame and of conscience, defer or protract any longer the consummation of the said election. Wherefore my well beloved son, seeing we have had respect to your honour, above that our right and duty requireth: study to honour us so much as your duty requireth again, so that you may the more plentifully deserve favour, both at God's hands and ours: lest that by doing the contrary, you bring yourself into such a peck of troubles, as afterwards you shall scarce rid yourself of again. For this know for a certain, in the end it must needs fall out, that he shall have the better, unto whom every knee (of heavenly, earthly, and infernal creatures) doth bow: whose turn I serve in earth, though I be unworthy. Therefore settle not yourself to obey their persuasions, 
Note the proceed of this ambitious pope  which always desire your unquietness: whereby they may fish the better in the water when it is troubled: but commit yourself to our pleasure, which undoubtedly shall turn to your praise, glory, and honour. For it should not be much for your safety in this cause to resist God and the Church, in whose quarrel that blessed Martyr & glorious bishop Thomas hath of late shed his blood: 
Tho. Becket he meaneth.  especially seeing your father and your brother of famous memory, than kings of England, did give over those three wicked customs into the hands of the Legates of the see apostolic. 
Prince's must be subject to the pope.  But if you yield yourself humbly into our hands, we will look that you & yours shall be sufficiently provided for, that no prejudice may arise hereupon to you ward.  
Given at Laterane the x. year of our Popedom.  
Thus hast thou (Gentle Reader) the glorious letter of the proud Pope: I beseech thee mark it well. Now to the story.  
After this letter was sent out, not long after proceedeth a charge and commandment, sent into England, unto certain bishops there: requiring them by authority Apostolical, that if the said king would not receive the said Prior of Cant. & his monks, them they should interdict him throughout all his realm. For the executing whereof 4. Bishops were appointed by the usurped power of the pope's bulls: 
Four bishops appointed to interdict the realm.  namely william B. of London. Eustace B. of Ely, Walter B. of Winchester. and Giles B. of Herford. Which said four bishops went unto the king, and showed their commission from the pope as is abovesaid, willing him to consent thereto. etc.  
But the said king refused the same, and would by no means grant to their request. Whereupon the departing from his grace, went the morrow after the Annuntiation of our Lady, and pronounced the said general interdiction throughout all England: 
England interdicted by the pope.  so that the church doors were shut up with keys and other fasteninges, and with walls etc.  
Now when the king heard of this he begon to be moved against them, and took all the possessions of the 4. bishops into his hands: appointing certain men to keep the livings of the clergy throughout the realm, 
Discipline of the church abused for private revenge.  and that they should enjoy no part thereof. Which being done, the bishop's (seeing the same) cursed all them that kept or should meddle with Church goods, against the will of them that ought them: and understanding of all that, that the K. nothing regarded their doings, they went oversea to the Bishop of Canterbury, & informed him what had happened. Who hearing the same, willed them again to return to Caunterbury and he would come thither to them, or else sand certain persons thither in his steed, that should do as much as if he were there himself. Then when the bishops heard this, they returned again to England, to Caunterbury, which tidings came shortly to the K. that they were come again thither. And because he might not himself travail to them, he sent their Bishops, Earls, & Abbots to entreat them that the archb. Stephen whom he had chosen might be admitted, promising the Prior and all the Monks of Caunterbury in his behalf, that he should never take any thing of the church goods, against the will of them that own them, but would make amends to them of whom he had taken any such goods: and that the Church should have all her franchises in as ample manner as in S. Edward's time the Confessor it had.  
When the form of agreement was thus concluded, it was engrossed of pair Indentures, which the foresaid 4. Bishops, 
The inconsiderate stoutness of the prelate's against the king.  to the one part thereof set their seals: & the other part the said bishops, Earls & abbots, carried to show the king. When the K. saw the order thereof, he liked it well: saving he would not agree to make restitution of the church goods. So he sent to the 4. bishops again, that they should put out that point of restitution. But they answered stoutly that they would not put out one word. Then the king sent word to the Archb. by the 4. bishops, that he should come to Cant. to speak with him, and for his safe conduit to come and go again at his will: he sent his justices as pledges, Gilbert Peitevin, William de la Berever, and john Letfitz. Which thing thus done, 
Stephen Langhton stout against his king.  the Archb. Stephen came to Cant. and the K. (hearing thereof) came to Chilham: from whence he sent his treasurer the B. of Winchester to him, to have him put out of the indentures the clause of restitution aforesaid: who denying to alter any word of the same moved that k. in such sort, that immediately it was proclaimed throughout england at the kings commandment, that all those that had any churchliving and went over the sea, should come again into England a certain day, or else lose their livings for evermore. And further in that proclamation he charged all Sheriffs within the realm, to inquire if any Bishops, Abbots, Priors, or any other churchman (from that day forward) received any commandment that came from the pope, and that they should take his or their body and bring it before him. And also that they should take into their hands for the king's use, 
The king moved against the Archb. Langton  all the churchlands that were given to any man through the Archbishop Stephen, or by the prior's of Cant. from the time of the election of the Archb. And further charged, that all the woods that were the Archb. should be cut down and sold.  
When tidings came to the Pope that the K. had thus done, being moved thereby with fiery wrath● sent to the king two Legates (the one called Pandulph, 
Two legates sent from the Pope.  and the other Durant) to warn him in the pope's name that he should cease his doings to holy church, and amend the wrong he had done to the Archb. of Cant. and to the prior's & the monks of Cant. and to all the Clergy of England. And further, that he should restore the goods again that he had taken of them against their will, or else they should curse the K. by name: & to do this, the pope took them his letters in bulls patent. These two Legates coming into England, resorted to the king to Northhampton, 
Restitution required of the king.  where he held his Parliament, & saluting him, said: they came from the Pope of Rome, to reform that peace of holy church. And first said they we monish you in the pope's behalf, that ye make full restitution of the goods & of the land that ye have ravished holy church of: and that ye receive Stephen the Archb●. of Cant. into his dignity, and Prior of Cant. and his monks. And that ye yield again unto the Archb. all his lands and rents without any withholding. And sir, yet moreover, that ye shall make such restitution to them, as the Church shall thinkk sufficient,  
Then answered the K. as touching the Prior and his Monks of Cant. all that ye have said I would gladly do, and all thing else that ye would ordain: but as touching the Archb. I shall tell you as it lieth in my hart. Let the Archbishop leave his bishopric: and if the pope than shall entreat for him, peradventure I may like to give him some other bishopric in England. And upon this condition I will receive and admit him.  
Then said Pandulph unto the K. holy Church was wont never to disgrade Archb. without cause reasonable: but ever she was wont to correct princes that were disobedient to her.  
What? how now (quoth the K.) threaten ye me? Nay said Pandolph, but ye have now openly told us as it standeth in your hart: and now we will tell you what is the pope's will, and thus it standeth. He hath wholly interdicted & cursed you, for the wrongs ye have done to the holy church and to the Clergy. And forasmuch as ye will dwell still in your malice, and will come to no amendment, ye shall understand: that from this time forward, the sentences upon you given have force and strength. And all those that with you have commoned before this time, whether that they be Earls, Barons or Knights (or any other whatsoever they be) we assoil them safely from their sins unto this day. 
Sentence of the pope's curse pronounced against the king.  And from this time forward (of what condition soever they be) we accurse them openly: and specially by this our sentence, that do with you common. And we assoil moreover Earls, Barons, knights and all other manner of men of their homages, service, and sealties, that they should do unto you. And this thing to confirm, we give plain power to the B. of Winchester, and to the B. of Norwich. And the same power we give against Scotland to the B. of Rochester, & of Salisbury. And in Wales, we give the same power to the Bishops of S. David, and of Landaffe, and of S. Ass.  
Also Sir K. (quoth Pandolph (all the kings, princes and the great Dukes christened, 
The Pope author of rebellion and disobedience of subjects towards their prince.  have laboured to the pope to have licence to cross themselves, and to war against thee, as upon God's enemy, and win thy land, and to make K. whom it pleaseth the pope. And we here now assoil all those of their sins that will arise against thee here in thine own land.  
Then the K. hearing this, answered: What shame may ye do more to me then this.  
Pandolph again: we say to you in verbo Dei: that neither you nor any heir that you have, after this day shall be crowned. So the king said: by him that is almighty God, if I had known of this thing before ye came into this land, and that he had brought me such news: I should have made you tarry out these xii. months.  
Then answered Pandolph. Full well we thought (at our first coming) that ye would have been obedient to God, and to holy church: & have fulfilled the pope's commandment, which we have showed and pronounced to you, as we were charged therewith. And now ye say, that if ye had wiltthe cause of our coming, ye would have made us tarry out a whole year: which might as well say, that ye would have taken a whole years respite without the pope's leave: But for to suffer what death that ye can ordain, we shall not spare to tell you all the pope's message and will that he gave us in charge.  
In an other chronicle I find the words between the King and Pandolph something otherwise described as though the king should first threaten him with hanging if he had foreknown of his coming in. 
Like master like man.  To whom pandolph again should answer, that he looked for nothing else at his hand, but to suffer for the Churches right. Whereupon the K. being mightily incensed, departed. The k. the same tune being at Northhampton willed the sheriffs and bailiffs to bring forth all the prisoners there, that such as had deserved should be put to death: to the intent (as some think) to make Pandolfus afraid. Among whom was a certain Clerk, who for counterfeiting the king's coin, was also condemned to be hanged, drawn, & quartered. And moreover, by the king was commanded (thereby to anger Pandolfus, the more as may be thought) to be hanged up highest above the rest. Pandolphus hearing thereof, notwithstanding he somewhat began to fear lest he should be hanged himself, 
Pandolph worse ai● then hurt.  yet with such courage as he had, he went to the church to set out book, bell, and candle, charging that no man under pain of accursing, should lay hands upon the clerk. Upon this the K. and the Cardinal departed in no little anger. And Pandolfe went to Rome, & reported to the pope and the Cardinals what had been done.  
Then the pope summoned all the bishops, abbots, and clerks of England to come and repair to Rome, to consult what was to be done therein. This council began the first day of October. In the which council it was decreed by the pope and his assembly, that john king of England should be accursed with all such as held with him, every day so long as that Council endured. Albeit this was not yet granted, that the people should be crossed to fight against him, because as yet he had shed no blood. But afterward, the said Pope Innocent seeing that K. john by no means would stoop under his subjection, nor under the rule of his popish see, he sent unto the French king, upon remission of all his sins, and of all that went with him that he should take with him all the power he might, and so to invade the realm of England to destroy K. john.  
This occasion given, 
The Po●● great curse.  Pope Innocent yet once again commanded in pain of his great curse: that no man should obey King john, neither yet keep company with him: he forbade all persons to eat and drink with him, to talk with him: to commune or counsel with him: yea, his own familiar household to do him any kind of service, either at bed or at board: in church, hall or stable. And what followed thereof. The greater part of them which after such sort fled from him (by the ordinance of God) of divers and sundry diseases the same year died. And between both nations (English and French) sell that year great amity: 
The just punishment of God upon disobedient, subiecte●.  but secret, subtle, and false: to the bitter betraying of England. Neither was the pope content only with this, but moreover the said Pope Innocent gave sentence definitive (by counsel of his Cardinals) that King john should be put from his seat regal and deposed, and an other put in his room. And to the speedy execution thereof, he appointed the French king Philip, 
The Pope found a murderer.  promising to give him full remission of all his sins, & the clear possession of all the realm of England, to him and his heirs: if he did either kill him or expel him.  
The next year, 
Anno. 1212.  the French king began his attempt in hope of the crown of England: being well manned with the Bishops, Monks, Prelates, and Priests, and their servants to maintain the same: bragging of the letters which they had received from the great men there. 
French ship● taken by englishmen.  But behold the work of God: the English navy took 300. of the French kings ships w●ll laden with wheat, wine, meal, flesh, armour, and such other like, meet for the war: and an 100 they brent within the haven, taking the spoil with them. In the mean time the priests within England, had provided them a certain false counterfeit prophet called Peter Wakefield of Poiz: who was an idle gadder about, and a prattling merchant. 
Peter the false Prophet.  This Peter, they made to prophecy lies: rumoring his prophecies abroad, to bring the king out of all credit with his people. They noised it daily among the commons of the Realm, that Christ had twice appeared to this prophet of theirs, in shape of a child between the Priest's hands, once at York, another time at Pomfret: and that he had breathed upon him thrice, saying, peace, peace, peace, and teaching many things which be anon after declared to the Bishops, and bid people amend their naughty living. Being rapt also in spirit (they said) he beheld the joys of heaven, and sorrows of hell. For scant were there three (sayeth the Chronicle) among a thousand that lived Christianly. This counterfeit soothsayer prophesied of king john: that he should reign no longer than the ascension day, within the year of our Lord 1213. which was the 14. year from his coronation, and this (he said) he had by revelation. 
The false prophet found a liar▪  Then was it of him demanded, whether he should be slain or be expelled, or should of himself give over the crown: He answered, that he could not tell. But of this he was sure (he said) that neither he, nor any of his stock or lineage should reign, that day once finished. The K. hearing of this, laughed much at it, and made but a scosse thereof. Tush (saith he) it is but an idiot knave, and such a one as lacketh his right wits. But when this foolish prophet had so escaped the danger of the king's displeasure, & that he made no more of it, he gate him abroad and prated thereof at large (as he was a very idle vagabund) and used to rattle and talk more then enough: so that they which loved the king, caused him anon after to be apprehended as a malefactor, & to be thrown in prison, the king not yet knowing thereof.  
Anon after, the same of this fantastical Prophet went all the realm over, & his name was known every where (as foolishness is much regarded of people, where wisdom is not in place) specially because he was then imprisoned for the matter, the rumour was the larger: their wonder were the wantonner: their practising the folisher: their busy talks & other idle occupying the greater. Continually from thence (as the rude manner of people is) old gossips tales went abroad, new tales were invented, fables were added to fables, and lies grew upon lies. So that every day, new ●anders were raised on the king, and not one of them true: rumours arose, blasphemies were spread, the enemies rejoiced, & treasons by the priests were maintained, and what likewise was surmised, or other subtlety practised, all was then fathered upon this foolish prophet. As, thus sayeth Peter Wakefield: thus hath he prophesied: and this shall come to pass: yea many times when he thought nothing less. When the Ascension day was come which was prophesied of afore: 
The false prophet proue● a liar of K. john.  king john commanded his regal Tent to be spread abroad in the open field, passing that day with his noble counsel and men of honour, in the greatest solemnity that ever he did afore, solacing himself with musical instruments & songs, most in sight amongst his trusty friends. When that day was passed in all prosperity and mirth, his enemies being confused, turned all to an allegorical understanding, to make the prophecy good, and said: he is no longer king, for the Pope reigneth & not he, yet reigned he still, & his son after him, to prove that prophet a liar. Then was the king by his counsel persuaded, that this false prophet had troubled all the realm: perverted the hearts of the people, and raised the commons against him. For his words went over the Sea by the help of his Prelates, and came to the French kings ear, & gave unto him a great encouragement to invade the land, he had not else done it so suddenly. But he was most foully deceived, as all they are & shall be, that put their trust in such dark drowsy dreams of hypocrites. 
The false prophet hanged.  The king therefore commanded that he should be drawn & hanged like a traitor.  
After that, the Popish Prelates, Monks, Canons, Priests. etc. saw this their crafty juggling by their famed prophet would not speed, notwithstanding they had done no little harm thereby, to help the matter more forward, they began to travail and practise with pope Innocent of the one side, and with the French king on the other side, beside subtle treasons, which they wrought within the realm, & by their confessions in the ear, whereby they both blinded the nobility and commons. The king thus compassed abou● on every side with enemies, 
K. john submitteth himself to the Pope.  and fearing the sequel thereof, knowing the conspiracies that were in working against him, as well by the Pope (in all that ever he might) as also by Philip the French king by his procurement: and moreover his own people, especially his Lords and Barons being rebelliously incited against him, as by the Pope's curses and interdictions against such as took his part, and by his absolutions & dispensations withal those that would rebel against him, commanding them to detain from him such homage, service, duties, debts, and all other allegiance that godly subjects own and are bound to yield and give to their liege lord & prince. All which things considered, the King in the 13. year of his reign, for that the French king began to make sharp invasion upon him within his own Realm, 
K. john entreateth for peace with the Pope.  sent speedy Ambassadors to the pope (as to the fountain of all this his mischief pretenced) to work & entreat his peace and reconciliation with him, promising to do what soever the pope should will him and command him in the reformation of himself, and restitution of all wrongs done to holy Church, and to make due satisfaction therefore unto all men that could complain.  
Then sent the Pope again into England his Legate Pandulphe with other Ambassadors: the king also at Canterb. (by letters as it should seem certified from his own ambassadors) waited their coming. Where the 13. day of May the king receaived them, making unto them an oath, that of and for all things wherein he stood accursed, he would make ample restitution and satisfaction. Unto whom also all the Lords & Barons of England (so many as there were with the king attending the Legates coming) swore in like manner, and that if the king would not accomplish in every thing the oath which he had taken, that then they would cause him to hold and confirm the same whether that he would or not (or by strength) to use the author's words.  
Then submitted the king himself unto the Court of Rome and to the pope: 
K: john submitteth himself and resigneth his crown.  And resigning gave up his dominions and realms of England & Ireland from him and from his heirs for evermore that should come of him. With this condition, that the king and his heirs should take again these two dominions of the Pope to form, paying yearly therefore to the Court of Rome a 1000 Marks of silver. Then took the King the crown from his head, kneeling upon his knees in the presence of all his Lords & Barons of England to Pandulphe the pope's chief legate, saying in this wise. Here I resign up the crown of the realm of England to the Pope's hands Innocent the third, & put me wholly in his mercy and ordinance. Then took Pandolphe the crown of king john, and kept it 5. days as a possession & season taking of these two realms of England and Ireland. Continuing also all things promised by his charter obligatory as followeth.  
The copy of the letter obligatory that K, john made to the Pope, concerning the yielding up of the crown and the Realm of England into the Pope's hands, for a certain sum of money yearly to be paid.  
TO all christian people throughout the world dwelling, 
The draft of instrument obligatory where in king john resigneth his kingdom to the Pope's hand. Christ was offered a kingdom and would none of it, but the Pope d●th not refuse it.  john by the grace of God K of England, greeting.  
To your university known be it, that forasmuch as we have grieved & offended God & our mother church of Rome: & forasmuch as we have need of the mercy of our Lord jesus Christ: & we may nothing so worthy offer, & comperent satisfaction make to God & to holy church (but if it were our own body) as with our realms of England & of Ireland: Then, by the grace of the holy ghost we desire for to meek us for the love of him, that meked him to the death upon the cross. And through counsel of the nobles, earls & Baro●● we offer & freely grant to God & to the apostles S. Peter & Paul, and to our mother church of Rome, & to our holy father Pope Innocent the 3. & to all the pope's that come after him, all the realm: patronages of churches of England & of Ireland, with all the appurtenances, for remission of sins, & help & health of our king's souls, & of all christian souls: So that from this time afterward, we will receive & hold of our mother church of Rome, as in farm, doing sealtie to our holy father the Pope Innocent the 3. and to all the Popes that come after him in the manner abovesaid And in the presence of the wise man Pandolphe the Pope's Southdeacon, we make liege homage, as it were in the pope's presence & we before him were, & that he himself should have done all manner things abovesaid: and thereto we bind us, & all that come after us & our heirs for evermore without any gainsaying to the pope, & eke the ward of the church vacant. And in token of this thing ever for to last, we will, confirm, & ordain, that he be our special renter of the foresaid realms (saving S. Peter pence) in all thing. To the mother church of Rome paying by year a 1000 marks of silver at 2. times of the year for all manner customs that we should do for the said realms: that is to seine, at Michaelmas & at Easter, that is for England 700: marks and 300. marks for Ireland. Saving to us & to our heirs, our justices and our other franchises. And all these things that before ben said, we will that it be firm & stable without end: & to that obligation we & all our successors, & our heirs in this manner, beth bound: that if we or any of our heirs through any presumption fall in any point again these things above said (and he been warned and will not right amend him, he shall then lose the foresaid realms for evermore: and this charter of obligation and our warrant for evermore be firm and stable without gainsaying. We shall from this day afterward be true to God & to the mother church of Rome, & to thee Innocent the 3. and to all that comen after thee: and the Realms of England and of Ireland, we shall maintain trewlich in all manner points against all manner men by our power, through God's help.  
Upon this obligation, the king was discharged the 2. day of july, 
The unreasonableness of the clergy against their natural Prince.  from that Tyrannical interdiction, under which he continued 6. years and 3. months. But before the releasement thereof, first he was miserably compelled (as hath been declared) to give over both his crown & sceptre to that Antichrist of Rome, for the space of 5. days: and his client, vassal, feudary, and tenant, to receive it again of him, at the hands of an other Cardinal, being bound obligatorily, both for himself, & for his successors to pay yearly (for a knowledge thereof) a M. marks, for England & Ireland. Then came they thither, from all parts of the Realm so many as had their consciences wounded for obeying their liege king (as blind idiots) and there they were absolved, every one of his own bishop, except the spiritual fathers and Ecclesiastical soldiers, for they were compelled to seek to Rome, as captives reserved to the pope's own fatherhood. In this new ruffeling the King easily granted, that abbots, deans and curates, should be elected freely every where, so that the laws of the realm were truly observed. But against that, were the bishops, alleging their Canonical decrees and rules synodal, determining the king therein to have nothing a do: but only to give his consent after that they had once elected. But among this shaven rabble, some there were which consented not to this wicked error. A sort also there were of the prelate's at that time, which were not pleased that that lands interdiction should cease, till the king had paid all the which their Clergy in all quarters of the realm had demanded without reason: yea, what every saucy sir john for his part demanded, even to the very breaking of their hedges, the stealing of their appels, and their other occasional damages, which grew to an incredible sum, and impossible to be answered. Such was the outrageous cruel noise of that mischievous progeny Antichrist, against their natural king.  
Notwithstanding, that which is uttered afore concerning the bitter malice of the clergy against their Prince: yet did the Pope's Legate, and Cardinal Nicolaus Tusculanus, much favour his doings, & allow his proceedings. Wherefore they reported of him, that he was exceeding partial, & regarded not their matters ecclesiastical as he should have done, for leaving the account of their restitions. He went with the king's officers (as the king's pleasure was) to the Cathedral ministers, abbeys, priories, deaneries, and great Churches vacant. And there, for the next incumbent always he appointed two: one for that king, an other for the parties. But upon him only whom the king nominated, he compelled most commonly the election to pass: which vexed them wonderfully. Upon this therefore, they raised a new conspiracy against the king's person, by help of their bishops, seditious prelate's, & such noble men as they had drawn to their parties, We beheld (saith Hoveden) about the same time many noble houses and assemblies divided in many places: the fathers and the aged men stood upon that king's part, but the younger sort contrary. And some there were, that for love of their kindred, and in other sundry respects, forsook the king again: yea, and the same went that time (saith he) that they were confederated with Alexander the Scottish king, and jeoline the Prince of Wales, to work him an utter mischief. A council at Oxford the Archb. called: where at some would not tarry, considering the confusion thereof: the other sort (having very obstinate hearts) reviled the king most spitefully behind his back, and said: that from thenceforth he ought to be taken for no governor of theirs. Their outrageous and frantic clamours so much prevailed in those days, that it grew to a grievous tumult, and a most perilous commotion.  

Anno. 1215.  In the year of our Lord 1215. as witnesseth Paulus Aemilius & other histories: Pope Innocent the third held a general Synod at Rome, called the council Laterane. The chief causes of that council were these: 
The council of Lateran holden by pope Innocent.  In the days of this Innocent, heresy (as he calleth the truth of God, or the doctrine that rebuketh sin) began to rise up very high, and to spread forth his branches abroad. By reason whereof, many Princes were excommunicate as Otho the Emperor, john the king of England, Peter king of Arragon, Raimund the Earl of Tholouse, Aquitania, Sataloni, and such other like, as is said afore. So that it could be no otherwise, saith Doveden, but with the sharp axe of the gospel (so called the pope his excommunications) they ought of necessity to have been cut off from the Church. Therefore was this council provided, proclaimed, and prelate's from all nations thereunto called. And to colour those mischiefs which he then went about: he caused it by his Legates and Cardinals (very crafty merchants) to be noised abroad, that his intent was therein only to have the Church universally reform: and the holy land from the Turks hands recovered. But all this was craft & falsehood, as that sequel thereof hath manifestly declared. For his purpose thereby was to subdue all Princes, and to make himself rich and wealthy, for there he made this antichristian act, and established it by public decree, that that pope should have from thenceforth the correction of all christian Princes, 
The Pope to have jurisdiction of all Churches  and that no Emperor should be admitted, except he were sworn before, and were also crowned of him. He ordained moreover, that whatsoever he were that should speak evil of the pope, he should be punished in hell with eternal damnation. Conradus, Vrspergensis, Hieronimus Marius. He provided confession to help these matters: he allowed their bread a pixe to cover him, and a bell when he goeth abroad, and made the mass equal with Christ's Gospel.  
In this Council was first invented and brought in Transubstantiation: 
joánes Scotus.  of which joannes Scotus, whom we call Dims, maketh mention in his 4. Book, writing in these words. The words of the scripture might be expounded more easily, 
Transub●●●tiation 〈◊〉 brought▪  & more plainly without transubstantiation. But the church did choose this sense, which is more hard, being moved thereto, as it seemeth chief: because that of the Sacraments men ought to hold as the holy Church of Rome holdeth. etc. And in the same place maketh mention of Innocentius the third.  
Moreover, in the said Council was established and ratified the wretched and impious act, compelling Priests to abjure lawful Matrimony. Whereupon these metres or verses were made the same time against him, which here follow under written.  

Non est Innocentius, imo nocens verè,  
Qui, quod facto docuit, verbo vult delere.  
Et quodolim invenis voluit habere,  
Modò vetus pontifex studet prohib●re.  
Zacharias habuit prolem & uzorem,  
Per viru●n quem genuit adeptus honorem,  
Baptizavit etenim mundi salvatorem:  
Pereat qui teneat nowm hunc errorem.  
Paulus coelos rapitur ad superiores,  
Vbi multas didicit res secretiores.  
Adnos tandem rediens instruensque mores.  
Suas inquit, habeant quilibet uxores,  
Propter haec & alia dogmata doctorum,  
Reor esse melius & magis decorum,  
Quisque suam habeat & non proximorum,  
Ne incurrat odium vel iram eorum.  
Proximorum foeminas, filias, & neptes  
Violare nefas est, quare nil doceptes,  
Verè tuam habeas, & in hac delectes  
Diem ut sic ultimum tutiùs expectes.   

Nocent, 
Marriage of priests forbidden by Pope Ino●cent.  not innocent, he is that seeketh to deface,  
By word the thing, that he by deed hath taught men to embrace  
Which being now a Bishop old, doth study to destroy  
The thing, which he a young man once did covet to enjoy.  
Priest Zachary both had a wife, and had a child also,  
By mean of whom there did to him great praise and honour grow,  
For he did baptise him, which was the saver of mankind,  
Ill him befall that holdeth this new error in his mind.  
Into the higher heavens, good Paul was lifted from below,  
And many secret hidden things he learned there to know.  
Returned at length from thence to us, and teaching rules of life,  
He said, let each man have his own and only wedded wife:  
For this and other documents of them that learned be,  
Much better and more comely eke it seemeth unto me.  
That each should have his own alone, & not his neighbours wife,  
Lest with his neighbour he do fall in hate and wrathful strife.  
Thy neighbour's daughters or their wives, or nieces to defile,  
Unlawful is: therefore beware, do not thyself beguile.  
Have thou thine own true wedded wife, delight in her always,  
With safer mind that thou mayest look to see the latter day.   
Now let us return to K, john again, & mark how the priests & their adherents were plagued for their humble handlings of his majesties wil In the foresaid council of Lateran, and the same year, was Steven Langton the Archb. of Cant. excommunicated of pope Innocent, with all those bishops, prelate's, priests, barons, & commons, which had been of counsel with him in the former rebellion. And when the said Archb. had made instant suit, of him to be absolved: anon he made him this answer with great indignation. Brother mine, I swear by s. Peter, thou shalt not so soon at my hand obtain the benefit of absolution: for why, thou hast not only done harm to the K. of England, but also thou hast in a great many of things injured the church of Rome here, & therefore thou shalt tarry my leisure. The archb. was also at that time suspended out of the Church, and commanded to say no mass at all, 
Stephen Langhton suspended out of the Church.  neither yet to exercise any other ecclesiastical office, because he would not at time convenient execute the pope's curse upon the rebellious Barons. With them the said pope had been so deeply offended & angered a little before, that the great charter of the liberties of England (with great indignation & countenance most terrible) he rend and destroyed, by sentence definitive condemning it for ever. And by and by thereupon cursed all the other rebels, with book, bell, and candle. The greater captains of them (with the citizens of London) for that assay were pronounced excommunicate by name, 
Appeal to the general council.  & remained still interdicted. They appealed then to the council general.  
In the same year 1215. 
Ann. 1215.  were those great men also summoned to appear at Rome in that general Synod: which would not consent to their king's expulsion, nor yet tyrannical deposing. Though they were called (they said) thereunto by the Archb. of Cant. and others: and required by oath to subscribe to the same, yet could they not of conscience do it, because he had humbled himself, and also granted to keep peace with all men. Thus was the whole realm miserably then divided into two factions through malice of the clergy, so strifes increased in the land every where. Yet were there of the Lords & gentlemen a great number at that time, that followed the king and allowed his doings. But they which were on the otherside (not a little suspecting the state that they were in) fled speedily to the French K. Philip: 
The discord between the nobles and the king.  desiring him that he would grant to them his eldest son Ludowike, and they would elect him to be their K. and that without much tarriance. They besought him moreover, that he would send with him a strong and mighty power, as were able to subdue him utterly, that they might (they said) be delivered of such a wicked tyrant. Such was the report, that those most wicked papists gave their christian governor, appointed to them of God: whom they ought to have obeyed, though he had been evil, even for very conscience sake. Rom. 13. And as certain of the Lords and Barons were busy to choose the said Ludowike for their king, the Pope sent thither one Gualo the Cardinal of S. Martin to those rash and cruel attempts, 
Gualo Cardinal sent into England.  charging the French king upon his allegiance, that he with all power possible, should favour, maintain, and defend king john of England, his feudary or tenant. The French king thereto made answer, as one not contented with that arrogant precept. The realm of England said he, was never yet any part of S. Peter's patrimony, neither is it now, nor yet any time shallbe hereafter. This spoke he, for that he was in hope to obtain it for his son, by treason of the Barons.  
No prince of potentate (said Philip the French king) may pledge or give away his kingdom: 
The French king and his son reasoning about England.  which is (beside the realm) the government of his whole common wealth, without the lawful consent of his Barons, which are bound to defend the same. If the pope shall introduce or set up such a precedent in christianity, he shall at his pleasure bring all christian kings, and their kingdoms to nought. I like not this example, in these days begon. I cannot therefore allow this fact of king john of England: though he be my utter adversary, yet I much lament that he hath so endamaged his realm, & hath brought that noble ground and Duene of provinces, under miserable tribute. The chief Lords and men of his nobility standing by, when he uttered these words (being as it were in a fury) cried with one voice: By the blood of God, in whom we trust to be saved, we will stick in this article to the losing of our heads. Let the K. of England do therein what him liketh: no king may put his land under tribute, & so make his nobility captive servants, with that came in Ludowike the king's eldest son, and so said unto them all there present. I beseech you, let not my purposed journey: The Barons of England have elected me for their Lord and king, and I will not surely lose my right: but I will fight for it even to the very death, yea so long as hart shall stir within my breast: and I doubt not but I shall well obtain it: for I have friends among them. His father the king stood still as he had been in a dompe, & answered never a word, but fared as though he had dissembled the matter. Be like he mistrusted some thing therein, as he might well enough: for all was procured by the priests, that they might live licentiously in all wealth and freedom from the king's yoke.  
About the same time were such treasons and conspiracies wrought by the Bishops, 
Prelates and priests conspiring against the king.  Priests, and Monks, throughout all the realm, that the king knew not where to become, or find trusty friends: he was then compelled by the uncertainty of his subjects to travail from place to place, but not without a great army of men: looking every day when his Barons & their confederates would cruelly set upon him. At last he came to Dover, and there looked for aid from other quarters, which loved him better than did his own people. And thither to him resorted from Flaunders, Brabant & Holland, on the one side: and from Guiane, Gascoine, & Poitiers, on the other side: and from other country's more, a wonderful number of men. The report than went, that the pope had written to those countries, mightily to assist him for divers considerations: one was, for that he had both submitted himself, and his dominion to his protection. An other was, because he had taken on him (a little before) the livery of the cross, to win again Jerusalem. The third was, for that he had gotten by him the dominion of England and Ireland, and feared to lose both, if he should chance to decay. For the space of 3. months he remained in the Isle of Wight, abroad in the air, to quiet himself for a time from all manar of tumults: and led there a solitary life, among rivers and watermen: where as he rather counted to die then to live, being so traitorously handled of his Bishops and Barons, and not knowing how to be justly avenged of them. Upon the Purification day of our Lady therefore, he took upon him the cross or voyage against the Turks for recovery of Jerusalem: moved thereunto rather for the doubts which he had of his people, then for any other devotion else. And thus he said to his familiar servants: since I submitted myself and my lands, England and Ireland to the church of Rome (sorrow come to it) never thing prospered with me, but all hath gone against me.  
In the next year after 1216. was Simon Langton chosen Archbishop of York: 
Anno. 1216.  but that election anon arter was dissolved: for information was given to the pope, that the said Simon was brother to Steven Langton the archbishop of Cant. which had been the occasion of all the tumults which were that time in England. And the Pope had the more hate unto him, 
Walter Gray Archb. of York.  for that he had brought him up of nought, and did find him at that time so stuuburne: wherefore he placed in his brother's place Walter Gray, the bishop of Winchester.  
In the same year, 
Gualo the pope's Legate.  Gualo the pope's legate renewed his great curse upon jews the French kings son, for usurping upon king john. Likewise upon Simon Langton and Gernais Hobruge, for provoking him to the same, and that with a wonderful solemnity: for in that doing he made all the bells to be rung, the candles to be light, the doors to be opened, and the book of excommunications and interdictions publicly to be read, committing them wholly to the devil, for their contumacy and contempt. He also commanded the Bishops and Curates, to publish it abroad over at the whole realm, to the terror of ad his subjects. The said Simon & Geruais laughed him to scorn, 
Radul. Niger. cap. 43. 44.  and derided much his doings in that behalf, saying: that for the just title of Ludowick, they had appealed to the general council at Rome.  
The magistrates of London and citizens of the same, 
The pope's curse laughed to scorn.  did likewise vilipende and disdainously mock all that the Pope had there commanded and done. And in spite both of him and his legate, they kept company with them that were excommunicated, both at table and at church, showing themselves thereby, as open contemners, both of him and his laws. Ludowicke at London taking himself for king, constituted Simon Langton for his high Chancellor, & Geruais Hobruge for his chief preacher. By whose daily preachings, as well the Barons, and the Citizens themselves, being both excommunicated, caused all the church doors to be opened, and the service to be song, & the said Ludowicke was in all points fit for their hands. About this time, 
Pandulphus the Popes collector made bishop of Norwich.  was Pandulphus (than Cardinal) collecting the Peter pence, an old pillage of the Pope: taking great pains therein. And for his great labours in those affairs of holy Church, & for other great miracles besides: he was then made bishop of Norwich, to the augmenting of his dignity and expenses.  
It chanced about this time, 
Mat. Paris. Radul. Niger. cap. 47.  that the Uicount of Melun (a very noble man of the realm of France, which came thither with the Prince Ludowicke) to fall deadly sick at London: and also moved of conscience to call certain of the English Barons unto him (such as were there appointed to the custody of that city) said unto them. I lament your sorrowful case, 
The great providence of God for the help of England.  and pity with my heart the destruction that is coming towards you and your country. The dangerous snares which are prepared for your utter confusion, are hidden from you: ye do not behold them, but take ye heed of them in time. Prince Ludowicke hath sworn a great oath, & 16. of his Earls and noble men are of counsel with him, that if he obtain the crown of England, he will banish all them from service, & deprive them of lands and goods, as many as he findeth now to go against their liege king, and are traitors to his noble person. And because ye shall not take this tale for a fable, I assure you on my faith (lying now at the mercy of God) that I was one of them, which was sworn to the same. I have great conscience thereof, and therefore I give you this warning. I pity poor England, which hath been so noble a region, that now it is come to so extreme misery. And when he with tears had lamented it a space, he returned again unto them, and said: my friends, I counsel you earnestly, to look to yourselves, and to provide the remedy in time, lest it come upon you unwares. Your king for a season hath kept you under: but if Ludowicke prevail, he will put you from all. Of two extreme evils, chose the more easy, and keep that secret which I have told you of good will, with that he gave over and departed this life.  
When this was once noised among the Barons, they were in great heaviness: for they saw themselves betrapped every way, and to be in exceeding great danger. And this daily augmented that fear which then came upon the Barons. They were extremely hated of the Pope and his Legates, and every week came upon them new excommunications. Daily detriments they had besides: in their possessions and goods, in their lands & houses, corn and cattle, wines and children: so that some of them were driven to such need, that they were enforced to seek prays and booties for sustaining their miserable lives. For look whatsoever prince Ludowick obtained by his wars, either territories or castles: he gave them all to his French men (in spite of their heads) and said that they were but traitors, like as they had warning afore, which grieved them worst of all. At the last, they perceiving that they in seeking to avoid one mischief were ready to fall into an other much worse: they began to lay their heads together, consenting to submit themselves wholly with all humility, to the mercy of their late sovereign, & natural liege Lord, king john. And for that they were somewhat in doubt of their lives for the treason afore committed: many of the friends of them which were of most credit with him, made suit for them. So were a great number of them pardoned, after instant great suit made for them. I here omit his recovery of Rochester castle and city, with many other dangerous adventures against the foresaid Ludowicke, both at London, York, Lincoln, Winchester, Norwiche & other places else, as things not pertaining to my purpose. And now I return to my matter again.  
Into Suffolk and Norfolk he consequently journeyed, with a very strong army of men: and there, with great mischief he afflicted them, because they had given place & were sworn to his enemies. After that, he destroyed the Abbeys of Peterborough & Crowland, for the great treasons which they also had wrought against him, and so he departed from thence into Lincolnshire.  
In this year, about the 17. day of july, died Pope Innocent the 3. and was buried in a city called Perusium in Italy: 
Pope Innocent the third dieth.  where as he had travailed to make a peace between the Genovays and the Pyses, for his own commodity and advantage. After him anon succeeded one Ciatius, otherwise called Honorius Tertius, a man of very great age: yet lived he in the papacy 10. years and an half & more. When this was once known in England: greatly rejoiced all they which were king john's enemies, specially the priests: yet had they small cause, as will appear hereafter. They noised it all the realm over, that this new Pope would set a new order, and not rule all things as the other Pope did: th●nking thereby that he would have done all things to their commodity: but they found it otherwise. For he made all them which were excommunicate, to pay double and triple, ere they could be restored again to their former livings.  
And in the self same year, as king John was come to Swinestead Abbey, not far from Lincoln, he rested there two days: 
K. john poisoned by a Monk.  where (as most writers testify) he was most traitorously poisoned by a monk of that Abbey, of the sect of the Listercians or S. Bernardes' brethren, called Simon of Swinsted. As concerning the noble parsonage of this Prince, this witness giveth Roger Hoveden therein: Princeps quidem magnus erat sed minus foelix: atque ut Marius utramque fortunam expertus. 
Ex Chronico cui titulus Eulogium.  doubtless (saith he) king john was a mighty prince, but not so fortunate as many were. Not altogether unlike to Marius the noble Roman, he tasted of Fortune both ways: bountiful in mercy: in wars sometime he wan, sometime again he lost. Munisicus ac liberalis in exteros fuit, sed proditionis causa suorum depraedator, plus advenis quam suis confidens He was also very bounteous & liberal unto strangers, but of his own people (for their daily treasons sake) he was a great oppressor, so that he trusted more to foreigners then to them.  
Among other divers and sundry conditions belonging to this king, one there was which is not in him to be reprehended but commended rather: for that being far from the superstition which kings at that time were commonly subject unto, regarded not the popish Mass, as in certain Chronicles writing of him may be collected: 
Ex Math. Paris.  for so I find testified of him by Mat Parisiensis, that the king upon a time in his hunting, coming where a very fat stag was cut up and opened (or how the Hunters term it I cannot tell) the king beholding the fatness and the liking of the stag: 
The saying of K. john deriding the Mass.  See saith he, how easily and happily he hath lived, and yet for all that he never heard any Mass.  
It is recorded and found in the Chronicle of William Caxton, 
Ex Caxtono. lib. 7.  called fructus temporum, and in the 7. Book. The foresaid monk Simon, being much offended with certain talk that the king had at his table, concerning Ludovick the French king's son (which then had entered and usurped upon him) did cast in his wicked heart, how he most speedily might bring him to his end. And first of all he counseled with his Abbot, showing him the whole matter, and what he was minded to do. He alleged for himself the Prophecy of Cayphas, john 11. saying: It is better that one man die, than all the people should perish. I am well contented (sayeth he) to lose my life, and so become a Martyr, that I may utterly destroy this tyrant. 
Woebe●● you that 〈◊〉 good evil and evil good. Simon Mon●● absolved o● his Abbot for poisoning hi●●ing  With that the Abbot did weep for gladness, and much commended his fervent zeal, as he took it. The Monk then being absolved of his Abbot for doing this act (aforehand) went secretly into a garden upon the back side, and finding there a most venomous Toad, he so pricked him, and pressed him with his penknife: that he made him vomit all the poison that was within him. This done, he conveyed it into a cup of wine, and with a smiling and flattering countenance, he said thus to the King: If it shall like your Princely majesty, here is inch a cup of wine, as ye never drunk a better before in all your life time. I trust this Wassail shall make all England glad. 
The 〈◊〉 dieth 〈◊〉 own 〈◊〉  And with that he drank a great draft thereof, the king pledging him. The Monk anon after went to the farmerye, and there died (his guts gushing out of his belly) and had continually from thence forth three Monks to sing Mass for his soul, confirmed by their general chapter. What became after that of king john, ye shall know right well in the process following. I would ye did mark well the wholesome proceed of these holy votaries, how virtuously they obey their kings, whom God hath appointed: and how religiously they bestow their confessions, absolutions and masses.  
The king within a short space after (feeling great grief in his body) asked for Simon the monk: and answer was made, that he was departed this life. Then god have mercy upon me (said he) I suspected as much, after he had said, that all England should thereof be glad: he meant now I perceive then of his own generation. With that he commanded his chariot to be prepared, for he was not able to ride. So went he from thence to Slaford castle, and from thence to Newerke upon Trent: 
The 〈◊〉 of K. 〈◊〉  and there within less than 3. days he died. Upon his death bed he much repented his former life, and forgave all them with a pitiful heart, that had done him injury, desiring that his elder son Beurie might be admonished by his example, 
A 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉  and to learn by his misfortunes, to be natural, favourable, gentle, and loving to his native people. When his body was enbaumed and spiced (as the manner is of kings) his bowels or entrails were buried at Cropton Abbey, which was of the sect of Premonstratenses or Canons of S. Norbert. 
K. 〈◊〉 tied 〈◊〉 ceter.  His hired soldiers, both Englishmen and strangers were still about him, and followed his corpses triumphantly in their armour, till they came to the Cathedral Church of Worcester: and there honourably was he buried by Silvester the bishop, betwixt S. oswald and S. Wolstane, 2. bishops of that Church. 
〈◊〉 12●●  He died in the year of our Lord 1216. the 19 day of October, after he had reigned in such calamity, by the subtle conveyance of his Clergy 18. years 6. months, and odd days. So soon as King john was dead and buried (as is said afore) the Princes, Lords and Barons, so many as were of his part (as well of strangers as of them that were borne here) by counsel of the Legate Gualo: gathered themselves together, and all with one consent proclaimed Henry his son for their king. Of whom more shall follow the Lord willing) hereafter.  
Many opinions are among the Chroniclers of the death of king john. 
The word● K. john  Some of them do write that he died of sorrow and heaviness of heart, as Polydorus: some of surfeiting in the night, as Radulphus Niger: some of a bloody flux, as Roger Hoveden: some of a burning ague, some of a cold sweat, some of eating apples, some of eating pears, some plums, etc.  
* The Description of the poisoning of King john, by a Monk of Swinestead abbey in Lincolnshire.  
In Gisburn, I find otherwise, who dissenting from other, sayeth: 
Another description of king john's death Ex histor. G●alt. Hemyngford, ●isburnensi.  that he was poisoned with a dish of Pears which the Monk had prepared for the king therewith to poison him. Who ask the king whether he would taste of his fruit, & being bid to bring them in, according to the kings bidding so did. At the bringing in whereof, saith the said story, the precious stones about the K. began to sweet. In somuch that the king misdoubting some poison, demanded of the monk, what he had brought. He said: of his fruit, and that very good, the best that he did ever taste. Eat, said the king: and he took one of the pears, which he did know, and did eat. Also being bid to take an other, did eat likewise savourly. And so likewise the third. Then the king refraining no longer, took one of the poisoned pears, and was therewith poisoned, as is before. etc.  

●he first mayor of Lō●on.  In the reign of this king john the citizens of London, first obtained of the king to choose yearly a Mayor. In whose time also the bridge of London was first builded of stone: which before was of wood. Rastall.   

* King Henry the third.  

〈◊〉 Henry the 〈◊〉 rd.  AFter this king john had reigned as some say 17. years, or as some say, though falsely 19 years was (as is abovesaid) poisoned & died. This king left behind him 4. sons, and 3. daughters, first Henry, second Richard, and he was Earl of Cornwall: Third William of Valentia: Fourth, Guido Disenay. He had also an other son, who afterward was made bishop. Of his daughter's first was Isabel, married afterward to Frederick the Emperor. The second named Alinour, married to William earl Marshal. The third to Mounfort the Earl of Leicester. 
●●e issue of 〈◊〉 g john.  etc. An other story saith that he had but two daughters, Isabel and Elionore, or as an other calleth her joane, which was after Queen of Scotland, Ex Chronico vetusto Anglic.  
This king john being deceased, which had many enemies, both of Earls, Barons, & especially of the Popish Clergy, Henric his eldest son was then of the age of 9 years. At what time the most of the Lords of England did adhere to Ludovike or jews the French king's son, whom they had sent for before, 
〈◊〉 example 〈◊〉 worthy 〈◊〉 faithful ●nsailour 〈◊〉 oration ●he Earl shall for 〈◊〉ng king 〈◊〉 ty. 〈◊〉 lie said, 〈◊〉 you per 〈◊〉ed him, 〈◊〉 ersecu 〈◊〉 ye were 〈◊〉 true man 〈◊〉 ur own 〈◊〉 all king 〈◊〉 well 〈◊〉 Eng 〈◊〉 cry out 〈◊〉 urblind 〈◊〉 es and 〈◊〉 s on.  in displeasure of king john to be their king, and had sworn to him their allegiance. Then William Earl Martial a noble man, and of great authority, and a grave and a sound counsellor, friendly and quietly called unto him divers Earls and Barons: and taking this Henry the young prince, son of king john, setteth him before them, using these words: Behold (saith he) right honourable and well beloved: although we have * persecuted the father of this young Prince for his evil demeanour, & worthily: yet this young child, whom here ye see before you, as he is in years tender, so is he pure and innocent from these his father's doings. Wherefore in as much as every man is charged only with the burden of his own works and transgressions: neither shall the child (as the Scripture teacheth us) bear the iniquity of his father: we ought therefore of duty and conscience to pardon this young and tender Prince, and take compassion of his age, as ye see. And now for so much as he is the kings natural and eldest son, and must be our sovereign and king, and successor of this kingdom, come and let us appoint him our king and governor: and let us remove from us this jews the French kings son, & suppress his people which is a confusion and a shame to our nation, and the yoke of their servitude let us cast off from our shoulders. To these words spoke & answered the Earl of Gloucester. And by what reason or right (said he) can we so do, seeing we have called him hither, & have sworn to him our fealty.  
Whereunto the Earl Marshal inferred again and said: Good right and reason we have, and aught of duty to do no less, for that he contrary to our mind and calling hath abused our affiance and feaulties. Truth it is, we called him, etc. meant to prefer him to be our chieftain and governor: but he eftsoons surprised in pride, hath contemned and despised us: and if we shall so suffer him, he will subvert and overthrow both us and our nation, and so shall we remain a spectacle of shame to all men, and be as outcasts of all the world.  
At these words all they, as inspired from above, cried altogether with one voice: be it so, he shallbe our king. And so the day was appointed for his coronation, 
〈◊〉 Chron. 〈◊〉. Jesus 〈◊〉.  which was the day of Simon & jude. This coronation was kept not at Westminster, for as much as Westminster the same tune was holde● of the Frenchmen, but as Gloucester: the safest place (as was thought) at that time in the realm. an. 1216. by Swallow the Pope's Legate through counsel of all the Lords and Barons that held with his rather king john, 
K. Henry the 3. crowned.  to wit, the Bishop of Winchester, Bishop or Barn, Bishop of Chester, and Bishop of Worcester, the Earl Radulph of Chester, William Earl Marshal, William Earl of Pembroke, William Tren Earl of Feres, William de Bruer, Serle or Samarike de mal Baron. These were at the crowning of the king at Gloucester. Many other lords and Barons there were, which as yet held with jews the French kings son, to whom they had done their homage before. And immediately after the crowning of this king, he held his council at Bristol at S. Martin's least: where were assembled 11. Bishops of England & Wales, with divers Earls & Barons and knights of England. All which did swear fealty unto the king. After which homage thus done to the king, the legate Swalo interdicted Wales because they held with the foresaid Lew●es: and also the Barons & all other as many as gave help or counsel to jews, or any other that moved or stirred any war against Henry the new king, he accursed them. All which notwithstanding, the said jews did not cease, but first laid siege to the castle or Dover xv. days: 
Berkhamstead and Hartford taken by jews.  when he could not prevail there, he took the castle of Berkhamsted, and also the castle of Hartford, doing much harm in the countries, in spoiling & robbing the people where they went: by reason whereof, the Lords and Commons which held with the king, assembled themselves together, to drive jews and his men out of the land. But some of the Barons with the Frenchmen, 
Lincoln taken by jews.  in the mean season went to Lincoln and took the City, and held it to the use of jews. Which being known, ensoones a great power of the kings part made thither, as the Earl Ranolfe of Chester, William Earl Marshal and William de le Brews, Earl of Feres, with many other Lords, 
Anno. 1217.  and gave battle unto jews and his party: so that in conclusion jews lost the field, and of his side were slain the Earl of Perchis, Saer de Quincy Earl of Winchester, Henry de la Bohon earl of Herford, and sir Robert le Fizwater, with divers other more. Whereupon jews for succour fled to London, causing the gates there to be shut & kept, waiting there for more succour out of France. Which assoon as the king had knowledge off, immediately sent to the Mayor and Burges of the City, willing them to render them and their City to him as their chief lord and king, promising to grant to them again all their franchises and liberties as in times past, & to confirm the same by his great Charter and seal. 
This Eustace some say he was a Spaniard.  In this mean time on Bartholomew even, Eustace a French Lord, accompanied with many other Lords and nobles of France, came with a great power, to the number of a 100 ships, 
A noble victory by God's grace given to K. john's son.  to aid and assist the said jews. Who before they arrived, were encountered upon the seas by Richard king john's bastard son, who having no more but 18. ships to keep the Cinque ports, set eagerly upon them, and through God's grace, overcame them. Where presently he smote of the head of Eustace, the rest of the French Lords to the number of 10. he brought with him to the land, where he imprisoned them in the Castle of Dover, and slew almost all their men that came with them, and sunk their ships in the sea, only 15. ships (sayeth some of my stories) escaped away. Ludovic or jews hearing this loss of his ships and men, and misdoubting his own life for the great mischief he had done to the realm, sought means by Swalo, and the Archbishop of Caunterburie, and by other Lords, to be at accord with the king. With whom at length it was so concluded and agreed, that for his costs and expenses he to have a thousand pound of silver given. 
Ex Math. Parisiensi.  Paris. speaketh of 15. thousand marks (which he borrowed of the Londoners) that he should depart the realm, never to return into England again, neither he nor none of his.  
This done, and upon the same, he with all the other Barons that took his part, 
jews the french king's son ●●●uen out of England.  was assoiled of Swalo the Legate. And thus peace being confirmed at Merton, jews took his leave, and being brought honourably to the Sea with the Bishop of Canterbury & other bishops, Earls, and Barons, returned home into France.  
And here saith Gisburn. it was truly verified, that was before spoken of the French king, father of jews: At what time the said jews was in England, his father the French king demanded of his messengers coming into France, where his son was, and they said at Stamforde: And he ask again, 
The answer of the French king concerning his son jews.  whether he had got the Castle of Dover, and they said no: Then the father swearing by the arm of s. james: My son (quoth he) hath not one foot in England, as afterward well proved true. Ex Gisburn.  
But the chiefest help that repelled jews & the French men out of the realm, and that most preferred king john's son to the crown, was the singular working of God's hand, whereof meant: on was made before, pag. 250. which was through the confession of a certain gentleman of the French host (as Florilegus doth testify.) 
Ex Florilego.  Who lying sore sick at the point of death, & seeing no hope to escape, was touched in conscience for danger of his soul's health, openly to confess & utter to the barons of England, what was the purpose of the Frenchmen to do: who were conspired & sworn together among themselves, with a privy compaction, that so soon as they subdued the land, they should thrust all the chief & nobles thereof, into perpetual exile out of the realm, where out they should never return again. This, coming to the ears of the Barons, as is said: gave them to consider more with themselves, whereby many of them were the more willing to leave jews, 
An admonition to Englishmen not to admit foreign rulers into the realm.  and apply to their natural king and prince. Which no less may also be an admonition to all times and ages, for English men to take heed, not to admit or to place foreign rulers into the realm, lest perhaps it follow that they be displaced themselves.  

It is a bad wind that bloweth no man profit.  After the happy departure of this jews & his French men out of the land, whereby the state of this realm long vexed before, was now somewhat more quieted: immediately Swalo the Legate looking to his harvest, directeth forth inquisitors through every shire, to search out all such Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Canons & Secular priests, of what order or degree so ever they were, that with any succour or counsel, did either help, or else consented to jews. For all these were exempted out of the charter of pardon & absolution made before, 
Money coming into the Pope and Cardinal. Hugo B. of Lincoln redeemeth his Bishopric for a 1000 marks  between the king & jews. By reason whereof no small gain grew to the Pope and the Cardinal: for all such were either put out of their livings and sent up to the Pope, or else were fame to fine sweetly for them. Among whom (besides a great number of other clerks, both religious and seculare) was Hugo bishop of Lincoln: who for the recovery of his bishopric, disbursed 1000 marks to the Pope, and 100 marks to the foresaid Swalo the Legate, 
Ex Mat. Paris. in vita Reg. Henri. 3. Pope innocent the third.  who now (as Paris. recordeth) by this time had gathered in a fair crop of that, which he did never sow. Ex Mat. Paris. etc.  
About this season, or not much before, died Pope Innocent the 3. in the 19 year of his popedom: to whose custody, Fredericus the nephew of Frederick Barbarossa being yet young, was committed by the Empress his mother, of whom more shall follow (the Lord willing) hereafter. After this Innocent, 
Pope Honorius the third.  next succeeded Pope Honorius the 3. who writing to young king Henry in a special letter, exhorteth him to the love of virtue, & to the fear of God, namely to be circumspect with what familiars & resort, 
The effect of the letter of Pope Honorius the 3. to king Henry the 3. Ex parisien.  he acquainted himself: but principally above all other monisheth him to reverence the Church which is the spouse of Christ, and to honour the ministers thereof, in whom Christ himself (saith he) is both honoured or despised. And this seemeth the chiefest article of that his writing to him.  

A strange tale of pope Honorius if it be true.  Of this Pope Honorius, Abbas Vrspergensis, (who lived in the same time) reporteth a strange wonder, more strange peradventure then credible, which is this: Honorius being priest in Rome (whose name was then Centius) and procurator to jacinthus a Cardinal. So it befell, that his master sent him abroad about Rome, to borrow & procure money for him against his journey into Spain: for pope Clement then intended to send the said jacinthus his Legate unto Spain. As this Centius was walking by himself all sad and solicitous to speed his masters message, cometh to him a certain aged and reverend father, and asketh him what cause he had to walk so heavy and careful. To whom he answered again, and signified the occasion of his business, what then he had to do. Then the old father said to him: Go and return home again: for thy master saith he, shall not at this time go to Spain. Now so quoth the other, how is that true? As true (said he) as it is certain that the pope shall die, and the said thy master shall be Pope after him. Centius thinking that to be unlikely, said: he could not believe that to be true. To whom the other inferreth again. So know this, said he, to be as certain, as it is true that the city of jerusalem this day is taken of the Saracens, and shall not be recovered from them, before the time of thy Papacy. And thus speaking, sayeth Vrsperg. he voided suddenly away. Ex Abbate Vrsperg. 
Ex Abbate Vrsperg. in Chronico.  All which saith the said author came afterward to pass: and were testified of the same Honorius being pope afterward in his public sermons at Rome. All which I grant may be, and yet notwithstanding this fabulous narration may be a piece of the pope's old practices subtly invented, to drive men forth to jerusalem to fight, etc. Again, after Honorius (when he had governed x. years) followed Gregorius the ix. Which two pope's were in the time of this king Henry 3. and of Frederick the Emperor, of whom we mind (Christ willing) farther to touch, after that we shall have prosecuted more, concerning the histo●● of king Henry and matters of England.  
After that it so pleased the merciful providence of almighty God, to work this great mercy upon the stock of K. john (which notwithstanding the unkind prelate's with their false prophets had declared before, that never none should succeed in the throne after that K.) and also unto the whole common wealth of the realm, in delivering them from the dangerous service of Ludovic & the foresaid French men. After their departure, the next year following: anno. 1218. which was the third of this kings reign, 
An. 1218.  the Archbishop, S. Lancton and the bishops, Earls and Barons, resorted to London unto the king at Michaelmas next following: and there held a great parliament, 
K. Henry ●firmed 〈◊〉 liberties ●●●ted by 〈◊〉 john.  wherein were confirmed and granted by the king all the franchises, which were made & given by K. john his father at Ronemedow: and them he confirmed and ratified by his charter, which long time after, saith my author, unto his days did continue and were holden in England. For the which cause, by the nobles and the commons was given & granted again unto the K. ij. shillings for every plough land through England. 
Two ●●●lings of ●●ry pl●●●● land gr●●ted to 〈◊〉 Henry. T●●● Becket ●●●ned.  And Hubert of Burgh was made chief justice of Englad, of whose troubles more is to be said hereafter. And this was the third year of K. Henry, and 50. year after the death of Tho. Becket: wherefore the said Becket, the same year or next following was taken up and shrined for a new S. made of an old rebel. Thither came such resort of people of England and of France, that the country of Kent was not sufficient to sustain them. Ex histor. De Scales. 
Ex histor D. Scales. W. Marshal dieth and was buried at the Te●ple.  About the same time Isabella the kings mother was married to the Earl of March. And William Marshal the good Earl died, which was the governor of that king and the realm, not without great lamentation of the people of England. Then was the king committed to the government of Peter B. of Winchester. This noble Earl left behind him v. sons, and v. daughters.  
The year next ensuing an. 1219. 
Anno. 1219.  It was ordained and proclaimed through all the land, that all aliens & foreigners should departed the realm, and not to return to the same again: only such excepted, 
Aliens commanded out of E●●lande.  as used traffic or trade of merchandise, under the king's safe conduct. This proclamation was thought chief to be set forth for the cause to avoid out of the land Faukes de Breute, Philip de Marks, Engelardus de Ciconia, William earl Albemarke, Robert de veteri ponte, Brihenne de insula, Hugo de Bailluel, Robert de Gaugi, with divers other strangers more, which kept castles and holds of the kings against his will. 
Faukes' de Breut ●●●leth a 〈◊〉 king He●●●  Of whom the foresaid Faukes was the principal, who fortified & held the castle of bedford, which he had by that gift of K. john, with might and strength against the K. and his power, near the space of 3. months. Moreover he went about to apprehend the king's justices at Dunstable, but they being warned thereof, escaped all, except Henry Braibrocke, whom he imprisoned in the said castle. The K. hearing thereof, & consulting with his clergy and nobles, made his power against the same. Which after long siege and some slaughter at length he obtained it, & hanged almost all that were within, to the number of 97, which was (as parisians. writeth) about the 7. or 8. year of his reign. Faukes the same time was in wales, who hearing of the taking of the castle, conveyed himself to the church of Coventry. At length submitting himself to the king's mercy, upon consideration of his service done before to the king's father, was committed to the custody of Eustace bishop of London, and afterward being deprived of all his goods, possessions & tenements within the realm, was forced to perpetual banishment, never to return to England again.  
Here (by the way) I find it noted in parisians. 
Ex Par●ens.  that after this foresaid Faukes, had spoiled and razed the church of S. Paul in Bedford, for the building up of his Castle: the Abbase of Heluestue hearing thereof, caused the sword to be taken from the Image of S. Paul standing in the Church so long as he remained unpunished. Afterward, she hearing him to be committed to the custody of S. Paul in London, caused the sword to be put into the hands of the Image again. Mat. parisians. in vita. Henr. 3.  
About this year the young king the second time was crowned again at Westminster, 
Anno. 1220.  about which time begun the new building of our Lady Church at Westminster. 
K. Henry crowned 〈◊〉 second 〈◊〉 at Wes●●●ster.  Shortly after Gualo the Legate was called home again to Kome. For the holy Father (as Math. Pariens. reporteth) being sick of a spiritual dropsy, thought this Gualo (having so large occupying in england) to be able somewhat to cure his disease. And so that Legate returned with all his bags well stuffed, leaving Pandulphe behind h●m to supply that Baliwike of his great grandfather the Pope.  
The life and Acts of pope Innocentius the 3. are partly described before, how he intruded Stephen Langhton against the kings will into the archbishopric of Canterbury, stirring up also 64. Monks of the same Church of Canterbury, 

Pope Innocentius.  
The deeds and decrees of pope Innocent. 3.   privily to work against the king. Moreover how he did excommunicate the said king as a public enemy of the Church, so long as the said King withstood his tyrannical doings: putting him and his whole kingdom under interdiction, for the space of 5. years and 3. months. And at length deposed and deprived him from his sceptre, keeping it in his own hands for v. days. Now he absolved his subjects from their due obedience & subjection unto him. Now he gave away his kingdoms & possessions unto jews the French kings son, commanding the said jews to spoil him both of lands & life. Whereupon, the K. (being forsaken of his nobles, prelate's, & commons) was enforced against his will to submit himself, and swore obedience unto the P. paying unto him a yearly tribute of a M. marks by year, for receiving his kingdom again, whereby both he & his succescessors after him, were vassals afterward unto the P. And these were the Apostolical acts of this holy Vicar in the realm of England. Moreover he condemned Almericus a worthy learned man & a bishop, for an heretic, for teaching & holding against images. Also he condemned the doctrine of joachim Abbas (whom we spoke of before) for heritical. This pope brought first into the church the paying of private tithes. He ordained the receiving once a year at Easter. 

Almerieus condemned, joachim Ab bas condemned.  
Private riches brought in. Bell and candle before the sacrament Canon of the mass authorised.  
Transubstantiation.  
Marriage in the 3. degree forbidden.   Unto the papal decretals he added the decree. Omnis utriusque sexus. etc. Also the reservation of the sacrament, and the going with the bell, and light before the Sacrament was by him appointed. In the said Counsel of Lateran, he also ordained that the Canon of the Mass should be received with equal authority as though it had proceeded from the Apostles themselves. He brought in transubstantiation, look in the decretals. Titulo 1. De summa Trinit & fide Catholica. cap. firmiter credimus.  
Item, the said Innocentius the 3. ordained that none should marry in the third degree, but only in the fourth degree, and so under.  
The said Pope stirred up Otho against Philip the Emperor, because the said Philip was elected Emperor against his will. Upon that occasion whereof followed much war and slaughter in Germany. And afterward against the said Otho, whom he had made Emperor, he set up Frederick K. of Cicile, 

The pope setteth kings and Emperors together by the ears.  
Philip the Emperor deposed.  
Otho the Emperor deposed.   and caused the archb. of Mayence to pronounce him excommunicate in all his titles, and to be deposed of his Empire. For the which cause the Princes of Germany did invade his bishopric, spoiling and burning his possessions. The cause why the pope so did accurse and depose him, was for that the said Otho did take and occupy cities, towns, & castles, which the pope said appertained to him.  
Item, the said pope ordained that if any prince offended one an other, the correction should appertain unto the Pope. In this Council of Laterane were Archbishops and Primates 61. Bishops, 400. Abbots 12. Priors and Conuentuals 800. besides other Ambassadors, Legates Doctors and Lawyers an innumerable sort etc.  
In the history of Hermanus mutius, we read how in the year of our Lord. 
The council of Lateran.  1212. in this pope's time divers noble men, and other in the country of Alsatia, contrary to the tradition of the Romish Popes did hold, that every day was free for eating of flesh, 
Martyrs of Alsatia, to the number of all. 100 burned in one day. Ex Herm. Mutio.  so it be done soberly. Also that they did wickedly which restrained Priests and ministers from their lawful wives, for the which cause (as is in the foresaid author) by this poor Innocentius the 3. and his bishops, an hundredth of them in one day were burned and Martyred.  
Some other histories (as Nauclerus) recordeth also, that at the same time many were in the City of Milan of the said doctrine, which used to send collects, unto the foresaid saints of Alsatia. Ex Nauclero.  


collects sent from the brethren of Milan, to them of Alsatia.  
Observant Friars begun.   In the chronicle of Gualther Hemingford otherwise called Gisburnensis, it is recorded that in the days of this K. john, and pope Innocent, began the two sects & orders of Friars, one called the preachers order, or black Friars of S. Dominike. The other called the Minorites of S. Frances. The preachers or black friars order began of one dominic a Spaniard, about the parts of toulouse, who after he had laboured 10. years in preaching against the Albingenses, 
Dominick▪  and such other as did hold against the church of Rome: afterward coming up to the Council of Lateran with Fulco B. of Tholouse, desired of the foresaid Innocent the 3. to have his order of preaching Friars confirmed, which the pope a great while refused to grant: at length he had a dream, that the Church of Laterane was ready to fall. Which when he beheld, fearing & much forrowing thereat, cometh in this Dominicke: who with his shouldiours' underpropped the church, and so preserved the building thereof from falling: etc. And right well this dream may seem verified, for that Friars have been always the chief pillars & upholders of the pope's church. 
friars upholders of the pope's Church.  Upon this, the pope (waking out of his dream) called dominic to him and granted his petition. And so came up this Wolvish order of the Dominickes. I call it Wolvish, for that his mother when she was great with this Dominicke, dreamt that she had in her womb a wolf, which had a burning torch in his mouth. The which dream, the preachers of that order do greatly advance, and expounded to their order's glory, as well as they can. Nevertheless, howsoethey expound it: they can make a wolf but to be a wol●e, and this a Wolvish order. The rule which they follow seemeth to be taken out of S. Augustine, as who should say, that Christ's rule were not enough to make a Christian man. Their profession standeth upon 3. principal points as thus described. Charitatem habentes, humilitatem servants, & paupertatem voluntariam possidentes: That is, having charity, holding humility, and possessing wilful poverty. Their habit and clothing is black.  
The order of the Minors or Minorite Friars descended from one Francis an Italian, of the city Asisium. This Assisian Ass, whom I suppose was some simple and rude Idiot, hearing upon a time how Christ sent forth his disciples to preach: 
The Minorite Friars descended from Saint Frances.  thought to imitate the same in himself and his disciples, and so left of shoes, had but one coat, & that of a course cloth. In stead of a latchet to his shoe, and of a girdle: he took about him a hempen cord, and so appareled his disciples, teaching them to fulfil (for so he speaketh) the perfection of the gospel, to apprehend poverty, & to walk in the way of holy simplicity. He left in writing to his disciples and followers, his rule which he called Regulam Euangelicam. 1. the rule of the Gospel, as though the Gospel of Christ were not a sufficient rule to all Christian men, but it must take his perfection of Frantic Francis. And yet for all that great presumption of this Francis, and notwithstanding this his rule, sounding to the derogation of Christ's Gospel, he was confirmed by this pope Innocent. Yea and such fools this Francis sound abroad, that not only he had followers of his doltish religion (both of the nobles, and unnobles of Rome) but also some there were, which builded mansions for him & his Friars. This Francis, as he was superstitious in casting all things from him as his girdle, girding a cord abouthim, so in outward chastising of himself, so strait he was to his flesh (leaving the ordinary remedy appointed by God) that in winter season, he covered his body with Ice and Snow. He called poverty his Lady, he kept nothing over night. So desirous he was of martyrdom, that he went to Syria, to the Sultan, which received him honourably: whereby it may be thought, that (surely) he told him not the truth, as S. john Baptist did in Herod's house. For truth is seldom welcome in courts and in the world. But it is hard to make a martyr of him which is no true confessor. I will here pass over the fable, how Christ and his saints did mark him with five wounds. These Franciscane or begging Friars, although they were all under one rule and clothing of S. Francis: 
divers sects of Franciscans.  yet they be divided in many sects, and orders: some go on treen shoes or Pattens, some barefooted, some regulare franciscans or observants, some Minors or Minorites, other be called Minimi, other of the Gospel, other de Caputio. They all differ in many things, but accord in superstition & hypocrisy. And for somuch as we have here entered into the matter of these 2. orders of Friars: by the occasion hereof, I thought a little by the way to digress from our story, in reciting the whole catalogue or rabblement of Monks, Friars, and Nuns, of all sects rules, and orders set up and confirmed by the Pope. The names of whom here in order of the Alphabet follow under written.  

The rabblement of religious orders.  
The table of all religious orders.  AVstinians, the first order.  Ambrosians two sorts. 490 Antony's hermits. 324 Austin's heremetes. 498. Austin's observants. 490 Armenians sect.  Ammonites and Moabites.  Basilius order. 384 Benet's order. 524 Bernardus order. 1120 Barefooted Friars. 1222 Brigits order. 1370 Beghartes or white spirits. 1399 Brethren of jerusalem. 1103 Brethren of S. john De Civitate black Friar. 1220 Brethren of wilful poverty.  Cluniacensis order. 913 Canons of S. Augustine. 1080 Charterhouse order. 1086 Cisterciensis order. 1098 Cros bearers or crossed Friars. 1216 Carmelites or white Friars. 1212 Clares order. 1225 Celestines order. 1297 Camaldulensis order. 950 Cross starred brethren.  Constantino politanish order.  Cross bearers  Chapter monks.  Dutch order. 2216 Dominicke black Friars. 1220 franciscans. 1224 Graundmontensis order. 1076 Gregorian order. 594 George's order. 1407 Guilhelmites. 1246 Gerundinensish order.  Galilei or Galileans.  hermits.  Helenes brethren. Humiliati. 1166 Hospital brethren.  Holy Ghost order.  Jerome's orders two sorts. 1412. john's hermits.  justiness order. 1432. john's order joannites. 380 otherwise knights of the Rhodes. 1308 Iniesuati. 1365 Jerome's hermits. 490 joseph's order.  jacobites sect.  james brethren's order.  james brethren with the sword.  Indians order.  Katherine of Senes order. 1455 Keyed Monks knights of rhodes.  Lazarites or Mary magdalen's our Lady brethren. 1034 Lords of Vngary. Minorites. which be divided into. 

Conuentuales.  
observants.  
Reformate.  
Collectane.  
De Caputio.  
De evangelio.  
Amedes.  
Clarini, and other.    Minors or Minorites. 1224 Maries servants. 1304 Monks of mount Olivete. 1046 Marovinies sect.  Moronites sect.  Monachie and Monache.  Morbonei and Merestei.  Menelaysh and jasonish sect.  New Canons of S. Austen. 1430 Nestorini.  Nalharte brethren.  New order of our Lady.  Nazarei.  Paul's hermits. 345 Premonstratensis order. 1119 Preacher order, or black Friars.  Peter the Apostles order. 1409 Purgatory brethren.  Rechabites.  Sarrabaites.  Sambonites. 1199 Scourgers the first sect. 1266 Soldiers of jesus Christ. 1323 Scopenites, or Saint Saluators order. 1367 Specularij or the glass order.  sepulchres order.  sheer order.  Swords order.  Starred Monks.  Starred Friars.  Sclavony order.  Scourgers the second sect, called Ninivites.  Stool brethren.  Scotland brethren order.  Sicarij.  Saint Sophis order.  Templar Lords. 1110 Templar knights. 1120 The vale of josophat his order.  Vallis umbrose. 1400 Waldensis sect.  Wentzelaus order.  Wilhelmer order.  White Monks of mount Olivet. 1406 zealots order.   
Thus hast thou, if thou please (gentle reader) to know what orders and what sects of religion have been set up by the pope, the catalogue and number of them all, so far as we could search them out: not only in books printed of late in Germany, namely by the reverend father Martin Luther: but also conferred with an other english book which came to our hands, containing the same like notes of ancient antiquity, the number of which rabblement of religious persons came to 101. Now as I have reckoned up the names and varieties of these prodigious sects: it cometh to mind consequently to infer the prophecy of Hildegardis, as well against the whole rout of Romish prelate's, and the fall of that Church, as especially against the begging Friars and such other unprofitable bellies of the Church. Thus Hildegardis is holden of the papists themselves to be a great prophetess, whose prophecy proceedeth in this manner, first against the Priests and prelate's of the romish Church, as followeth.   

The prophecy of Hildegardis, of the ruin of Rome, and against the begging Friars.  
HIldegardis a Nun, and (as many judged a prophetess) lived in the year 1146. In her prophecies she doth most grievously reprehend, not only the wicked and abominable life of the spiritual papists: but also the contempt of ecclesiastical office, & also the horrible destruction of the church of Rome. In a certain place she hath these words. And now is the law neglected among the spiritual people, which neglect to teach and do good things The master likewise and the prelate's do sleep: despising justice & laying it aside. In a certain vision: the Church appeared to her in the shape of a woman, complaining that the priests had bewrayed her face with dust, & rend her coat etc. and that they did not shine over the people, neither in doctrine, neither in example of life: but rather contrariwise, that they have driven the innocent lamb from them. She said moreover, that all ecclesiastical order did every day become worse and worse, and that priests did not teach but destroy the law of God. And for these horrible crimes and impieties, she threateneth and prophesieth unto them Gods most heavy wrath and displeasure, and doleful punishments. There is no cause why the spiritual papists should flatter themselves upon this: that she promised again to the ministers of the Church those good things to follow, like as joannes de Rupe scissa doth, and other such like prophets: for they say it will come to pass, that they must repent before the times be amended. By which thing (undoubtedly) they mean, the godly ministers in the reform Churches, which for the most part were of the spiritual number, and yet did forsake the dishonest life, & those wicked idolatries. Now, where as the priests & monks, that is, the whole rabble and spirituality do account Hildegard for a true prophetess: how they ought to consider that by her they are more severely accused: not as by a woman, but as by God himself. And I pray you, what abomination, impiety, and idolatry hath been committed since that time by the spirituality? I will note hear a certain prophecy of hers, taken out of the common places of Henry Token▪ 
A prophet for the dee● of the Remish church  because we see it manifestly fulfilled in our time. She prophesieth of the reformation of religion, and saith that it shall be most godly.  
Then shall the crown of Apostolical honour be divided, because there shallbe found no religion among the Apostolical order, & for that cause shall they despise the dignity of that name, and shall set over them other men and other Archbish. In so much, that the apostolic sea of that time (by the diminution of his honour) shall have scarce Rome, and a few other Countries thereabout under his crown. And these things shall partly come to pass by incursion of wars, and partly also by a common council, and consent of the spiritual and secular persons. Then shall justice flourish, so that in those days men shall honestly apply themselves to the ancient customs and discipline of ancient men, and shall observe them as the ancient men did. The gloze agreeth etc.  
These things thus premised, now will we come to the prophec●e or the foresaid Hildegard concerning the foresaid begging Friars above metioned: reciting her words: not only as they are printed in a book, printed of late in Germany, but also as myself have seen and read, agreeing to the same book word for word, and yet have the same to show: written in old parchment leaves, in such sort as the thing itself most evidently declareth a great iniquity of tyme. The words of her prophecy be these.  
In those days shall rise a senseless people, proud, greedy, without faith, 
●ildegardis prophesying ●rier, and monks.  & subtle, the which shall ear the sins or the people, holding a certain order of foolish devotion under the tayned cloak of beggary: preferring themselves above all other, by their feigned devotion: arrogant in understanding, and pretending holiness: walking without shamefastness, or the fear of God: in inventing many new mischiefs strong and stout. But this order shall be accursed of all wise men, and faithful Christians: they shall cease from all labour, and give themselves over unto idleness: choosing rather to live through flattery, and begging. Moreover, they shall together study, how they may periergy resist the teachers of the truth, & stay them together to the noble men. How to seduce and deceive the nobility, for the necessity of their living, and pleasures of this world, for the devil will graft in them four principal vices (that is to say) flattery, envy, hypocrisy, and slander. Flattery, that they may have large gifts given them. Envy, when they see gifts given unto other, and not unto them. Hypocrisy, that by false dissimulation, they may please men. Detraction, that they may extol and commend themselves, and bacbite others, for the praise of men, and seducing of the simple. Also, they shall instantly preach, but without devotion or example of the Martyrs: and shall detract the secular Princes, taking away the Sacraments of the Church from the true pastors, receiving alms of the poor, diseased, and miserable, and also associating themselves with the common people: having familiarity with women, instructing them how they shall deceive their husbands and friends by their flattery and deceitful words, and to rob their husbands to give it unto them: for they will take all these stolen and evil gotten goods, and say: give it unto us, and we will pray for you, so that they being curious to hide other men's faults, do utterly forget their own. And alas, they will receive all things, of rovers, pickers, spoilers, thieves and robbers, of sacrilegious persons, usurers, adulterers, heretics, schismatics, apostates, whores and bawds, of noble men, perjurers, merchants, false judges, soldiers tyrants, Princes, of such as live contrary to the law, & of many perverse and wicked men, following the persuasion of the devil, the sweetness of sin, a delicate & transitory life, and fullness even unto eternal damnation.  
All these things shall manifestly appear in them unto all people, and they (day by day) shall wax more wicked & hard hearted: and when as their wickedness & deceits shall be found out, then shall their gifts cease, & then shall they go about their houses hungry, & as mad dogs looking down upon the earth, & drawing in their necks as doves, that they might be satisfied with bread: then shall the people cry out upon them. Woe be unto you ye miserable children of sorrow, the world hath seduced you, and the devil hath bridled your mouths, your flesh is frail, and your hearts without favour, your minds have been unsteadfast and your eyes delighted in much vanity & folly, your dainty bellies desire delicate meats, your feet are swift to run unto mischief. Remember when you were apparently blessed, yet envious: poor in sight, but rich, simple to see to, but mighty flatterers: unfaithful betrayers: perverse detractors: holy hypocrites: subverters of the truth: overmuch upright: proud, unshamefast, unsteadfast teachers, delicate martyrs, confessors for gain: meek, but slanderers: religious, but covetous: humble, but proud: pitiful, but hard hearted liars: pleasant flatterers, peacemakers, persecutors, oppressors of the poor, bringing in new sects newly invented of yourselves: merciful thought but found wicked, lovers of the world, sellers of pardons, spoilers of benefices, unprofitable orators, seditious conspirators, drunkards, desirers of honours, maintainers of mischief, robbers of the world, unsatiable preachers, men pleasers, seducers of women, and sowers of discord, of whom Moses the glorious prophet, spoke very well in his song. A people without counsel or understanding: would to God they did know, and understand and foresee the end. You have builded up on high, and when you could ascend no higher, than did you fall even as Simon Magus, whom God overthrew, and did strike with a cruel plague, so you likewise through your false doctrine, naughtiness, lies, detractions, & wickedness, are come to ruin. And the people shall say unto them, go ye teachers of wickedness, subverters of truth, brethren of the Sunamite, fathers of heresies, false Apostles, which have feigned yourselves to follow the life of the Apostles, and yet have not fulfilled it in part: ye sons of iniquity, we will not follow the knowledge of your ways, for pride and presumption hath deceived you, and insatiable concupiscence hath subverted your erroneous hearts. And when as you would ascend higher than was meet or comely for you (by the just judgement of God) you are fallen back into perpetual opprobry and shame.  
This Hildegardis whose prophecy we have mentioned, lived about the year of our Lord. 1146. as was read in Chronico Martini.  
About the same time that these Franciscans, and Dominicke Friars began (which are above mentioned) sprung up also the crossebearers, 
Crossebearer Fryer●.  or crouched Friars, taking their original & occasion or Innocent the third: which Innocent raised up an army (signed with a Cross on their 〈◊〉) to fight against the Albingenses, whom the pope and his sect accounted for heretics, about the parts of Tholouse. What these Albingenses were, 
Albingenses.  it cannot be well gathered by the old popish histories: For if there were any that did hold, teach, or maintain against the Pope, or his papal pride: or withstand & gainsay his beggarly traditions, ●●es and religions. etc. the historicians of that time (for the most part in writing them) do so reprave and misreport them (suppressing the truth of their articles) that they make them and paint them forth to be worse than Turks and Infidels. And that as I suppose, caused Matthew Parisiensis and other of that sort, to write so of them as they did: Otherwise, it is to be thought (and so I find in some reco●e●●) that the opinions of the said Albingenses were sound enough: holding and professing nothing else, but only against the wanton wealth, pride, and tyranny of the Prelates: denying the Pope's authority to have gro●●d of the Scriptures: neither could they away with their ceremonies and traditions, as Images, Pardons, Purgatory of the Romish church, calling them (as some say) blasphemous occupyings. etc. Of these Albingenses were slain (at times) and burned, a great multitude, by the means of the Pope, and Simon Ecclesiasticus with other more. It seemeth that these Albingenses were chief abhorred of the Pope, because they set up a contrary Pope against him, about the coasts of Bugarorum. For the which cause, the Bishop called Portinensis being the pope's Legate in those quarters, writeth to the Archbishop of Rouen and other Bishops in this wise.  
VEnerabilibus patribus Dei gratia Rothomagensi Archiepiscopo & eius suffraganeis Episcopis. Sal. in Domino jesus Christo. 
A letter of the Bishop Portinensis concerning the Albingenses.   
Dum pro sponsa veri crucifixi vestrum cogimur auxilium implorare, potiùs compellimur lacerari singultibus & plorare. Ecce quòd vidimus loquimur, & quod scimus testificamur. Ille homo perditus qui extollitur super omne quod colitur, aut dicitur Deus, iam habet persidiae suae praeambulum haeresiarcam, quem haereteci Albingenses Papam suum nominant, habitantem finibus Bugarorum & Croaticae, & Dalmitiae, juxta Hungariorum nationem. Ad eam confluunt haeretici Albingenses, ut ad eorum consulta respondeat. Etenim de Carcasona oriundus vices illius Antipapae gerens Bartholomaeus, haereticorum Episcopus, funestam ei exhibendo reverentiam, sedem & locum concessit, in villa que Porlos appellatur, & seipsum transtulit in parts Tholosanas. Iste Bartholomaeus in literarum suarum undique discurrenrentium tenore, se in primo salutationis alloquio, intitulat in hunc modum: Bartholomaeus servus servorum. M●sanctae fidei salutem. Ipse etiam inter alias enormitates creat Episcopos, & Ecclesias perfidè ordinare contendit. Rogamus igitur attentiùs, & per aspertionem sanguinis jesu Christi, & propensiùs obsecramus, authoritate Domini Papae qua fungimur, in hac part districtè praecipientes, quatenus veniatis Senonas in oct. Apostorum Petri & Pauli proximè futuris, ubi & alij praelati Franciae, favente Domino congregabuntur, parati consilium dare in negotio praedicto, & cum alijs qui ibidem aderunt providere super negotio Albingensi. Alioqui inobedientiam vestram. D. Papae curabimus significari.  
Datum Apud Plawium. 6. Nonas julij.  
For somuch as mention is here made of these superstitious sects of Friars, and such other beggarly religions, it might seem not much impartinent, being moved by the occasion hereof, as I have done in Hildegardis before: so now to annex also to the same, a certain other ancient treatise compiled by Geoffray Chawcer by the way of a Dialogue or questions moved in the person of a certain uplandish and simple ploughman of the country. Which treatise for the same, 
The blind ignorance of friars described.  the author entitled jacke upland: wherein is to be seen and noted to all the world, the blind ignorance and variable discord, of these irreligious religions, how rude and unskilful they are in matters and principles of our Christian institution. As by the contents of this present Dialogue appeareth, the words whereof in the same old English, wherein first it was set forth, in this wise do proceed. Wherein also thou mayst see, that it is no new thing that their blasphemous doings hath by divers good men in old time been detected, as there are many and divers other old books to show.  

A treatise of Geoffrey Chawcer Entitled jacke upland.  

The fruits of Antichrist.  I jacke upland make my moan to very God and to all true in Christ, that Antechrist and his Disciples (by colour of holiness) walking and deceiving Christ's Church by many false figures: where through (by Antechrist and his) many virtues been transposed to vices.  
But the felliest folk that ever Antechrist found, been last brought into the church and in a wonder wise: for they been of divers sects of Antechrist, sown of divers countries and kindreds. 
Antichrist his brood.  And all men known well, that they be not obedient to Bishops, ne liege men to kings: neither they tyllen, ne sown, weden, ne reapen, wood, corn, ne grass, neither nothing that man should help: but only themselves their lives to sustain. And these men han all manner power of God as they say in heaven & in earth, to sell heaven and hell to whom that them liketh, and these wretches were never where to been themselves.  

Patience proveth M. Friar.  And therefore (Frere) if thine order & rules been grounded on God's law, tell thou me jacke upland: that I ask of thee: and if thou be or thinkest to be on Christ's side keep thy paciens.  
SAint Paul teacheth, that all our deeds should be do in charity: 
The Friar must answer according to God's word.  and else it is nought worth, but displeasing to God and harm to our own souls. And for that Freres challenge to be greatest Clerks of the Church, and next following Christ in living: men should for charity axe them some questions, and pray them to ground their answers in reason and in holy write, for else their answer would nought be worth, be it flourished never so fair and as mehinke men might skilfully axe thus of a Frere.  
1. ¶ Frere, how many orders be in earth: and which is the perfitest order? of what order art thou? who made thine order? 
friars may better break God's law than man's law.  what is thy rule? Is there any perfecter rule than Christ himself made? If Christ's rule be most perfit why rulest thou thee not thereafter? without more why, shall a Frere be more punished if he break the rule that his patron made, then if he break the heestes that God hymsefe made?  
2. Approveth Christ any more religions than one, that S. james speaketh of? 
There is but one religion.  If he approveth no more, why hast thou left his rule and takest an other? why is a Frere apostata that leaveth his order & taketh an other sect, sith there is but one religion of Christ.  

The Friar more bound to his habit then the man to his wife.  3. Why he ye wedded faster to your habits then a man is to his wife: For a man may leave his wife for a year or two as many men done, and if you leave your abitea quarter of a year, ye should beholden apostatase.  
4. maketh your habit you men of Religion or no? If it do, 
If the habit make the Friar religious, as his habit weareth so doth his religion.  then ever as it weareth, your religion weareth, and after that that your habit is better, your religion is better: and when ye have liggin it beside, then lig ye your religion beside you, and been apostatase, why buy ye you so precious clothes, sith no man seekith such but for vain glory, as S. Gregory saith.  
What betokeneth your great hood, your scaplery, your knotted girdle, and your wide cope?  
5. Why use ye all one colour, more than other Christian men do? what betokeneth that ye been clothed all in one manner clothing?  
If ye say, it betokenith love and charity: certes, than ye be oft hypocrites, 
Holiness of all hypocrites consisteth in clothing and outward appearance  when any of you hateth other, and in that that ye wool be said holy by your clothing.  
Why may not a Frere wear clothing of an other sect of Freres, sith holiness standeth not in the clothes.  
6. Why hold ye silence in one house more than an other, sith men ought over all to speak the good & leave the evil?  
Why eat you flesh in one house more than in an other? if your rule and your order be perfit, and the patron that made it?  
7. Why get ye your dispensations to have it more esy: 
All Fry● found 〈◊〉  certes, other it seemeth that ye be unperfit, or he that made it so hard: that ye may not hold it. And seker, if ye hold not the rule of your patrons, ye be not then her Friars and so ye lie upon yourselves.  
8. Why make ye you as deed men, 
Friars be dead men and 〈◊〉 beggar.  when ye be professed, and yet ye be not deed, but more quick beggars than ye were before? and it seemeth evil a deed man to go about and beg.  
9 Why will ye not suffer your Novices, hear your counsels in your chapter house ere that they have been professed if your counsels been true and after God's law?  
10. Why make ye you so costly houses to dwell in? sith Christ did not so, 
Gra●es 〈◊〉 for de● 〈◊〉 and no● courtly 〈◊〉.  and deed men should have but graves, as falleth it to dead men, and yet ye have more Courts than many Lords of England. For ye mow wenden through the realm, and each night well nigh lyg in your own courts, and so mow but right few Lords do.  
11. Why heir ye to farm your limitors, giving therefore each year a certain rent, and will not suffer one in an others limitation, right as ye were yourselves Lords of countries.  
Why be ye not under your Bishop's visitations, 
friars 〈◊〉 the king's liege 〈◊〉 friars 〈◊〉 no m●s p●ers.  and liege men to our king.  
Why are ye no letters of brother heads of other men's prayers, as ye desire that other men should ask letters of you?  
If your letters be good, why grant ye them not generally to all manner of men for the more charity?  
12. Mow ye make any man more perfit brother for your prayers then God hath by our believe? 
friars gra●ter and better the 〈◊〉  by our baptism and his own grant? if ye mow, certes than ye be above GOD.  
Why make ye men believe that your golden trental song of you to take therefore x.s. or at the least. u.s. will bring souls out of hell, 
O vnch●● table Fri●●  or out of purgatory? if this be sooth, certes ye might bring all souls out of pain, and that will ye nought, and then ye be out of charity.  
13. Why make ye men believe, that he that is buried in your habit shall never come in hell, and ye wite not of yourself whether ye shall to hell or no: and if this were sooth, ye should sell your high houses to make many habits, for to save many men's souls.  
14. Why steal ye mens Children for to make 'em of your sect sith that theft is against God's hests, 
friars stealers of me● children.  and sith your sect is not perfit: ye know not whether the rule that ye bind him to, be best for him or worst.  
15. Why underneme ye not your brethren for their trespass after the law of the Gospel: sith that underneming is the best that may be. But ye put them in prison oft when they do after God's law, and by Saint Augustine's rule: if any did amiss and would not amend him, ye should put him from you.  
16. Why covet ye shrift and burying of other men's parishens, and none other Sacrament that falleth to Christian folk. 
Shrift, an● burials 〈◊〉 more ga●full than 〈◊〉 ministering of the sacraments.   
Why bussy ye not to here to shrift of poor folk as well as of rich Lords and Ladies? sith they mow have more plenty of shrift fathers then poor folk mow.  
Why say ye not the gospel in houses of bededred men? as ye do in rich men's that mow go to Church and hear the Gospel.  
Why covet you not to bury poor folk among you? 
Poor 〈◊〉 have no souls says my fello● Friar.  sith that they been most holy (as ye sayne that ye, been for your poverty.)  
17. Why will ye not be at her diriges as ye have been at rich men's? sith God praiseth him more than he doth other men.  
What is thy prayer worth? 
These be they that will not ●●ter themselves no● suffer other men that would. The Friar getteth by In prine●● & yet hateth the Gospel judas for; ● pence, but the priest ● friar for 4. pence selleth Christ.  sith thou wilt take therefore: for of all chapmen ye need to be most wise for dread of simony.  
What cause hast thou that thou wilt not preach the gospel, as God saith that thou shouldst? sith it is the best lore and also our believe.  
Why be ye evil apaid that secular priests should preach the Gospel? sith God himself hath bodden 'em.  
18. Why hate ye the gospel to be preached, sith ye be so much hold thereto: for ye win more by year with In principio, then with all the rules that ever your patrons made, and in this minstrels been better than ye, for they contrarien not to the mirthis that they maken, but ye contrarien the Gospel both in word and deed.  
19 Frere, when thou receivest a penny for to say a Mass: whether sellest thou God's body for that penny, or thy prayer or else thy travel? if thou sayest thou wilt not travel for to say the Mass, 
A comparison between ●u●as & the ●rier.  but for the penny, that oertes if this be sooth than thou lovest to little meed for thy soul, and if thou sellest God's body, other thy prayer: than it is very simony, and art become ● chapman worse than judas that sold it for thirty pence.  
20. Why writest thou her names in thy tables that giveth the money? sith God knoweth all thing: for it seemeth by thy writing: 
The Friar writeth because God ●orgetteth.  that God would not reward him, but thou writ in thy tables, God would else forgotten it.  
Why bearist thou God in hand and s●laundrest him, that he begged for his meet? sith he was Lord over all, for than had he been unwise to have begged, and have no need thereto?  
Frere after what law rulest thou thee? where findest thou in God's law that thou shouldest thus beg?  
21. What manner men needeth for to beg? 
For whom oweth such men to beg?  
Why beggest thou so for thy brethren?  If thou sayest, for they have need, than thou dost it for the more perfection, or else for the lest, or else for the mean. If it be the most perfection of all: then should all thy brethren do so, and then no man needed to beg but for himself: for so should no man beg but him needed. And i● it be the least perfection, why lonest thou then other men more than thyself▪ For so thou art not well in charity, sith thou shouldst seek the more perfection after thy power, living thyself most after God: and thus leaving that imperfection thou shouldest not so beg for them. And if it is a good mean thus to beg as thou dost, then should no man do so, but they been in this good mean, and yet such a mean granted to you may never be grounded on God's law: for then both ler●● and lewd that been in mean degree of this world, 
● is better ● labour & ●eue: then ● loiter and ●g M. friar.  should go about and beg as ye do. And if all should do so, certes well nigh all the world should go about and beg as ye done, and so should there be ten beggars against one ye●●  
Why procurest thou men to give thee their alms, and sayest it is so needful, and thou wilt not thyself win thee that meed?  
22. Why wilt not thou beg for poor bedrid men that ben● poorer than any of you sect: that liggen and mow not go about to help himselfes, sith we be all brethren in God, & that brotherhood passeth any other that ye or any man could make, and where most need were, there were most perfection, either else ye hold them not your pure brethren but worse: but than ye be unperfit in your begging?  
Why make ye so many masters among you: sith it is against the teaching of Christ and his Apostle.  
23. Whose been all your rich courts that ye han and all your rich inells? sith ye say that ye han nought ne in properue in common. If ye say they been the pope's? why gether ye then of poor men and Lords so much out of the kings hand to make your pope rich. 
alers beg ●om all men 〈◊〉 make the ●ope rich.  And sith ye say that it is great perfection to have nought in proper ne in comen? why be ye so fast about to make the Pope that is your father rich, and put on him imperfection? sithen ye sayne that your goods been all his, and he should by reason be the most perfit man, it seemeth openlich that ye ben cursed children so to slander your father and make him imperfect. 
〈◊〉 it be imperfection to ●e rich, why ●o the friars ●esire to ●ake the ●ope unperfect.  And if ye say that the goods be yours, then do ye against your rule: and if it be not against your rule, them might ye have both plough and cart and labour as other good men done, and not so to beg by losengery, and idle as ye done. If ye say, that it is more perfection to beg them to travel or worch with your hand, why preach ye not openly and teach all men to do so? sith it is the best & most perfit life to the help of their souls, as ye make children to beg that might have been rich heirs.  
23. Why make ye not your festes to poor men and giveth 'em yefts, as ye done to the rich? sith poor men han more need than the rich.  
What betokeneth that ye go twain and twain together? If ye be out of charity, ye accord not in soul.  
Why beg ye and take salaries thereto more than other priests? sith he that most taketh, most charge hath.  
24. Why hold ye not S. Francis rule and his testament? sith Francis saith, 
France's ●der be contrary to Christ his ●●stament, 〈◊〉 is Fran●s accursed.  that God showed him this living and this rule: and certes if it were Gods will, the Pope might not fordo it: or else Francis was a liar that said on this wise. And but this testament that he made, accord with Gods will: or else erred he is a liar that were out of charity, and as the law saith, he is cursed that letteth the rightful last will of a dead man. And this testament is the last will of Frances that is a dead man: it seemeth therefore that all his Freres been cursed.  
25. Why will ye not touch no coined money with the cross ne with the king's head, as ye done other jewels both of gold and silver? Certes if ye despise the Cross or the kings h●d than ye be worthy to be despised of God and the king: 
He that is more holy in hand th● in heart, is false to God.  and sith ye will receive money in your hearts, and not with your hands, and it seemeth that ye hold more holiness in your hands than in your hearts, and then be false to God.  
26. Why have ye exempt you from our kings laws, and visiting of our bishops more than other Christian men that liven in this realm: if ye be not guilty of traitory to our realm, 
A subject to exempt himself from the laws of his prince smelleth o● treason.  or trespassors to our Bishops? But ye will have the kings laws for the trespass do to you, and ye will have power of other Bishops more than other priests, and also have leave to prison your brethren as Lords in your courts more than other folks hau●, that been the kings liege men.  
27. Why shall some sect of you Freres pay each a year a certain to her general provincial or minister, 
Friars are forced to be thieves.  or else to her sovereigns': but if he steal a certain number of children (as some men sayne) and certain if this been sooth, than ye be constre●●ed upon certain pain to do theft against God's commandment. Non furtum facies.  
28. Why be ye so hardy to grant by letters of fraternity to men and women, 
Works of supererogation.  that they shall have part and merit of all your good deeds, and ye witen never whether God be apaid with your deeds because of your sin? Also ye witten never whether that man or woman be in state to be saved or damned, then shall he have no merit in heaven for his own deeds ne for none other man's. And all were it so, that he should have part of your good deeds: yet should he have no more than God would give him after that he were worthy: 
God is the limiter of need and reward, and not the Friar.  and so mich shall each man have of Gods yeft without your limitation. But if ye will say that ye been God's fellows, and that he may not do without your assent, then be ye blasphemers to God.  
29. What betokeneth that ye have ordained, that when such one as ye have made your brother or sister, 
friars will not pray, but for them that be of their fraternity.  and hath a letter of your scale, that letter mought be brought in your holy chapter, and there be rad, or else ye will not pray for him. And but ye willen pray especially for all other that were not made your brethren or sistren? then were ye not in right charity: for that ought to be comen, and namely in Ghostly things.  
30. Frere, what charity is this to overcharge the people by mighty begging under colour of preaching, or praying, or masses singing? sith holy writ biddeth not thus, but even the contrary: for all such ghostly deeds should be done freely, as God giveth them freely.  
31. Frere, what charity is this to beguile children or they comen to discretion, and bind him to your orders that been not grounded in God's law, against her friends will: sithen by this folly bend many Apostates both in will and deed, 
Friars do make Apostates.  and many been Apostates in her will, during all her life that would gladly be discharged if they witted how, and so many been Apostates, that shoulden in other states have been true men.  
32. Frere, what charity is this to make so many Freres in every country to the charge of the people: sith persons & vicars alone, ye secular priests alone, ye monks & Canons alone, with bishops above them: were enough to the church to do priests office? And to add more then enough is a foul error, and great charge to the people, and this openly against God's will that ordained all things to be done in weight, 
The number of Friars are superfluous & as necessary as ten fingers on one hand.  number and measure, and Christ himself was apaid with 12. Apostles and a few disciples to preach and do priests office to all the whole world, than was it better do then is now at this time by a thousand deal: and right so as four fingers with a thumb in a man's hand helpeth a man to worch, and double number of fingers in one hand should let him more: and so the more number the there were passing the measure of God's ordinance, the more were a man letted to work. Right so (as it seemeth) it is of these new orders that been added to the church without ground of holy write and God's ordinance.  
33. Frere, 
See so fast the Friar followeth Christ in his poverty.  what charity is this to the people to lie and say that ye follow Christ in poverty more than other men done, and yet in curious and costly howling, and fine and precious clothing, and delicious and liking feeding, & in treasure and jewels, & rich ornaments, Freres passen Lords and other rich worldly men: and soon they should bring her cause about (be it never so costly) though God's law be put aback.  
34. Frere what charity is this to gather up the books of holy write and put 'em in treasury, 
Friars are the letters of preaching the Gospel.  and so emprison them from secular priests and curates, & by this cautel let 'em to preach the Gospel freely to the people without worldly meed, and also to defame good priests of heresy & lain on 'em openly for to let 'em to show gods law by the holy gospel to the Christian people?  
35. Frere, what charity is this to fayne so much holiness in your bodily clothing (that ye clepe your habit) that many blind fools desiren to die therein more than in an other: and also that a Frere that leaveth his habit late founden of men, 
What holiness is in a friars coat  may not be assoiled till he take again, but is Apostata as ye say, and cursed of God and man both. The Frere believeth truth, and patience, chastity, meekness and sobriety: 
The stouter beggar the nobler Friar.  yet for the more part of his life, he may soon be assoiled of his Prior, and if he bring home to his house mich goad by the year (be it never so fal●y begged & peeled of the poor and needy people in in countries about) he shall behold a noble Frere, 
Why friars so much desire to have rich men buried in their friaries.  O Lord whether this be charity?  
36. Frere, what charity is this to press upon a rich● man, and to entice him to be buried among you from his parish Church, and to such rich men give letters of fraternity confirmed by your general seal, and thereby to bear him in hand that he shall have part of all your masses, matins, preachings, fastings, wakinges, and all other good deeds done by your brethren of your order (both whiles he liveth, and after that he is dead) and yet ye wytten never whether your deeds be acceptable to God, ne whether that man that hath that letter be able by good living to receive any part of your deeds: and yet a poor man (that ye wite well or supposen in certain to have no good of) ye ne given to such letters, though he be a better man to God than such a rich man: nevertheless this poor man doth not retch thereof. 
friars behests are false deceits.  For as men supposen such letters and many other that Freres behotten to men, be full false deceits of Friars: out of all reason, and gods law and christian men's faith.  
37. Frere, what charity is this, to be Confessors of Lords and Ladies and to other mighty men, and not amend 'em in her living: but rather as it seemeth, to be the bolder to pill her poor tenants, and to live in lechery, & there to dwell in your office of confessor for winning of worldly goods, 
friars desire to be Lords and Ladies confessors.  and to be hold great by colour of such ghostly offices: this seemith rather pride of Freres than charity of God.  
38. Frere, what charity is this to say, that who so liveth after your order, liveth most perfitly, and next followeth the state of Apostles in poverty and penance: & yet the wisest and greatest clerks of you, wend or sand or procure to the court of Rome to be made Cardinals, or bishops or the pope's chaplains, and to be assoiled of the vow of poverty and obedience to your ministers in the which (as ye sayne) standeth most perfection and merit of your orders: and thus ye faren as Phariseis that say one and do an other to the contrary. 
Friars and Pharises say one and do another.   
Why name ye more the Patron of your order in your Confiteor when ye begin mass: then other Saints, Apostles or Martyrs, that holy Church hold more glorious, then hem? and clepe 'em your Patrons and your avowries.  
Frere, whether was S. Francis in making of his rule, that he set thine order in, a fool & a liar, or else wise and true? 
Dilemma.  If ye say that he was not a fool, but wise, ne a liar, but true: why show ye contrary by your doing? when by your suggestion to the pope ye said, that your rule that Frances made was so hard, that ye might not live to hold it, without declaration and dispensation of the pope. And so, by your deed: ne let your Patron a fool that made a rule so hard, that no man may well keep: and eke your deed proveth him a liar, where he saith in his rule, that he took and learned it of the holy Ghost. For how might ye for shame pray the Pope undo that the holy ghost bit, as when ye prayed him to dispense with the hardness of your order. 
Which is the best order of Friars.   
Frere, which of the four orders of Friars is best to a man that knoweth not which is the best, but would fain enter into the best, and none other? If thou sayest that thine is the best, than sayest thou that none of the other is as good as thine: and in this each Frere in the 3. other order's wool say that thou liest, for in the self manner each other friar will say that his order is best. And thus to each of the 4. orders been the other three contrary in this point: in the which if any saith sooth, that is one alone, for there may but one be the best of four: so followeth it that if each of these orders answered to this question as thou dost, iij. were false, and but one true: and yet no man should wite who that were. 
friars never agree one with an other.  And thus it seemeth, that the most part of friars, been or should be liars in this point, and they should answer thereto. If you say that an other order of the Freres is better than thine, or as good: why took ye nat rather thereto as to the better, when thou mightst have chose at the beginning: And eke why shouldest thou be an Apostata to leave thine order, and take thee to that is better, and so why goest thou not from thine order into that?  
Frere, is there any perfiter rule of religion than Christ God's son gave in his Gospel to his brethren? Or then that religion, that Saint james in his Epistle maketh mention of? If you say yes, than puttest thou on Christ (that is the wisdom of God the father) unkunning, 
The Friar thinks: 〈◊〉 rule pewter the ●●stes, bee●● be lea●● the one 〈◊〉 follow 〈◊〉 the other.  unpower, or evil will: for than he could not make his rule so good as an other did his. And so he had be unkunning, that he might not so make his rule so good as an other man might, and so were he unmighty, and not GOD, as he would not make his rule so perfit as an other did his, and so he had been evil willed, namely to himself.  
For if he might, and could, and would have made a rule perfit without default, & did not: he was not God's son almighty. For if any other rule be perfiter than Christ's, then must Christ's rule lack of that perfection by as much as the other weren more perfiter, and so were default, and Christ had failed in making of his rule: but to put any default or failing in god is blasphemy. If thou say that Christ's rule, and that religion of that S. james maketh mention of, is the perfitest: why holdest thou not thilk, rule without more. And why clepest thou the rather of S. Frances or S. Dominic'S rule or religion, or order, then of Christ's rule, or Christ's order?  
Frere, canst thou any default or assign in Christ's rule of the Gospel (with the which he taught all men sickerly to be saved) if they kept it to her ending? If thou say it was to hard, 
Dilemma.  than sayest thou Christ lied: for he said of his rule: My yoke is soft, and my burden light. If thou say Christ's rule was to light, that may be assigned for no default, for the better it may be kept. If thou sayest that there is no default in Christ's rule of the Gospel, sith Christ himself saith it is light and easy: what need was it to patrons of Freres, to add more thereto? and so to make an hardar religion to save Friars, than was the religion of Christ's Apostles and his disciples helden and were saved by. But if they wolden that her Freres saten above the Apostles in heaven for the harder religion that the keepen here: so would they sitten in heaven above Christ himself, 
friars 〈◊〉 sit in 〈◊〉 above the Apostles.  for they more and strait observations: than so should they be better than Christ himself with mischance.  
Go now forth & fray your Clerks, and ground ye you in God's law, & give jack an answer: and when ye han assoiled me that I have said sadly in truth, I shall so●e thee of thine ordes, and save thee to heaven.   
If Freres kun not or mow not excuse 'em of these questions asked of 'em: it seemeth that they be horrible guilty against God, and her even Christian. For which gates & defaults, it were worthy that the order that they call their order were fordone. And it is wonder that men sustain 'em or suffer 'em live in such manner. For holy writ biddeth that thou do well to the meek, and give not to the wicked, but forbed to give 'em bread, lest they be made thereby mightier through you.  
After these digressions, now to return to the course of our story again. As Henry this king succeeded K. john his father, 
Otho the Emperor set up 〈◊〉 deposed again by 〈◊〉 Pope.  so after Innocent the Pope, came Honorius 3. then Gregorius 9 etc. And after Otho the Emperor (whom the Pope had once set up, & after deprived again) succeeded Frederick the second, as is partly before touched. In the days of these kings, pope's and Emperor's: it were to long to recite all that happened in England, but especially in Germany, betwixt Pope Honorius, Gregorius and Frederick the Emperor: the horrible tragedy whereof, were enough to fill a whole book by itself. But yet we mean God willing, somewhat to touch concerning these Ecclesiastical matters, first beginning with this realm of England.  
After that the kingdom of England had been subjecteth by K. john, as hath been said, and made tributary to the pope and the Romish Church: it is incredible how the insatiable avarice and greediness of the Romans did oppress and wring the commons and all estates & degrees of the realm, especially beneficed men and such as had any thing of the Church. Who, what for their domestical charges within the realm, what for the pope, what for the Legates, what for contributing to the holy land, what for relaxations, and other subtle sleights to get away their money, were brought into such slavery, captivity, and penury, that where as the king neither durst nor might remedy their exclamations by himself: yet notwithstanding by his advise, Simon Mounfort, and the Earl of Leiceister, and other noble men (not forgetting what great grievances and distresses the realm was brought into by the Romans) thought to work some way, how to bridle & restrain the insatiable ravening of these greedy wolves. Wherefore they devised their letter, giving strait commandment to the religious men, and to such as had their churches to term: that henceforth they should not answer the Romans of such fermes and rents any more, but should pay the said fermes or rents unto their own proctor's appointed for the same purpose, as by their writings sent abroad to bishops or chapters, & other Ecclesiastical houses, may appear in this form and effect as followeth.  
TO such and such a bishop, and such a chapter: all the university and company of them, that had rather die then to be confounded of the Romans, wisheth health. How the Romans and their Legates have hitherto behaved themselves toward you, and other Ecclesiastical persons of this realm of England, 
A complaint of the nobles of England against the covetousness of Rome.  it is not unknown to your discretions, in disposing and giving away the benefices of the Realm after their own lust, to the intolerable prejudice and grievance both of you and all other Englishmen. For where as the collation of benefices should and do properly belong to you and other your fellow bishops (Ecclesiastical persons) they thundering against you the sentence of excommunication, that you should not bestow them upon any person of this Realm, until in every Diocese and Cathedral Church within the Realm, five Romans (such as the Pope shall name) be provided for, to the value of every man an hundred pounds by year. Besides these, many other grevaunces the said romanists do inflict and infer, both to the laity and Nobles of the Realm, for the patronages and almoise bestowed by them and their ancestors: for the sustentation of the poor of the Realm, and also to the Clergy and ecclesiastical persons of the Realm, touching their livings and benefices. And yet the said romanists not contented with the premises, do also take from the Clergy of this Realm, the benefices which they have, to bestow them upon men of their own country. etc.  
Wherefore, we considering the rigorous austerity of these foresaid romanists, which once coming in but as strangers hither, now take upon them not only to judge but also to condemn us, laying upon us unportable burdens, whereunto they will not put to one of their own fingers to move: laying therefore our heads together upon a general and full advise had among ourselves concerning the same, have thought good (although very late) to resist and withstand them: rather, then to be subject to their intolerable oppressions, & greater slavery more hereafter to be looked for. For the which cause, we straightly charge and command you, as your friends (going about to deliver you the Church, the king, and the kingdom from that miserable yoke of servitude) that you do not intermeddle or take any part, concerning such exactions or rents to be required or given to the said Romans. Letting you to understand for truth, that in case you shall (which God forbidden) be found culpable herein: not only your goods and possessions shall be in danger of burning, but also in your persons shall incur the same peril and punishment, as shall the said Romish oppressors themselves.  
Thus far ye well.  

Example reaching never to take part against their king with foreign power.  ¶ Thus much I thought here to insert and notify concerning this matter, for that not only the greedy and avaricious greediness of the Romish church might the more evidently unto all Englishmen appear: but that they may learn by this example: how worthy they be so to be served & plagued with their own rod, which before would take no part with their natural king, against foreign power, of whom now they are scourged.  
To make the story more plain. In the reign of this Henry the third (who succeeding as is said, after king john his father reigned six and fifty years) came divers Legates from Rome to England: First Cardinal Otho sent from the Pope with letters to the king, 
Cardinal Otho Legat  like as other letters also were sent to other places for exactions of money.  
The king opening the letters and perceiving the contents: answered that he alone could say nothing in the matter, which concerned all the clergy and commons of the whole Realm. Not long after, a Council was called at Westminster, where the letters being opened the form was this. Petimus imprimis ab omnibus Ecclesijs Cathedralibus duas nobis praebendas exhiberi, 
The pope requireth two prebendships in every cathedral Church.  unam de portione Episcopi, & alteram de capitulo. Et similiter de Coenobijs ubi diversae sunt portiones Abbatis & conventus: a conventibus quantum pertinet ad unum Monachum, aequali facta distributione honorum suorum, & ab Abbate tantundem. That is: We require to be given unto us first, of all Cathedral Churches two Prebends, one for the bishops part, one other for the Chapter. And likewise of monasteries, where be divers portions, one for the Abbot, an other for the Covent: Of y● Covent, so much as appertaineth to one Monk, y● portion of the goods being proportionly divided: Of the Abbot likewise as much. The cause why he required these prehendes was this. It hath been (saith he) an old slander, and a great complaint against the Church of Rome, to be noted of insatiable covetousness, 
Note the cause why the pope is compelled to crave money of other countries.  which as ye know is the root of all mischief: and all by reason that causes be wont commonly not to be handled, nor to proceed in the Church of Rome without great gifts and expense of money. Whereof, seeing the poverty of the Church is the cause, and why it is so slandered and ill spoken of: it is therefore convenient, that you (as natural children) should secure your mother. For unless we should receive of you and of other good men as you are: we should then lack necessaries for our life, which were a great dishonour to our dignity. etc.  
When those petitions and causes of the Legate were propounded in the foresaid assembly at Westminster on the Pope's behalf (the Bishops & Prelates of the realm being present) answer was made by the mouth of master john Bedford on this wise: that the matter there proponed by the Lord Legate, in especial concerning the king of England, but in general it touched all the archbishops with their suffragans, the Bishops, and all the prelate's of the realm. Wherefore, seeing both the king by reason of his sickness is absent, and the Archbishop of Caunterbury with divers other Bishops also were not there: therefore in the absence of them they had nothing to say in the matter, neither could they so do without prejudice of them which were lacking. And so the assembly for that time broke up.  
Not long after, the said Otho Cardinal De carcere Tulliano, coming again from Rome cum autentico plenariae potestatis, 
A council at London called.  indicted an other Council at London: caused all Prelates, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other of the clergy to be warned unto the same Council, to be had in the Church of S. Paul's at London, about the feast of S. Martin: the pretence of which Council was for redress of matters concerning benefices and religion, but the chief & principal was to hunt for money. For putting them in fear and in hope, some to lose, some to obtain spiritual promotions at his hand, he thought gain would rise thereby, and so it did. For in the mean time (as Parisiensis in vita Henrici. 3. writeth) divers precious rewards were offered him in Palfreys, in rich plate and jewels, in costly and sumptuous garments richly furred, in coin, in vitals, etc. In so much that only the bishop of Wintchester (as the story reporteth) hearing that he would winter at London, 
Great rewards given to the Cardinal.  sent him L. fat Oxen, an C. come of pure wheat, 8. tun of chosen wine, toward his house keeping. Likewise other bishops also for their part offered unto the Cardinal's box, after their ability.  
The time of the Council drawing nigh: the Cardinal commanded at the West end of Paul's Church an high & solemn throne to be prepared, rising up with a glorious scaffold upon mighty and substantial stages strongly builded and of a great height. Thus against the day assigned, came the said archbishops, Bishops, Abbots and other of the prelacy, both far and near throughout all England, wearied and vexed with the winter's journey, bringing their letters procuratory. Who being together assembled, the Cardinal beginneth his sermon. 
Contention for sitting on the right hand of the Cardinal.  But before we come to the sermon, there happened a great discord between the 2. archbishops of Caunterbury and of York, for sitting at the right hand and left hand of the glorious Cardinal: for the which the one appealed against the other. The Cardinal to pacify the strife between them both, so that he would not derogate from either of them, brought forth a certain Bull of the Pope: in the midst of which Bull was pictured the figure of the cross. On the right side of the cross stood the image of S. Paul, and on the left side, S. Peter. Lo saith the Cardinal (holding open the Bull with the cross) here you see S. Peter on the left hand of the cross, and S. Paul on the right side, and yet is there between these two no contention. For both are of equal glory. 
Why Saint Paul standeth on the right hand of the pope's cross Why the archb. of Cant. hath the right hand and the archb. of York the left hand.  And yet S. Peter for the prerogative of his keys, & for the pre-eminence of his Apostleship and Cathedral dignity seemeth most worthy to be placed on the right side. But yet, because S. Paul believed on Christ, when he saw him not, therefore hath he the right hand of the Cross: for blessed be they, saith Christ, which believe and see not. etc. And from that time forth, the Archbishop of Canterbury enjoyed the right hand, & the archbishop of York, the left. Wherein yet, this Cardinal is more to be commended then the other Cardinal Hugo mentioned a little before, pag. 208. which in the like contention between these Archbishops, ran his way.  
Thus the controversy ceased, 
Note the theme of the Cardinal applied to  and composed between these two: Otho the Cardinal sitting aloft between these 2. archbishops beginneth his sermon, taking the theme of the Prophet. In medio sedis, & in circuitu eius quatuor animalia plena oculis ante & retro. etc. That is.  
In the midst of the seat, and in the circuit about the seat, were four beasts full of eyes before and behind. etc. Upon this theme, 
God, how he applieth it to himself. Scripture clerkly applied.  the Cardinal proceeded in his sermon, sitting like a God in the midst. He compared them about him, to that four beasts about the seat, declaring how they ought to have eyes both before & behind (that is) that they must be provident in disposing of secular things, and circumspect in spiritual matters, continuing & joining wisely things passed with things to come, & this was the greatest effect of this Clerkly Sermon. That done, he giveth forth certain statutes for odering of Churches: as for the dedication of temples, for seven sacraments, for giving of orders, for ferming of benefices, collations and resignations of benefices and vicarages, priests apparel, & single life, for eating of flesh in religious houses, for archdeacon's bishops, proctor's, and such other like matters. But the chiefest intent of all his proceeding was this, that they should be vigilant, provident, and circumspect, with all their eyes (both before and behind) to fill the pope's pouch: as appeared not only by this, but all their other travails besides. Insomuch, that the king dreading the displeasures of his commons for the doings of the Legate, willed him to repair home to Rome again: but yet could not so be rid of him, For he, receiving now commandments from the Pope: applied his harvest, still glening and raking what soever he might scrape, writing and sending to Bishops and archdeacon's in this form and tenor.  

A letter of the Cardinal to bishops and archdeacon's. Censure of the Church well applied.  OTto miseratione divina etc. discreto viro N. Episcopo vel N. Archidiacono sal. Cum necesse habeamus de mandato summi pontificis moram trahere in Englia longiorem nec possimus proprijs stipendijs militare, discretionem vestram, qua fungimur autoritate rogamus, ut procurationes vobis debitas in Episcopatu, vel Archidiaconatu vestro colligi faciatis nostro nomine diligenter, eas quàm citius poteritis nobis transmissuri, contradictores per censuram Ecclesiasticam compescendo. Proviso, quòd quaelibet procuratio summam 4. mercarum aliquatenus non excedat, & ubi una Ecclesia non sufficiet ad procurationem huiusmodi habendam, 
Four marks to be paid to the Pope of every procuration.  duae pariter unam soluant.  
Datum. Lond. 15. Kal. Mar Pont. D. Grego Papae. 9  
And moreover, note again the wicked & cursed trains of these Romish rakehells: 
Note the crafty practice of the Romish prelates to proyle for money.  who to pick simple men's purses, first send out their Friars and preachers to stir up in all places and countries men to go fight against the Turks. Whom, when they have once bound with a vow, & sign them with the cross: them send they their bulls to release them both of their labour, and their vow for money. As by their own stile of writing is here to be seen, thus proceeding.  
N. Episcopus dilectis in Christo filijs omnibus Archidiaconis per Diocesim suam constitutis sal Literas Domini Legati suscepimus in haec verba. Otto miseratione divina. etc. Cum sicut intelleximus nonnulli cruce signati regni Angliae, qui sunt inhabiles ad pugnandum, ad sedem Apostolicam accedant: ut ibidem a voto crucis absolui valeant, & nos nuper recipimus a summo pontifice in mandatis, ut tales non solùm absoluere, verùm & ad redimenda vota sua 
* Note the stile of Rome.  compellere debeamus, volentes eorum parcere laboribus & expensis, fraternitatem vestram qua fungimur, monemus, quatenus partem praedictam a summo pontifice nobis concessam faciatis in nostris diocesibus sine mora qualibet publicari, ut prefati cruce signati ad nos accedere valeant, 
* mmo malesicium & naufragium pecuniae.  beneficium super his iuxa formam nobis traditam accepturi. Datum Londini xv. kal. Marc. Pont D N. Papae Grego. 9  
The cause why the pope was so greedy & needy of money was this: because he had mortal hatred, & waged continual battle the same time against the good Emperor Frederick the 2. who had to wife king john's daughter, 
Frederick the Emperor married king john's daughter.  and sister to this king Henry thee 3. whose name was Isabella. And therefore because the pope's war could not be sustained without charges: that made the pope, the more portimate to take up money in all places, but especially in England. 
The fifth part of every spiritual man's living given to the Pope  Insomuch that he shamed not to require the fifth part of every ecclesiastical man's living, as Parifiensis writeth. And not only that but also the said Pope Gregory (conventing with the Citizens of Rome) so agreed with them: that if they would join with him in vanquishing that foresaid Frederick, he would (and so did) grant unto them, that all the benefices in England which were or should be vacant (namely pertaining to religious houses) shuold be bestowed at their own will & commandment to their children & kinsfolks. Whereupon it followeth in the forenamed history, 
Three hundred Romans to be placed in the best benefices of England.  unde infra paucos dies misit D. Papa sacra praecepta sua Domino Cant. Archiep. Eliensi. & Lincol. & Salisb. Episcopis ut trecentis Romanis, in primis beneficijs vacantibus providerent, scientes se suspensos a beneficiorum collatione donec tot competenter provideretur. That is.  
The Pope sent in commandment to the Archbishop of Cant. and 4. other Bishops: that provision should be made for 3. hundred Romans in the chiefest & best benefices in all England, at the next voidance. So that the foresaid Aarchb. and bishops should be suspended in the mean time from all collation or gift of the benefit, until these foresaid 3. hundred were provided for-whereupon the Archb. the same time seeing the unreasonable oppression of the Church of England, left the realm and went into France.  
Again, 
Petrus R●beus the Pope's age●  mark an other as much or more easy sleight of the pope in procuring money: he sent one Petrus Rubeus the same time, with a new devise, which was this: not to work anything openly, 
A Romish sleight of 〈◊〉 pope to ge● English m●ney.  but privily to go betwixt Bishop and Bishop, Abbot and Abbot etc. telling in their ears such a Bishop, such an Abbot hath given so much and so much unto the Pope's holiness, trusting that you also will not be behind for your part etc. By the means whereof it is incredible to think what a mass of money was made out of the Realm unto the pope.  
At length the foresaid bishops, Abbots, and Archdeacon's feeling their own smart, came to the king (whose father before, they did resist) with their humble suit lamentably complaining of the unmeasurable exactions of the pope: and especially against Petrus Rubeus and his fellow Otto the Legate, desiring the K. that seeing the matter toncheth not themselves alone, but the whole church, and seeing the valuation of Churches was known better unto their archdeacon's then to themselves: therefore they desired a general calling and talk to be had in the matter. In the Octaves of S. john the Baptist, the day and place was assigned where they should talk. At which day, and place the Prelates of England conventing together, durst not give any direct denay of that contribution, but after a modest sort did insinuate certain acceptions against the same.  

1. First they say, that forsomuch as the contribution is demanded to war against him, 
Exceptio●● alleged fo● not contributing to the Pope.  who was joined to matrimony with their prince, they were not bound so to do.  
2. Secondly, for that the said contribution tended to the shedding of Christian blood: for so the form of the bill pretended, to fight against the Emperor.  
3. Thirdly, because it was against the liberty of the Church: for so it is in the bill: that they that would not, should be excommunicate.  
4. Fourthly, because that when a late they gave the tenth part of their goods, it was with this protestation, that they should contribute to the pope no more hereafter.  
5. Item, because they had contributed before, if they should now contribute again, it were to be feared lest an action twice done should grow into a custom, as is in the law. Lege nemo etc.  
6. Item forasmuch as they shall have causes continually to seek to Rome through the emperors land: it were to be feared, lest the said Emperor by the way would work their annoyance.  
7. Item, because the king hath many enemies abroad, & for his wars hath need of much money at home: it is not convenient that the goods of the realm should be alienated out of the Realm.  
8. Item, because that could not be done without prejudice to the patrons of their churches, not knowing whether their patrons did or would agree unto the same.  
9 Lastly, because they hear say, that the general state of the Church is in danger: for the which they understand there shall be shortly a general Council, wherein such matters shall be determined: and therefore if they should contribute now, it should be to the hindrance and damage of the Church.   
The Legate and his fellow hearing these allegations, seeing their own confusion were the less importunate.  
Not long after this, followed a general Council at Lions, called by Pope Innocentius 4. in the which Council the English nation did exhibit certain articles of their grevamces, not unworthy to be known. Gravatur regnum Angliae eo quòd D. Papa non est contentus subsidio illo quòd vocatur denarius be. Petri. etc. In English thus.  

1. The kingdom of England is grieved that the pope being not contented with his Peter pence, 
Articles exhibited in the council of Lugdun● for the grievances sustained by the pope. The 1. grievance. The secon●.  requireth and extorteth from the Clergy great exactions, and (more is like) without the consent both of the king, and against the customs of the realm.  
2. Item, the church and kingdom of England is grieved, that the patrons of the same, cannot present as they were wont into their Churches, for the pope's letters. But the churches are given to Romans, which know neither the realm, nor the tongue thereof, both to the great peril of souls and robbing away the money out of the realm.  
3. Item, 
The third.  it is grieved, for that the Pope promising by the tenor of his letters, that in requiring of pensions and provisions in the realm of England, he would require but only twelve benefices▪ now contrary to the tenor thereof, many more benefices and provisions are bestowed away by him.  

The fourth.  4. Item, the realm is grieved and complaineth, that in the benefices in England, one Italian succeed an other, the English men being not only excluded, but also compelled (for the determining of their matters) to seek to Rome: contrary both to the customs of the Realm, and also to the privileges granted by the pope's predecessors to the king and kingdom of England.  

The fifth. He meaneth percase Oho or mai●er Marti●●s.  5. The fift grievance is, for the oft recourse of that infamous Legate, by whom both faith and fidelity, the ancient customs of the realm, the authority of old grants, statutes, laws, and privileges, are imbeseled and abrogate: whereby an infinite number in England be grievously afflicted and oppressed.  

The sixth.  6. The said realm is also grieved in general tallages, collections, and assizes, made without the king's consent, the appellation and contradiction of the kings Proctors to the contrary notwithstanding.  

The seventh  7. seventhly, the foresaid realm complaineth and is grieved: that in the benefices given to Italians, neither the old ordinances, nor relief of the poor, nor hospitality, nor any preaching of God's word, nor care of men's souls, nor service in the Church, nor yet the walls of the Churches be kept up and maintained, as the manner & custom of the same realm requireth. Over and above these foresaid grievances, there came moreover from the pope other fresh letters, 
The Babilo●icall capti●●tie & slavery of England under the Pope.  charging and commanding the prelate's of England to find of their proper costs and charges, for one whole year, some ten armed soldiers, some 5. some 15. to be ready at the pope's commandment there, where he should appoint.   
After these and other grievances & enormities of Rome the states of England consulting together, direct their letters to the pope for reformation thereof: first the Abbots & Priors, than the bishops and suffragans, after the Nobles and Barons, last of all the king himself. But as the proverb is, venture non habet aures. so the pope's purse had no ears to hear. And as our common saying goeth, as good never a whit, as never the better, so went it with the pope. Who not long after the same, sent ye for new tallage and exactions to be collected: which thing when it came to the king's ear, he being moved and disturbed vehemently withal, writeth in this wise to the bishops, severally to every one in his diocese.  

The letter of K. Henry the third to the Bishops.  HEnricus tertius dei gratia. etc. Venerabili in Christo N Episcopo Salutem. Licet aliàs vobis. etc. In English thus.  
Henry the third by the grace of GOD, to the reverend in Christ bishop of N. Whereas we have heretofore written unto you once. 
K. Henry the ●. commandeth no tax nor tallage to be sent to the pope.  twice, thrice, as well by our privy seals, as also by our letters patents, that you should not exact or collect for the pope's behalf, any tallage or other help of our subjects either of the Clergy or of the Laity, for that no such tallage nor help, either can or is used to be exacted in our realm without the great prejudice of our princely dignity, which we neither will nor can suffer or sustain: yet you contemning and and vilepending our commandment, and contrary to the provision made in our last Council at London (granted and agreed upon by our prelate's, Earls, and Barons) have that notwithstanding, proceeded in collecting the said your taxes and tallages. Whereupon we do greatly marvel and are moved (especially seeing you are not ashamed to do contrary unto your own decrees) whereas you and other prelate's in the said Council in this did all agree and grant, that no such exactions should be hereafter, until the return of our & your Ambassadors from the court of Rome, sent thither purposely of us, and in the name of the whole realm for the same, for to provide redress against these oppressions. Wherefore, we straightly will and command you, that from henceforth you do not proceed any more in collecting and exacting such tallages or helps, as you will enjoy our favour, and such possessions of yours, as within this our Kingdom you have and hold. And if you have already procured or gathered any such thing: yet that you suffer not the same to be transported out of our realm, but cause it to be kept in safe custody, till the return of the said Ambassadors, under the pain of our displeasure in doing of the contrary: and also of provoking us to extend our hand upon your posessions, farther than you will think or believe. Moreover, willing & charging you, that you participate & make common this our inhibition, with your Archdeacon's and Officials, which we here have set forth for the liberties of the clergy and of the people, as knoweth God. etc.  
At length, the Ambassadors which were at Rome, came home about the latter end of December, bringing word, 
The pope's saying against king Henry.  that the pope hearing what was done in the Council of Winchester and of the king, was greatly displeased with him and the realm, saying: Rex Anglorum qui iam recalcitrat et frederisat suum habet consilium; ego verò & meum habeo, quod & sequar. etc. Whereupon, when the Ambassadors began to speak in the kings behave: from that time, they were half counted for schismatics, & could no more be heard in the court of Rome. 
K. Henry again restraineth the pope's taxes.  The king hearing this, was marvelously incensed therewith, commanding by general proclamation through all this realm: that no man should hereafter consent to any tax or subsidy of money for the court of Rome. When this came to the pope's ear, upon a cruel rage, 
The pope taketh against the king.  he directed his letters to the Prelates of England, charging that under pain of suspense or interdiction, they should provide the same sum of money to be collected against the feast of the Assumption, the charge being given to the Bishop of Worcester to be executor of the said curse. The king, that lately intended to stand to the liberties of the Church: now for fear of the pope, and partly for persuasions of the said Bishop of Worcester and other Prelates, durst not stand to it, 
The king compelled for fear to give over to the pope.  but gave over. Moreover, the greedy gulf of the Romish avarice waxed so unmeasurable, that at length the pope shamed not upon the censure of his curse, to ask the third part of the Church goods, and the yearly fruit of all vacant benefices, 
The pope asketh the 3 part of the church goods.  The chief doers and Legates in England, were Otho, Stephanus Capellanus, Petrus Rubeus nuncius, Mag. Martin. & Mag. Marinus, joannes Anglicus Episcopus Sabi●ensis. Of whom to speak further (for that I have matter much more to write) for this present time I think beast to surcease: lest in opening all the detestable doings and pestilent workings of those men, I might perhaps not only molest good cares: but also infect the air. Yet one thing concerning the said Otho, I cannot well overpass.  
This Otho, as he left no place unsought, where any vantage might be got: 
A story of Cardinal Otho at Oxford.  so amongst all other he came to Oxford. Where lying in the house of Osney, he was received with great honour: the scholars presenting him honourably with such dishes and rewards as they had, thinking to gratify the Cardinal after the best manner. This being done before dinner, & the dinner ended, they came reverently to see and welcome him, supposing that they also should with like courtesy again of him be entertained. As they came to the gate, the porter (being an Italian) with a loud voice asketh what they would have. They said they came to see the Lord Legate. But Cerberus the porter holding the door half open, with proud and contumelious language thrust them out, 
A skirmish between the scholars of Oxford and the Cardinal's men.  and would not suffer them to enter. The Shollers seeing that, by force thrust open the gate and came in: whom when the Romans which were within would have repelled with their fists, and such staves as they had in their hands, they fell to alar●● and by the ears together, with much hoving and shoving and many blows on both sides. In the mean time while some of the scholars ran home for their weapons, their chanced a poor scholar (an Irishman) to stand at the gate waiting for his alms. Whom when the master Cook saw at the gate, he taking hot scalding water out of the pan where the meat was sodden: did cast it in his face. One of the scholars a Welshman, that came with his Bow and shafts, seeing that: letteth drive an arrow, and shooteth this Nabuzardan (that master of cooks) clean through the body, and slayeth him out of hand. The Cook falling dead: there was a mighty broil, & a great clamour, 
The Cardinal runneth away.  throughout all the house. The Cardinal hearing the tumult and great noise about him, like a valiant roman runneth as fast as as he could into the steeple & there locket the doors fast unto him, where he remained till midnight. The scholars in the mean while not yet all pacified sought all corners about for the Legate, exclaiming & crying out: where is that usurer, that simoniac, that pillar & poler of our livings, that proyler and extortioner of our money which perverteth our king: and subverteth his kingdom; enriching himself with our spoils. etc. all this heard the Cardinal, and held his peace. When the night approaching had broken up the field: the Cardinal coming out of his fort, and taking his horse (in silence of the night) was privily conveyed over the river toward the king, conveying himself away as fast he could. After the king heard this, he sendeth to Oxford a garrison of armed men, to deliver the Romans' which were there hidden for fear of scholars. Then was master Odo a lawer, 
Thirty scholars taken and had to prison.  with 30. other scholars apprehended, & carried to Walingford Castle: & from thence had in Cartes to London, where at length through much entreaty of the bishops) being brought barefoot to the Legates door, had their pardon, & the University released of interdiction. And thus much concerning the Pope's Legates in England.  
Thus partly you have heard, & do understand the miserable thraldom and captivity of this realm of England and the clergy of the same: who before refused to take part with king john their natural Prince, against the foreign power of the pope: and now how miserably they are oppressed and scourged of the same pope. Whose insatiable extortion & rapacity, did so exceed in pilling & poling of this realm long after this, that neither the K. now could help them, neither could the pope with any reasonable measure be content. In so much (as writers record) in the days of Sudbury Archb. of Canterbury an. 1360. the pope by his proctor's got from the Clergy in less than one year, 
Three score thousand Florins contributed to the pope in one year of the clergic.  more than lx. M. florences, of mere contribution: besides his other avails & common revenues out of benefices, prebendaries, first fruits, tributes, Peter Pence, collations, reservations, relaxations, & such merchandise. etc.  
Mention was made a little before pag. 231. and 239. of Albingenses keeping about the City of Tholouse. These Albingauses because they began to smell the pope, and to control the inordinate proceedings and discipline of the sea of Rome: the Pope therefore recounting them as a people heretical, excited and stirred up, about this present time & year an. 1220. 
Ludovick the French king.  Ludovick the young French king through the instance of Philip his Father: to lay siege against the said City of Tholouse, to expugn & extinguish these Albingenses his enemies. 
Ludovick fighteth against Albingenses.  Whereupon Ludovick (according to his father's commandment) reared a puissant and a mighty army, to compass about and beset the forenamed city: and so did. Here were the men of Tholouse in great danger. 
Ludovick besiegeth Tholouse. The hand of God fight for his people. Ex Mat. Pariensian vita Henrici. 3.  But see how the mighty protection of God fighteth for his people, against the might of man. For after that Ludovick (as Matthew Paris. testifieth) had long wearied himself and his men in waste, and could do no good with all their engines and artillery against the City: there fell moreover upon the French host by the hand of God, such famine, and pestilence both of men and horses, beside the other daily slaughter of the soldiers: that Ludovick was enforced to retire, and with such as were left to return again home to France from whence he came. In the slaughters of which soldiers besides many other, 
The general of the army slain.  was Earl Simon de monti forte, general of the army, to whom the lands of the Earl of Tholouse was given by the pope, who was slain before the gate of the City with a stone. And so was also the brother of the said Simon the same time in besieging a castle near to Tholouse slain with a stone in like manner. 
The siege against Albingenses broke up.  And so was the siege of the Frenchmen against Tholouse broke up. Ex Mat. Par.  
As the siege of these French men could do no good against the City of Tholouse: 
The expugnation of a certain strong castle of Dami●ta in Egypt by the Christians.  so it happened the same time that the christians marching toward the holy land, had better luck by the way in laying their siege to a certain tower or castle in Egypt, near to the city Damieta: which seemed by nature, for the situation and difficulty of the place, inexpugnable: as which being situate in the midst of the great flood Nilus (hard by the city called Damieta) could neither be come to by land, nor be undermined for the water, nor by famine subdued for the nearness of the city, yet notwithstanding, through the help of God and policy of man, in erecting scaffolds and Castles upon tops of masts, 
Damieta taken by the christians.  the Christians at last conquered it: and after that the City also Damieta, albeit not without great loss of Christian people. In the expugnation of this City or fort, among other that there died, was the Landgrave of Thuring named Ludovick, 
The story of S. Elizabeth. Elizabeth daughter of the king of Hungary. S. Elizabeth provoketh her husband to go and fight for the holy land.  the husband of Elizabeth, whom we use to call S. Elizabeth. This Elizabeth (as my story recordeth) was the daughter of the king of Hungary, and married in Almaigne, where she lived with the forenamed Ludovick Landgrave of Thuringe. Whom she through her persuasions provoked and incensed to take that viage to fight for the holy land, where he in the same viage was slain. After whose death, Elizabeth (remaining a widow (entered the profeflion of cloysterly religion, & made herself a Nun. So growing and increasing from virtue to virtue, that after her death, all Almaigne did sound with the fame of her worthy doings. Mat. Paris. addeth this more, 
The mother of S. Elizabeth accused of adultery. The sentence of a double meaning.  that she was the daughter of that Queen, who being accused to be nought with a certain Archbishop: was therefore condemned with this sentence pronounced against her. Reginam interficere nolite temere bonum est: etsi omnes consenserint non ego contradico. That is (although it be hard in English to be translated as it standeth in Latin) To kill the Queen will ye not to fear that is good: And if all men consent thereunto, not I myself do stand against it etc. The which sentence being brought to Pope Innocent, thus in pointing the sentence which otherwise seemeth to have a double understanding, 
The 〈…〉 of a 〈◊〉 sentence.  so saved the Queen: thus interpreting and pointing the sentence: Reginam interficere nolite, timere bonum est: & si omnes consenserint, non ego. Contradico. That is: To kill the Queen will ye not: to fear, that is good. And if all do consent thereto, yet not I: I myself do stand against it: And so escaped she the danger. 
Elizabe●● Can●●● Saint 〈◊〉 main.  This Queen was the mother as is said, of Elizabeth the Nun, who for her holy Nunny shenes was canonised of the pope's church, for a Saint in Almanie, about the year. 1220. Ex Mat Parisiens.  
And this by the way, now to proceed farther in the years and life of this king Henry. The next year following which was an. 1221. the king went to Oxford: 
Ann. 1221.  where he had something to do with William Earl de Albemartia, who had taken the Castle of Biham: but at last for his good service he had done in the realm before, 
Ex 〈◊〉 pens●● dius 〈◊〉 The gray●●ers ●●tred into England The 〈◊〉 Gray 〈◊〉 first c●●med.  was released of the king with all his men, by the intercession of Walter Archbishop of York, and of Pandolphe the Legate. About which present year, entered first the friars Minorites, or grey friars into England, and had their first house at Canterbury: whose first patron was Fraunciscus, which died an. 1127. and his order was confirmed by the pope Honorius 3. an. 1224.  
About the first coming of these Dominicke and grey friars Franciscane into the Realm (as is in Nic. Trivet testified) many Englishmen the same time entered into their orders. Among whom was johannes de sancto Egideo, a man famously expert in the science of Physic and Astronomy. And Alexander de Hales both Englishmen and great divines. 
joannes o● Egideo. Alexan●● de Ha●●.  This johannes making his Sermon ad clerum, in the house of the Dominick Friars: exhorted his auditory with great persuasions unto wilful poverty. And to confirm his words the more by his own example, in the midst of his sermon he came down from the pulpit and put on his friars habit: and so returning into the pulpit again made an end of his Sermon. Likewise Alexander Hales entered the order of the Fraunciscanes, of whom remaineth yet the book entitled De. Summa Theologiae in old Libraries.  
Moreover, 
Charterhouse 〈◊〉 founded by William 〈◊〉. Ela so●dre 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 of La●●●●  not long after by William de longa spata, which was the Bastard son of K. Henry 2. and Earl of Salisbury: was first founded the house of the Carthusian monks at Heytrope. an. 1222. After whose death his wife Ela was translated to the house of Hentone in berkshire, an. 1227. which Ela also founded the house of Nuns at Lacockes, and there continued herself Abbes of the place. The Bishop of London named William, the same time gave over his bishopric: after whom succeeded Eustace in that sea. Flor. hist.  
In the town of Oxford above mentioned, where the king kept his Court: Simon Langton Archbishop of Canterbury held a Council, 
Two 〈◊〉 ned at 〈◊〉 cell in Oxford.  where was condemned and burned a certain Deacon, as Nic. Trivet saith, for apostasy. Also an other rude country man who had crucified himself, & superstitiously bare about the wounds in his feet & hands, was condemned to be closed up perpetually within walls. 
Ex Nic. ●●uet.  Ex Nic. Trivet. About which year also Alexander king of the Scots married johann sister to king Henry.  
Not long after, began the new building of the minster of Salisbury. Whereat Pandulphus the Popes Legate, laid the five first stones: One for the Pope (such was the fortune of that Church to have the Pope's stone in his foundation) the second for the young king Henry: the third, for the good Earl of Salisbury. The fourth for the Counties: The fift for the Bishop of Salisbury. etc. Which was about the same year above mentioned. an. 1221. Ex Chron. Do. Sal.  
In the same year about S. james tide, 
Dissent●● between the Citiz● of London, & of Wesminster.  fell a dissension between the Citizens of London, & men of Westminster, the occasion whereof was this. A certain game between these two parties was appointed to try whether part in wrestling could overcome the other. Thus in striving for mastery, each part contending against the other (as the manner is in such pastime) it happened the Londoners to get the victory, and the other side was put to foil, but especially the steward of the Abbot of Westminster. Who being not a little confounded therewith, begun to forethink in his mind how to be revenged again of the Londoners. Whereupon, an other day was set, which was at Lammas, that the Londoners should come again to wrestle: and who so had the victory, should have the bell-wether, which was the price of the game appointed. As the parties were thus occupied in their play, the steward suddenly bringeth upon the Londoners unwares a company of harvest men, prepared for the same before, & letteth drive at the Londoners. Who at length being wounded and grievously hurt, after much bloodshed were driven back again into the City. This contumely thus being received, the Citizens eagerly strooken with ire and impatience, ran to the common well: and by that ringing thereof, assembled their commons together to consult with themselves, what was to be done in the case so contumelious, 
Wholesome counsel of the Mayor of London refused of wild heads  wherein, when divers sentences were given diversly Serle the same time Maior of London (a wise & discrete man) gave this counsel, that the Abbot of Westminster should be talked withal: who if he would rectify the injury done, and satisfy for the harm received, it should be to them sufficient. But contrary, on● Constantine a great man then in the Little of London, in much heat exciting that people, gave this sentence: that all the houses of the Abbot of Westminster, but especially the house of the steward, should be cast down to the ground. In fine, that which he so unadvisedly counseled, was as madly performed: for the furious people, according to his counsel so did. This tumultuous outrage, as it could not be privy, coming to the knowledge of Hubert de Burgo Lord chief justice of england above mentioned, he coming with a sufficient strength of armed soldiers to the City of London, sent to the Mayor & Aldermen of the city to will them to come unto him. Who so obeying his commandment, required of them the principal beginners of the riot. To whom Constantine there being present answered, that he would a warrant that which was done: 
Constantine executed at London for riot.  sorrowing moreover, that they had not done more than they did, in that matter. The justice upon the same his confession, commanded him with 2. other, without any further tumult to be taken. And so, with the same two was hanged, offering for his life, xv. thousand marks. etc.  
The said Hubert Earl of Kent, & Lord chief justice, although he was a faithful & trusty officer to his prince, 
Hubert lord chief justice of England.  & had the whole guiding of the realm in his own hands, the king as yet being in his minority: yet afterward, what indignation he sustained for this his severity and other things, both of the nobles & of the commons: & how sharply he was tossed and trounced of his prince, wonder it is to see, 
Ex Math. Parisiensi.  as in his due place & time (by the Lords leave) hereafter shall appear. Haec'ex Mat. parisians.  
And for somuch as mention hath been made of the wrangling between the commoners of London & of Westminster: 
Discord and contention among church men.  both time & occasion bringeth me in remembrance, something to speak likewise of the Ecclesiastical conflicts among churchmen, nothing inferior, in my mind, nor less worthy to be noted, 
Ex Math. Paris. & ex Florilego.  than the other. For so I read in Mat. parisians. and in Flor histor. that at what time this wrasfling was among the Citizens for the sheep: the like contention kindled & flamed between Eustace Bishop of London, 
Whether the monastery of Westminster be exempted from the subjection of the bish. of London or not.  & the chapter of Paul's on the one side: & the Abbot of Westminster with his Covent on the other side about spiritual jurisdiction & subjection: to wit, whether the monastery of Westminster were exempted from the subjection & jurisdiction of the B. of London, or not. Which controversy at last coming into comprimis was committed to the arbitrement of Stephen Archb. of Canterbury, Philip Bishop of Wintchester, Thomas of Merton, & Richard prior of Dunstable. And at length was thus agreed, that the monastery of Westminster should be utterly exempted from the jurisdiction of the bishop of London. And that Stanes with the appurtenaunce thereto belonging, should appertain to the Monastery of Westminster. Also, that the Manure of Sunnebury should be due & proper to the Church of S. Paul, and also the Church of S. Margarite with all the lands belonging to the same, to be exempted from all other jurisdiction, but only to the Bishop of Rome. And so was this matter decided. an. 1222. 
Anno. 1222.  Ibidem Floro histor.  
The same year, as writeth Mat parisians. horrible tempests, 
horrible tempest in England. A woman with 8. of her household slain with thunder.  with such thrundring & lightning, & whirlwinds went through all the land, that much harm was done, Churches, steeples, towers, houses, & divers trees with the violence of winds were blown up by the roots. In Warwickeshyre, a certain wife with eight other in her house were slain. In Grantham the Church was set on fire by lightning most terrible. with such a stink left there behind, that no man could after a long time abide it. The author addeth, 
Grantham church burned with lightning.  that manifest marks of the tempest did remain long after in that Monastery to be seen. Some also write, that fiery Dracons and spirits were seen then flying in the air.  
An. 1223. 
Anno. 1223.  Philip the French king died, after whom his son Ludovick succeeded in the crown. 
Jews king of France. The French king false of his promise.  To whom king Henry sending his message, and desiring him to remember his promise and covenant made in rendering again the lands lost in Normandy, could obtain nothing at his hands. Whereupon Richard Earl of cornwall, also William the kings uncle Earl of Salisbury, with divers other nobles, made over into France: where they recourred poitiers, & kept Gascoine under the kings obedience. Ex Mat. Parisiens. Trivet. Flor hist.  
In the same year, 
Anno. 1224.  or as Fabian giveth, the next following which was. 1224. by the virtue of a certain Parliament: 
Wardship first granted to the king.  was granted of the Lords and Barony of the land the king and his heirs, to have the ward and marriage of their heirs: which them was called, & after so proved, to be Initium malorum, the beginning of harms.  
In the same year, 
Ex Gisburnensi. & aelijs.  by the count of Gisburne and other writers, the said king ho●ding an other Parliament at Oxford, by the advise of his counsel & of his clergy: did grant and confirm under his great seal, two charts of the old liberties and customs of this realm, for ever to be kept & observed, 
Magna Charta▪ Charta de foresta.  the one called Magna Charta: the other Charta de foresta. The contents whereof, fully in the forenamed author be expressed. For the which cause, was granted again by the whole Parliament a Quindecim, or a fifteen of all his subjects as well of lay men, as also of the Clergy.  
¶ Where is to be noted, that these liberties were afterward broken, and confirmed again by the said king. an. 1236.  
An. 1226. died pope Honorius a great adversary against Frederick the Emperor, after whom succeeded Gregory the ix. more grievous than his predecessor. In the which year also died Ludovick the perjured French king, at the siege of Auinion. Whom the pope now the second or third time had set up to fight against Reimund the good Earl of Tholouse, and the heretics Albingensis of that country▪ For so the pope calleth all them, which h●ld not in all points, with his glorious pride, & usurped power & ungodly proceed. The origine whereof was this, as in Mat. parisians. appeareth. In the daes of Philip the French king, this Reimundus Earl of Tholouse was disdained of the Pope for holding with the Albingenses: & therefore by the instigation of the pope, the lands of the Earl were taken from him & given to Simon Montfort▪ and instruments made upon the same. But when the said Earl Reimundus would not be removed from the right of his possessions by unrighteous dealing: then the pope setteth Philip the French king, to make open war against him. Whereupon, jews the French kings son was sent with a great power (as is above declared) to besiege the City of Tholouse. 
The Pope raiseth war.  But being repulsed from thence, by the marvelous band of God fight for his people, could not prevail, & so returned home, after he had lost the most part of his army by pestilence, and other calamity as hath been before described. And thus continued the good Earl still in quiet possession, 
Anno. 1226.  till this present time. an. 1226. In the which year, the pope not forgetting his old malice against the Earl, 
The pope's wicked malice against the Christian Earl of Tholouse.  and no less inflamed with insatiable avarice, directeth down his Legate master Romanus to the parts of France, for 2. several purposes. One to extirye the Earl, the other to enlarge his revenues. Thus the Legate being entered into France, beginneth to summon a Council, willing the French king with the Archbishops, Bishops, & Clergy of France to appear before him at Bitures. To whom eftsoons repaired vi. Arcbishops with the bishops & Suffragans of ix. provinces, to the number of 100 besides the Abbates, 
Mark reader the right nature of pharisees striving for the chief place.  priors, & Proctors of all the covents of France, to hear the pope's will & commandment: but because there was a discord feared to rise (saith Mathaeus) about pre-eminence of sitting, for that the Archbishop of Lions challenged the superior place above the Archbishop of Sene. Also the archbishop of Roan, above the archbishop of Britures, and above the Archbishop of Harbone. etc. Therefore the session was held there, not in manner and form of a Council, but of a certain parley, or consultation. Thus the meek and holy Council being set, & the pope's majesties letters read & declared: appeareth before them Reimund Earl of Tholouse of the one part. 
The Pope giveth the right possessions away from the owners. Reimundus wrongfully disherited by the Pope.  And Simon Mountfort on the other part. Which Simon required to be restored unto him the lands and possessions of the said Reimund, which the pope & Philip the French king, had given to him & to his father before: having good evidences to show for the same, confirmed by the donation of the pope, and of the king. Adding moreover, that the Earl Reimund was deprived and disherited in the general Council at Rome for heresy, which is called the heresy of Albingenses. At least if he might not have the whole yielded unto him, yet the most part of his Lordships he required to be granted him.  
To this the Earl Reimund answered again, 
Reimundus the good Earl of Tholouse answereth for himself.  offering himself ready to all duties & office both toward the French king, and to the church of Rome, whatsoever duly to him did appertain. And moreover touching the heresy, wherewith he was there charged: he did not only there offer himself in that Council before the Legate but most humbly did crave of him, that he would take the pains to come into every City within his precinct to inquire of every person there the articles of his belief: and if he found any person or people, 
Albingenses falsely suspected for heresy.  holding that which was not Catholic, he would see the same to be corrected and amended, according to the censure of holy Church to that uttermost. Or if he should find any city rebelling against him, he to the uttermost of his might with the inhabitant thereof, would compel them to do satisfaction therefore. And as touching himself, if he had committed or erred in any thing (which he remembreth not to have done) he offered their full satisfaction to God & Church, as becomed any faithful christian man to do, 
The proud villainy of the Pope's Legate.  requiring moreover therefore the Legate to be examined of his faith. etc. But all this (saith Mathaeus) the legate despised: neither could the catholic Earl (saith he) there find any grace, unless he would departed from his heritage: both from himself and from his heirs for ever. In fine, when it was required by the contrary part that he should stand to the arbitrement of xii. peers of France: to that Reimundus answered, that if the French king would receive his homage, which he was ready at all times to exhibit, he was contented therewith. For else they would not (said he) take him, as one of their society & fellow subject.  
After much altercation on both sides about the matter, the Legate willeth every archbishop to call aside his suffragans, to deliberate with them upon the cause: and to give up in writing what was concluded. Which being done accordingly, the Legate denounceth excommunication to all such as did reveal any piece of that which was there concluded, before the pope and the king had intelligence there of.  
These things thus in hudder mutter among themselves concluded, the Legate gave leave to all proctor's of covents and chapters to return home, only retaining with him that Archbishops, bishops, and Abbots, & certain simple prelate's, such as he might be more hold withal to open, and of them to obtain the other part of his commission: which was in deed to obtain of every cathedral church 2. prebendships one for the bish. the other for the chapter. And in monasteries also after that like sort, where the Abbot and the Covent had divers and several portions: to require two churches, one for the Abbot, the other for the covent, keeping this proportion: that how much should suffice for the living of one Monk, so much the whole covent should find for their part, and as much the Abbot likewise for his. And for so much as he would not seem to demand this without some colour of cause, his reason was this: that because the Court of Rome had long been blotted with the note of avarice, which is mother of all evil, for that no man could come to Rome for any business, but he must self for the expedition of the same: therefore for the removing away of the occasion of that slander: the public help of the Church therefore must necessarily be required. etc.  
The proctor's and party's thus sent home by the Legates, marveling with themselves why the Bishops & Abbots should be stayed & they sent home, 
Mark reader the practice here of prelate's, for thy learning  & suspecting no les but as the matter was in deed: conferred their counsels together, & devised with themselves to send certain unto him in the behalf of all the cathedral & conventual Churches in France, & sent to the said Legate the message, to signify unto him: That they were credibly informed, that he came with special letters from the court of Rome, for the obtaining of certain prebendaries within every cathedral and conventuall church. Which being so, they much marveled that he would not in the public counsel, 
The clergy of France answering to the legate.  make manifest to them those letters which specially concerned them as much as the others. Wherefore their request was to him in the Lord, that no such offensive matter might rise by him in that French church: knowing this that the thing which he enterpriseth could not be brought to effect, without great offence taken, and inestimable damage to the Church of France. For grant said they, that certain will assent unto you, yet their assent standeth in no effect, concerning such matters as touch the whole: especially, seeing both the states of the Realm with all the inferior subjects, yea and the king himself, they are sure, will withstand the same: to the venture nont only of their honour, but of their life also, considering the case to be such, as upon the offence whereof, standeth the subversion both of the realm public, and of the whole Church in general. Declaring moreover the cause of this fear to rise hereof, for that in other realms such communication hath been with bishops & prelate's, for the procuring of such prebendships, where as neither the prince nor the subjects, were made any thing privy thereto.  

Inferiors evermore bold to speak in difficult causes of truth, than the rich.  In conclusion, when the matter came to debating with the Legate, the objections of the inferior parties, against the cruel exaction, were these in brief effect, as is in parisians. noted.  
First they alleged their great damages and expenses which they were like to sustain thereby by reason of the continual procurators of the Pope, 
The objections of the clergy 〈◊〉 France, against the Pope's 〈◊〉.  which in every diocese must live not of their own, but must be sustained upon the charges of the cathedral Churges, and other churches also: and many times they being but procurators will be found as Legates.  
Item, by that means, they said great perturbations might ensue to the covents and Chapters of Cathedral churches in their elections: for so much as the Pope's agents and factors being in every cathedral church & chapter house, percase the pope would command him in his person to be present at their elections, and so might trouble the same: in delaying and deferring till it might fall to the court of Rome to give. And so should be placed more of the Pope's clientele in the churches of France, then of the proper inhabitant of the land.  
Item, by this means they affirmed, that all they in the court of Rome should be richer and should receive more for their proportion, than the king of the realm: by reason of which abundance of riches, it was like to come to pass, that as the worm of rich men is pride: so by the means of this their riches, the court of Rome would delay & drive of great suits, and scarce would take any pains with small causes: the experiment whereof is evident, for that now also they use to delay their matters when they come with their gifts, and being in assurance to receive. And thus should justice stand aside, and poor suitors die at the gates of the court of Rome, thus flowing and triumphing in full abundance of all treasure and riches.  
Item, for somuch as it is meet and convenient to have friends in the court of Rome, for the better speeding of their causes: therefore they thought to keep them needy, whereby their gifts may be the sweeter and their causes sooner dispatched.  
Item, when as it is impossible the fountain of greedy desire to be stopped, it was to be feared, that either they would do that by other, which they were wont to do by themselves: or else they should be enforced to give greater rewards than before. For small gifts in the sight of great rich men are not looked upon.  
Item, where he alleged the removing away of the slander which goeth on the court of Rome: By this means rather the contrary were to be feared: wherein they alleged the sentence of the verse, that great riches stop not the taking of much, but a mind contented with a little.  
Quòd virtus reddit, non copia sufficientem.  
Et non paupertas sed mentis hiatus agentem.  
Farther they alleged that great riches would make the Romans mad: and so might kindle among them sides and parts taking: so that by great possessions sedition might follow, to the ruin and destruction of the city: whereof some experiment they had already.  
Item, they added that although they would condescend and oblige themselves to that contribution, yet their successors would not so be bound, nor yet, ratify the bond of theirs.  
Lastly thus they conclude the matter, desiring him that the zeal of the universal Church, and of the Church of Rome would move him. For if this oppression of the church should be universal: it were to be doubted, 
God grant say we.  lest any universal departing might follow from the Church of Rome (which God forbidden say they) should happen.  
The Legate hearing these words, being therewith something moved, as seemed, thus excused himself, that he being in the court, never agreed in this exaction. And that that letters hereof came not to him before he was in France, 
The Card●nall repulsed, and defeyted of hi● purpose in France.  whereat he said was greatly sorry. Adding this withal, that the words of his precept included this secret meaning in them, thus to be understand and taken: so far forth as the Empire and other realms would agree unto the same. And as for him, he would stir no more in the matter, before it were proved, what other countries would say and do therein.  
And thus much concerning the second part of the blind commission of this Legate, touching his exaction of prebendships in every Cathedral and conventual Church, wherein as ye hear, 
Ex Math. Parisiensi. Pag. 63. The Pope raiseth was against the Earl & the people of Tholouse.  he was repulsed. Ex Mat. Paris. pag. 62. ● How to return to the first part of his commission again which was concerning Reimundus the godly Earl of Tholouse, thus the story proceedeth. That while the legate was in hand with this matter of the pope's money, in the mean season certain preaching Friars were directed by the said Romannes the Pope's Legate, into all France: to incite & stir up the Frenchmen to take the cross upon them, and to war against the Earl of Tholouse, and the people thereof of whom they accounted then for heretics. At the preaching whereof, a great number of prelate's and lay men signed themselves with the cross, to fight against the Tholosians, being thereto induced as the story saith, more for fear of the French king, or favour of the legate, then for any true zeal of justice. For so it followeth in the words of Paris.  
Videbatur enim multis abusio, 
testimony 〈◊〉 the author 〈◊〉 the cl●a●nge 〈◊〉 Reimun●s and of 〈◊〉 Albin●oles.  ut hominem fidelem Christianum infestarent: praecipuè cum constaret cunctis eum in concilio nuper Bituriensi, multis precibus persuasisse leg●to, ut veniret ad singulas terrae suae civitates, inquirens a singulis articulos fidei: & si quempiam contra fidem iweniret▪ etc. i. For to many, sayeth he, it seemeth an abuse to move war against a faithful Christian man: especially seeing in the council of Bitures (before all men) he entreated the Legate with great instance, that he would come into every City within his dominions. And there to require of every person the articles of his faith. Where, if he found any man to hold any thing contrary to the Catholic faith, he promised a full satisfaction to be had thereof according to the censure of the Church, to the uttermost. etc.  
Yet all this notwithstanding, the proud Legate contemning this so honest & reasonable purgation of the earl Reimundus, 
●he unreasonable tyranny of the ●ope against 〈◊〉 Tholos●ins.  ceases not by all manner means, to prosecute the Pope's fury against him and his subjects, stirring up the king and the French men under pain of excommunication, to war against them. Ludovick the French king thus being enforced by the Legate, answered again, that he for his own safety would not achieve that expedition or adventure against the Earl, unless it were first obtained of the Pope, to wr●te to the king of England: commanding him, that during the tune of that expedition, he should invade and molest no piece of his lands and possessions, which he the same present time did hold, whether by right or by wrong, or howsoever they were holden, while the time of the said war against the heretics (as they were then termed) did endure: but rather should aid and assist him with counsel and money in that enterprise. All which being done and accomplished, the French King and the Legate (crossing themselves to the field) appointed a day peremptory, for the French army to meet together at Lions, 
excommunication a●●sed.  under pain of the pope's excommunication, and with horic and harness to set upon the Tholosians, against the Ascension day next ensuing.  
When the Ascension day was come, which was the day peremptory appointed. 
●wes the ●●ench king 〈◊〉 Romanus 〈◊〉 Pope's ●●gate, mar●ing against ●lbingenses  The French king having prepared at Lions all things necessary for his army, marcheth forward with a great and mighty host: after whom also cometh the Legate, with his Bishops & Prelates. The number of fight men in his army besides the victuallers and wagoners were 50000. men. The Legate by the way openly excommunicated the Earl of Tholouse, & all that took his part, & furthermore interdicted his whole land. Thus the king came marching forward, till he came into the province of Tholouse, 
●eimundus, ●●le of Tho●●use excommunicated.  & the first city which they came unto there of the Earls, was Auinion. Which City they thought first to have besieged, and so in order after, as they went to have destroyed and wasted all the whole province belonging to the Earl. And first the King demanded of them to have his passage through their city, feigning himself in peaceable wise for the expedition of his journey, but to pass through the same. The Citizens consulting with themselves what was to be done, at length gave answer that they mistrusted their coming, 
●he city of ●uinion besieged.  and supposed that in deceit they required the entrance of their City, and for no necessity of their journey.  
The king here at being much offended, swore an oath that he would not departed thence till he had taken the city, & immediately in those places where he thought most meet he began to give sharp assaults, withal manner of saultable engines: The Citizens again within, manfully defended themselves, casting stone for stone, and shooting shot for shot, and slew and wounded many of the French men. Thus, when they had long besieged the city and could not win the same: at length victuals in the French camp began to fail, and many of them died for hunger. For the Earl of Tholouse as a wise man of war, 
Policy of ●arre.  hearing before of their coming, took into the Town, all the provision that was abroad, and left nothing without to serve for their defence and succour, he ploughed up the fields, that there should no stover be found to serve their horses, be put out of the town all the old people, & young children, lest they should want victuals that kept the town, & before their coming sent them far away. So that within the town they had plenty, and without they died for famine: and besides in seeking far for their forage, many fell into the hands of them that kept the city, who secretly lay in wait for them abroad and slew many of them. Besides a great number of cattle and horses died for want of forage: and poor soldiers that had no great store of money, 
Famine and pestilence in the French camp.  died for want of victuals. By which mortality and stench both of men and cattle, grew great infection & pestilence amongst them, insomuch that the king himself and also the Legate were greatly dismayed, thinking it to be no little shame as well to the realm of France, as also to Rome, that they should so departed and break up their siege. Thus again thought the soldiers, that much better it were for them to end their lives by battle, than so to die like dogs and starve: wherefore with one consent they purposed to give a new assault at the bridge that goeth over the flood Rodanus into the town, to which place they came in such number, that either by the debility of the bridge, or subtiltyé of the soldiers that kept the town: 
The french soldiers destroyed at the siege of Auinion.  3000. of them with bridge and all, fell armed into the violent stream & were browned▪ What was there then but joy and gladness of the Citizen's part, and much lamentation & heaviness on the other part. Then shortly after, the Citizens of Auinion (when they saw a convenient time whilst their enemies were in eating meat) came suddenly upon them out of the town, and slew of them 2000, and took the town again with safety. But the Legate with his company of prelate's (like good men of war) practised none other Martial feats, but all to be cursed the Earl of Tholouse, his Cities, and his people. 
jews the french king dieth at the siege of Auinion.  Ludovicus the king, to avoid the pestilence that was in the camp, went into an Abbey not far off, where shortly after he died, of whose death are sundry opinions, some saying that he was poisoned, some that he died of a bloody flux.  
Whose death notwithstanding, the Legate thought to keep secret & conceal, till that the town might be rendered and given up: 
The false dealing of the pope's Legate, in betraying the city of Auinion.  for he thought himself shamed for ever, if he should departed before the town were won: wherefore, after he had encouraged the soldiers a fresh, and yet after many sharp assaults could not prevail: He bethought him how by falsehood he might betray them, and sent unto them certain harold, to will them that they should amongst themselves consult upon articles of peace, & bring the same to their camp, whose safe conduit they faithfully promised and warranted both of coming and going. And when they had given their pledges for the same, the messengers from the Citizens talked with the Legate: who promised them if they would deliver up their city, they should have their lives, goods, & possessions in as ample manner as now they enjoyed the same. But the citizens and soldiers refused to be under the servitude of the French king, neither would so deliver up their city, to those of whose insolent pride they had so good experiment. After much talk on both sides, & none like to take effect: the Legate requested them and friendly desired, that he and his Prelates which were about him, might come into their City to examine what faith & belief they were of, and that he neither sought nor meant any other thing thereby, but their own safeties, as well of body as soul, which thing he faithfully swore unto: for (sayeth he) the brute of your great infidelity hath come to the lord pope's ear, 
The pope's Legate wickedly perjured.  & therefore desired he to make true certificate thereof. Whereupon the citizens not mistrusting his faithful oath and promise made to them, granted entrance to him and the residue of the clergy, bringing with them no weapon into the town. The soldiers of the camp as it was agreed before, 
Perjury of the papists. The city of Auinion taken by treason and perjury of the pope's Legate.  made them ready: so that at the entrance of the prelate's in at the gate, nothing regarding their oath & fidelity: The other suddenly were ready, and with violence rushed in, slew the porter and warders, and at length wan the city and destroyed the same, & slew many of them that were within. Thus by falsehood and policy, when they had got this noble city, they carried the king's corpse to Paris where they buried the same. 
The number of the French soldiers in this siege destroyed.  Of the whole number of the French soldiers which in this siege were destroyed by famine, pestilence, & drowning, be recounted mothen 22000. Whereby saith the story of Mat. Pariens. it may evidently appear the war was unjustly taken in hand. etc. Ex Mat. Parisiens.  
After these things finished, 
The incontinent life of these Romish prelate's to be noted.  and after the funeral of the king celebrated at Paris, it followeth more in the said history of Pariens. that the said Legate Romanus was vehemently suspected, & grievously infamed to abuse himself with Blauca the king's mother. Sed impium est (sayeth he) ho credere, quia aemuli eius hoc disseminaverunt. Benignus autem animus dubia in melius interpretatur. i. But it is ungodly to suspect any such thing of him, because his enemies so rumoured the same abroad, but a gentle mind expoundeth things doubtful in the better part.  
To pass further to the year next following, 
Anno. 1227.  which was 1227. of the Lord: first is to be noted, that in this year king Henry beginning to shoot up to the 20. year of his age, came from Reding to London, where he began to charge the Citizens of London for old reekning, namely for giving or lending 1000 marks to jews the French king at his departing out of the Realm, to the great prejudice of him & of his kingdom. For the recompen●e whereof, they were constrained to yield to the king the full sum of the like money. 
The king claimeth to be freed from governors and to be his own man.  That done, he removed to Oxford, where he assembled a great counsel, there denouncing & protesting before them all, that he was come to sufficient age, no more to be under tutors & governors but to be his own man, requiring to be freed from the custody of other. Which thing being protested, and contraried forthwith: he, by the counsel of Hubert the chief justice (whom he made then the Earl of Kent) removed from his company, the bishop of Winchester, and other under whom he was moderated. And immediately in the same counsel, 
Hubert the justice made Earl of Kent. The king undoth and dissolveth the liberties which before he granted  by the sinister persuasion of some, doth annihilate & make void the charters, & liberties before by him granted, pretending this colour: for that they had been granted & scaled in the time of his minority, at what time he had the rule neither of himself, nor of his seal. Whereupon much muttering & murmuring was among the multitude. Who did all impute the cause to Hubert the justice. Moreover it was the same time proclaimed, 
Practices of princes to set in money.  that whosoever had any charter, or gift sealed under the time of the king's minority, they should come and renew the same again under the new seal of the king, knowing otherwise that the thing should stand in no effect. And finally for renewing of their Seals, were taxed not according to their ability, but according as it pleased the justice and other to levy them.  
Moreover beside this general subsidy of the fifteen granted to the king through the whole Realm, & beside also the contribution of the Londoners, divers other parcels and paunents he gathered through several places: as of the Burgesses of Northampton he required a 1000 & 200. marks, for his helping of them, and so of other likewise. All this preparation of money was made toward the furnishing of his viage to recover Normandy. 
The citizens of London freed from toll through all England.  And yet because he would gratify the City of London again with some pleasure: he granted the citizens thereof should pass toll free (saith Fabian) through all England. And if or any City, borough, or town they were constrained at any time to pay their toll, 
Anno. 1228.  than the sheriffs of London to attach every man coming to London of the said city, borough, or town, and him & his goods to withhold, till the Londoners were again restored of all such money paid for the said toll, with all costs and damages sustained for the same. 
Ex Fabiae. part 7  Ex Fabia.  
I declared before, how after the death of Honorius, succeeded pope Gregory the 10. between the which Gregory & the people of Rome, this year, fell a great sedition. In so much that about the feast of Easter, 
Sedition between the Romans and the Pope.  they thrust the Pope out of the City, pursuing him unto his castle at Witerbium. Where also they invaded him so valiantly, that they chased him to Perusium. Then having no other remedy wherewith to revenge his persecutors, fiercely did excommunicate them. Ex Mat. Paris. pag. 69.  
¶ here, by the way, is to be observed and considered Christian reader, 
The Pope's Church may be judged by their dissensions and schisms.  not only by this sedition, but by so many other schisms, divisions, tumults, fightings, brawls and contentions, in the Church of Rome from the first beginning of the pope's usurped power, & that not only within the City of Rome, but universally almost in all Popish Monasteries, Colleges, Churches, and Covents under the Pope subjecteth, 
No peace in the Pope's Church.  continually reigning amongst them, what is to be thought of their religion & holiness, having so little peace, so great disquietness, dissensions, and wrangling amongst them, as in stories both manifest it is to behold, and wondrous to consider.  
And for as much, I have eutred here into the mention of this schisinatical commotion between the none and his citizens: 
Dissension between the prior an● covent of Durham, & the king.  it followeth moreover in the history of Parisiensis, who maketh relation of a like brawling matter, which befell the same year & time. An. 1228. between the prior and covent of Durham, and this king Henry the ●▪ upon this occasion. After the death of Richard Bishop of Durham, the Prior and Chapter of the said church, came to the king to obtain licence for the electing of their bishop. The king offered to them one Lucas a Chaplain of his, requiring them instantly to elect him for their Bishop. To this the Monks answered, that they would receive no man, but by their order of Canonical election. Meaning belike by their Canonical election, 
Canonical election.  that is, when as they elect either some Monk out of their own company, or else some monkish priest, after their own liking▪ Contrary, the king again sendeth word unto them, and bound it with an oath, that they should tarry 7. years without a Bishop, unless they would admit the foresaid Lucas to that place of that dignity. All which notwithstanding, the monks proceeding in their election, refused the said Lucas, and preferred an other clerk of theirs, named William archdeacon of Worcester, 
The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 sende●▪ Rome ●gains● 〈◊〉 king.  and him they presented to the king. But the King bringing in exceptions and causes against the party, would not admit him. Then the monks in all hasty speed sent up to Rome certain of their Covent, to have their election ratified, by the authority Apostolical. On the other side the king likewise hearing, sendeth also to Rome against the Monks: the Bishop of Chester, and the Prior of Lentonie on his behalf, to withstand the purpose of the monks. And so the matter being travised with great alteration on both sides, 
Appel●●● to Rome ●▪ 'gainst 〈◊〉 king.  did hang in suspense, sayeth mine author till at length thus it was coucluded, between both that neither master William, nor yet Lucas should be taken, but that Richard Bishop of Sarum should be translated to Durham, 
Ex Math. Paris.  and be Bishop there. An. 1228. ex Mat. Parisiens.  
The like stir also happened, both the same year and for the like matter, 
Another ●●▪ tention ●●tweene 〈◊〉 Monks 〈◊〉 Covents & the Canon's of L●●field.  between the monks of Coventry, and the Canons of Lichfield, about choosing of their Bishop, which of them should have the superior voice, in the election of their Prelate. Aftermuch a do, the cause at length being hosted up to Rome, had this determination: that the monks of Coventry, and the Church of Lichfield should choose their Bishop by course, each part keeping his turn the one after the other: provided notwithstading, that the Prior of Coventry should always have the first voice in every election, where as the old custom was, saith mine author, 
Ex Mat●. Parisien●. pag. 68 Stephe● 〈◊〉 Ate●o 〈◊〉. The ch●●t●rs of the bible 〈◊〉 stinc●●● by Stephen Langhto●  that the Covent with the Prior of Coventry was wont to have the whole election of the bishop without the Canons. This was. An. 1228. Ex Parisiens. pag. 68  
In the which year died Stephen Langton Archb. of Cant. by whom (as is recorded by Nic. Trivet.) the Chapters of the Bible, in that order and number, as we now use them were first distincted: The said Langthon also, made Postiles upon the whole Bible. The same moreover builded the new hall in the palace of Canterbury.  
After the death of this Langthon, ensued an other variance about the election of the Archbishop of Canterbury between the monks of Canterbury and the k●ng. The purturbation whereof as it was no less seditious, so the determination of the same was much more costly. After the death of Stephen Langthon, the monks of Canterbury obtaining licence of the king to proceed in the election of a new archbishop, 
another conte●●● disten●●r. 〈…〉 Monks of Cante●bu●● and K. 〈◊〉 the third. Objection laid ag●●● the new. Archb.  did choose one of their own society named master Walter Demesham. Whom when the monks had presented to the King, he after long deliberation, began to object against that election, saying: first, that the monks had elected such one as neither was profitable to him nor to his kingdom. Secondly, he objected against the party elect, that his father was convict of felony, & hanged for the same. Thirdly, that he stood in causes against his father k. john in the time of the interdict. Moreover the bishops his suffragans charged the party elect, that he had lain with a certain Nun, and had children by her: adding farther, that the election of the archbishop was without their presence, which ought not to be. etc. But the archbishop again stoutly standing to his election, 
Appea●● 〈◊〉 to R●●.  appealed up to Rome, and eftsoons taking with him certain monks, presented himself to the pope's own proper person, there to sue his appeal: instantly entreating, that his election might stand confirmed by his authority pontifical. But the pope, understanding that the said election was resisted by the king & the bishops, differred the matter, till he did hear farther of the certainty thereof. The king & the bishops having intelligence that the Archb. with his monks were gone to Rome, thought good to articulate the foresaid objections above alleged or writing: and sealing the same with the seals both of the king and of the bishops to exhibit them to the Bishop of Rome. 
K. Henr. sends to 〈◊〉 Pope.  The messengers of these letters were the Bishop of Rochester, of Chester, and the Archdeacon of bedford master john. etc. who coming to Rome, and exhibiting their message with their letters unto the Pope (consideration being had upon the same) were commanded to wait attendance against the next day after Ash wednesday: then to have a resolute answer concerning the cause, which was the 2. day of March, the year next following. videlic. An. 1229. In the mean season, the king's proctor's ceased not with all instance to labour the Pope and his Cardinals to be favourable to the king's side. 
Tithe of amoveable goods in England 〈◊〉 Ireland pr●mised to the Pope for granting the kin●●s suit.  But finding them somewhat hard & strait in the matter (as is the guise of that Court) they began to misdout their speeding. Wherefore consulting together with themselves upon the premises, they came 〈◊〉 the Pope, promising in the king's behalf, to be given and granted to him out of the realms both of England and Scotland, the rith or tenth part of all the goods within the said Realms movable, to sustain his wars against the Emperor, so that he would incline favourably to the king's suit and petition herein. 
〈◊〉 sacra 〈◊〉. ●●pitie the 〈◊〉 will 〈…〉.  At Dominus Papa (saith Pariens.) qui rebellem Imperatorem super omnia aestuabat deijcere, tantis promissionibus exhileratus trahitur ad consensum. That is. But the pope (sayeth the author) which boiled with desire above all measure, to have the Emperor his enemy cast down: being cheered with so great promises, granted his consent to them, who sitting then in his consistory had these words, as here follow.  
There hath come a late to our intelligence, 
〈◊〉 Pope● 〈◊〉 t● the election of Walter Archb. of C●●t.  the election of a certain Monk named Walter, to be Archb. of Cant. whereupon after that we hard and advised as well those things, which the said Monk hath said for himself, and for his election: as also on the contrary side, the objections & exceptions of the bishops of England alleging against him, and against his election: Namely of the bishop of Chester, the bishop of Rochester, and john Archdeacon of bedford: We upon the same committed the examination touching the person of the man, unto our reverend brethren Lord Cardinal Albany, L. Cardinal Thomas de Sabina, and master Peter. And when the foresaid elect coming before them was asked of them, 
No, but when your darling Tho. Becket came, he wa● heard without such communications.  first concerning the Lords descending into hell, whether he descended in flesh, or without his flesh, he answered not well. Item, being asked touching the making of the body of Christ on the altar, he answered likewise not sound: Being asked moreover, how Rachel wept for her children, she being dead before, he answered not well. Item, being asked concerning the sentence of excommunication denounced against the order of law, he answered not well. Again being required of matrimony, if one of the married parties be an infidel, and do departed, he answered thereto not well. Upon these articles he was (as is said) diligently examined of the Cardinals, to the which (we say) he answered not only not well, but also very ill. For so much therefore, as the Church of Cant. is a noble church, and requireth a noble prelate, a man discrete and modest, and such as ought to be taken out of the bosom of the church of Rome: and forasmuch as this new elect (whom not only here we pronounce to be unworthy, 
The election of Walter Archb. of Cant dissoluted of the P●pe for the king's money.  but also should say more of him, if we would proceed with him by the rigour of the law) is so insufficient, that he ought not to be admitted to such a room: we do utterly infringe, annihilate, and evacuate his election always referuing to ourselves the provision of the said church. Haec ex Math. Paris. ad verbum.  
Thus the election of Walter being frustrate and dissolved, the king's procurators bringing forth the letters of the king, 
Richard chancellor of Lincoln commended ●o the Pope ●o be Archb. ●f Cant.  and of the suffragans of the Church of Cant. presented the same unto the pope for the ratification of Richard Chancellor of Lincoln, to be appointed Archb. of Cant. whom they with great commendation of words did set forth to be a man of profound learning and knowledge: of an honest conversation, & which was greatest of all, that he was a man much for the profit of the church of Rome, as also for the realm of England. And thus the said Richard being commended to the Pope by the letters procuratory of the king and of the bishops, 
Richard ●ade archb. ●f Cant. by ●he Pope without election.  had the consent of the pope and of the Cardinals, and so was made Bishop of Cant. before he was elected. Whereupon the said pope Gregory in his behalf, directeth down his letters to all and singular suffragans of the church of Cant. declaring thus, and beginning first with a lie, that for so much as by the fullness of ecclesiastical power, the charge of pastoral office is committed to him in general upon all churches: he therefore for the solicitude he beareth as well to all other churches in general, as in special to the Metropolitan church of Cant. 
The effect of the Pope's letters to the suffragans of Cant. The pope beginneth first with a 〈◊〉. Ex Math. Paris.  repudiating and disannulling the former election of Walter the Monk upon just causes, hath provided for that See, a man as in all other good gifts perfect and excellent, by the report of them that know him: so for that function very fit and commodious: and willeth and commandeth them, and all other by his authority Apostolical, with all devout reverence to receive him, and humbly to obey him, etc. which was An. 1229. Ex Paris.  
These things thus finished at Rome, the pope not forgetting the sweet promises made of the English silver, 
This was a dear archb. of Cant. bought with ●he tithes of ●ll England.  which he so greedily gaped for, omitting neither time nor diligence in all speedy wise sendeth to the king of England M. Stephen his own chaplain & trusty Legate, to require & collect the foresaid tithes of all the movable goods both of England, Ireland and Wales, which were promised to him before, therewith to maintain his war against Frederick the Emperor. And to the intent he might inflame all christian realms with the like hatred which he bore against Fredrick the Emperor, sendeth also with the said Stephen special letters full of manifold complaints and grievous accusations against the said Emperor, whereof more (Christ granting) shall be showed hereafter. Upon the coming of this Stephen the legate, the king assembled all his earls and barons, with the Archbishops, bishops, abbots, prior's, templaries, hospitalers, parsons & vicars, and other such as held of him in capite, to appear before him at Westminster, to hear and to common of the matter. 
The Pope requireth the t●nthes of all the movables in England, Wales, and Ireland. The contents of the Pope's letters, to the king. The false pretence of the pope under the name of the church, wreking his own cankered malice.  In the assembly of whom, the Pope's patent letters were brought forth and red, wherein he required the tenths of all the movables in England, Wales and Ireland, as well of the clergy as of the laity, to maintain his expedition against the foresaid Fredrick the Emperor. The which expedition as he pretended to achieve & to take in hand for the cause of the universal Church, and happily had begun the matter already: and for so much, as the richesse of the Apostolic See did not suffice, for the accomplishing of so great an enterprise: he therefore enforced by mere necessity, did implore the aid and help of all the true obedient and natural chickens of the church of Rome, lest the members thereof together with the head should be subverted. These letters of the Pope, to this effect, being openly recited and explained by the Pope's chaplain, which he with much more allegation and persuasion of words did amplify to his uttermost, 
The kings mouth stopped.  the king (saith mine author) in whom all men did hope an help to their defence, became then as a staff of reed. For as much as he had obliged himself to the same before, for the election of his archb. now could say nothing against it, 
The Earls and Barons refused payment to the Pope. The prelate's in fear of the Pope's curse.  but held his peace. The Earls, Barons, & all the laity utterly refused so to bind their Baronies to the Church of Rome: but the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, with other Prelates of the Church, first requiring space and respite to deliberate for 3. or 4. days: at length for fear of the pope's curse (although they durst not utterly withstand) had brought to pass to have concluded for a sum of money much less, had not Stephen Segraue, one of the king's counsellors, craftily convented with the Legate: and by subtle means brought it so to pass, that the whole tenths was gathered and paid, to the inestimable damage (saith Pariens.) both of the Ecclesiastical and Temporal state. The means whereof (sayeth the author) was this. The Legate showing to the prelate's his procuratory letters to collect and gather up all the foresaid tenths in the name and authority of the Pope, 
Excommunication abused.  declared moreover full authority to him granted by the virtue of his commission, to excommunicate all such, and to interdict their Churches, who soever did gainstand or go contrary to the said collection. Whereupon by the said virtue legantine, he sendeth to every shire, his Proctors to gather the Pope's money, or else to excommunicate them which denied to pay: 
The Pope's extortion.  and for so much as the present need of the pope required present help without delay, he sendeth moreover to the bishops & prelate's of the Realm, in pain of interdiction forthwith to procure and send to him either of their own, or by love, or usance, or by what means so ever, so much money in all post speed, for the present use of the pope. And after to take up again the said money of the tenths of every singular person, by the right taxing of their goods. Upon this, the Prelates to avoid the danger (having no other remedy) were driven to sell their chalices, cruets, 
Usurers brought into England by the Pope to serve him with money.  copes, jewels, and other church plate: and some to lay to mortgage such things as they had, some also to borrow upon usance, to make the money which was required. Moreover, the said Stephen the Pope's chaplain (as reporteth Paris.) brought with him into England for the same purpose, such bankers and usurers, who lending out their money upon great usury, did unreasonably pinch the English people, which merchant usurers were then called Caursini. Briefly such strait exaction was then upon the poor English men, that not only their present goods were valued and taxed, but also the corn yet growing in the field, 
Co●ne upon the ground tithed to the Pope. Ranulphus earl of Chester denieth to pay the Pope's te●●hs  against the next harvest was tithed, etc. Only the Earl of Chester named Ranulphus, stood stoutly against the Pope, suffering none within his dominion either lay man or clerk to yield any tenths to the pope's proctor's. Ex Math. Paris. pag. 74. And this was the end of the strife between the Monks of Caunterbury, & the king for the election of their Archbishop which was about the year of our Lord 1229. 
Anno. 1229.  In the which year was finished the new Church of Coventry, by Alexander bishop of the said City, and partly by the help of the king: 
The Church of Coventry finished.  which Church, Richard his predecessor bishop before him of Coventrie had begun.  
The French men about this time again prepared themselves toward Province, to war against the foresaid Reimundus Earl of Tholouse, 
The pope's french army thinking to destroy Reimunde is deby the way.  and to expulse him out of his possessions. And hearing that he was in his Castle of Saracene, they made thither all their power, thinking there to enclose and compass him about: but the earl being privy of their conspired purpose, set for them by the way, appointing certain bushments in woods, not so secretly as strongly, there to wait and receive the coming of the Frenchmen, and to give them their welcome. Thus when the French were entered the wood, the Earl with his train of well armed and able warriors, suddenly did fly upon them unwares, and gave them a bitter meeting, so that in that conflict 500 of the French soldiers were taken, and many slain. Of their servitures to the number of 2000 men with their armour were taken. Of whom some lost their eyes, some their noses, some their ears, some their legs, and so sent home. The rest were carried away prisoners into the castle. And to be brief saith the history, thrice the same summer, were the Frenchmen discomfited, put to flight, taken and imprisoned by the foresaid Reimundus the godly earl. Ex Paris. pag. 69. Wherein is to be seen, and to be praised, the gracious protection of the Lord our God against the furious papists, which is glorious always in his saints.  
¶ The same year the king being at Portesmouth, had assembled together all his Nobility, Earls, Barons, and knights of England with such an army of horsemen and footmen, as hath not been lightly seen, thinking to recover again the Country of Normandy, of Gaunt, and other possessions which king john his father before had lost. But when the captains and marshals of the field should take shipping, 
The inconstant love of Princes toward them that be chief about them.  there were not half ships enough to receive the host. Whereupon the king was vehemently inflamed with anger, laying all the fault to Hubert, the Lord chief justice (who under the King had all the government of the Realm) calling him old traitor, charging him that he should be the let of his voyage, as he was before, when he took of the French Duene 5000. marks, to stay the king's journey into Normandy. In so much the rage of the king was so kindled against him, ytdrawing his sword, he made at him to run him through, had not the Earl of Chester Ranulph stopped the king. Hubert withdrew himself away till the king's rage was passed. This was about the time of Michaelmas, at which time arrived Henry Earl of Normandy in the haven of Portesmouth in the month of Deto●. Who should have conducted the king upon his allegiance & oath into Normandy. But he with other of the king's army counseled the king not to take that voyage toward winter, but rather to defer it to the Easter next following: wherewith the king was stayed and well contented, and pacified again with Hubert the justice. etc. Ex Mat. Paris.  
Fabian recordeth this year the liberties and fraunchise of the City of London to be confirmed by the king, and to enerich of the shrives' to be granted two clerks, and two officers without more. Ex Fabia.  

Anno. 1230.  Then followed the year 1230. In which, upon the day of the conversion of S. Paul (as sayeth Paris.) as a great multitude of people for solemnity of the day were congregate in the Temple of S. Paul: the Bishop then being at his Mass, a sudden darkness with such thickness of clouds fell in the air, that uneath one man might see an other in the Church. 
A sudden terror among the people in Paul's church by thunder and lightning. Ex Paris. Pag. 75.  After that followed cracks of thunder & lightning so terrible, leaving such a sent in the Church, that the people looking for dooms day, thought no less but that the steeple and whole Church would have fallen upon their heads. In so much that they running out of the church, as people amazed, fell down together by thousands, as men amazed: not knowing for the time where they were, only the Bishop & his Deacon stood still at their mass, holding the altar fast. Ex Paris.  

Anno. 1231. Richard Archb. of Cant.  Of the death of Steven Langton, & of the troublesome election of the next Archbishop: also of the costly & chargeable bringing in of Richard to succeed in the room, which did cost the whole realm of England the tenths of all their movables, sufficient hath been declared before. This Richard being now confirmed in his seat, 
The complaint of Rich. Archb. of Cant. against Hubert L●rd chief justice.  came to the King complaining of Hubert the Lord chief justice, oft mentioned before, for withholding him from the castle and town of Tunebrydge with the appurtenance to the same belonging, and other lands of the Earl of Clare late deceased: which lands appertained to the right of his seat, & to the church of Cant. for the which the said Earl with his ancestors were bound to do homage to him and to his predecessors: and therefore required the keeping of the foresaid castle, with the domains thereof to be restored unto him. To this the king answered again, 
The kings answer to Rich. the Archb.  that the said earl did hold of him in Capite, and that the Castles being vacaunt of Earls and Barons with their heirs, did belong to his crown, till the lawful age of the said heirs. The Archb. when he could get no other answer of the king, did excommunicate all such as invaded the foresaid possessions with all other that took their part, 
Excommunication abused.  the king only excepted. Which done, eftsoons speedeth himself to Rome, there to prosecute his suit before the pope. The king hearing thereof, not long after sendeth up master Roger Cantelu with certain other messengers to Rome against the Archb. 
Richard the archb. complaineth to the pope of his ●ing 〈◊〉 of other matter 〈◊〉   
Thus Richard the Archb. coming before the Pope's presence, beginneth first to complain of his king, for that he committed all the affairs of the realm to the disposition and government of Hubert his justice, using only his counsel, all his other nobles despised.  
Against the said justice moreover he complained, laying to his charge: First, that he had married a wife, being the kinswoman of her whom he had married before: also that the said Hubert the justice did invade, hold and wrongfully detain such possessions as belonged to the see & Church of Canterbury.  
¶ As touching the wife of this Hubert, here is to be noted, that he married the elder sister of the king of Scots which seemeth could be of no great kin to her whom he married before.  
Farther, he complained of certain Bishops his suffragans, who neglecting their pastoral function, did sit on Chequer matters belonging to the King, and exercised sessions and judgements of blood.  
Over and besides, 
Plurali●● 〈◊〉 benefices complained of by the Archbish. 〈◊〉 Cant.  he complained of beneficed persons, and clerks within orders, for having many benefices, joined with cure of soul: And that they also taking example of the Bishops, did intermeddle in secular matters, and in judgements of lay men.  
Of these and such other defaults, he required redress to be had. The Pope weighing and considering the cause of the Archb. to stand upon right & reason (at least wise seeming so to his purpose) commanded incontinent his petitions and requests to be dispatched according to justice.  
Against these complaints of the Archbishop, the king's attorneys alleged and defended, 
The king●●▪ tourneys could 〈◊〉 speed 〈◊〉 the Pope. Respect of person 〈◊〉 much with the Pope. Richard the Archb. in 〈◊〉 journey 〈◊〉 Rome, 〈◊〉  in as much favour of the king, as they might, but could do no good. Such favour found the archbishop in the pope's sight, being (as the story reporteth) of a comely parsonage, & of an eloquent tongue, that he obtained whatsoever he asked. Thus the Archbishop with all favourable speed being dispatched at Rome after his own will and desire, returned homeward: who in his journey within 3. days of his setting forth, departed in the house of the grey Friars at S. Gems, and so his cause departed with him: who winning his suit, lost his life, for whom it had been better I suppose to have tarried at home. And here of him and end, with all his complaints also. Ex Paris.  
After the death of this Richard, the monks of Cant. (according to the manner) address themselves to a new election: at which was chosen Radulfe Nevil, Bishop of Chichester, who was the kings Chancellor, much commended in stories, 
Raffe 〈◊〉 B. of Chichester e●e●ted Archb. of Cant. The K. 〈◊〉 the Archb. 〈◊〉 Cant. Ex Math. Paris.  to be a man faithful, upright, and constant: which from the way of justice declined neither to the right hand nor to the left. But upright and sincere both in word and deed. This Rauffe (thus chosen of the monks) was presented to the king to be their Archbishop, wherewith the king was right well contented, and glad also of this election: and forthwith invested him for Archbishop of the Church of Canterb. But this investing of the King was not enough, unless he should also be confirmed by the pope. Wherefore, the Monks ready to take their journey unto Rome, came to the new Archb. requiring his help for their expenses by the way, and to know what service he would command them to the Court of Rome. But he fearing in his mind the same not to be without some scruple of sunonie & ambition, 
A rare ●●ample of ● good 〈◊〉  said he would not give an halfpenny, and holding up his hands to heaven, thus prayed, saying: O Lord God, if I shall be thought worthy to be called (although in deed unworthy) to the seat & office of this church: 
The pra●● of the 〈◊〉 elect.  so be it as thou shalt dispose it. But if otherwise in this troublesome office of Chancery, and this my inferior ministery, whereunto I have been assigned, I shall seem more necessary for this thy kingdom and people: I refuse not my labour: thy will be done.  
The monks beholding the constancy of the man, notwithstanding they had of him no money, yet refused not their travail and journey to Rome, to have their election confirmed by the Pope's authority. 
Simon L●●●tō Arch●. 〈◊〉 York, a ●licious ●●biter of ●●dolphus Archb. 〈◊〉  The Pope enquiring of Simon Langhton (brother of Stephen Langhton Archb. of Cant. before mentioned) of the person of this man: it was reported again to him by the said Simon (maliciously depraving the good man behind his back) declaring to the Pope, that he was a courtier, unlearned, hasty and fervent in his doings, and such one: who if he should be promoted to that dignity, would go about with the help of the king, and of the whole realm, to remove and bring the realm of England from under the yoke of the Pope, and of the Church of Rome. And so to bereave the See of Rome of the tribute, under which king john had once subjecteth himself and his realm, at what time he yielded his crown to the hands of Pandolfus the Legate. etc. with these and such other words Simon Langhton falsely and maliciously depraved the godly bishop. The pope hearing with one care, & crediting what he heard, without farther inquisition made of the other party accused, sendeth incontinent to the monks of Cant. to proceed in a new election, 
〈◊〉 she 〈…〉 the pope. ●●cclection Radulfe ●rchb. elect ●●et●d by 〈◊〉 Pope. 〈◊〉 Archb. 〈◊〉 Cant. e●●ted & 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉.  and to choose them an other Arch. such as were an wholesome pastor of souls, profitable to the church of England, & devout to the church of Rome. And thus was the lawful election of this good Archb. made frustrate, too good peradventure to serve in that place, whereunto he was elected.  
After the repulse of this Radulphe, the Caunterburie Monks entering a new election, agreed upon john their prior, to be their Metropolitan. Who going up to Rome to have his election confirmed by the Pope, was 3. days together examined of the cardinals. And when they could find no insufficiency in him, touching these things, wherein they tried him: yet notwithstanding, the pope finding a fault with his age (he peradventure being more aged himself) repealed him, for that he said, he was too old and simple, to sustain that dignity. Ex Paris.  
¶ What was the age of this person, I find it not in the author expressed: yet it is to be supposed, that he which was able to take that journey to Rome, and home again: was not so greatly to be complained off for his age, but that he was able sufficiently to take pains in keeping the chair of Canterbury.  
In the former parts of this story proceeding, partly before hath been declared, 
●he pope's tolerable ●actions ●pon Eng●●nd.  partly hereafter more shall appear (Christ willing) how the Church of England & commons of the same was grieved & miserably afflicted, by the intolerable oppressions of the Pope: who through his violent extortion had procured the best benefices to be given to his Romans and the chief fruits of them to be reserved to his own coffers. And what complaints thereof have been made, ye heard before, pa. 255. But yet no redress could be had. Such was the insatiable avarice of these Romans rakehells, proiling & polling wheresoever they came, with their provisions & exactions out of measure, and never satisfied. In somuch, that here in England whosoever lacked: their barns were always full of corn: and what penury so ever pinched the people, they were sure to have enough. And these unportunate exactions & contributions of these Italian harpies: beside the peterpence, beside the common tribute, daily more & more increased, to the great grievance of the Realm: in somuch that the wealth of this land was almost clean sucked up, & translated to the court of Rome. Neither was the king ignorant hereof, but could not help the matter. Wherefore it was devised by some of the nobles (as appeareth in the story of Pariensis) this foresaid year, 
●x Math. ●aris pa. 79.  An. 1231. that certain letters under the pretenced colour of the king's authority, should be sent abroad: willing & commanding, that such corn & grain, and other revenues, as were taken up for the Pope, should be stayed and forth coming, by a certain day in the said letters appointed, the which letters are thought to proceed chief by the means of Hubert Lord chief justice of England, 
Hubert lord ●●hief justice 〈◊〉 worker against the ●ope. ●he copy of ●he letter written vn●er the king's authority ●o restrain ●he benefices of the Ro●●ns with●n the realm.  who then next under the king, ruled the most affairs of the realm. The words and contents of the letters be these.  
AFter divers & sundry griefs & oppressions which this realm, as you know, hath sustained by the Romanists and yet doth: as well to the prejudice of the king himself, as also of the nobility of the same, concerning the advowsons of their Churches, and about their tithes: who also go about to take from the clerks and spiritual men their benefices, & to bestow them upon their own nation and countrymen, to the spoil and confusion both of us and our realm: we therefore by our common consents have thought good (although very late) now yet rather, than any longer to suffer their intolerable oppressions and extortions, to resist and withstand the same. And by the taking from them their benefices through all England, in like manner to cut short and bridle them, as they had thought to have kept under & bridled others: whereby, they may desist any longer to molest the Realm. Wherefore, we straightly charge and command you, that as touching the ferming of their churches, or else the rents belonging to them, which either you have presently in your hands, or else do owe unto the said Romanists: that from henceforth you be no more accoumptable unto them, or else pay unto them from henceforth the same. But that you have the said your rents and revenues ready, by such a day, to pay and deliver unto our procurators thereunto by our letters assigned. And that all Abbates and Priors have the same in a readiness at the time appointed, in their own Monasteries: and all other Priests, Clerks, and laymen, at the Churches of the Romanists there ready to pay. And farther, know ye for certainty that if ye refuse thus to do: that all that you have besides, shallbe by us brent and spoiled. And besides, look what danger we purpose shall fall upon them, the same shall light upon your necks, if you refuse thus to do. Farewell.  
When this was done, they sent their letters abroad by certain soldiers thereunto appointed: to the which letters they had devised a new seal with two swords engraved, & between the swords was written. Ecce gladij duo, etc. Behold these two sword ready to take vengeance of all those that shall withstand the form and order in these letters contained.  
At that time the 16. day before the Kalends of january, 
Anno. 1232. A Roman priest, canon of Paul's taken and rob by soldiers.  about the beginning of the year 1232. there was kept at S. Albon's a great consistory of Abbots, Priors, Archdeacon's, with divers both of the nobility and clergy by the pope's commandment, for the celebration of a divorce between the Countess of Essex and her husband. At the breaking up of which consistory, when every man was about to departed thence. There was a certain clerk whose name was Cincius a Roman, and also a Chavon of Paul's in London: taken by some of the said University not far off from S. Albon, and was carried away from his company by the soldiers. But master john Archdeacon of Norwich a Florentine, hardly escaping from that company, gate to London where he did himself, and durst not be seen. Cintius after 5. weeks, when they had well emptied his bags, was safely sent again without any more hurt to London.  
Not long after this, 
The barns of a Roman parson broke up and the corn distributed to the poor.  about the beginning of januarie, the barns of a certain beneficed man, a Roman, & person of Wingham, being full of corn, were broke up by a like company of armed soldiers. And the corn brought out to be sold and given away to the poor people. The farmer seeing this and not able to resist, complaineth to the sheriff of the shire, of this injury done to his master, and of breaking the king's peace: whereupon, the sheriff sent certain of his men to see what was done. Who coming to the empty barns, & there finding the foresaid soldiers to them unknown, 
The Romans and Italian parsons in England rob of their rents and corn.  who had sold away the most part of the corn upon easy price, and some for charity had given to the poverty of the country about: required of them hot they were, that so durst presume to break the King's peace. Whom the other then called secretly a part, & showed them the king's letters patents (pretending at least the king's name and seal) wherein was forbidden that no man should presume to stop or let them in that purpose. Whereof the sheriffs servants being certified, quietly returned from whence they came.  
This coming to the knowledge of Roger bishop of London, he (with the assistance of other Bishops) proceedeth in solemn excommunication, first against them that rob Cintius the Roman: then of them which spoiled the barns of the parson of Wingham, an other Roman: thirdly he excommunicated them that forged the letters and seal of the king above specified.  
Neither yet for all that, that did so cease, but the same year, about Easter next following, all the barns in England, 
A general spoil of the Roman parsons in England.  which were in the hands of any Roman or Italian, were likewise wasted, and the corn sold to the best commodity of the poor commons. Of the which, great almose was distributed: and many times, money also with corn together was sparsed for the needy people to gather up. Neither was there any, that would or durst stand against them. As for the Romans & Italians themselves, were stricken in such fear, that they hide themselves in Monasteries and cells, not daring to complain of their injuries received: but held it better, to lose rather their goods, then to lose their lives. The authors and workers of this feat were to the number of 80. armed soldiers, of whom the principal captain, was one naming himself W. Wytherse, surnamed Twing. 
The pope's choler stirred up against England.   
This coming to the Pope's knowledge, he was not a little stirred therewith, & sendeth his letters immediately to the king upon the same: with sharp threatenings, and imperious commandments, 
A furnish vicar of mild Christ.  charging him for suffering of such villainy within his realm: straightly enjoining him under pain of excommunication, to search out the doers hereof with all diligence, & so to punish them that all other by them may take example. Likewise, he sendeth the same charge to Peter bishop of Winchester, and to the Abbot of S. edmund, to inquire in the South parts. Also to the Archb. of York, and to the bishop of Durham, and to master john canon of York a Roman, to inquire in the North parts for the said malefactors: and after diligent inquisition made, to send up the same to Rome, there needs to appear before him. etc. 
Inquisition made for the spoiling of the pope's corn.   
Thus after earnestly inquisition made of all parties, & witnesses sworn and examined: many were found culpable in the matter, some that were factors, some that were consenters, of whom some were Bishops, and Chaplains to the King: some Archdeacon's, & Deans, with other soldiers and lay men. Among whom certain sheriffs and undersheriffs' with their servitures under them, were apprehended and cast into prison by the king. Many for fear fled and escaped away, who being sought for could not be found: 
Hubert de Burgo.  but the principal of this number (as is aforesaid) was supposed to be Hubertus Lord chief justice: who both with the king's letters & his own, fortified the doers thereof, that no man durst interrupt them. 
Robert Twing, spoiled of his benefice by the Romans.  Moreover in that same society of them, which were noted in these doings, was the same Robert Twing, above mentioned, a comely young man and a tall soldier: who of his own voluntary accord, with 5. other servitures, whom he took with him abroad to work that feat, came to the king: openly protesting himself to be the author of that deed doing, and said, he did it for hatred of the pope and the Romans: because that by the sentence of the bishop of Rome, and fraudulent circumvention of the Italians, he was bereaved of the patronage of his benefice, having no more to give but that one. Wherefore to be revenged of that injury, he enterprised that which was done: preferring rather unjustly to be excommunicate for a season, then to be spoiled of his benefice for ever. Then the King, and other executors of the Pope's commandment gave him counsel, that seeing he had so incurred the danger of the Pope's sentence, should offer himself to the pope to be absolved of him again, and there to make his declaration unto him, that he justly and canonically was possessed in that church. The king moreover with him sent his letters testimonial unto the pope, witnessing with the said soldier, and instantly desiring the Pope in his behalf, that he might with favour be heard. At the request whereof, Pope Gregory afterward, both released him of the sentence, and restored him to his patronage: writing to the Archb. of York, that he might again enjoy the right of his benefice in as ample manner, as he did before it was taken from him.  

The Bishops go about to bring Hubert out of the king's favour.  Hubert de Burgo Lord chief justice, being one of them which held against the Romish Priests, as is afore signified: was therefore not a little noted of the bishops, who to require him with like despite again (after their accustomed manner of practice) went about by subtle working, to shake him out of the king's favour. And first cometh Peter Bishop of Winchester, to the king grievously complaining of certain about the King, but especially of the foresaid Hubert the king's justice: in so much, that he caused him to be removed from his office, notwithstanding he had the king's seal and writing for the perpetuity of the same, & procured Steven Segraue to be placed in his function. And after a few days, 
Objections laid against Hubert, by the king.  the king more and more incensed against him, called him to a count of all the treasure which he was countable for by his excheker office: also of all such debts by him due from the time of his father, unto his time. Also of all the Lordships, which were in the possession of William Earl of Pembroke, chief justice before him. Item, of the liberties which he did hold at that time, in forestes, warrens, shires, and other places, how they were kept, or how they were made away. Of Prices likewise: Also of losses committed through his negligence: And of wastes made contrary to the king's profit: of his liberties, how he did use them. Item, of injuries and damages wrought against the clerk of Rome, and other Italians, and the Pope's Legates: for the redress whereof, he would never adjoin his counsel, according as appertained to his office, being then chief justice of England. Also of scutagies, gifts presents, escapes of prisoners. Item, of maritagies which king john committed to his keeping at the day of his death, and which were also in his time committed unto him. To these Hubert answered, that he had king john's own hand to show for his discharge: who so approved his fidelity, that he never called him to any, 
Note, that with Wint. the kings charter is no longer in force then whilst he liveth.  but clearly discharged him from all such counts. Whereunto answered again the Bishop of Winchester, saying: the Charter of king john hath no force after the death of him, but that ye may now be called to a reckoning of this king for the same.  
Over and besides these, other greater objections were laid to his charge by the King: 
Other crimes objected to Hubert by the king.  as for sending and writing to the duke of Austria, that he might marry his daughter, to the prejudice of the King and of the Realm, dissuading that she might not be given to him. Item, for counseling the king not to enter into Normandy with his army which he had prepared for the recovery of lands there belonging to his right, whereby great treasure was there consumed in vain. Item, for corrupting the daughter of the King of Scots, whom king john his father committed to his custody, for him to marry. Item, for stealing from him a precious stone, which had a virtue to make him victorious in war, & for sending the same to Leoline Prince of Wales. And that by his letters sent to the said Leoline William Brews a noble man was caused there traitorously to be hanged. etc. These with other crimes (whether true or false) were suggested to the king against the said Hubert by his adversaries. Whereunto he was required to answer by order of law. Hubert then seeing himself in such a straight, refused to answer presently, but required respite thereunto, for that the matters were weighty which the king objected to him, which was granted to him till the 14. day of September: but in the mean time, Hubert being in fear of the king, fled from London to the priory of Merton. And thus Hubert, who before for the love of the king, and defence of the realm (saith mine author) had got the hatred of all the nobles of England, now being out of the king's favour was destitute of comfort on every side: save only that Lucas Archbishop of Dubline, 
Princ●● 〈…〉 be tru●●  with instant prayers and tears, laboured to the king for him. By this example & many like is to be seen, how unstable and variable a thing the favour of mortal & mutable princes is: To teach all such as have to do about princes, how to repose and plant their trust not in man, but in their Lord God: by him to find help in Christ the true Prince of all Princes, which never faileth. By like example was Clito served of king Alexander, joab of king David, Bellisarius of Justinian, Harpagus of Astyages, Cromwell of king Henry, with innumerable more, which in histories are to be found.  
When the day was come, that this Hubert should answer, keeping among the monks of Merton, he durst not appear.  
Then was it signified to him from the King, that he should come up and appear in the court, there to answer to his charge. Whereunto he answered again, that he misdouted the king's anger, 
The kings displease against ●●bert.  & therefore he did fly to the church as the uttermost refuge to all such as suffer wrong. From whence he would not stir, till he heard the king's wrath to be mitigated towards him. With this, the king moved & sore displeased, directed his letters in all haste, to the mayor of London, 
The king's message 〈◊〉 the Mar● of London  commanding him at the sight thereof to muster and take up all the citizens that could bear harness in the City, and to bring to him by force of arms the foresaid Hubert either quick or dead, out of Merton. Whereupon, the Mayor immediately causing the great bell to be rung: assembled together the people of London, and opening before them the king's letters, commanded them to prepare and arm themselves in all readiness to the executing of the kings will and message.  
The Citizens hearing this, 
Old 〈◊〉 borne ●n mind.  were therewith right glad and ready, for they were all in great hatred with Hubert: because of the execution of Constantine their citizen above mentioned, pag. 269. Notwithstanding, certain of the citizens, 
Some wi●● than 〈◊〉.  namely Andrew Bukerel, john Travers & other more, men of more grave & sage discretion (wisely pondcrying with themselves, what inconvenience might rise hereof) went in haste to the Bishop of Wintchester, lying then in Southwark: and waking him out of his sleep, desired him of his counsel in that so sudden and dangerous distress: 
Good 〈◊〉 of discreet Citizens'.  Declaring to him, what peril might thereby ensue as well to the church of Merton, as also to the city, by the fury of the vnordinate & fierce multitude, which will hardly be bridled from robbing and spoiling, 
Cruel 〈◊〉 sail 〈◊〉 of Peter's of Wint.  neither will spare shedding of blood. etc. Unto whom again the bloody bishop gave this bloody counsel (saith Pariensis.) Dangerous it is (quoth he) both here and there, but yet see that you obey and execute the precept of the king, I counsel you plainly. At the which counsel of the bishop they being amazed, went with an evil will about the business enjoined. But the people inflamed with hatred, gladly coveted to be revenged and to shed the blood of the said Hubert.  
¶ The cause why Peter Bishop of Wint. was so cruelly set against the justice, 
The 〈◊〉 of displease between Hubert an● the bi●t●s of Wint.  was partly for the damages he had done to the Roman Priests, as is before touched: Partly also for the old grudge, because the king coming to his lawful age before (through the counsel of this Hubert) loosed himself from the government of the said B. who had him then in custody. And thus rose up the grudge and displeasure of this bishop him.  
On the next morrow, the Londoners issuing out of the city to the number of xx. M. setfoorth toward the Abbey of Merton, 
Hubert ●●●strate vpo● the grou●● 〈◊〉 himself 〈◊〉 God.  where Hubert was lying prostrate before the altar, commending himself to God.  
In the mean season, while the Citizens were in their journey, raging against the poor earl of Kent: it was suggested to the king by Radulfe B. of Chichester, and Lord Chancellor, that it was dangerous to excite up the vulgar and unruly multitude, for fear of sedition: le●t peradventure, the rude and heady people being stirred up, 
Sage counsel of an Earl given to the king.  will not so soon be brought down again, when the K. would have them. Moreover, what shallbe said (quoth he) among the French men and other nations, which of great things love to make them greater, & of evil things to make them worse than they are: but thus jestingly & mockingly: See what a kind bird is the young king of England, which seeketh to devour his old nurse under whose wings he had been brought up and nourished in his youth. 
●he marvellous wor●ng of the ●ords help 〈◊〉 time of ●eed, juxta ●●rsum saith ●he story: 〈◊〉 ales, alis ●lium ne lō●us ales. ●x addita ●entis Mat. ●arisiensi. ●ag. 81.  And thus the king by the persuasion hereof, changing his council, sent in all hasty wise after the army again, willing them to retract their journey, and to retire, And thus the Londoners (although much against their wills) returned home, missing of their purpose. Wherein is to be observed another notable example of Gods working providence. For when the king (saith the history) had sent by 2. messengers or pursuivants to revoke and call back again the army of the Londoners, going with greedy minds to shed the blood of the innocent justice: One of the messengers posting with all speed possible, with the kings letters, overtook the army: and coming to the forward, where the Captains were by virtue of the king's letters stayed their course and bloody purpose, whereby they could proceed no farther. But the other messenger crafty and malicious, who bearing hatred to the said Hubert, rather wishing him to be slain, then to be delivered: lingered by the way of purpose (although being commanded to make haste) & when he came, went only but to the middle sort. More like a messenger meet to serve a dead man's arrant, 
A notable example of God's just punishment striking with ●eath him ●hat seeketh ●he death of ●nother.  then to serve the turn of them which be alive. And ●o in like manner by the just hand of God it fell upon him. For the same messenger stumbling with his horse, riding but a soft or a foot pace, and rather walking then riding: fell down backward from his horse back, and there broke his neck and died. This merciful message of the king was, as is said, sent by the instigation of Radulph B. of Chichester Lord chancellor (a virtuous and a faithful man) and one that could skill to have compassion on the miseries of men. 
Commendation of Radulf B. of Chichester.  Of whom was declared before, that he being elected Archbishop of Canterbury, would not get one half penny to their expenses by the way, to give his election confirmed by the Pope: and afterward by the said Pope was defeated and frustrated of his election, as relation was made before pag. 274. And thus through God's providence by the means of the king's letters the army returned: and Hubert's life (contrary to his expectation) was preserved.  

The Archb. of Dubline again maketh intercession for Hubert.  After this, the Archbishop of Dubline with much labour and great fute entreated and obtained of the king to grant unto the said Hubert respite till the twelve day of january, to provide himself of his answer to such things as were commenced against him. Then Hubert trusting to enjoy some safety by the king's permission to him granted, to breathe himself a little and to walk abroad, took his journey towards S. Edmundesbury, where his wife was. And passing through the country of Essex, was Inned there in a certain town belonging to the bishop of Norwich. Whereof when the king was certified, fearing lest he would raise up some commotion in the Realm: sendeth in hasty anger after him Sir Godfred Cranecombe knight, with 300. men: commanding under pain of hanging, that they should apprehend him, & bring him to the tower of London. Which commandment to accomplish, there lacked no haste. Hubert having intelligence of their coming (rising out of his bed naked as he was) ran to the chapel standing near to the Inn, 
Hubert flieth to the Church for his refuge.  where he holdeth with the one hand the cross, with the other hand the Sacrament of the lords body. Then Godfride with his foresaid armed soldiers entering into the Chapel, willed him to come out. 
Hubert violently drawn out of the Church. Hubert cast into the tower of London  Which when he would not: with violent hands he drew him out of the Chapel, and taking the Cross & Sacrament out of his hands, fast bound him with fetters and gives under the horse belly, and brought him as they were commanded, to the Tower. And so certifying the king what they had done (who then tarried up waking for them) he rejoiced not a little thereat, and went merry to his bed.  

The king blamed for breaking the peace of holy Church.  The next morrow following after, Roger Bishop of London had knowledge, how and in what order he was taken violently out of the Chapel, he cometh to the king blaming him boldly for violating the peace of holy church, and protested that unless the party were loosed again, & sent to the Chapel from whence he was drawn, he would enter sentente of excommunication against all the deed doers,  

The King compelled to send Hubert again to his sanctuary.  The king as he did not deny his transgression herein, so sendeth him, (albeit against his will) out of the Tower to the said Chapel again & by the same soldiers which brought him out before. Which done, he giveth in strait charge and commandment under pain of hanging to the sheriffs of Herforde and of Essex, that they in their own persons with the strength of both Shires should watch and compass about the Chapel, and see that the said Hubert no ways might escape. Which commandment of the king was accomplished with all diligence. But Hubert took all this patiently, and continued in the chapel praying both night and day, & commending his cause unto the Lord, whom he desired so to deliver him from that instant danger, as he always sought the king's honour by his faithful and trusty service. And as he continued in his prayer, so the king continuing in his rage, commanded that no man should entreat for him, or make any mention of him in his presence. Notwithstanding, yet Lucas Archbishop of Dubline, 
Example of a constant friend in the time of need.  his true and almost only friend, ceased not to pray and weep to the king for him, desiring the king at least to intimate to him, what he purposed should be done with Hubert. Whereunto the King answering, said: that of three things one he should choose: 
Three things put to Hubert to choose.  whether he would abjure the Realm of England for ever, or be condemned to perpetual prison, or else confess himself openly to be a Traitor. But Hubert hereunto said, that he would choose none of these Articles, as who knew himself neither guilty, nor worthy of any such confusion: but to satisfy somewhat the mind of the King, he would be content to depart the Realm for a season, but to abjure the Realm, he would not so do.  
In this mean time it befell, that Ranulphus Earl of Chester and of Lincoln, one of his sorest enemies died. Hubertus all this while, remained in the Chapel enclosed & guarded about with the power, as is said, of two shires, & so continued till at length by the commandment of the king his two servitors which ministered to him within the Chapel, 
Hubert yieldeth himself to the Sheriffs.  were taken from him. Then Hubert seeing no other remedy but there to starve for famine, offered himself of his own accord to the sheriffs, saying that he would put himself rather in the kings mercy, than there desperately to perish for hunger. 
Hubert reduce● again to the Tower.  And so was he taken, and being fast bound in fetters, was brought again & clapped by the kings commandment, in the Tower of London.  
Not long after this, word was brought to the king by certain, that the said Hubert had much treasure lying in the house of the new Templaries in London. Whereupon the king to try out the truth thereof sendeth for the Prior or master of that house, who not daring to deny, confessed that there was in deed treasure brought into the house, but the quantity and number thereof he could not tell. The King desirous to season upon the treasure, required and charged the master with his brethren, with threatening words, to bring forth the treasure to him, saying, that it was taken and stolen out of his treasury. 
Faithful dep●●sitaries.  But they answered again that the treasure was committed with trust and saith unto their hands: and therefore they would nor ought to let it go out of their hands, being trusted withal, without the assent of him which committed the same unto them. When the king could get no other answer at their hands, neither durst show any further violence against than, he sendeth to Hubert in the Tower, requiring of him the foresaid treasures. To whom he answering again mildly, yielded both himself, his treasures & all that ever he had unto the kings will & pleasure, & so sending word to the master & brethren of the Temple, willeth them to take all the keys, and deliver the goods, with all that there was to the king, who receiving the same, 
Hubert bearest of all his treasures.  and taking an Inventory of that which was received, caused it to be brought to his treasure, whereof the number both of the plate, of coin, and of the jewels was of price unknown. 
Anno. 1232.  The enemies of Hub. supposing thereby to take advantage against him to bring him to his end came with open complaint to the king, crying out against Hubert, that he was a thief, a traitor, and a robber of the king's treasure, and therefore by right was worthy to be hanged, and thus cried his accusers daily in the kings ear. 
God ruleth the hearts of kings.  But the hearts of kings (saith the wise man) are in the hands of the Lord, to be ruled not after man's will, but as it pleaseth God to direct them. And so this king having now his will & fill upon poor Hubert & somewhat coming more unto himself, answered again in this wise: that there was no such need to deal so straightly with him, who from the time of his youth first served mine uncle King Richard, 
The king's answer in defence of Hubert.  than my father king john, in whose service, (as I heard say) beyond the Seas he was driven to eat his horse, Parisies. pag. 81. and in my time hath stand so constantly in defence of the Realm against foreign nations, who kept the castle of Dover against king jews, and vanquished the Frenchmen upon the Seas, also at Bedford, and at Lincoln hath done such service. And though against me he hath dealt any thing untruly, which yet is not evidently proved, yet he shall never be put by me to so villainous death. 
A worthy w●rd of a king.  I had rather be counted a king foolish and simple, then to be judged a tyrant or a seeker of blood, especially of such as have served me and mine ancestors in many perils so dangerously, weighing more the few evils which yet be not proved, then so many good deserts of his evident & manifest service done both to me and to the whole realm. etc. And thus the king somewhat relenting to poor Hubert his old servant, granted unto him all such lands as he had given by K. john his father, and whatsoever else he had by his own purchase.  

The king's mind relenteth toward Hubert.  Thus Hubert after long trouble, a little cheered with some piece of comfort, set Laurence his trusty friend that never left him, one that belonged to S. Albon, to be his Stuard and overseer of those possessions granted to him by the king. And shorely upon the same, after the kings mind was seen thus something to relent, the envy also of the nobles being now partly satisfied: began to turn to mercy▪ 
Four Earls sureties for Hubert.  In so much that 4. Earls, to wit Earl Richard the kings brother, William Earl of Warrtine, Richard Earl Martial, and William Earl of ferries, became sureties to the king for him. Upon whose surety he was transferred to the Castle of Devizis: 
Hubert put in the Castle of Denisis.  where he was under the keeping of 4. soldiers by them appointed, having the liberty of the Castle. But the bishop of Winchester, who always hunted after the life of Hubert, craftily cometh to the king, 
Anno. 1233.  and desireth the custody of that Castle, making no mention of Hubert, to the intent that by the keeping thereof, he might the sooner dispatch him. Hubert having thereof some inkling, breaketh the matter to two of his servants, who with compassion tendering his misery, watched their time (the keepers being a sleep) and conveyed by might upon their backs, 
Hubert conveyed out of the Castle into the Parish Church.  fettered as he was, into the parish Church of the Town, and there remained with him. The keepers when they missed their prisoner, were in great perplexity, and after diligent search finding him at length where he was in the Church, with violent force drew him from thence to the Castle again. For the which injury to the Church, the Bishop of Sarum, understanding the order of the matter, cometh to the Castle where the keepers were, and required that Hubert should be brought again into the Church, from whence he was taken. Which when the keepers denied to do, saying that they would rather he should hang then they: then the Bishop gave sentence against them of excommunication. Which done, 
Hubert again taken out of the church, and brought back to the Castle.  he with the Bishop of London and other Bishops, goeth immediately to the king, complaining of the injury done to Hubert, and especially of the contiunely against holy Church: neither would they leave the King before they had obtained that he should be reduced again into the Church, and so he was. It was not long after, but the king in great displeasure sendeth to the Sheriff of the shire to keep him well watched in the Church, till either he came forth, or there perished with famine.  

Hubert delivered out of prison and carried into Wales.  It befell in the mean season that great dissension rose between the king and the nobles of the Realm, by reason whereof Hubert was taken and carried away by Richard Earl Martial into Wales, and there remained till the king at length was reconciled with his nobles, and so received with the rest the said Hubert again into his favour. Ex Math. Parisiens. Ex Flor. Historiarum. Of the which dissension more shall be showed (Christ willing) hereafter.  

Roger B. of London goeth to Rome to purge himself before the Pope.  As the beginning of this trouble of Hubert first sprang of vexing the Hope's barns: so likewise Roger bishop of London suspected for the same cause, was enforced to travel up to Rome, there to purge himself before the Pope. Where after much money consumed, & rob also by the way, he got nothing else, but lost his labour, and so came home again. Who then doing the part of a good Bishop, after his return from Rome, attempted to expel and exclude out of his Diocese all these Italian usurers called, as is before said Caursini.. 
Against Usurers  These Caursinites coming with the Pope's Legates into England, and lending their money to Religious houses, to Colleges and Churches, had their debtor to them bound in such sort, as was much untageable to them, & much injurious unto the other, as in the form of their obligations in the stories of Matthew parisians. is largely expressed fol. 65. Against these Caursinites the Bishop of London being worthily inflamed with zeal of justice, 
Usurers excommunicated and expelled by the Bishop of London.  first with loving admonition, went about to reclaim them, for the wealth of their souls, afterward with sharp words began to charge them. But they neither regarding Christian council, and despising the Bishops threatenings, would not leave the sweetness of their occupation. Wherefore the Bishop proceeding to the sentence of excommunication, 
Excommunication well used against usurers.  precisely and districtly charged them to departed his Diocese. But they again being confident & emboldened upon the pope's defence, not only set at light his excommunication, but also wrought such ways with the Pope, that they caused the said B. of London, being both aged and sickly, to be cited peremptoryly to appear beyond the Seas, there to answer to such objections as they should infer against him. And thus the Bishop minding rather to cover, then to open the faults of the Church, and partly being let with infirmity & age, was compelled to let the cause fall.  
And thus much of the pope's merchants here in England, which were not so busy here for their part, but the Pope the great master of these merchant usurers, was as busy for his. And although his barns here in England were destroyed, and his bank something decayed, yet he thought to win it up an other way: for he proclaimed the same year a general visitation through all the religious houses exempt or not exempt universally pertaining to his jurisdiction, 
The 〈◊〉 visitation 〈◊〉 the Pope, through 〈◊〉 religious houses.  where by the cruel dealing of the visitors, many were compelled to appeal and to travel up to Rome, to the great expenses of their money, and filling the Pope's coffers. But as touching this visitation, to make short (saith the story) it tended not to any reformation so much, as to the deformation of the universal order, Dum omnes qui in diversis or bis partibus unicam Benedicti secuti fuerant regulam, 
Ex Parien●●  per novas constitutiones ita inveniantur ubique discords, quòd ex omnibus coenobijs, vel alijs religiosorum Ecclesijs vix duo habeantur in norma vivendi concords. i. While all they, which before through all parts of the world followed only the rule of Benedict, now through new devised constitutions are found in all places so divided & divers, 
The grea● diversity ●mong all religious orders noted.  that of all monasteries, and other churches of religion, scarce may two be found, which do agree in one rule and institution of life.  
All this while that Hubert above mentioned was secluded from the king, Peter B. of Winchester bore all the rule, and above all other alone was accepted. This bishop being in such principal favour with the king, as by whose council all things were administered, removed the natural servitors that were Englishmen, out of their offices, and placed other strangers, namely of Pictavia, and of other countries in their room. Among whom was thrust out William the Undermarshall, 
Old ●e●tures of the king protect and discharged.  which supplied the room of Richard Lord great Marshal of England: for the which cause, the said Lord Richard was mightily offended. Also Walter Treasurer of the kings house, was not only expelled, but also mersed at an hundredth pound, & put from all his holds and munitions, which he had by the kings patent granted to him.  
Moreover by the counsel of the said Bishop of Winchester, all the old counsellors as well Bishops, as other Earls and Barons, and all the nobles were rejected from the king in such sort, that he would hear & follow no man's council, but only the said Peter Bishop of Winchester, and his cousin Peter de Rivallis. Whereby it came to pass that all the greatest holds and munitions in the Realm were taken from the old keepers and committed to the custody of the said Peter. Then the Bishop of Winchester, to plant and pitch himself more strongly in the king's favour, adjoined to his fellowship Stephen Segraue succeeding in the place of Hubert the justice: also Robert Passelew, who had the keeping of the treasure under the foresaid Peter Rival. So by these three all the affairs of the realm were ordered. Moreover to make their party more sure, 
The King forsaketh 〈◊〉 nobles and sticketh to strangers▪  by them was provided, that soldiers and servitors from beyond the Sea, as pictavians and Britan's were sent for, to the number of two thousand, which were placed partly about the king, partly were set in Castles & holds within the Realm, and had the oversight and government of Shires and Baronies, who then oppressed the nobles of the land, accusing them to the king for traitors: whom the simple king did lightly believe, committing to them the custody of his Treasures, the sitting in judgements, and the doing in all things: And when the nobles thus oppressed, came to complain of their injuries to the king, by the means of the Bishop of Winchester, their cause was nothing regarded. In so much that the said Winchester moreover accused certain Bishops also to the king, so that he did flee and shun them as open traitors and rebels.  
These things standing thus out of order, 
Richard 〈◊〉 Marschal● admonisheth the king.  Richard the noble Marshal of England, with other of the nobles joining with him, seeing these oppressions and injuries daily growing contrary to the laws and wealth of the realm, came to the king, and blamed him for retaining such perverse counsel about him of the Pictanians and other foreigners, to the great prejudice of his natural subjects, and of the liberties of the Realm, humbly desiring and beseeching him, that he with as much speed as might be, would reform & redress such excesses, whereby the whole realm seemed to lie in danger of subversion. Otherwise, if he refused to see correction thereof, he with other peers and nobles, would withdraw themselves from his counsel, so long as he maintained the society of those foreigners and strangers about him.  

The disdainful answer of the B. of Wint. to the nobles.  To this Peter Winchester answering again, said: that the king right well might call unto him what foreigners and strangers him listed, for the defence both of his kingdom and of his crown: and what number of them he would, as by whom he might be able to bridle his proud and rebellious subjects, and so to keep them in awe and good order, When the Earl and the nobles could get no other answer of him, in great perturbation they departed, promising among themselves, in this cause which so touched the state of the whole Realm, the would constantly join together to the parting of their life.  

Wicked counsel about a king.  After this, the foresaid Petrus Bishop of Winchester with his complices, ceased not by all means to inflame the kings hart to hatred and contempt of his natural people, whom they so vehemently perverted, that he counting them no other than his enemies, sought by all diligence the utter destruction of them: sending daily for more garrisons of the pictavians, that in short space they replenished weineare the whole land, 
Petrus de Rupibus B. of Wint. perter of the king.  whose defence the king only trusted unto: neither was any thing disposed in the Realm, but through the guiding of this Peter, and of the pictavians.  
The king thus guarded and strengthened with these foreign aliens and strangers, proclaimed aparliament to be holden at Oxford, where the nobles were warned to be present. They considering the indignation of the king conceived, would not appear. Again they were required the first, second, and third tune to present themselves. The assembly proceeded, but they came not for whom the king looked. In this assembly or Parliament, it was plainly told the king by a Dominick Friar preaching before him, that unless he removed from him the Bishop of Winchester and Peter Rival his kinsma, he should, neither could long enjoy peace in his kingdom. This although it was bluntly spoken of the Friar against the Bishop: yet this remedy he had: the friar had nothing to lose. Yet was there another chaplain of the Court, who preceiuing the king somewhat instigated by the former preaching, and after a courtlike dexterity handling his matter, being a pleasant conceited man, 
A merry Apothegma of the kings Chaplain.  thus merely came to the king ask a question, what was the thing most pernicious & dangerous of all other things to them that travail by the seas? That, said the king, is best known to such as travail in that kind of traffic. Nay, saith he, this is easy to be fold. The king demanding what it was: forsooth (quoth he) stones and rocks, alluding merely, but yet truly to the Bishop of Winchester, whose name and surname was Petrus de Rupibus. For so Petrae in Latin signifieth stones, & Rupes rocks. Notwithstanding the king either not perceiving the meaning, or not amending the fault, again signifieth to his nobles to speak with him at Westminster. But they fearing some train to be laid for them, refused to appear: 
The message of the nobles to the king.  sending plain word to the king by solemn message, that his grace without all delay should seclude from him Peter B. of Winchester and other aliens of Pictavia, or if he would not, they with the common assent of the realm, would displace him with his wicked councillors from his kingdom, and have within themselves tractation for choosing a new king.  
The king at the hearing of this message being mightily moved, partly to fear, partly to indignation, especially having the late example of king john his father before his eyes, 
War railed by the king against his nobles.  was cast in great perplexity, doubting what was best to be done. But Winchester with his wicked council so wrought with the king, that he proceeded with all severity against them: In so much that in short time the sparkles of poisoved council kindling more and more, grew to a sharp battle between the king, and Richard Earl Martial, with other nobles, to the great disquietness of the whole Realm. The which war before was presignified by terrible thundering and lightning heard all england over in the month of march, with such aboundaunee of rain and floods growing upon the same, 
Great thunders & floods in England.  as cast down milnes, overcovered the fields, threw down houses, and did much harine through the whole Realm.  
To prosecute here at large the whole discourse of this war between the king and Earl Martial, which continued near the space of two years, to declare all the parts and circumstances thereof, what trouble it brought, what damage it wrought to the whole realm, what trains were laid, what slanghter of men, what waste of whole countries ensued from Wales unto Shrewsbery, how the marshal joined himself with Leoline Prince of Walls, how the pictavians were almost all slain & destroyed, how the king was distressed, what forgery wily wint. wrought by the king's letters to entrap the Marshal & to betray him to the Irishmen, among whom he was at length slain, all this I refer to other authors. Who at large do entreat of the same, as Math. parisians. Florilegus & such other. This is to be noted and observed (whithe rather pertaineth to our Ecclesiastical history) to see what sedition and continual disquietness was in those days among all Christian people almost, being under the pope's Catholic obedience. But especially to mark the corrupt doctrine then reigning, it is to be marveled, or rather lamented, to see the king and the people then so blinded in the principal point and article of their salvation, as we find in stories, which making mention of a house or Monastery of Conuertes builded the same year by the king at London, do express in plain words, that he then did it Pro redemptione animae suae, 
Monasteries builded pro redemptione animae.  & Regis joannis patris sui, & omnium antecessorum suorum. i. For the redemption of his soul, of the soul of king john his father, & for the souls of all his auncieers. etc. Whereby may be understand in what palpable darkness of blind ignorance the silly souls redeined by Christ, were then enwrapped, which did not know nor yet we taught the right doctrine and first principles of their redemption. Ex Math. Parisien sipag. 86.  
Mention was made a little before pag. 275. 
john Archb. of Cant. elected by the Chapter, again unelected by the Pope.  of dissolving the election of john Prior of Canterbury, which was chosen by the Monks to be Archbishop of the said church of Canterbury, but by the pope was defeated. After whom one john Blund was elected, who traveling up to Rome this year an. 1233. to be confirmed of the Pope, was also repealed and unetected again, for that it was thought in England, & so complained of to the Pope, that he had received of Peter Bishop of Winchester a thousand marks and had another thousand promised him of the said Winchester. who by his money thought to make him of his side and also wrote to the Emperor to help forward his promotion in the court of Rome. 
Corruption of bribes.  Notwithstanding, both he with his giving, and the other with his taking of bribes were both detected and disappointed of their purpose. For the Pope hating then the Emperor, for the same cause admitted not the election, pretending the cause, for that he was proved to hold to benefices without his dispensation. 
Edmund archb. of Canterbury.  After whom by the commandment of the Pope one Edmund canon of Salisbury was ordained Archbishop, and had his pall sent to him from the Pope, which edmund after for his virtues was Canonised of the Popish Monks there for a saint, 
Saint Edmund canonized, Robert Grosted made Bishop of Lincoln.  and called S. Edmund. About which time also Robert Brosted was made B. of Lincoln.  
This Edmund accompanied with other bishops, during this trouble between the king and his nobles, being in council at Westminster, 
Anno. 1231. Faithful counsel of the Bishops given to the king.  in the year next ensuing, which was 1234. came vetering their mind boldly in the name of the Lords, & declaring unto the king as became his faithful servants, that his council which then he followed, was not found, nor safe, but cruel and dangerous both to him and to the state of the Realm, meaning the council of Peter Winchester and of Peter Rival, with other adherentes.  
1. FIrst and in primis, 
The counsel of Winchest, and such other Bishops about the king disproved for certain causes.  for that they hate and contemn the English nation, calling them traitors and rebels: and turning the king's heart from the love of his natural subjects, and the hearts of them from him, as appeareth by the Earl Marschal and other, sowing discord among them.  
2. Item, by the said Counsel, to wit, by the foresaid bishop and his fellows, king john the king's father lost first the hearts of his Barons, after that lost Normandy, and afterward other lands also, and in the end wasted all his treasure, so that since that time the regiment of England had never no quiet after.  
3. By the said Counsel also, in their time and memory, the kingdom of England had been troubled and suspended, and in conclusion, became tributary, she that was before the Prince of provinces, and so war ensuing upon the same, the said King john his father incurred great danger of death and at last was extinguished, lacking both peace of his kingdom and of his own heart.  
4. Item, by the said counsel the Castle of Bedford was kept long time against the king, to the great loss both of men & treasure, beside the loss of Rupella, to the shame of the Realm of England.  
5. Moreover, through their wicked counsel, at this present, great perturbation seemed to hang over the whole realm, for else if it had not been for their counsel, and that true justice and judgement might have been ministered unto the kings subjects, these tumults had never been stirred, and the king might have had his land unwasted, and his treasure vnconsumed.  
6. Item, in that saith and allegiance wherewith they were obliged unto him, they protested unto him that the said his council was not a council of peace, but of division and disquietness, to the end that they which otherwise by peace could not aspire, by disturbing and disheriting other might be exalted.  
7. Item, for that all the castles, forts, munitions, also all the offices of the Exchequer, with all other the greatest exchetes of the realm were in their hands, of the which, if the king would demand a count, he should prove how true they were.  
8. Item for that neither by the kings seal, nor commandment, except it bore withal the seal of Peter Rival, almost no business of any weight could be dispatched in the realm, as though their counted the king for no king.  
9 Furthermore, by the foresaid council, the natural subjects and nobles of the realm were banished the Court, which was to be feared would grow to some inconvenience both to the king and to the Realm, for so much as the king seemed more to be on their side then they of his, as by many evident conjectures may appear.  
10. Item, it was not well to be taken and liked, the said council standing of strangers and aliens, to have in their power both the kings sister, and many other noble men's daughters and other women marriageable, with the kings wards and marriages, which they bestowed and divided among themselves, and men of their affinity.  
11. Also, the said council regarding neither the laws, nor liberties of the Realm confirmed and corroborated by excommunication, did confound and pervert all justice. Wherefore it was to be feared they would run under excommunication, and the king also in communicating with them.  
12. Item, because they kept neither promise nor saith, nor oath with any person, neither did observe an instrument made never so formal by law, nor yet did fear any excommunication. Where fore they were to be left for people desperate, as which were departed from all truth and honesty.  
These things (said the Bishops) we as your faithful subjects before God, & men, do tell and advertise your grace, desiring and beseeching you, that you will remove & seclude from you such council, and as the custom is of all other kingdoms to do, that you will so govern in like manner your kingdom by your own natural liege people, & such as be sworn unto you of your own realm. For thus (said they) in verity we denounce unto you, 
Excommunication denounced by the Bishops against the king.  that unless in short time you will see these things reform, we according to our duty, will proceed by the censure of the church against you, and all other that gaynstand the same: tarrying no other thing, but only the consecration of this our reverend Archbishop.  

The kings answer to the bishops.  These words of the Bishops thus said and finished, the king required a little time of respite, wherein to advise with himself above the matter, saying, that he could not in such a sudden remove from him his counsel, before he had entered with them a count of his treasure committed to them, and so that assemble broke up.  
It followed then after this communication so broken up, that the king resorted to the parts of northfolk, where coming by S. Edmund's bury, where the wife of Hubert the justice was, 
The pity of the king toward the wife of Hubert.  he being moved with zeal of pity toward the woman, who very humbly behaved herself to the king, did grant unto her 8. manor places, which her husband before with his money had purchased, being then in the custody and possession of Robert Passelew, one of the kings new counsellors above specified. 
Edmund consecrated Archb. of Cant. which was afterward canonised by Pope Innocent the fourth for a Saint.  It was not long after this, but Edmund the Archbishop was invested and consecrated in the church of Caunterbury, who shortly after his consecration, about the month of April, coming with his suffragans to the place of counsel, where the king with his Earls and Barons was assembled, opened to him the cause and purpose of his coming & of the other Prelates, which was to put him in remembrance of their former talk had with him at Westminster: Denouncing moreover to him expressly, that unless with speed he would take a better way, & fall to a peaceable and godly agreement with the true & faithful nobles of his realm, 
Example of excommunication rightly practised.  he incontinent with the other Prelates there present, would pass with the sentence of excommunication against him, and against all them that should be enemies to the same peace, & main teiners of discord.  

The kings promise to the Bishops.  The king after he heard the meaning of the Bishops, with humble and gentle language answered them again, promising to condescend to them in all things, whereupon within few days after, the king coming to some better remembrauce of himself, commanded the forenamed bishop of Winchester to leave the court, and return home to his Bishopric, 
Peter Bi●, of Wi●t●● charge the Court. Peter K●● called to a count of the king's tr●sures.  there to attend unto the spiritual charge and care of his flock committed to him. Moreover he commanded Peter Rival the Bishop's cousin (some stories say his son) who had then the disposing of all the assayres of the Realm, to render unto him his castles, and to give a count of all his treasures, whereof he had the keeping, and so to void the Realm, swearing moreover unto him, but for that he was benefised, and was within orders of the Church, else he would have caused both his eyes to be plucked out of his head.  
He expelled likewise the pictavians out of the court, and from the custody of his munitions, 
Pictauian● & strange●● sent home by the king into their country, Reconciliation sought between the king and the nobles.  sending them home into their counntry and bidding they should no more see his face. And thus the king wisely dispatching himself of his wicked counsellors, first did send Edmund the Archbishop, with the bishops of Chester and of Rochester, into Wales to Leoline, and to Richard Earl Marshal and other, to entreat with them of peace. Also he received to his service again men of his natural country, to attend about him, offering himself willing to be ruled by the counsel of the Archbishop and the Bishops, by whose prudence he trusted his Realm should be reduced again to a better quietness.  
But in the mean time, while these things were doing in England, the foresaid Richard Earl Martial by the falsehood of the bishop of Winchester and Peter Rival, 
Richard Earl Martial fraudulently ti cumu●nized and slaire ● Ireland, Catini 〈◊〉 about Almain, judged of the Papists for hereticker. Albinger●●● slain in Spain by the Pope's setting on  forging the kings letters to the Irishmen against him, & partly by the conspiracy of Gilbert de Marisco, was circumvented by the Irishmen in war, and there taken and wounded, was by them through the means of his Surgeon slain.  
Great slaughter the same tune was of them which were called Latini, about the parts of Almain. These Latini were esteemed of pope Gregory and the Papists to be heretics. But what their opinions were I find it not expressed. In Parisiení.  
In like sort the Albigenses afore mentioned, recounted also of the pope's flock to be heretics, with their bishops, & a great number and company of them were slain by the commandment of pope Gregory at the same time in a certain plain in Spain. Ex Ma. Priens. fol. 87.  
Now the Archbishop of Canterbury with other two Bishops, were sent into Wales for entreaty of peace, ye heard before. At whose return again after the time of Easter, the king going toward Gloucester to meet them by the way, as he was in his journey at woodstock, came messengers from Ireland, declaring to the king the death of Richard Earl Martial, 
The Klimenteth the death of Richard Earl, Martial.  and the order thereof, through the forged letters of Winchester and other, whereat the king made great lamentation and mourning, to the great admiration of all them that were by, saying & complaining, that he left not his like in all the realine again.  
After this the king proceeding in his journey came to Gloucester. Where the Archbish, with the other Bishops coming to the king, declared to him the form and condition of peace which they had concluded with Leoline, which was this: If the king would be reconciled before with the other nobles with whom he was confederate, such as the king had banished out of his realm: to the end that the concord might be the more firm between them. 
The saying of Leonline king of Wales, The almost of K. Henry more feared than his p● sans.  Thus (said they) was Leoline contented, although with much a do & great difficulty, to receive the league of peace, saying & protesting thus unto them, that he feared more the king's almose, than all the puissance both of him and of all his clergy within England.  
This done the king there remaining to the Bishops, directed his letters to all the exiles and banished Lords & to all his nobles, that they should repair to him about the beginning of june, at Gloucester, 
Peace concluded between the king and the nobles.  promising to them his full favour & reconcilement to them and to their heirs, & that they should suspect no fraud therein, they should have their safeconduct by the Archbishop and Bishops.  
Whereupon through the mediation of the said Archbishop and the Bishops, first cometh to the king Hubert Earl of Kent, offering himself to the kings good will and favour. 
Hubert Earl of Kent restored again to the king's favour.  Whom the king with cheerful countenance received and embraced, restoring him not only to his favour, but also to his household & council, with his livings and possessions from which he had been deseised before. Then Hubert lifting up his eyes to heaven, gave praise and glory to God, 
Hubert giveth thanks to God.  by whose gracious providence he so merucilously being preserved from so great distresses & tribulations, was again so happily reconciled to the king, and his faithful friends. After him in like sort came in Gilbert Basset a noble man, Richard Suard: also Gilbert the brother of Rich. Martial that was slain, which Gilbert recovered again his whole inheritance as well in England as in Ireland, doing his homage to the king and his service due for the same. To whom also was granted the office of the high Marshal court, belonging before to his brother Richard.  
In the same council or communication continuing then at Gloucester, the said Edmund Archbishop of caunterbury, bringing the forged letters, wherein was betrayed the life of Richard Earl Martial, sealed with the king's seal, 
●lihood & murder commuch out. Kings many ●imes abused by wicked counsel.  and sent to the great men of Ireland, read the same openly in the presence of the king and all the nobles. At the hearing whereof, the king greatly sorrowing and weeping confessed there in truth that being forced by the Bishop of Winchester and Peter De Rivallis, he commanded his seal to be set to certain letters presented unto him, but the tenor thereof he said & swore he never heard, whereunto the Archbishop answering again, desired the king to search well his conscience, & said, that all they which were procurers of knowledge of those letters, were guilty of the death of the Earl Martial, no less then if they had murdered him with their own hands.  

The Bish. of Winchester called to his answer.  Then the king calling a council, sent his letters for the bishop of Winchester, for Peter Rival, Stephen Segraue, and Robert Passeiew to appear and yield account for his treasures to them committed and for his seal by them abused. But the Bishop and Rival keeping themselves in the sanctuary of the minster Church of Winchester, neither durst nor would appear. Stephen Segraue who succeeded after Hubert the justice and was of the Clergy before, after became a layman, and now hiding himself in S. mary's Church in the Abbey of Leicester, was turned to a Clerk again, Robert Passelew covertly hid himself in a certain cellar of the new temple, so secretly that none could tell where he was, but thought he was gone to Rome. At length through the foresaid Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury, means was made, that a dilatory day was granted by the king, for them to answer. At which day first appeared Peter De Rivallis, 
Peter Rival, Stephen Segraue, Rob. Passelew, called to their answer  than Stephen Segrane, after him Robert Passelew, each of them severally one after another showed themselves, but not able to answer for themselves like traitors were reproved, and like villains were sent away. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 91.   

Variance between Pope Gregory the 9 and the Romans.  

Variance between the Pope & Citizens of Rome. The allegation of the Romans.  WHile peace thus between the king and the nobles was reconciled in England, dissension, and variance the same time and year began in Rome, between the pope and the Citizens of Rome. The cause was, for that the citizens claimed by old custom and law, that the Bishop of Rome might not excommunicate any Citizen of the city, nor suspend the said City with any interdiction for any maver excess.  

The Pope's answer.  To this the Pope answered again, Quòd minor Deo est, sed quolibet homine maior (to use the very words of mine author) Ergo, Maior quolibet cive, nae etiam rege, vel Imperatore. etc. that is, that he is less than God, but greater than any man. Ergo, greater than any Citizen, yea also greater than king, or Emperor. And for so much as he is their spiritual father, he both aught and lawfully may chastise his children when they offend, as being subjecteth to him in the saith of Christ, and reduce them into the way again, when they stray out of course.  

The 2. allegation of the Romans. The Pope bound to pay to Rome yearly tribute.  Moreover, the citizens allege again for themselves, that the Potestates of the City and Senators do receive of the Church of Rome yearly tribute, which the bishops of Rome were bound to pay unto them, both by new and also ancient law. Of the which yearly tribute, they have been ever in possession before this present time of this: pope Gregory 9  
Hereunto the pope answered and said, that although the Church of Rome in time of persecution, 
The Pope replieth.  for their defence and cause of peace was wont to respect the head rulers of the City with gentle rewards, yet that ought not now to be taken for a custom: For that custom only ought to stand, which consisteth not upon examples, but upon right and reason.  

The 3. cause & allegation of the Romans.  Further and besides, the Citizens said, that they at the commandment of the Senator would appropriate their country with new and larger limits, and infranches the same being enlarged with fines and borders.  

The Pope's answer.  To this the pope again made answer, that certain lordship's and cities and castles be contained within the compass of the said limits, as the City Uitterbium, and Moutcastee, which they presume to appropriate within their precinct: but to ascribe to them and usurp that which pertaineth to other, is against right and justice.  
For these and such other controversies rising between the Pope and the Romans, such dissension kindled, that the Pope with his Cardinals leaving the City of Rome, removed to Perusit● (as partly before is recited) thinking there to remain and to plant themselves: but the Romans prevailing against h●m, overthrew divers of his houses in the city. 
Excolcational  For the which, he did excommunicate them. The Romans then flying to the Emperor, desired his aid & succour: but he, be like to pleasure the Pope, gathering an army, went rather against the Romans. Then the pope's army, whose Captains were the Earl of Tholouse (to purchase the Pope's favour) and Peter the foresaid Bishop of Winchester (whom the Pope for the same had sent for from england, 
The Pope warreth against the Romans.  partly for his treasure, partly for his practice and skill in feats of war) and the emperors host ioyved together, and bordering about the City of Rome, cast down the castelies or mansions belonging to the citizens round about the Suburbs, to the number of 18. and destroyed all their vines and vineyards about the City. Whereat the Romans being not a little offended, braced out of the City with more heat than order, to the number of 100000. (as the frorye reporteth) to destroy Uiterbium the Pope's City, 
A great slaughter of the Romans by the Pope. Ex Carriest. Pag. 92.  with sword and fire. But the multitude being unordered and out of battle ray, and unprovided for jeopardies which by the way might happen, fell into the hands of their enemies, who were in wait for them, and of them destroyed a great number, so that on both parts were slain to the view of 30000, but the most part was of the Citizens. And this dissension thus begun was not soon ended, but continued long after.  
By these and such other stories, who seethe not, how far the church of Rome hath degenerated from the true Image of the right Church of Christ, 
The Church of Rome degenerated from the image of the true Church.  which by the rule & example of the Gospel ought to be a daughter of peace, not a mother of debate, not a revenger of herself, nor seeker of wars, but a forgiver of injuries, humbly and patiently referring all revenge to the Lord, not a raker for riches, but a winner of souls, not contending for worldly mastership, but humbling themselves as servants, and not Vicars of the Lord, but jointly like brethren serving together, Bishops with Bishops, Ministers with Ministers, Deacons with Deacons, and not as Master's separating themselves by superiority one from an other, and briefly communicating together in doctrine and counsel, one particular church with an other, not as a mother one over an other, 
Difference between the church of Rome that was, & the church of Rome that is now.  but rather as a sister Church one with an other, seeking together the glory of Christ, and not their own. And such was the Church of Rome first in the old ancient beginning of her primitive state, especially while the cross of persecution yet kept the Bishops and Ministers under in humility of hart and fervent calling upon the Lord for help: so that happy was that Christian then, which with liberty of conscience only, might hold his life, how barely soever he lived. And as for the pride and pomp of the world, striving for patrimonies, buying of bishoprics, gaping for benefices, so far was this off from them, that then they had little leisure and less list yea once to think upon them. Neither did the Bishops then of Rome fight to be Consuls of the City, but sought how to bring the Consuls unto Christ, being glad if the Consuls would permit them to dwell by them in the city. 
Eastchurch. Westchurch.  Neither did they then presume so high, to bring the Emperor's necks under their girdles, but were glad to save their necks in any corner from the sword of Emperors. Then lacked they outward peace, but abounded with inward consolation, God's holy spirit mightily working in their hearts. Then was one catholic unity of truth and doctrine amongst all churches, against errors and secres. Neither did the east and west, nor distance of place divide the church, but both the eastchurch and westchurch, the Greeks and Latynes made all one church. And albeit there were then 5. patriarchal Seas appointed for order sake, differing, in regions, & peradventure also in some rites one from another, yet all these consenting together in one unity of catholic doctrine, having one God, one Christ, one faith, one baptism, one spirit, one head, and linked together in one bond of charity, and in one equality of honour, they made altogether, one body, 
Catholic.  one church, one communion, called one catholic, universal, and Apostolical church. And so long as this knot of charity and equality did join them in one unity together, so long the church of Christ flourished and increased, one ready to help and harbour another, in time of distress, as Agapitus and Uigilius flying to Constantinople, were there aided by the Patriarch. etc. so that all this while neither foreign enemy, neither Saracen nor Sultan, nor Sultan, nor Calipha, nor Corasmine, nor Turk had any power greatly to harm it.  
But through the malice of the enemy, this Catholic unity did not long continue, and all by reason of the bishop of Rome, 
The Schilme between the greek Church and the Church of Rome. Equality mother of concord.  who not contented to be like his brethren, begun to extend himself & to claim superiority above the other 4. patriarchal Seas, & all other Churches in the world. And thus as equality amongst christian bishops was by pride and singularity oppressed: so unity began by little & little to be dissolved, and the lords coat which the soldiers left whole, to be divided. Which coat of christian unity, albeit of long time it had been now seamcript before by the occasion aforesaid: yet notwithstanding in some piece it held together in some mean agreement, under subjection to the sea of Rome, till the tune of this pope Gregory the 9 an. 1230. at which time this rapture and schism of the church broke out into a plain division, utterly dissevering the Eastchurch from the westchurch upon this occasion.  

The cause & occasion why the Gre●ke Church utterly broke from the Romans.  There was a certain archbishop elected to an Archbishopric among the Grecians, who coming to Rome to be confirmed, could not be admitted vules he promised a very great sum of money. Which when he refused to do, and detested the exectable simony of the court of Rome, he made his repair home again to his country unconfirmed declaring there to the whole nobility of that land, the case how it stood. For the more confirmation whereof, there were other also, which coming lately from Rome, & there had proved the same or worse, came in and gave testimony to his saying. Whereupon all the church of the Grecians the same time hearing this, departed utterly away from the Church of Rome, which was in the days of this Pope Gregory the 9 In so much that the Archbishop of Constantinople coming afterward to the general Council at Lions, 
Mat. Paris. fol. 112.  there openly declared, that where as before time he had under him above thirty Bishoprics and suffragans, now he had not three, adding moreover that all the Grecians & certain other, 
All Grecia gone from the obedience of the church of Rome Ex Mat. Parisi. fol. 186.  with Antioch and the whole Empire of Romania, even to the gates almost of Constantinople, were gone from the obedience of the Church of Rome. etc. Math. Paris. fol. 112. etc. fol. 186.  
By the occasion of which separation aforesaid, of the Grecians from pope Gregory, 
Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople writeth to pope Gregory. 9  it happened shortly after, being the year of our Lord. 1237. that Germanus Archb. and Patriarch of Constantinople, wrote to the said Pope Gregory 9 humbly desiring him to study, and seek some means of unity, how the seamless coat of the Lord jesus thus lamentably rend, not with hands of soldiers, but by discord of Prelates may be healed again, offering this moreover, that if he will take the pains to stir out, he for his part, notwithstanding his old age & seeble body would not refuse to meet him in the mid way, to the intent that the truth on both sides being debated by the scriptures the wrong part may be reduced, the slander stopped, and unity reform between them.  
This request of the Patriarch, as it was both godly & reasonable so it had been the bishop's part again with like humility to have condescended to the same, and glad with all his might to help forward the reformation of christian unity in the church of Christ, and so to have showed himself the son of peace But the proud Bishop of Rome more like the son of discord and dissension, standing still upon his majesty, refused thus to do, but writing again answer to his letters with great disdain, seeking nothing else but only how to advance his sea above all other churches: 
The pope setteth the Westchurch to fight against the Eastchurch. Ex. Mat. Parisi. fol. 112.  and not only that, but also shortly after sent forth his preaching Friars to move all Christians to take the sign of the cross & to fight against the Grecians no otherwise then against the Turks & Saracens: In so much that in the Isle of Cyprus many good men and Martyrs were slain for the same, as by the letters of the said Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople is to be seen.  
The tenor of the which letter to the Pope, with the pope's answer again to him, being long and tedious to read, 
Ex libro Math. Paris. manu scripto. fol. 3. & 111.  are extant in the history of Math. Paris. there to be seen and found fol. 111. The summary effect whereof notwithstanding, I thought here briefly to notify for the simple & unlearned multitude, which understanding not the Latin, may hereby perceive the fault of this schism not so much to rest in the greek church, as in the church of Rome as by the contents of his letter may appear.   

The effect of the Patriarch of Constantinople his letter to Pope Gregory. 9  

The letter of Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople to Pope Gregory. 9 anno. 1237.  IN the which letter the said Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople, writing to Pope Gregory, first after his reverend salutation and preamble following upon the same, entering the toward the matter, showeth the occasion of his writing, which was by 5. observant Friars repairing that ways, whom he gently receiving into his house, had conference with them touching this discord between the two Churches, how it might be reduced again to unity: and afterward perceiving the said Friars to make their journey towards to Rome, he thought therefore by them to write his letters. 
He sheward the inco●●● nience of discord.  Wherein he first lamenting this division in the house of God, and reciting the inconveniences which come thereof, by the example of juda and Israel: jerusalem and Samaria: Cain and Abel: Esau and jacob: also of other such like, both private & public societies, where brother sighteth against brother, like as among fishes the greater devoureth the lesser, he proceedeth then further gently to exhort Pope Gregory to the study of unity.  
And for so much as the Pope had accursed (belike) those Churches of the Greeks before, he therefore taking his ground upon the words of S. Paul, 
Galat. 1.  Gal. 1. where he accurseth every such person and persons, whatsoever they be either man or Angel of heaven, that shall preach any other Gospel than hath been preached. etc. willeth the Pope to stand with him upon the same ground of the Apostles accurse, so that if the stroke of that curse have light upon him or his churches, he desireth him to show the wound, and to help to wipe away the blood, to minister some spiritual emplaster to bind up the sore, and to save his brethré from perishing which lay in danger, 
Solomon.  according to the saying of the wise man: A brotherly friend is tried in adversity, etc.  
But if we (saith he) of the Greek Church be free from the stripe of this accurse of the Apostle, 
Whether the Church of the green or the pope Church ●● eth more under the danger or God's 〈◊〉.  and that you Italians & of the Latin Church be stricken therewith, and lie thereby in danger of destruction, I trust that you through ignorance and wilful obstinacy will not so suffer yourselves to be separated from the Lord, but rather will suffer a thousand deaths before, if it were possible for a man so often to die.  
And as touching this great discord between us, if either contrariety of doctrine or swerving from the ancient Canons, or diversity of rites received of our forefathers be any cause thereof, we here take heaven and earth to witness, that we for our parts are ready, and desire also upon due trial of profound truth by God's word and invocation of the holy Ghost to join hands with you, or you to join with us. 
The Greek asrayd of he pop● oppresisions.  But to say the very truth and to tell you plain, this we suppose, that many mighty and noble potentates would sooner incline to your obedience, were it not that they feared your unjust oppressions, your insatiable exactions, and inordinate oppressions wherewith you wring your subjects. By reason whereof have risen amongst us cruel wars, one fight against an other, desolation of Cities, Bulls and Interdictions set upon Church doors, division of brethren, and Churches of the Grecians left without service, 
The Patriarch of Co●stantinople prophesieth of the martyrdom and slaughter of the Grecians.  where God should be praised. So that now only one thing lacketh, which I believe to be predefined and appointed from above long before to us Grecians, the time, I mean, of martyrdom, which also now hasteneth fast upon us, that the tribunal of tyrants should be opened and the seats of torments be set, that the blood of Martyrs should be spilled, & we brought to the stage of martyrdom, to fight for the crown of glory.  
This that I do speak, 
The pope● persecution in the I●●● Cyprus.  and wherefore I speak it, the noble Island of Cyprus doth already know and feel, which hath made many new Martyrs, and hath seen valiant soldiers of Christ, which of long time before passing by water and tears of sorrow, now at last have also passed through fire, and so entered into the heavenly rest. How say you, be these good and seemly, O holy Pope, 
The tyranny and ana●●● of the pope chastened the words Saint Peter, 1. Peter. 1.  the successor of S. Peter the Apostle? Is this the bidding of that good Peter, the meek and humble disciple of Christ? Doth he thus instruct the Seniors and Elders in his Epistle, where he writeth in this wise: The Elders which are amongst you, I beseech which am also a fellow Elder with them, and witness of the sufferings of Christ, and also a partaker of the glory that shallbe opened: feed the flock of God which is amongst you, having care & sight over it, not of a coaction as compelled against your wills, but willingly of your own accord, nor for filthy lukere sake, but freely and heartily, neither as bearing dominion and Lordship over the Church, but showing yourselves as an example to the flock, 
1. Peter. 1.  and when the chief Pastor shall appear, you shall receive an incorruptible crown of eternal glory. etc. And this is the doctrine of Peter, as they shall see, which do not obey it. As for us the other part of the said Epistle is sufficient. Wherein he willeth them to rejoice which are in heaviness through manifold temptations, that the trial of their saith being much more precious than gold that perisheth, and is tried in fire, may be their laud, honour, and glory, at the appearing of the Lord Iesu. etc. But bear with me I pray you (O holy Father, and of all your Predecessors most meekest) and suffer my words though the seem something sharp: 
He exhorteth the pope to come and meet with him, that they might confer together about the unity of saith.  for they be sighings of a sorrowful hart.  
Wherefore gird about your loins with fortitude, and light up the candle of your discretion, and seek the groat that is lost, of the unity, I mean of saith. And we will also with like compassion join with your holiness, and will not spare this weak body of mine, in pretending any excuse either of age or length of the way. For the more laborious the travel is, the more crowns it bringeth. And S. Paul saith: Every man shall receive reward according to his travel. etc.  

The Greek church sound and sincere in doctrine.  Neither are we ignorant (if it please your holiness) that like as we Grecians for our parts do labour in all respects to keep and observe the sincerity of true saith and doctrine, not to err ne swerver in any part or point from the statutes of the blessed Apostles and ancient fathers: so the Church likewise of old Rome, doth for her part labour also (we know well) to follow the sincere verity of Christian doctrine, and thinketh herself to err in nothing, nor to need any remedy or reformation. And this we know, 
F●exhorteth the church of Rome to look her face in God's glass, that is, to try heir doctrine by god's ●ord.  is the judgement and saying of both the Churches, aswell of the Greeks, as of the Latins. For no man can see any spot in his own face, without he stoop down to the glass, or else be admonished by some other, whether his face be blotted or no. Even so have we many great & fair glasses set before us, first the clear Gospel of Christ, the Epistles of the Apostles, and divinity books of ancient writers. Let us therefore look in them well. They will show every man's mind and judgement, whether he go right or wrong. The God of peace tread down Satan speedily under our feet. The author of peace confound the sour of discord. He that is the cause of all goodness destroy the hater of that which is good, and which giveth cause of offence and slander. And he which is God of all joy and peace, send to us, which are the shepherds of his sheep reasonable, the angel of peace and messenger of great glad tidings, as he did in the nativity of Christ, to the shepherds of brute sheep and unreasonable, and make us worthy to sing that joyful song of God's praise: Gloria in excelsis Deo, & in terra pax, hominibus bona voluntas, and to receive one an other with an holy kiss. The grace of our Lord jesus Christ, and the peace of God the Father, and the communion of the holy spirit be with you always. Amen.   

¶ An other Epistle of the said Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople, and Primate of the Greek Church, to the Cardinals of Rome.  

Another letter of Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople to the Cardinals.  AN other letter the said Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople, wrote also the same time, to the Pope's Cardinals, wherein he first commending them for their wisdom and counsel, and showing what utility cometh by good counsel giving: for so much as God (saith he) many times that he hideth from one, inspireth to an other, so that that good thing which by the almighty God is sonderly dispensed to divers, through common counsel and conference, spreadeth to the public utility of many. etc. After this, eftsoons he beginneth to exhort them, that they like charitable ministers and discrete counsellors, will take in hand the spiritual armour of God, to cast down the stop & partition wall of the old discord between the Greeks and Latin Church, & that they will be a means to the Bishop of Rome, that they which so long have been dissevered by dissension, may now be conjoined in unity of peace, in brotherly charity and communion of faith.  
Concerning which matter, I have (saith he) already written to his holiness. And now I beseech the king of heaven, which took the shape of a servant, to help his miserable servants: and was exalted upon the cross, to raise them up which were fallen into the profundity of desolation, that he will vouchsafe to put from your hearts all elation of mind, extolling itself over and above the unity of your brethren and fellow servants, and to lighten your consciences with the true light of understanding that we may altogether agree in one, & that there be no schism amongst us. Let us therefore as we are instructed, so abide in one mind, that it be not said of us, as it was of the Corinthians before us: I hold of Paul, I of Apollo, I of Coephas, and I of Christ? but that all we, 
1. Cor. 1.  as we hold the name of Christ, and are all called Christians, so may also abide in that wherein we are instructed in one mind, that is, to follow love and charity in Christ jesus, having always in our hearts the words of the Apostle, saying: One Lord, one Faith, one Baptism.  
And now to be plain with you in that I have to say, I shall desire you not to be offended with me in uttering the truth as a friend unto you. The words (saith Solomon) of a wise man telling truth, be like to nails which be driven in deep. And truth for the most part, breedeth enemies. And therefore though I am partly afraid, yet will I simply confess the truth unto you. Certes this division of Christian unity amongst us, 
The Tyranny & oppression of the church of Rome, is the only cause of breaking unity between the Greek church and the Latin. Luc. 18.  proceedeth of no other cause but only of the tyranny, oppression, and exactions of the Church of Rome: which of a mother is become a stepdame, and hath put her children from her whom long time she nourished (after the manner of a ravening bird) which driveth her young from her:) which children how much the more humble and obedient they are to her, the less she esteemeth them, and treadeth them under foot, not regarding the saying of the Gospel: Who so humbleth himself shallbe exalted.  
Let modesty therefore something temper you, and let the avarice of the Court of Rome, although it can not well out of the flesh which is bred in the bone, yet surcease a while, and let us together condescend to the trial of the truth: which truth being found out on both sides, let us constantly embrace the same.  
For why, 
The old amity and concord between the East church and the West.  we have been altogether some times both Italians and Grecians in one faith, and under the same Canons: having peace each with other, and defending one an other, and confounding the enemies of the Church At what time many flying out of the west parts (whilst that the tyranny of the heretics endured) made their concourse to us, and were recaived, and part fled unto you, that is, old Rome, as to a strong tower of refuge: and so received they comfort in both places, and one brother was thus received into the bosom of an other, by mutual love for their defence.  
Then after, 
Agapitus & Vigilius, fled to Constantinople for secure.  when Rome had been often distressed by the barbarous and heathen nations, the Grecians were ever ready to rescue and deliver them. Did not Agapitus and Vigilius fly unto Constantinople by reason of the dissensions then at Rome, and being honourably received, were here descended under our protection' although the like kindness was never yet showed of your part to us again in our like necesities. Notwithstanding we ought to do good to them also that be ungrateful: for so doth the Sea participate her sinoth and calm tides even unto the Pirates. And so God causeth the sun to shine upon the lust and unjust. But (alas for sorrow) what bitter division is this that hath thus sequestered us a sunder? One of us detracteth an other, shonning the company one of an other, as the damnation of his soul. What a mortal hatred is this come amongst us? if you think we are fallen, then do you help to lift us up: and be not to us as a stumbling block to our bodily ruin, but helpers unto the spiritual resuurection of our souls. So shall we acknowledge ourselves bound unto you to give you condign thanks accordingly.  
But if the blame and first origine of all this offence proceedeth from Rome, and the successors of Peter the Apostle: then read you the words of S. Paul to the Galathians: 
Paul rebuketh Peter. Galat. 2.  saying. When Peter came unto Antioch, I withstood him in the face, because he was to be rebuked, etc. Howbeit this resistance was no cause of any discord or breach between them: but the cause rather of further search and profounder disputations, provoking temporal agreement. For they were fast joined together in the bond of charity in Christ, agreeing in faith and conformity of doctrine separated by no ambition or avarice. In which points would God we also were like unto them. This to us in our minds gendereth a great offence, that your gaping so greedyly after terrene possessions, scrape together all that you can scratch and rake. You heap up gold and silver, and yet pretend that you be the Disciples of him which said: gold and silver I have none. etc. You make whole kingdoms tributary to you, 
Acts. 3. He meaneth of the kingdom of England and other into which were made tribury to the sea of Rome. The immoderate avarice of the court of Rome. Peter's faith shaken.  and kings and princes your vassals. You augment your money by usury, & by feats of merchandise. You unteache by your deeds, that which you teach in words.  
Moderate yourselves therefore with more temperance, that you may be an example to us and to all the world. You see how good a thing it is one brother to help an other. Only God alone needeth no help or counsel, but men need one to be helped one of another. And were it not that I do reverence the blessed Apostle Peter, the chief of Christ's Apostles, the rock of our faith, I would here put you in remembrance how greatly this rock was shaken and removed from the foundation, at the sight of a silly woman: and Christ of his secret purpose permitted the same, which by the crowing of the cock brought him again to remembrance of that which was foretold him, and raised him from the slumber of desperation. 
Peter an ensample of repentance  Then he being thus waked, washed his face with tears, confessing himself before God and all the world, to be a true pattern of repentance, which before bare the keys of the kingdom, as saying thus unto us: May not he which falleth, rise again? Oh you which are fallen, rise up & behold me, & hearken unto me, traveling toward Paradise. The gates whereof to open I have received power.  
And thus do I write unto you, not for any instruction, but only to put you in remembrance: for I know how God hath endued you with all wisdom and knowledge. As Solomon saith: give only occasion to the wise, and he will learn wisdom: Teach the just man, and he will be glad to take instruction.  
This one thing more I will say and so make an end. There be great and mighty nations that are of like mind and opinion with us. 
Christian countries & nations in the East parts which are not under the Bishop of Rome.  First the Ethiopians that inhabit the chiefest part of the East. After that the Syrians: and other more of greater number than they: and more disposed to vertune, as the Hyberi, Aloní, Gothi, Chaiari with innumerable people of Russia, and the kingdom of great victory of the Vulgarians. And all these are obedient unto us as their mother Church, persisting hitherto constantly in the ancient and true orthodoxasticall faith immouáble.  
The God of all holiness which for our sakes became man, 
Christ only head of the Church.  and which only is the head of his Church and congregation, vouchsafe to gather us again together in unity, and grant, that the Grecian church together with her sister church of old Rome may glorify the same Christ, the prince of peace, by he unity of faith, to the restitution of sound & wholesome doctrine, wherein many years agone they have agreed and were united. God grant unto you brotherlike charity, and the hand of the most mighty God govern you all (holy Cardinals) till that joyfully ye arrive in the heaven of everlasting tranquillity. The grace of God be with you all, Amen. Ex Math. Parisiens. fol. 111.  
Shortly after the sending of these letters, Pope Gregory prepared to send men of war signed with the cross to fight against the Grecians. 
The Pope proclaimeth war against the Greek Church. The Archb. of Antioch & Constantinople excommunicate the Pope.  Whereupon the Archbishop of Antioch, with the said Germanus solemnly excommunicated the Pope, after he first had excommunicated them, Par. fol. 118. In the mean time by the tenor of these letters of the Patriarch sent to the Pope and to the Cardinals, it is evident to all men that have eyes in their heads, to see: first how the whole universal church of Christ, from the east parts to the west, in ancient times were altogether united in one consent of doctrine, 
5. Notes to be considered. The first Note.  & linked together in brotherly charity, one Church brotherly to help an other, both with temporal aid & spiritual council, as case required. Neither was then any one mother Church above other Churches, but the whole universal Church was the mother Church and spouse of the Lord, to every faithful believer. 
The true Catholic church, where it was, and when.  Under which universal Church in general, were comprehended all other particular Churches in special, as sister churches together, not one greater than an other, but all in like equality, as God gave his gifts so serving one another, ever holding together the unity of faith and Sisterly love. 
1. Unity. 2. Universality. 3. Consent.  And so long was it and rightly might so be called the catholic church, having in it true unity, universality, and free consent. Unity in doctrine, universality in communicating and joining together of voices, consent in spirit and judgement. For what soever was caught at Rome touching faith and salvation, it was no other than was taught at Antioch, Syria, etc.  

The second note  Secondly, how in process of time, through occasion of the Bishop of Rome's tyranny and violent oppression, this ring of equality being broken all flew in pieces, the East church from the west, the Greeks from the Latins, and that which was one before, now was made two: unity turned to division, universality to singularity, and free consent to dissension.  

The third note.  Thirdly, here is also to be noted, after this pitiful breach of equality, how many & what great nations departed from the communion of the Church of Rome, and especially about this time above specified of pope Gregory 9 an. 1230 so that both before and after that time many counsels were holden, and many things concluded in the westchurche, whereunto the one half of Christendom lying in the east parts, did never agree: and contrary, many councils holden with them, which in the Latin church were not received. 
The church hath her name of Catholic, whereby & when. together the doctrine of transubstantiation, made without the free consent of the Eastchurches, be Catholic or no.  So that the church now as she lost the benefit of universail consent, so also she lost the name Catholic. Whereupon this question is to be asked, that when the coum cell of Lateran under Pope Innocent 3. ordained the doctrine of transubstantiation and auricular confession here in the westchurch, without the free consent of the eastchurch whether the same doctrine is to be counted Catholic or not?  
Fourthly, in the departing of these churches from the Bishop of Rome, here also is to be noted, that the same churches of the Greeks, 
The fourth note  notwithstanding they sequestered themselves and fell out with the church of Rome, and that justly: yet they kept their unity still with their God, and retained still the true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is, the true and sincere doctrine of faith. ready to debate and try the truth of their religion by the scriptures, as they here in their own writings desire to have the truth examined, according as ye have heard. Wherefore the church of Rome hath done them open wrong, which being offered so gently to try and to be tried by the truth of God's word, not only would stand to no trial, nor abide conference, but also hath excommunicated them as heretics, which appear here to be more orthodorasticall christians, than they themselves.  

The fifth note. The Church of Rome proved not to be Catholic. The proceedings of Rome stand upon no free consent, but are coacted.  Fiftly, these things thus standing, then have we to conclude that the church of Rome falsely pretendeth itself to be catholic. For if the name of Catholic must needs import an universal consent of the whole, how can that be catholic where the consent of so many famous and true christian churches hath been lacking, & furthermore where the consent that hath been amongst themselves, hath rather been coacted, than any true or free consent? Which is easy to be proved. For let these fires and faggots cease, let kings and princes leave to press their subjects with the pope's obedience, but let the scripture, and the bishops alone every one his own Diocese to govern their stock after the rule of God's word, and how few be there in this west end of the world (from you) that would not do the same that these Grecias, Ethiopians, and Syrians have done before us? And thus much by the occasion of this patriarchs letters sent to pope Gregory, concerning the Grecians.  
Whose doings when I consider, as I can not but commend their wisdom & judge their state happy and blessed, in shaking off from their necks the miserable yoke of the pope's tyranny: 
The 〈◊〉ble state of the Wes● parts of christendo● under the Pope. The Pope excommunication 〈◊〉 to a scol●● dagger. The false perswasi●● of the pope supremacy, cause of much 〈◊〉 chedner.  so on the other side considering with myself the wretched thraldom of these our churches here in the west part of the world, under the bishop of Rome, I can not tell, whether more to marvel or to lament their pitiful state, who were brought into such oppression & slavery under him, that neither they could abide him, nor yet durst cast him of. So untolerable were his exactions, so terrible was his tyranny, his suspensions & excommunications much like to a mad man's dagger, drawn at every trifle, that no christian patience could suffer it, nor nation abide it. Again, so deep did he sit in their consciences, falsely believing him to have the authority of S. Peter, that for conscience sake neither king nor Caesar durst withstand him, much less poor subjects once mute against him. And although his takings and spoilings, namely in this realm of england were such, that neither the laity nor spiritualty could bear them: yet was there no remedy, bear them they must, or else the Pope's sentence was upon them, to curse them as black as pitch.  
In reading the histories of these crimes, any good hart would lament and rue, to see the miserable captivity of the people, what they suffered under this thraldom of the Bishop of room, whereof part hath been showed before, more (God willing) shall follow hereafter, and some part here presently I mind to express.   

* A brief table or declaration of the Pope's unreasonable gatherings, exactions, and oppressions in the Realm of England.  
ANd first to begin with the elections of the Bishops, 
A brief ● table of the pope spoiling & g●●● thing of English mon●● in the days of K Henry  Abbots, Deans and Priors within this realm it can not be told what mass of money grew to the pope's coffers thereby, especially in this kings days: for so much as in his time lightly no election happened either of Archbishopp Bishop, Abbot, or any room of dignity, but when the Covent or Chapter had chosen one to their mind, the king who had married a stranger, and sought therefore to prefer strangers, would set up an other. By reason whereof, when the other part was sayne to appeal to Rome and there to plead the case, no small rivers of english money besides expenses and travel by the way, went flowing to the pope's sea. And though the election went never so clear, yet the new elect must needs respect the holy father with some gentle reward, and further by his oath was bound every 3. years, either in his own person or by another to visit Limina Apostolorum.  
So in the house of S. Alban's, 
Money (〈◊〉 ming to the pope by the elector of john Huford Abbot of S. Al●●●  when john Herford was elected Abbot, their public election was not enough, but for the confirmation of the same, the Monks were fain to send Reynold the Physician, & Nicholas a Monk, to Rome with a sufficient wag of money, through the mediation whereof the election might stand, and the new Abbot sworn every third year by himself, or another to visit the doresels of the Apostles.  
An other such like contention happened between the king and monks of Winchester about the election of W. Rale: 
Eight th●● sand man's genero●● the Bishopric of Wint. to the pope, ab●● the elec●● of William Rale, anno, 1243.  whom the Monks had chosen, but the king refused, willing to place a stranger, and therefore sent to Rome his messengers, Theobald a Monk of Westminster, and M. Alexander a Lawyer with no small somme of money: to evacuate the election of the foresaid W. Rale: Commanding moreover, that the gates of Winchester should be shut against him, and no man so hardy there to receive him in his house, whereupon the said w. being excluded, after he had said his curse upon the whole city of Winchester, made his repair to Rome, wherefore 8000. Marks being promised to the pope, his bishopric spite of the king's hart, was confirmed and he received. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 164. & 240.  
After the death of Stephen Langhton Archb. of Canterbury, 
Read before pag. 277.  ye heard before how the monks had elected walter a Monk of Launterbury. But the king to stop that election, sent up his Proctors, M. Alexander stanes, and M. Henry Sandford bishop of Rochester to the Pope, to evacuate that election, and to place Richard Chancellor of Lincoln. Which Proctors perceiving at first the Pope and Cardinals, how hard & unwillingly they were thereunto, & considering how all things might be bought for money, 
The tenth part of all movables in England and Ireland given to the pope. 1329.  rather than the king should fail of his purpose, they promised on the kings behalf to the pope for maintaining his wars against Frederick the Emperor a disme, or tenth part of all the movables in the Realm of England and of Ireland. At the contemplation of which money the Pope eftsoons thinking to pass with the king, began to pick quarrels with the foresaid Gualther, for not answering rightly to his questions about Christ's descending to hell: making of Christ's body on the altar: the weeping of Rachel for her children, she being dead before about the sentence of excommunication, and certain causes of Matrimony. His answers whereunto when they were not to the Pope's mind, he was therefore put back, and the king's man preferred, which cost the whole realm of England and Ireland, the tenth part of their movable goods. By reason whereof, what money was raised to the Pope's Gazophylacium, I leave to the estimation of the Reader, 
Ex. Math. Parisi fol. 6. Money spent at Rome between the K. and the Archb. of Cant.  an. 1229. Ex Mat. Paris. fol. 71.  
And yet for all this the said Richard the costly Archbishop of Caunterbury, within less than two years after, falling out with the king about the castle and Lordship of Tunbridge, went and complained of him to the Pope. In the travers whereof it cost the king a great piece of money besides, and yet missed he his purpose. In the which journey the said Archbishop in his return homeward by the way departed. an. 1231.  
Of the like dissension ye heard before between the king and the covent of Durham, for not choosing M. Lucas the kings Chaplain. 
The costly election of the Bishop of Durham Read before pag. 276.  About the suit whereof, when much money was bestowed on both sides well-favouredly, the pope defeiting them both, admitted neither M. William nor M. Lucas, but or deined the Bishop of Sarum to be their bishop. an. 1228 Ex Paris.  
Between the Monks of Coventry and the canons of Lichfield, 
Money coming to the pope for the election of the b. of Coventry and Lichfield.  rose another like quarrel, which of them should have the superior voice in choosing their bishop. In which suit, after much money bestowed in the court of Rome, the pope to requallify again each part with some retribution for their money received, took this order indifferently between them, that each part by course should have the choosing of their bishop. an. 1228. Ex. Paris. fol. 68  
What business fell likewise between Edmund Archb. of Caunterbury, and the Monks of Rochester, about the election of Richard Wendour, to be their bishop? And what was the end: 
edmund Archbish. of Cant. condemned at Rome in a 1000, marks.  first the Archbishop was sayne to travels himself to the Pope: and so did the Covent also send their Proctors. Who be like being better moved, weighed down the cause, so that the good Archbishop in that cause against the Monks: and partly in an other cause against the Earl of Arundel, was condemned of the Pope in a thousand Marks. Whereof the greatest part (no doubly redounded to the Pope's coffers. an. 1238. Math Parisiensis. fol. 114.  

The fift part of all the goods of the clergy granted to the Pope.  After the returning of the said Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury again from Rome, it chanced, that the Monks of Canterbury had elected their Prior without his assent: for the which he did excommunicate the monks, and evacuate their election. Not long after this the pope's exactours went about to extort from the churchmen the fift part of their goods to the Pope's use fight then against the Emperor. This cruel exaction being a great while resisted by the Prelates and Clergy, at length the foresaid Archb. thinking thereby to get the victory against the monks, was contented to grant to the said exaction, adding moreover of his own for an overplus 800. marks whereupon the rest of the Clergy was fain to follow after, and contribute to the pope's exactors, an. 1240. Ex Mat. Paris fol. 132. b.  

Great expense of money in the court of Rome between the B. of Lincoln and the Cathedral Church.  In the church of Lincoln (whose sea before the conquest was in Dorkester, and afterward by willian Rufus translated from thence to Lincoln) rose a grievous contention beweene Rob. Grosted then bishop, and the canons of the cathedral church, about their visitation, whether the bishop should visire them, or the Dean: which matter being put to arbiters, could not so be composed: before the B. and the chapter after their appeal made to the Pope. went both to Rome, and there after they had well wasted their purses, they received at length their answer, but paid full sweetly for it. an. 1239. Paris. fol. 119.  
At what time the Canons of chichester had elected Robert Passelew to their bishop at the king's request, the Archb. with certain other bishops taking part against the king's chaplain, 
Money wast fully bestow ed. Money coming to the Pope, between the b. of Lincoln & the monks within his Diocese.  repelled him and set up Richard Wirch. Upon this what sending and going there was to Rome, and what money bestowed about the matter, as well of the king's part, as bishops, read the story thereof in Mat. Paris. fol. 182. 184. 186.  
Robert Grosted bishop of Lincoln (of whom relation was made before) having a great care how to bring the privileged orders of religious houses within his precinct, under his subjection and discipline, went to Rome, & there with great labour & much effusion of money as the story saith, procured of the pope a mandate, whereby all such religious orders were commanded to be under his power and obedience. Not long after, the Monks not abiding that, (who could soon weigh down the Bishop with money) sent their factors to the Pope, who with their golden eloquence so persuaded him and stirred affections in such sort, that soon they purchased themselves, freedom from their ordinary Bishop, whereof Robert Grosted having intelligence, made up to Rome, and there complaining to the pope, declared how he was disappointed and confounded in his purpose, contrary to promises and assurance made to him before. Unto whom Pope Innocent looking with a stern countenance, made this answer again: 
How prettily the Pope can take with both hands.  Brother (said he) what is that to thee? Thou hast delivered and discharged thine own soul. It hath pleased us to show favour unto them. Is thine eye evil, that I am good: And thus was the Bishop sent away with a flea in his care, murmuring with himself, yet not so softly, but that the Pope heard him say these words: 
Money may do much at Rome.  O money, money what canst not thou do in the court of Rome? Wherewith the Pope being somewhat pinched, gave this answer again: 
The pope's answer to Rob, Grosted.  D ye Englishmen, Englishmen, of all men most wretched. For all your seeking is how ye may consume & devour one an other. etc. anno. 1250. Ex. Math. Parisiensi. fol. 230.  
It happened moreover the same year, that the said Robert Grosted excommunicated and deprived one Ranulphus a benoficed person in his Diocese, being accused of incontinency, who after the term of xl. days, refusing to submit himself, the Bishop wrote to the Sheriff of Rutland to apprehend him as contuinax. which Sheriff because he deferred, or refused so to do (bearing favour to the party) and being therefore solemnly excommunicate by the bishop, uttered his complaint to the king, whereat the king taking great displeasure with the Bishop for excommunicating his Sheriff, and would not first make his complaint to him, sendeth forthwith a substantial messenger (M. Moneta) such as he was sure would speed unto Pope Innocent, 
justice pervented by the pope's authority for money.  by virtue of whose words the Pope easy to be entreated, sendeth down a proviso to the Abbot of Westminster, charging that no Prelate nor Bishop in the Realm of England should molest or enter action against any of the kings Baylisses or Officers, in such matters as to the kings jurisdiction appertained. And thus was the strife ended, not without some help and heap of English money, so that no wind of any controversy here stirred in England, were it never so small, but it blew some profit for the Pope's advantage, an. 1250 Ex Paris. fol. 231.  
In like manner no little treasure grew to the Pope's coffers by the election of Boniface the Queen's Uncle a Frenchman to be Archb. of Laut. 
Money coming to the Pope by the election of Boniface archb. of Cant. and of Ethelmare B. of Wint. both strangers and French men.  an. 1243. and of Ethelmare the Queen's brother, to be Bishop of Winchester, against the wills of the Prior and Covent there, an. 1250. besides many such other exchetes, which made England poor, and the Pope rich.  
I come now something likewise to touch briefly of the pope's dispensations, provisions, exations, contributions and extortions in England in this kings days: for to discourse all it is not one book will hold it.  
Simon Montfort Earl of Leicester had married Alinore the kings sister and daughter of king john, 
Marriage with Alinore the king's sister a Nun, dispensed by the Pope for money.  who by report of ●oryes, had taken the mantel & ring; wherefore the king and his brother Richard Earl of Exeter, were greatly offended with the Marriage, which seeing the Earl Simon made a hand of money, and nothing over to Rome, after he had talked a few words in Pope Innocentes ear, the marriage was good enough: and letters sent to Dths the Pope's Legate here, to give sentence solemnly with the Earl. Notwithstanding the Dominick Friars and other of the like religious fraternity, withstood that sentence of the Pope stoutly saying, that the Pope's holiness was therein deceived, and souls in danger, that christ was jealous over his wife, and that it could not be any wise possible, that a woman which had vowed her marriage with Christ could afterward marry with any other; etc. an. 1238. Ex Paris. fol. 114.  
As there was nothing so hard in the wide world wherewith the Pope would not dispense for money: 
What inconvenience cometh by the Pope's dispensations.  so by the said dispensations much mischief was wrought abroad. For by reason thereof, the people trusting upon the Pope's dispensation, little regarded what they did, what they promised, or what they swore. As well appeared by this king Henry. 3. who being a great exactor of the poor commons, as ever was any king before him or since, and thinking thereby to win the people sooner to his devotion, most saythfully promised them once or twice, and thereunto bound himself with a solemn oath, both before the clergy and laity, to grant unto them the old liberties and customs as well of Magna charta, as Charta de Foresta perpetually to be observed. Whereupon a Quindecim was granted to the king. But after the payment was sure, the king trusting by the Pope's dispensation for a little money to be discharged of his oath and covenant, went from that he had promised and sworn before.  

Wilful perjury maintained by the Pope's dispensations.  In like manner the said king an other time, being in need of money, signed himself with the cross, pretending and swearing deeply in the face of the whole parliament, that he would himself personally fight in the holy land against the Saracens. But as soon as the money was taken, small care was taken for performance of his oath, being so put in the head by certain about him, that he needed not pass of that perinye, for so much as the Pope for an hundred pounds or two would quickly discharge him thereof, Ex Math. Paris. fol. 273.  
Out of the same corrupt spring of these popish dispensations, have proceeded also many other soul absurdities. For where many young men were in those days, which enjoyed benefices, and were no priests: and when by the procurement of Robert Grosted Bishop of Lincoln the said young men should be forced, whether they would or nor, to enter orders, they laying their purses together, sent to Rome, and obtained of the Pope a dispensation to remain still as they were, that is, to have the fruits of benefices to find them at school or university, 
Enormities which spring out of the pope's dispensations.  and yet themselves neither ministers to take charge, nor yielding any service for their prosites taken. Ex Math. Paris. fol. 256. Besides innumerable heaps of enormities more, proceeding of the Pope's dispensations, as dispensing one man to have sundry bishoprics, to encroach pluralities of benefices to make children Parsons, to legitimate bastards, with such other like, the particulars whereof, for brevities sake I do omit to further opportunity.   

The intolerable oppression of the Realm of England, by the Pope's exactions and contributions and other sleights here used in the time of K. Henry 3.  

The miserable impoverishing of the Realm by the pope's provisions and contributions.  ALthough these ●moluinentes thus rising daily to the Pope's purse by Simony and bribery, by electious & dispensations, might seem sufficient to satisfy his greedy appetite, yet so unsatiable was the avarice of that see, that he not yet contented here with, over and besides all this, sent every year almost some Legar or other into this realm to take for his advantage. In so much that during all this kings time, the Realm was never lightly without some of the Pope's leigers with all violence exacting and extorting continual provisions, contributions, and sums of money to be leaved out of Cells, abbeys, prior's, fruits of benefices, and bishoprics, and also lay men's purses, to the miserable impoverishing both of the clergy and temporalty, as hereunder followeth.  

Cardinal Otho Legate in England. The receiving of Otho the pope's Legate into the Realm.  First after Pandulphus, was sent into this Realm Cardinal Otho, procured by the king without the assent of his nobles, to the intent to assist him in certain affairs, he had to do. At receiving of which Legate, great preparance was made, many rich and precious gifts in scarlet, in plate, in jewels, in money and palfreyes were given him. Whom the king also himself went as far as the Sea side to receive, bowing down his head in low coursye to the cardinals knees. To whom also the bishop of winchester for his part gave toward keeping of his house, 
Anno. 1237.  fifty fat Dren, a hundred seems of wheat, and 8. great vessels of pure wine. This Legate at his first coming beginneth first to bestow such benefices as he found vacant, upon them whom he brought with him without respect, whether they were meet, or unmeet. Ex Paris. fol. 103.  
After this the Pope hearing how the nobles and commons of the Realm began to stomach the Cardinal for his excessive procurations & exactions, sent for him home: but the king, by reason he stood in fear of his nobles, and thought to have a stay by the Cardinal against all occurrentes, entreated him to stay while he wrote to the Pope, to obtain further licence for him to tarry: & so did, notwithout some English money, ye may be sure.  

Otho the Legate seeketh to come into scotland. The king of Scots his answer to Cardinal Otho.  In this mean time of vacation, Otho thinking to lose no time, but to gather also come crumbs in Scotland, made as though he would set things there in order, which were in the church of Scotland to be reform, and so cometh to the king of Scots, being then in York with king Henry, to have leave to enter. Unto whom the king thus made answer, that he never saw, to his remembrance, any pope's Legate in his land, neither was there any such need (God be prayed) for any such to be sent for. Matters there were well enough, and needed no help of his. And as he could never learn either in the days of his father, or any his predecessors, that any such entrance to any Legate was granted, so he for his part would not now begin. But yet notwithstanding, for so much as I hear (said he) that you are a good man, 
The 〈◊〉 of Sea●●● hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 within 〈◊〉 pope's Legate.  this I tell you before, that i●ye will needs adventure in, do it warily, and take heed to yourself, lest it happen to you otherwise, than I would wish: for they be a savage and unruly people, given much to murder, & shedding blood, whom neither I myself am scarce able to uridle, so that if they fall upon you, I shall not be able to help you. And how they also invaded me, and sought to expel me from my kingdom, ye heard o'late. And therefore, I warn you before, 
Cardinal Otho 〈◊〉ped 〈◊〉ing into S●● land.  take heed by time, what ye think best to do. After the Cardinal heard the king speak these words he plucked in his horns, & durst proceed no further but kept him still by the side of king Henry. Notwithstanding shortly after, the same Legate coming to the borders of Scotland, there called the Bishops to him, & so when he had well filled his bags came back again. Ex Mat. Paris. fol. 106.123. b.  
It was not long after, but licence came from Pope Gregory to his Legate. Otho, for his longer abode here in the realm (as welcome as water in the ship) with new authority also to proceed in the Pope's assayres. Who first showing to the Bishops and the Clergy his letters of longer tarrying, required of them, for so much as no man (said he) warreth of his own charges, to be supported with new procurations, which was to have of every able church 4. 
Oppression of the 〈◊〉 of Engl●● by Cardi●●● Otho the pope's Lega●●  Marks, and where one Church was not able to reach thereto, that other churches should join with all, to make the said money. Notwithstanding the Bishops a great while stood in denial thereof parisians. fol. 123.128.132.  
Besides he assembled together all black Monks of S, Benedictes order, giving to them straight orders, which shortly after for money, he released to them again, parisians. fol. 116.119. 
Anno. 1238.   
Moreover by the said Otho, and other the Pope's exactions with special Bulls directed down for the same, collation of benefices being taken out of the hands of the patrons, were given to light and vile runnagats, coming from Italy and other places, such as pleased the pope and his Legate to bestow them upon, to the great prejudice of the ancient liberty and right of the true patrons thereof. Whereupon the Earls and Barons and nobles of the realm addicted letters unto pope Gregory, by Sir Robert Twing knight, 
The nobles of England writ to Pope Gregory 〈◊〉 collationer benefices wrasled or of their 〈◊〉 Petrus Rubeus the pope's 〈◊〉  for redress of such wrong & injuries, who otherwise should be forced (they said) to invocate the succour of their king, who both was able and no less was willing according to his duty (they trusted) to reform such enormities, and to defend the liberties of his Realm. The tenor of whose writing is to be read in Mat. parisians. fol. 128. a.  
Not long after the same, in the year of our Lord. 1240 came a new precept from Pope Gregory, by Petrus Rubeus the pope's nuncio, to the foresaid Otho, that all beveficed men in the Clergy as well in England as France, 
All beneficed men in England ●● pell to give the●● part of the revenues to the pope anno. ●●●●  should pay to the Pope the fift part of their revenues. Whereupon when the Clergy men made their complaint to the king, seeking to be relieved by him, the king answered them again that he neither would, ne durst stand against the pope in any case, and so without all hope of succour sent them away parisians. fol. 132. Then were the Archbishops, Bishops, abbots, and Prelates of the Church commanded to assemble together at Reding, there to hear the Pope's pleasure and commandment, concerning the payment of this fift part. Wherein the end thus the matter, concluded, that the prelate's desired a further time to be given them to advise upon the matter, 
Anno. 1240.  and for that season the assembly broke up. Parisens'. 122. b.. Notwithstanding at last after many excuses and exceptions laid in by the Clergy, 
Excuses of the Clergy why they would not contribute ● the Pope.  first that because the money was gathered to fight against the Emperor, they ought not to contribute their money contrary to the liberties of the church. Item forsomuch as they had paid a tenth not long before unto the pope, upon condition that no more such payments should be required of them, much less now the fift part should be exacted of them, because an action twice done maketh a custom. Item, seeing they had oftentimes to repair to the Court of Rome, if they should give this money against the Emperor, it would turn to their danger coming through his land. Item seeing their king had many enemies, against whom they must needs relieve the king with their money, they could not so do, if the realm were thus impoverished etc. All which excuses to divers other more notwithstanding, they were compelled at length to conform themselves to the pope's good pleasure, through the example given of Edmund Archb. of Cannterbury who to obtain his purpose against the Monks of Canterbury (with whom he was then in strife) began first to yield to the Legates 800. Marks for his part. Whereby the rest also were say to follow after. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 132.136.  

●oc. children of Rome placed in benefices in England.  Furthermore the same year the Pope agreed so with the people of Rome, that if they would aid him against Frederick the Emperor, look what benefices were to be given in England, the same should be at their arbitrement to be bestowed upon their children. Whereupon commandment was sent to the foresaid Edmund Archbishop, to the bishops of Lincoln and Sarum, that all collations of benefices within the realm should be suspended till provision were made for 300. children of the Citizens of Rome, to be first served. 
Edmund Archb. of Cant. depar●eth the ●ealme and dieth in exile.  Upon the which so miserable request the said Edmund Archb. of Canterbury for sorrow to see the church so oppressed departed the Realm, and so continued in France, & died at Pontinia. Ex Mat. Parisi. fol. 134. b. which Edmund was afterward made a Saint, and canonised by Pope Innocent. 4.  
This done, then went Petrus Rubeus the pope's nuncio, and Ruffinus into scotland, 
Three thousand pounds to the pope's ●se.  from whence they brought with them 3000. pounds, to the pope's use about all hallowtide the same year. At which time moreover cometh an other harper from the Pope to England named Mumelius, bringing with him 23. 
Romans 23. brought to England to be benefited.  Romans here into the Realm to be beneficed. Thus, what by the king on the one side, and what by Cardinal Otho, Petrus Rubens, Ruffinus and Mumelius on the other side, poor England was in a wretched case. Mat. parisians. fol. 137.  
another pretty practice of the pope to prolle for money, was this. The foresaid Petrus Rubeus coming into religious houses and into their Chapters, caused them to contribute to the Pope's holiness, by the example of this Bishop and that Abbot, pretending that he & he of their own voluntary devotion had given so much & so much, & so seduced them. Paris. fol. 134 Also the pope craftily suborned certain Friars authorised with full indulgence, 
The P. for money releaseth christias of their ●ow●.  that whosoever had vowed to fight in the holy land, and was disposed to be released of his vow, needed not to repair to Rome for absolution, but paying so much money as his charges would come to going thither, he resorting to the said Friars might be assoiled at house.  

Mumelius 20 other messenger of the pope.  The next year following, which was 1241. came a commandment Apostolical to the house of Peterborow, that they at the Pope's contemplation must needs grant him some benefice lying in their donation, the fruits whereof at least being worth an hundredth pounds, and if it were more it should be the better welcome, 
An exectable exaction of the pope upon the house of Peterborough.  so that they should be as the farmers, & he to receive the profits. In fine, the Lovent, excused themselves by the Abbot, being than not at home. The Abbot when he came home excused himself by the king, being the patron and founder of the house. The king being aggrieved with the unreasonable ravening of these romanists, utterly forbade any such example to be given. 
Abbot of Pe terborough thrust out of the pope's court.  Ex Parisiens. fol. 143. But what happened: The Abbot being therefore accused to the Pope by one of the Legates, and coming up about four years after in the time of Pope Innocent, to the Council of Lions, was so rated and reviled, & so shamefully thrust out of the pope's court, that for sorrow he fell sick upon the same, and there died. Parisiens. fol. 184.  

The obligation of king john's tribute to the pope, burned. The bishops of England put their hands and seals to the pope's bill.  In the time of which council of Lions, Pope Innocent 4. (for somuch as the instrument or obligation whereby the realm of England stood tributary to the pope, was thought to be burned in the pope's chamber, a little before) brought forth either the same, or an other chart like unto it, whereunto he straightly charged & commanded every english Bishop being there present at the council severally to set to his band & seal. Which unreasonable petition of the pope, albeit it went fore against the hearts of the bishops, yet (see in what miserable subjection the pope had all the bishops under him) none of them durst otherwise do but ac complish the Pope's request therein, both to their own shame, & prejudice to the public freedom of the Realm. Amongst which Bishops, the longest that held out, and last that put to his seal was the Bishop of London. Which Act when the king and the nobility understood, they were mightily, and worthily therewith all offended. Ex. parisians. fol. 192. an. 1245.  

Petrus Rubeus, Petrus de Supino, the Pope's collectors in England.  After what time Cardinal Otho was sent for by pope Gregory in all haste to come to the general council. 1. other in his room here reimayned, whose names were Petrus Rubeus, and Petrus de Supino. Of whem the one bearing himself for the Pope's kinsman, brought out his B●lles and Bulls under the Pope's authority, to such an Abbot or to such a Prior, or to such and such a Bishop, and so extorted from them a great quantity of gold and silver. The other, to wit, Petrus de Supino, sayyed to Ireland, from whence be brought with him a thousand and 5. hundredth marks to the pope's use. 
A thousand and five hundredth marks brought out of Ireland for the Pope.  an. 1241. Ex Par. fol. 247. b. All which money notwithstanding gotten by both the collectors, in the carriage up to Rome, about the death of Pope Gregory, happened into the hands of Frederick the Emperor, who caused it again to be restored as near as he could, to them of whom it was taken. Parisiens. fol. 151.  
After these, 
M. Martinus a● other messenger for the Pope's money. an. 1244.  came in then M. Martinus a new Merchant from the new pope Innocent the fourth. an. 1244. armed with full power to suspend all Prelates in England from giving benefices, till the pope's kinsmen were first preferred. Neither would he take the fruits of any benefice, unless it were above the value of 30. marks. At his first coming he required of prelate's & especially of religious houses to furnish him with horses & palfreys, such as were convenient for the pope's especial chaplain and Legate to sit upon. Also with plate, raiment, provision for his kitchen and cellar, etc., and such as denied or excussed, he suspended, as the Abbot of Malinesbury, 
Extortion of the Pope's Legate upon the clergy of Englando.  and the Prior of Merton. All prebends that were void he sought out & reserved them for the Pope's behoof. Among which was the golden prebend of Saruin, belonging to the Chancellor of the Queer, whom he preferred to the Bishopric of Bathe, and so seized upon the prebend being void, against the wills both of the Bishop and the Chapter. Paris. fol. 167.180 Moreover he brought with him blanks in paper & parchment sigued in the pope's chamber with his stamp and seal, wherein he might afterward write to whom, and what he would. 
Contribution of x. M. marks for the Pope. The pope craftily holdeth with the king that the king might hold with him.  Parisiens. fol. 178. b. requiring furthermore of the king in the pope's behalf, to help his holives with a contribution to be taxed amongst his Clergy, at least of 10000 Marks, Ibid. And to the end that the Pope might win the king sooner to his devotion, he writeth in the kings behoof to the nobles and commons of the Realm, that they should not fail, upon payve of his great curse, to confer such subsidy of money to the subvention of the king, as he then had demanded of them, but they stood strife in not granting to him.  
While the insatiable avarice of the pope thus made no end in gathering riches and goods together in England, the nobles & Barons, with the community as well of the Clergy as the laity, weighing the miserable state of the Realm, and namely of the church, 
Intimation given to the king touching the importable oppression of the realm by the Pope.  which now neither had liberty left them to choose their own ministers, nor yet could enjoy their own livings, laid their heads together, and so exhibited an earnest intimation to the king, beseeching him to consider the pitiful affliction and oppression of his subjects under the pope's extortion, living in more thraldone, than ever did the people of Israel, under Pharaoh. Whereupon the king beginning at last to look up, & to consider the injuries and wrongs received in his Realm through the avarice of the court of Rome, directeth to pope Innocent 4. this letter in tenor as followeth.  
The kings letter to Pope Innocent. 4.  
SAnctis. in Christo pat. ac Domino Innocentio Dei gratia summo pontifici, Henr. eadem gratia Rex. Angliae. etc. Salutem & pedum oscula beatorum. etc.  
To the most holy father in Christ & Lord, Innocent by the grace of God chief Bishop, 
K. Henry's letter to the Pope.  Henry by the same grace, king of England. etc. greeting and kissinges of his blessed feet. The more deout & obsequious the son showeth himself in obeying the father's will, 
The king offereth to kiss the Pope's feet.  the more favour and supportation doth he deserve to find at his father's hands again. This therefore I writ, for that where as both we and our realm have ever and in all things been hitherto at the devotion and commandment of your fatherhood, and that although in some certain affairs of ours and of our kingdom, we have found your fatherly favour and grace sometimes propice unto us: yet in some things again, as in provisions given & granted to your clerks of foreign nations, both we and our kingdom have felt no small detriment. 
Damage received by the pope in the realm of England.  By reason of which provisions the Church of England is so sore charged and burdened, that not only the patrons of Churches, to whom the donations thereof do appertain, are defrauded of their right: but also many other good works of Charity thereby do decay, for that such benefices which have been mercifully bestowed upon religious houses to their sustentation, are now wasted and consumed by your provisions.  
Wherefore for so much as your sea Apostolic ought to be favourable to all that be petitioners to the same, 
The pope provisions.  so that no person be wronged in that which is his right, we thought therefore to be suitors to your fatherhood, most humbly beseeching your holiness that you will desist and surcease for a time, from such provisions to be exacted. In the mean season, it may please your fatherhood we beseech you, that our laws and libertles, (which you may rightly repute none other but your own) you will receive to your tuition, to be conserved whole and sound, nor to suffer the same by any sinister suggestion in your Court to be violated and infringed. 
The kings too much in subjection to the pope  Neither let your holiness be any whit moved therefore with us, if in jome such cases as these be, we do or shall hereafter resist the tenor of your commandments forasmuch as the complaints of such which daily call upon us, do necessarily enforce us thereunto, which ought by the charge of this our office and kingly dignity committed so us of almighty God, to foresee that no man in that which is their right be injuried, but truly to minister justice to every one in that which duly to him appertaineth.  
This letter was sent, the 28. year of the kings reign Ex Parisiens. fol. 172.  
A man would think that this so gentle and obedient letter of the king to the Pope, would have wrought some good effect in his Apostolical breast, to withdraw his provisions, and to have tendered the kings so reasonable and honest request: but how little all this prevailed to stop his insatiable greediness, and untolerable extortions & oppressions, the sequel well declareth. For besides that shortly after the Pope sent M. Martin with blanks being bulled for contribution of 10000 
Ex Mat. Paris. sol. 172.  Marks in all haste to be paid also even immediately upon the receiving of this letter, it followeth in mine author, that the said pope Innocent the 4. 
The pope setteth Welsh men against the king of England.  after all this great submission of the king and so manifold benefits and payments yearly out of this Realm received, was not ashamed to take of David prince of north Wales, 500 marks by year, to set him against the king of England, and exempted him from his feairy and obedience due to his own liege Lord and king, to whom both he and all other welshmen had sworn their subjection before, as by the seals and obligations, as well of that David himself, as other welsh Lords in this behalf, doth appear. In Mat. Paris. fol. 172.  
Neither did M. Martinus in the mean while sleep his business in making up his market for the pope's money of 10000, marks, but still was calling upon the prelate's and clergy. Who first excusing themselves by the absence of the king and the Archb. of Cant. afterward being called again by new letters, made their answer by the Dean of Paul's their Prolocutor.  
First that the poverty of the Realm would not suffer them to consent thereto.  
Item, where as they had given before a coutribution to Cardinal Otho, 
Contribution required of the clergy of England for the pope with their excuses and reasons against the same.  for paying of the Pope's debts & knew the said money to be employed to no such end as it was demanded for, more cause they had now to misdoubt, lest this contribution, in his hands which was a much more inferior messenger than the Cardinal, would come to the same or a worse effect.  
Item, if they should now agree to a new contribution, they feared lest it would grow to a custom, seeing that one action twice done maketh a custom.  
Item, for so much as a general council is shortly looked for, where every Prelate of the Realm must needs bestow both his travel and expeuses, and also his presence to the Pope, if the Prelates now should be bound to this rare, they were not able to abide this burden.  
Item, seeing it is alleged, that the mother Church of Rome is so far in debt, reason and right it were, that the mother so oppressed should be sustained of all her devout children meeting together in the general council, whereas by helps of many more relief might come, than by one nation alone.  
Item, last of all they alleged, that for fear of the Emperor and his threatenings, they durst not consent to the said contribution.  
While these things were thus in talk between the Pope's priest and the clergy of England, cometh in john Martial and other messengers from the king, commanding in the king's name, that no Bishop that held his Baronage of the king, should infest his leseode to the court of Rome, which they ought only to him. etc. Ex Parisiens. fol. 139. anno. 1243.  

The ports of England laid to stop the pope's letters, yet all would not serve  Not long after this, in the year of our Lord. 1245. the whole nobility of the Realm by general consent, and not without the king's knowledge also, caused all the Ports by the Seaside to be laid, that no messenger with the pope's letters and Gulls from Rome, should be permitted to enter the Realm. Whereupon some were taken at Dover, and there stayed. Notwithstanding when complaint thereof was brought to the king by M. Martinus the Pope's legate, there was no remedy but the king must needs cause these letters to be restored again, and executed to the full effect. fol. 185.  
Then the king upon advise, 
Si●●e 〈◊〉 land 〈◊〉 yearly 〈◊〉 out of 〈◊〉 land●●● Pope & 〈◊〉 Italia 〈◊〉  caused a view to be taken through every shire in England, to what sum the whole revenues of the Romans and Italians amouted, which by the Pope's authority went out of England: the whole sum whereof was found yearly to be three score thousand Marks: to the which sum, the revenues of the whole crown of England and not extend: Ex Math. Parisiens fol 185. a.  
The Nobles then understanding the miserable oppression of the Realm, being assembled together at Dinistable for certain causes, sent one Fulco in the name of the whole nobility, unto M. Martinus the Pope's Merchant with this message, 
M. Martin●● the Pope's legate ser● out of En● land in the devils 〈◊〉  that he iudelayedly upon the same warning should prepare himself to be gone out of the realm, under pain of being cut all to pieces. At which message the Legate being sore aga●, went strait to the king, to know whether his consent was to the same or not. Of whom when he found little better comfort, he took his leave of the king, who had him adieu in the devils name (faith M. Paris.) and thus was the realm rid of M. Martinus. Ex Mat. Paris. 185. b. an. 1245.  
As soon as Pope Innocent had hereof intelligence by the complaint of his Legate, 
The pope in displeasure with the king of England.  he was in a mighty rage: And furthermore remembering how the french king & the king of Arragon, not long before had denied him entrance into their land, and being therefore in displeasure with them likewise, began in great anger to knit his brows, and said: it is best that we fall in agreement with our prince, whereby we may the sooner bring under 
* 〈◊〉 lot The 〈◊〉 words of the pope against the French 〈◊〉 and king of England.  these little petty kings, and so the great Dragon being pacified, these little serpents we shall handle at our own pleasure as we lift.  
After this immediarly them followed the general council of Lions, to the which council the states and Lords of the Realm, with the consent of the commonalty, sent two Bulls: One containing a general supplication to the Pope and the council: the other with the Articles of such grievances which they desired to be redressed, whereof relation is made sufficiently before, pag. 267. The other bill of the Supplication because it is not before expressed, I thought here to exhibit for two causes: First, that men now in these days may see the pitiful blindness of those ignorant days, wherein our English nation here did so blindly humble themselves, and stand to the Pope's courtesy. Whom rather they should have shaken of, as the Grecians did. Secondly, that the pride of the Pope might the better appear in his colours, who so disdainfully, rejected the humble suit of our Lords and Nobles, when they had much more cause to disdain rather, & to stamp him under their feet. The tenor of the Supplication was this.  

¶ The copy of the Supplication written in the names of all the nobles and commons of England to Pope Innocent the 4. 
Anno. 1245.  in the general Council at Lions. anno. 1245.  
¶ To the reverend Father in Christ Pope Innocent, chief Bishop, the nobles with the whole commonalty of the Realm of England sendeth commendation with kissing of his blessed feet.  
Our mother the Church of Rome we love with all our hearts as our duty is, 
The supplication of 〈◊〉 Lords and commons of England 〈◊〉 the Pope.  and covet the increase of her honour with so much affection as we may, as to whom we ought always to fly for refuge, whereby the grief lying upon the child may find comfort at the mother's hand. Which succour the mother is bound so much the rather to impart to her child, how much more kind and beneficial she findeth him in relieving her necessitiee. Neither is it to the said our mother unknown, how beneficial and bountiful a giver the Realm of England hath been now of long time for the more amplifying of her exaltation, as appeared by our yearly subsidy, which we term by the name of Peterpence. Now the said Church not contented with this yearly subsidy, hath sent divers Legates for other contributions, at divers and sundry times to be taxed and levied out of the same Realm, all which contributions and taxes notwithstanding, have been lovingly and liberally granted.  
Furthermore, neither is it unknown to your fatherhood, how our forefathers like good Catholics, 
The superstitious 〈◊〉 ding of neonasterics in England.  both loving and fearing their maker, for the soul's health as well of themselves as of their progenitors, and successors also, have founded monasteries, and largely have endued the same both with their own proper lands, and also patronages of benefices, whereby such religious persons professing the first and chiefest perfection of holy Religion in their Monasteries, might with more peace and tranquility occupy themselves devoutly in God's service, as to the order appertained: And also their clerk presented by them into their benefices, might sustain the other exterior labours for them in that second order of religion, and so discharge and defend them from all hazards: so that the said religious monasteries cannot be defrauded of those their patronages and collations of benefices, but the same must touch us also very near, and work intolerable grief unto our hearts.  
And now see we beseech you, which is lamentable to behold, what injuries we sustain by you and your predecessors, 
Injuries received in England by the Pope.  who not considering those our subsidies and contributions above remembered, do suffer also your Italians and foreigners (which be out of number) to be possessed in our Churches and benefices in England, pertaining to the right and patronage of those monasteries aforesaid: 
Benefices in ●uglande wickedly given a way to Italians.  which foreigners neither defending the said religious persons, whom they ought to see to, nor yet having the language, whereby they may instruct the flock, take no regard of their souls, but utterly leave them of wild wolves to be devoured. Wherefore it may truly be said of them, that they are no good shepherds, where as neither they know their sheep, nor the sheep do know the voice of their shepherds, neither do they keep any hospitality, but only take up the rents of those benefices, carrying them out of the Realm, wherewith our brethren, our nephews, and our kinsfolks might be sustained, who could and would dwell upon them, and employ such exercises of mercy & hospitality as their duty required. Whereof a great number now for mere necessity are lay men, and feign to fly out of the realm.  

Three score thousand marks yearly given to Italians out of the church of England.  And now to the intent more fully to certify you of the truth, ye shall understand that the said Italians and strangers receiving of yearly rents out of England not so little as 60000. Marks by year, besides other avails and exises deducted, do reap in the said our kingdom of England more emoluments of mere rents, then doth the king himself, being both the tutor of the Church and governor of the land.  

Italians received more in this land of mere rents than did the kings crown  Furthermore, where as at the first creation of your Papacy, we were in good hope and yet are, that by means of your fatherly goodness we should enjoy our franchises, and free collation of our benefices and donatives, to be reduced again to the former state: now cometh an other grievance, which we cannot but signify unto yo●●ressing us above measure, which we receive by M. Martinus● who entering late into our land without leave of our king, with greater power than ever was seen before in any Legate, although he beareth not the state and show of a Legate, 
Detestable dealings of the pope's legate in England.  yet he hath doubled the doings of a Legate, charging us. every day with new Mandates, and so most extremely hath ●●pressed us: First in bestowing and giving away our benefices if any were above 30 Marks, as soon as they were vacant, to Italian persons.  
Secondly, after the decease of the said Italians, unknowing to the patrons, he hath intruded other Italians therein, whereby the true patrons have been spoiled and defrauded of their right.  
Thirdly, the said M. Martinus yet also ceaseth not to assign and confer such benefices still to the like persons: And some he reserveth to the donation of the apostolic fee: And extorteth moreover from religious houses immoderate pensions, excommunicating and interdicting who so ever dare gainstand him.  

Complaint of M. Martin ●he Pope's Legate.  Wherefore, forasmuch as the said M. Martin hath so far extended his jurisdiction, to the great perturbation of the whole Realm, & no less derogation to our king's privilege, to whom it hath been fully granted by the see apostolic, that no Legate should have to do in his land, but such as he by special letters did send for: we with most humble devotion beseech you, that as a good father will always be ready to support his child's, so your fatherhood will reach forth your hand of compassion to relieve us your humble children from these grievous oppressions.  

K. Henry the ●hird, used every day to ●eare 3. mas●es by note.  And although our Lord and king, being a Catholic Prince, and wholly given to his devotions and service of Christ jesus our Lord, so that he respecteth not the health of his own body, will fear and reverence the see Apostolic, and as a devout son of the Church of Rome, desireth nothing more than to advance the estate and honour of the same: yet we which travail in his affairs bearing the heat and burden of the day, and whose duty together with him, is to tender the preservation of the public wealth▪ neither can patiently suffer such oppressions so detestable to God and man, and grievances intolerable, neither by God's grace, will suffer them, through the means of your godly remediey, which we well hope and trust of you speedily to obtain. 
The stout words of the Lords ●o the Pope.  And thus may it please your fatherhood, we beseech you to accept this our supplication, who in so doing shall worthily deserve of all the Lords and Nobles, with the whole commonalty of the Realm of England, o●●digne and special thanks accordingly Anno 〈◊〉 Ex Mat Parisient fol. 188. 
The supplication of the English na●ion took no place with the Pope.    
This supplication being sent by the hands of Sir R. Bygot Knight, and W. de Powike squire, Henry de la Mare, with other knights and Gentlemen, after it was there opened and red, pope Innocent first keeping, silence, deferred to make answer thereunto, making haste to proceed in his detestable excommunication and curie against the good Emperor Frederick. 
The English Ambassadors aggrieved with the Pope.  The which curl being done, and the English ambassadors waiting still for their answer, the Pope then told them flat, they should not have their request fulfilled. Whereat the English men departing in great anger away, swore with terrible oaths, that they would never more suffer any tribute, or fruits of any benefices, namely whereof the noble men were patrons, to be paid to that insatiable and greedy court or Rome worthy to be detested in all worlds. Ex Math. Paris. fol 193.  
The Pope hearing these words, 
The Pope in an anger with England.  all be it making then no answer, thought to watch his time and did. First, incontinent upon the same, during the said Counsel, he caused every Bishop of England to put his hand and seal to the obligation made by king john for the Pope's tribute, 
The Bishops of England set their seals to the pope's tribute.  as is above specified. Threatening moreover, & saying, that if he had once brought down the Emperor Frederick, he would bridle the insolent pride of England well enough.  
After this Council ended, in the beginning of the next year following. 
Anno. 1246.  An. 1246. Pope Innocent came to Cluniake, where was then appointed a secret meeting or colloquy between the Pope and jews the French king (who was then preparing his voyage to jerusalem) in which colloquy the pope sought all means to persuade the French king, 
The pope stirreth jews the French king to war against the K. of England.  in revengement of his miurie, to war contra Regulum (as he termed him) that is, against the weak and school king of England, either to drive him utterly from his kingdom, or else so damnitie him, whereby he should be constrained, whether he would or no, to stoop to the Pope's will and obedience: Wherein he also would assist him with all the authority he could do. Nevertheless, the French king to this would not agree, first for the consanguinity that was between them (for there 2. Queens were sisters) And also for the truce that they had taken. 
jews the french king refuseth to war against England.  Thirdly, for fear of the Emperor, lest he should take his part. Item, for that it could not be without the spilling of much Christian blood. And lastly, because he was preparing his voyage to the holy land, where his coming was already looked for. And thus the French king denying the Pope's bloody request, refused not only to enter war against the king and the realm of England, but also shortly after concluded with him longer truce. An. 1246. Ex. Math. Paris. sol. b.  
Strait upon the neck of this, 
The first years fruits for seven years gathered of all benefices for the Archb. of Cant.  followed then the exaction of Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury, that he had bought of the Pope: which was, to have the first years fruits of all benefices and spiritual linings in England for the space of 7. years together, until the sumine should come of ●en thousand Marks. Whereat the king first was greatly aggrieved. But 〈◊〉 eonclusion, he was feign at last to agreed with the Archbishop, and so the nibney was gathered. Paris. fol. 197.  
Over and besides all other exactions, wherewith the pope miserably oppressed the church of England, 
The prelate's of England charged to find horse and harness for Pope's wars.  this also is not to be violenced, how the Pope sending down his letters 〈◊〉 the se● apostolic, charged and commanded the prelate's to find him, some 10. Tome 5. and some 15. able men well furnished with horse and harness, for one whole year, to fight in the pope's wars. 
A subtle practice of the pope.  And lest the king should have knowledge thereof, it was enjoined them under pain of excommunication that they should revease it to none, but to keep it secret only to themselves. Paris. fol. 200.  
The pope yet notwithstanding, 
The pope's bait laid for more money.  partly being laboured by si●ers, partly of his own mind thinking good somewhat to give to the king & people of England, as fathers are wo●● to give solsterhing to their babes to play with all to kee●● them still, sent down this releasement to the king, that hereafter whensoever any of the pope's nephews or of his Cardinals were to be beneficed many church of England, either he, or the Cardinals should first make the king privy theeof, and instantly cra●●e his goodwill in obtaining the prontutation, or else the same to stand in no effect. etc. Parisiensis sol. 202. howbeit all this seemed to be done 〈◊〉 of a policy, to get the king's ●auour, whereby he might be suffered more freely to pass with greater exactions, as afterward appeared.  
For when the foresaid Pope Innocent 4. 
A new law of the pope, to season upon: all the goods of clergy men that die intestate.  had knowledge the same time of certain rich Clerks leaving great substance ●●niony, which died intestate as of one Rob. hails Archdeacon of Lincoln, which died leaving thousands of Marks and inush plate behind hyin, all which because no will was made, ea●●● to temporal men's hands: 
A note of certain ecclesiastical persons dying in England worth great substance.  also of M. Almarick Archdeacon of Bedford, being found worth a great substance when he died: and likewise of an other M. john Hotosp Archdeacon of Northampton, who died suddenly intestate, leaving behind him 5000. Marks, and 30. standing pieces of plate, with other infinite jewels besides: sent forth upon the same ● statute to be proclaimed in England, that whatsoever ecclesiastical person henceforth should decease in England intestate, that is, without making his will, all his goods should redound to the Pope's use. Paris fol 203.  

Six thousand marks to be gathered of the clergy of England for the Pope.  Furthermore, the Pope yet not satisfied with all this, addresseth new letters to the bishop of Winchester, and to w. bishop of Norwich, for gathering up amongst the clergy, and religious houses in England 6000. Marks to the behouse of holy mother the Church, without any excuse or delay, by virtue of obedience. Which tailage being greatly grudged of the Clergy, when it came to the king's ear, he eftsoons directeth contrary letters to all the Prelates and every one of them, 
The king beginneth to withstand the Pope, but durst not hold out.  commanding them upon forfeyting their temporaities to the king, that no such subsidy of money should be gathered or transported out of the Realm. But the Pope again hearing thereof, in great anger writeth to the prelate's of England, that this collection of money, upon pain of excommunication and suspension should be provided, and brought to the new Temple in London, by the feast of the Assumption next ensuing.  

The Pope in a chafe.  And furthermore, forasmuch as he perceived the king to go about to gamestand his proceed, taking thereat great disdain, he was about the same time to interdict the whole land. 
The words of joannes Anglicu● Cardinal to the Pope.  To whom then one of his Cardinals, called joannes Anglicus, an Englishman borne, speaking for the realm of England, desired his fatherhood for God's cause to mitigate his modie ire, & with the bridle of temperance to assuage the passion of his mind: which (said he) to tell you plain, is here stirred up to much without cause. Your fatherhood (quoth he) may consider that these days be evil. First the holy land lieth in great perils to be lost. All the Greek church is departed from us. 
The miserable troubles of christendom.  Frederick the Emperor is against us, the mightiest prince this day in all christendom. Both you and we which are the peers of the Church are banished from the Papalisea, thrust out of Rome, yea excluded out of all Italy. Hungary with all the coasts bordering about it, looketh for nothing but utter subversion by the Tartarians. Germany is wasted and afflicted with inward wars & tumults. Spain is fierce & cruel against us, 
Of Spain he meaneth because the king of Aragone a little before had cut off the tongue of a certain B. that did reprehend him. Paris. fol. 207.  even to the cutting out of the Bishop's tongues. France by us is so impoverished, that it is brought to beggary, which also conspireth against us. Miserable England being so often plagued by our manifold injuries, even much like to balaam's ass, beaten and bounced with spurs and staves, beginneth at length to speak and complain of her untolerable griefs & burdens, being so wearied and damnified, that she may seem past all recovery: And we, after the manner of Ishmael hating all men, provoke all men to hate us. etc. Ex Paris. fol. 207.  

Power given to the Bish. of Worcester to interdict the land. The K. fain to relent to the Pope. 238.  For all these words of joan. Anglicus his Cardinal, the Pope's choleric passion could not yet be appeased, but forthwith he sendeth commandment with full authority to the bishop of Worcester, that in case the king would not speedily surcease his rebellion against his Apostolical proceed, he should interdict his land. So that in condusion the king for all his stout enterprise was feign to relent at last, and the Pope had his money. Anno 1246. Ex Pariens. fol. 204.  
Ye heard before of the Greek churches under the Empire of Constantinople, 
Of this division read before pag. 282. The Grecians used to wash their altar, if any latin mass had been said upon them. Ex Act●s concil●● Lateran●●sis, cap. 4.  how they sequestered themselves from the company of the Romish church. In so much that Germanus the patriarch of Constantinople, and the Archbishop of Antioch did excommunicate the Bishop of Rome. And after the said Germanus an other Archbishop of Constantinople at the Council of Lions protested, that where as before were 30. suffragans belonging to that province, now there were not 3. that held with the Church of Rome. And this breach, albeit it chief ●ast out in the tune of Pope Gregory the 9 Anno 1230. to open war and bloodshed, yet the same had begun, and so continued long before, in such fort as in the time of the Pope Innocent the third, if any Priests had said Mass in their Churches, they would wash the aultare afterward: as appeareth by the acts of the Lateran Council. Capit. 4. Wherefore Pope Innocent now (as his other predecessors had done before) bearing an old grudge against those churches of the Greeks, and neither willing by conference to try with them, nor able by learning to match with them, thought by force of arms to subdue them, sent the provincial of the grey Friars, with other associates of the same order into England with his precept authentical, containing in it these Articles.  


Goods gotten by usury attached for the Pope. Excommunication abused.  1. First, that the said provincial, or his Friars should inquire upon all usurers being alive, and of all such evil gotten goods gained. per ●surariam pravitatem, should make attachment for the use and preparation of this war against the Greeks, excommunicating all them by district censures of the Church that repugned against it.  
2. That all they, which took the badge of the Cross, 
False ●●●luti●● o● sins.  for the recovery of the said Empire of the Greeks, or with goods and cattle would help sufficiently unto the same, should be absolved of all their sins.  
3. Item, that all the goods left in the Testaments of them that were departed, 
Vsurarie prau●las.  being gotten by vsur●e, should be taken up to the subsidy of the Empire aforesaid, and whosoever repugned against the same, should be excommunicated.  
4. Item, that such goods as in the Testaments of the dead, 
Goods 〈◊〉 in dead ● wills for restitution e●u●ted to the Pope. Goods ●●bequethe● in de●d 〈◊〉 wills co● verted to war against the G●●e●● Goods ●●gotten co●uerted 〈◊〉 Pope.  left or which should be left three next years to come, for restitution of such goods as the dead had evil gotten, they should take up for the subsidy of the Empire aforesaid, excommunicating. etc.  
5. Item, such goods as were left to be distributed in godly uses, after the arbitrement of executors, by the wills of the dead, or were not in their wills deputed to any certain places or persons named, nor yet were bestowed by the said executors to the foresaid uses, they should collect to the use and subsidy aforesaid, and give certificate to the sea Apostolic of the quantity thereof, excommunicating all repugners and rebellers against the same.  
6. Item, that they should diligently inquire of such men's goods evil gotten or evil come by, as were alive, and them they should attach for the subsidy aforesaid, in case the parties which ought to be satisfied for those goods evil gotten, could not be found, giving certificate thereof, and excommunicating. etc.  
7. Item, 
Abselo● for 〈◊〉  that the said provincial or his Friars, should have full power to absolve those that were excommunicated, which wittingly had done any fraud touching the collection aforesaid, so that the said persons did make due satisfaction to the deputies aforesaid. Ex Math. Pariens. fol. 205.   
What man having eyes is so blind, which seethe not these execrable dealings of the Pope to be such, as would cause any nation in the world, to do as the wise Grecians did, and perpetually to abrenounce the Pope, and well to consider the usurped authority of that sea not to be of God. But such was the rude dullness then of miserable England, for lack of learning & godly knowledge, that they feeling what burdens were laid upon them, yet would play still the ass of Balaam, or else the horse of Esope, which receiving the bridle once in his mouth, could afterward neither abide his own misery, nor yet recover liberty. And so it fa●ed with England under the pope's thraldom: as partly by these stories above hath been declared, partly by other in like case following is to be seen.  
For so it followeth in the history of the said Matth. Paris. 
An v●●●●nable e●● on of the Pope.  how the Pope taking more courage by his former abused boldness, & perceiving, what a tame ass he had to ride upon, ceased not thus, but directed a new precept the same year 1246. to the Prelates of England, commanding by the authority apostolic, that all beneficed men in the realm of England, which were Resident upon their benefices, should yield to the Pope the third part of their goods, and they which were not resident, should give the one half of their goods, and that for the space of 3. years together: with terrible comminations to all them that did resist: and ever with this clause with all, 
Non 〈◊〉  Non obstante, which was like a key that opened all locks. Which sum cast together was found to amount to lx. M. pounds: which sum of money could scarce be found in all England to pay for King Richard's ransom. 
Three ●●n thousand pounds ●●acted of ●● clergy to ● paid to ●● Pope.  Paris. fol. 207. The execution of this precept was committed to the bishop of London: who conferring about the matter with his brethren in the Church of Paul's, as they were busily consulting together, and bewailing the importable burden of this contribution, which was impossible for them to sustain, suddenly cometh in certain Messengers from the King: Sir john Lexintune Knight, and M. Laurence Martin the king's chaplain, straightly in the king's name, forbidding them in any case to consent to this contribution, which should be greatly to the prejudice and desolation of the whole Realm. Parisiens. fol. 207.  
This being done about the first day of December, in the year abovesaid, 
A Parliament.  shortly after in the beginning of the next year 1247. about February the king called a Parliament, where by commonn advise it was agreed, that certain Ambassadors should be sent to Rome, to make manifest to the Court of Rome the exceeding grievances of the Realm, delivering moreover these letters to the Pope in the name both of the Temporalty and also of the Clergy, as here followeth.  
* An other letter sent to Pope Innocent 4. in the names of the whole Clergy and commonalty of England. An. 1247.  

Letter sent the Pope the name all the e●tes & come ●altie of ●e realm.  SAnctis. Patri in Christo ac Do. Innocent. Dei providentia summo pontifici universitas cleri & populi per provinciam Cant. constituti devota pedum oscula beatorum. Cum Anglicana Ecclesia. etc. To the most holy father in Christ, and Lord Innocent, by God's providence chief bishop: The whole commonalty both of the Clergy and laity within the province of Canterbury, sendeth devout kissings of his blessed feet. Like as the Church of England since it first received the Catholic faith, hath always showed herself faithful and devout in adhering to God and to our holy mother the Church of Rome, studying with all kind of service to please and serve the same, 
●ote fools ●u●ingiuing the church so ●uch.  and thinketh never otherwise to do, but rather to continue and increase as she hath begun: even so now the same Church most humbly prostrate before the feet of your holiness, entirely beseecheth your clemency to accept her petition, in sparing this imposition of money, which so manifold ways for the subvention of other nations, by the commandment of your holiness is laid upon us: considering that not only it is importable, 
●he Pope ●●●king be●●e England ● swim ●th gold ●●d silver.  but also impossible which is enjoyed us. For although our country sometimes yieldeth forth fruit for the necessary sustentation of the inhabitants, yet it bringeth forth neither gold nor silver, neither were able to bring forth of long time, so much as now a days is required. Which also being burdened and overcharged of late days with an other such like imposition, but not so great as this, is not able any whit to answer to that which is exacted.  
Furthermore, besides this commandment of your holiness, there is required of the Clergy a subsidy for our temporal king, whose necessities neither possibly we can, nor honestly aught to forsake, whereby he may both withstand the invasion of the enemy, and maintain the right of his patrimony, and also recover again that hath been lost. In consideration whereof, we have directed the bearers hereof to the presence of your holiness with our humble supplication, to explain to you the dangers and inconveniences which are like to ensue upon the premises. Which by no means we are able to sustain: although notwithstanding we know ourselves by all bonds of charity to be obliged to your devotion and obedience. And because our general community hath no seal proper, we have signed therefore these presents with the public seal of the City of London. etc. Ex Paris. fol. 209.  
The like letters were sent also unto the Cardinals to the same effect. The Pope understanding these things, and perceiving that there was no striving against such a general consent, and yet loath to forego his sweet harvest, 
The pope's answer alaine to the ●●ng of England.  which he was wont to reap in England, craftily devised to send this answer again to the King, much like to the same which he sent before: which was, that although the Pope in time passed upon his own will and pleasure to the importable grievance of the Realm of England, hath every where and without respect, through the whole land made his provisions, in giving their benefices unto his Italians: yet now the Lord be praised, that tempest (said he) is overblown: so that hereafter if the Pope shall grant his provision for any of his nephews or of his Cardinals, they shall come first and make their instant suit unto the king, without all enforcement, so that it shall stand wholly in the king's free arbitrement to do herein what he thinketh good. etc. Paris. fol. 209. b.  

The Pope ●alfe in his promise.  This answer of the Pope, all be it it was but a subtle shift for the time: yet neither did he long stand to that he had thus promised to the King. For shortly after, and within few days upon the same, and in the time also of the said Parliament holden at Winchester, the Pope sent two English Friars into the realm, whose names were john and Alexander, 
Note the subtle practice of the pope to get money.  with full authority after the largest sort, for new contributions. Who first pretending lowly submission to the King, while they had leave granted to range about the Realm, afterward coming to the Bishops and rich Abbots, showed themselves forth in their full authority, in such sort, as they became rather tyrants than extortioners.  
Amongst other, coming to Robert bishop of Lyncolne, who of all other bore a special mind to the order of observants, 
The Bishop of Lincoln's answer to the Friars the Pope's messengers.  these two Friars as proud as Lucifer, bringing forth the terrible Mandate, with the Pope's Bulls, required, and eke commanded under the Pope's mighty curse, to have the gathering in his Diocese of vi. thousand marks. Likewise of the Abbot of s. Albon they required iiii. hundred Marks, under great penalty, and that in short time to be paid.  
The Bishop although well liking before that order of those Friars, yet seeing the impudent behaviour, and more impudent request of those Merchants, thus answered to them again: that this exaction (saving said he, the Pope's authority) was never heard of before, and neither was honest, nor yet possible to be performed: and moreover was such as did not only concern him, but the whole public state of the Clergy, and of the whole Realm in general, and therefore it should be absurdly and rashly done of him to give them answer herein, before the king and the rest of the Counsel, with other, to whom the matter generally did appertain, were made privy thereunto, etc. and so for that time he shaken them of. Paris. fol. 210.  
Furthermore, 
The Abbot of S. Albon maketh great suit to the Pope for the 400. marks that he should pay. This johannes Anglicus was the more fierce against the Abbot, because he received him not with such reverence as he thought meet for the pope's legate.  as touching the Abbot of S. Alban's, when he also alleged the same causes, he pretended moreover that he would appeal, and so did, to the Pope and his Cardinals. Whereupon immediately was sent down from Pope Innocent, an other Legate called joannes Anglicus, an English Friar and Cardinal, who bringing down a new special precept to the foresaid Abbot, cited him either to appear at London the morrow after S. Giles day, or to disburse to the use of the Pope the foresaid 4. hundredth marks. By reason whereof the Abbot was driven to send his Proctors again, with a new supplication to the Pope at Lions, who in the end through great instance of moneyed friends, agreed with the Abbot for two hundredth marks, besides his other charges born●, & so was that matter compounded, little to the Abbot's profit, parisians. fol. 213.  
To recite all damages and grievances received by the B. of Rome in this realm of England, neither is any history sufficiently able to comprehend, nor if it were, unueth is there any that would believe it. notwithstanding to those above declared, this one I thought to commit like wise to memory, to the intent, that they which live in this age now may behold and wonder in themselves to see in what miserable slavery, passing all measure, not only the subjects, but kings also of this Realm were brought unto, under the intolerable yoke of the pope's tyranny, which in those days neither durst any man cast of, nor yet was able to abide. As by this example ensuing, with infinite other like to the same, may appear.  
In the year of our Lord 1248. after that Pope Innocent the 4. 
Example how this Realm of England was oppressed miserably by the Pope.  had taken such order in the Realm, that all Prelates of the Church were suspended from collation of any benefice, before the Pope's kinsfolks and clerk of Italy had been first provided for: It happened upon the same, that the Abbot of Abingdon had a commandment from the pope, to bestow some benefice of his Church in all haste, to a certain Priest of Rome, which the Abbot as an obedient child to his father the Pope, was priest and ready to accomplish accordingly. But the Roman priest not contented with such as fell next hand, would tarry his time, to have such as were principal and for his own appetite, having a special eye to the benefice of the church of S. Helen in Abingdon, which was then esteemed worth an C. marks by year, besides other veils and commodities belonging to the same: the collation whereof the priest required by the authority Apostolical to be granted to him.  
As this past on, it chanced at last, the incumbent to die, and the benefice to be empty. Which eftsoons being known, the same day cometh a commandment, with great charge from the King to the Abbot, to give the benefice to one Aethelmare the king's brother by the mother-side, who at the same time was possessed with so many benefices, as the number and value thereof was unknown. The Abbot here being in great perplexity, and not knowing what to do, whether to gratify his king, or to obey the Pope, took counsel with his friends. Who well advising the matter, gave him counsel rather to prefer the brother of his Prince and patron, so that the king would undertake to stand in his defence against the Pope, rather than the Romish priest, whom always he should have lying there as a spy and watcher of him, and like a thorn ever in his eye: and so the king assuring the Abbot of his undoubted protection, and indemnity against all harms, the benefice was conferred forthwith to the king's brother.  
The Roman priest not a little aggrieved thereat, speedeth himself in all haste to the Bishop of Rome, certifying him what was done, and partly also (as the manner is of men) making it worse than it was. Upon whose complaint the Pope eftsoons in great anger cited up the Abbot personally to appear before him, 
The Abbot of Abbingdom cited to appear before the Pope.  to answer to the crime of disobedience. The abbot trusting upon the king's promise and protection, which neither could help him in that case, neither durst oppose himself against the Pope, being both aged and sickly, was driven to travail up to the Court of Rome, 
The Abbot of Abingdon condemned in 50. marks for denying of an english benefice to an Italian the Pope's nephew.  in great heaviness and bitterness of mind. Where in conclusion after much vexation and bitter rebukes, besides great expenses, he was feign to satisfy the Pope after his own will, compounding to give him yearly 50. marks in part of making amends for his trespass of disobedience. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol 222.  
To this also may be added an other like fact of the pope as outrageous as this, against the house of Binham. For when the benefice of Westle in the Diocese of Eley was void by the death of the incumbent, 
A detestable extortion of the pope used against the priory of Binham.  who was an Italian & one of the pope's chamber, the donation of which benefice belonged to the priory of Binham, an other Italian which was a bastard and unlearned, borne in the City of janua, called Herrigetto de Malachana de volta, brought down the pope's letters to M. Berardo de Nympha the Popes agent here in England, with straight charge and full authority, commanding him to see the said benefice to be conferred in any case to Herrigetto. Yea and though the benefice had been given already, yet notwithstanding the possessor thereof should be displaced, and the said Herrigetto perferred: Yea also, non obstante that the said Pope himself had before given his grant to the king & realm of England, that one Italian should not succeed an other in any benefice there, yet for all that the said Herrigetto upon pain of excommunication, to be placed therein. Ex Paris, fol. 240.  

The Grecians excused & purged in parting from the Church of Rome.  And thus much hitherto of these matters, through the occasion of the East churches and the Grecians, to the intent all men that read these stories, & see the doings of this Western Bishop, may consider what just cause these Grecians had to seclude themselves from his subjection, and communion. For what christian communion is to be joined with him, which so contrary to Christ and his gospel, seeketh for worldly dominion, so cruelly persecuteth his brethren, so given to avarice, so greedy in getting, so injurious in oppressing, so insatiable in his exactions, so malicious in revenging, 
The miseries that have risen in England through subjection under the church of Rome  stirring up wars, depriving kings, deposing Emperors, playing Rex in the Church of Christ, so erroneous in doctrine, so abominably abusing excommunication, so false of promise, so corrupt in life, so void of God's fear: and briefly, so far from all the parts of a true evangelical Bishop. For what seemeth he to care for the souls of men, which setteth in benefices, boys and outlandish Italians: and further, one Italian to succeed an other which neither did know the language of the flock, nor once would abide to see their faces. And who can blame the Grecians then for diffevering themselves from such an oppressor and giant against Christ.  
Whose wise example if this Realm had then followed, as they might, certes our predecessors had been rid of an infinite number of troubles, 
England plagued by the Pope when it needed not.  injuries, oppressions, wars, commotions, great travails, & charges, besides the saving of innumerable thousand of pounds, which the said bishop full falsely hath raked and transported out of this Realm of ours. But not to exceed the bounds of my history, because my purpose is not to stand upon declamations, nor to dilate common places, I will pass over, leaving the judgement thereof to the further examination of the reader. For else if I lifted to prosecute this argument so far as matter would lead me, 
The Pope and court of Rome the principal cause of all the public calamities through christendom.  & truth peradventure would require me to say, I durst not only say, but could well prove, the Pope & court of Rome to be the only fountain & principal cause, I say not of much misery here in England, but of all the public calamities and notorious mischiefs which have happened these many years through all these West parts of christendom, & especially of all the lamentable ruin of the church, which not only we, but the Grecians also this day do suffer by the Turks and Saracens. As whosoever well considereth by reading of histories the course of times, and vieweth with all the doings and acts passed by the said bishops of Rome, together with the blind leading of his doctrine, shall see good cause not only to think, but also to witness the same. Only one narration touching this argument, and yet not transgressing the office of my history, I mind (the Lord willing) to set before the Readers eyes, which happened even about this present time of this king Henry's reign, in the year of our Lord. 1244.  

The sickness of jews the french King.  In the which year it chanced, that jews the French king son to Queen Blanch, fell very fore sick, lying in a swounde or in a trance for certain days, in such sort as few thought he would have lived, & some said he was gone already. Amongst other, there was with him his mother, who sorrowing bitterly for her son, and given somewhat (as commonly the manner of women is) to superstition, went & brought forth a piece of the holy cross, with the crown and the spear, which piece of the holy cross Baldwynus Emperor of Constantinople (whom the Grecians had deposed a little before for holding with the bishop of Rome) had sold to the French king for a great sum of money, and blessed him with the same, 
The superstition of the kings mother.  also laid the crown, & the spear to his body, making a vow withal in the person of her son, that if the Lord would visit him with health, and release him of that infirmity, he should be croysed or marked with the cross, to visit his sepulchre, and there solemnly to render thanks in the land which he had sanctified with his blood. Thus as she, with the B. of Paris, and other there present were praying, behold the king which was supposed of some to be dead, 
The 〈…〉.  began with a sigh to pluck to his arms and legs, and so stretching himself, began to speak, giving thanks to God, who from an high had visited him & called him from the danger of death. Which as the king's mother, 
The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 blinde● with 〈◊〉 miracle  with others there took to be a great miracle wrought by the virtue of the holy cross: so the king amending more and more, as soon as he was well recovered, received solemnly the badge of the cross, vowing for a free-will sacrifice unto God, that he, if the counsel of his realm would suffer him, would in his own person visit the holy land: forgetting belike the rule of true Christianity, 
The 〈◊〉 vowe●●● jews 〈◊〉 Fre●● 〈◊〉  where Christ teacheth us otherwise in the gospel, saying: That neither in this mount, nor in Samaria, nor at jerusalem the Lord will be worshipped, but seeketh true worshippers, which shall worship him in truth and verity etc. An. 1244. Pariens. fol. 182.  
After this was great preparance and much a do in France toward the setting forth to the holy land. 
The Fa●●● K. crofe● go to the holy l●●  For after the K. first began to be croysed, the most part of the nobles of France, with divers Archbishops and Bishops, with Earls, and Barons, 
Great p●● para●ce ● France ● ward 〈◊〉 viage.  and Barons, and gentlemen to a mighty number, received also the cross upon their sleeves. Amongst whom was the Earl Atrebacensis the kings brother, the Duke of Burgundy, the Duke of Brabant, the Countess of Flaunders with her two sons, the Earl of Britain with his son, the Earl of Barrensis, Earl of Swesson, Earl of S. Paul, Earl of Druis. Earl Retel. with many noble persons more. Neither lacked here whatsoever the Pope could do, to set forward this holy business, in sending his Legates and Friars into France, to stir the people to follow the king, 
Con●●●● in France to the 〈◊〉 viage. The Pop● maketh ●● vision 〈◊〉 contribute also in Fa●● Anno 1147.  & to contribute to his journey. Whereupon was granted to the King, to gather of the universal church of France by the pope's authority, the tenth part of all their goods for 3. years space together, upon this condition, that the king likewise would grant to the Pope the 20. part, for so many years after, to be gathered of the said Church of France. Which was agreed. An. 1246. Ex Mat: parisians. fol. 204 b.  
Shortly after this, in the year of our Lord 1247. followed a Parliament in France, where the king with his nobles being present, there was declared, how the king of Tartarians or Turks hearing of the voyage of the French king, writeth a letter to him, requiring that he will become his subject. 
The 〈◊〉 the king's age appo●●ted. The Fre●●● king 〈◊〉 to re●●●●x● all injure done to i● subiecta.  In the which Parliament, time was prefixed for taking their journey, which should be after the feast of S. john Baptist, the next year ensuing. Also they that were croysed, were sworn to persist in their purpose and sentence of the pope's great curse denounced to all them that went from the same. Parisiens. fol. 211. Furthermore, for the better speed in his journey, the king through all his realm caused it to be proclaimed, that if any merchant or other had been injured at any time by the king's exactours, either by oppression, or borrowing of money, let him bring forth his bill showing how or wherein, and he should be recompensed. At which time William Longspatha a worthy warrior, with the Bishop of Worcester and certain other great men in the Realm of England, 
Will●●●●●spath ●● other 〈◊〉 English●● preparest the same●● age. Pers●●● given to ● French ●● to 〈◊〉 ● voyage.  moved with the example of the Frenchmen, prepared themselves likewise to the same journey.  
The next year after this ensuing, which was 1248. the French king yet still remaining in his purposed journey, Lady Blanch his mother, also the Bishop of Paris his brother, with the Lords of his counsel, & other nobles, and his special friends advertised him with great persuasions, to alter his mind touching that so adventurous and so dangerous a journey, for that his vow (said they) was unadvisedly made, and in time of his sickness, when his mind was not perfectly established: and what jeopardies might happen at home it was uncertain, the king of England being on the one side, the Emperor on the other side, and the pictavians in the midst so fugitive, and unstable: and as concerning his vow, the pope should friendly dispense with him, considering the necessity of his realm, and weakness of his body. Besides all this, his mother upon her blessing required him, his brethren of all loves desired him to stay at home, and not in his person to adventure, other might be sent in his room, with no less furniture to achieve that enterprise, and to discharge him of his vow, especially seeing at the making thereof his senses were feeble, his body weak, and reason through sickness, and very death almost, decayed.  
To whom the K. again: 
The king's answer to his Lords laying down & taking ●● his cross again.  for so much (said he) as you say, that for feebleness of my senses I took this vow upon me, lo therefore as you here will me, I lay down the cross that I took, and putting his hand to his shoulder, tore of the badge of the cross, saying to the Bishop, here sir I resign to you the cross wherewith I was signed. At the sight whereof there was no small rejoicing to all that were there present. To whom the king then both altering his countenance and his speech thus spoke: My friends (said he) whatsoever I was then in my sickness, now I thank god, I am of perfect sense, and reason sound, and now I require my cross again to be restored unto me: Saying moreover that no bread should come in his head, before he were recognised again with the same cross, as he was before. At the hearing whereof all there present were astonished, 
Ann. 1248.  supposing that God had some great matter to work, and so moved no more questions unto him.  

The French ●ing setteth ●orth in his ●●urney.  Upon this drew nigh the feast of john Baptist, which was the time set for the setting forth. And now being in a readiness, the king in few days after was entering his journey. But yet one thing lacked. For the King perceiving the mortal variance between the pope, and good Frederick the Emperor, thought best first before his going to have that matter appeased, whereby his way both might be safer through the emperors countries, and also less jeopardy at home after his departure, 
The fifth K. desires to ●econcilethe ●ope & the emperor.  and therefore upon the same, took first his way to Lions, where the Pope was, partly to take his leave, but most especially to make reconcilement between the Emperor and the Pope.  
Where is to be noted by the way, that as touching the good Emperor there was no let nor stay. 
The Empe●oar Frede●ike purgeth himself to ●he pope & council.  Who rather sought all means how to compass the pope's favour, & never could obtain it. In so much that before he should be excommunicated in the Council of Lions, he not only answered sufficiently by Thadeus his attorney, discharging himself against whatsoever crimes or objections could be brought against him, but so far humbled himself to the Pope and the Council, 
The submission of the emperor.  that for all detriments, damages, losses, or wrongs done of his part, what amends soever the Pope could or would require, he would recompense it to the uttermost. This would not be taken.  
Furthermore, if the Pope (he said) could not abide his tarrying in his own dominions and Empire, 
The worthy ●ffer of the ●oble Emperor.  he would go fight against the Saracens and Turks, never to return into Europe again, offering there to recover lands & kingdoms whatsoever did at any time belong to Christendom, so that the Pope only would be contented that Henry his son (which was then nephew to king Henry here in England) should be Emperor after him. Neither could this be admitted.  

The Emperor offereth ● put in the ●rench king ●nd king of ●ngland to ●e his sureties. The Emperor desireth ● answer ●r himself ●n the council. ●he pestilent ●ncour of ●ope Innocent 4. against ●rederike 2. 〈◊〉 the cause ●f all this mischief, ●hat to this ●ay we suffer by the Turks.  Then he offered for truth of his promise to put in the French king and the king of England to be his Sureties, or else for trial of his cause to stand to their award and arbitrement. Neither would that be granted.  
At least he desired, that he might come himself and answer before the council. But the proud Pope in no case would abide that, saying: that he did not yet find himself so ready and meet for martyrdom, to have him to come thither to the Council: for if he did, he would departed himself. etc. Ex Math. Paris. fol. 187. An. 1245.  
This obstinate rancour and devilish malice of pope Innocent, and his predecessor against that valiant Emperor, and against the Grecians, what disturbance and mischief it wrought to the whole Church, what strength it gave to the Saraceus and Tartarians, how it impaired Christian concord, and weakened all Christian lands, not only the host of the French king did find shortly after, but christendom even to this day may and doth feel and rue. Neither can in stories be found any greater cause which first made the Turks so strong, to get so much ground over christendom as they have, than the pestilent working of this pope in deposing & excommunicating this worthy Emperor. For as there was never no Emperor of long time, which more victoriously prevailed in bridling and keeping under these enemies of Christ, or would have done more against them, than the said Fred. if he might have been suffered: so after the deposing & excommunicating of him, when the French king neither would abide at home, 
The beginning of the Turks victories over Christendom  as he was counseled, neither was yet able, without the help of other, to withstand the force and multitude of the said Saracens and Tartarians being now joined together, neither yet could the Emperor be suffered by the pope to rescue the king, it followed thereof, that the good king being taken prisoner, & all his army destroyed, the Turks thereupon got such a hand, and such a courage against the Christians, that ever since they have braced in farther upon us, and now have prevailed so far as neither the power of the Pope, 
Pope Innocent 4. would not be reconciled with the Emperor.  nor of all Christendom is able to drive them out, as hereafter by sequel of story, is further to be declared.  
In the mean time, to return where before we left, when the french king coming thus to the pope at Lions, to entreat for the Emperor, could find no favour, he took his leave, and with great heaviness departed setting forward on his journey to Marsilia, and so failed to the Ille of Cyprus, where he remained all that winter, so that falling into penury and lack of victual, he was feign to send to the venetians and other Islands by, for help of provision. The venetians gently sent unto him 6. great ships laden with corn, 
The French army relieved by the Emperor Frederick.  wine & other victuals requilite, besides the relief of other Islands more. But especially Frederick the Emperor understanding of their want, so turnished the French camp with all plenty of necessaries, that it had abundance. Whereupon the French king moved with the kindness of the Emperor, 
The french king again en●reateth the pope for the Emperor.  wrote his special letters to the Pope in the emperors behalf, but the hard heart of the Pope would not relent. Blanchia the kings mother in France, hearing what the emperor had done to her son, sent him most hearty thanks, with presents and rewards manifold. Math. Paris. fol. 226.  
In this mean time about the beginning of October, the French men got Damiata, being the principal force or hold of the Saracens in all Egypt. 
Damiata gotten again by the Frenchmen.  All. 124. 9 fol. 228. After the winning of Damiata, the Prince and people of the Saracens being astonished at the loss thereof, offered to the Christians great ground and possessions more than ever belonged to Christendom before, so that they might have Damiata to them restored again. But the pride of the cry of Artoys the king's brother would in no case accept the offers of the Saracens, but required both Damiata and Alexandria the chief Metropolitan City of all Egypt to be delivered unto them. The Saraceus seeing the pride & greediness of ● French men, 
The pride of the Earl of Artoys.  in no case could abide it: which turned after to the great detriment of our Christians, as in the end it proved, Ex Mat. Paris. fol. 229.  
First, in the Isle of Cyprus and in the journey before died the Earl of Palatine, 
Death of certain of the●●ch captains in the way.  & one of the 12. peers of France, also the Earl of S. Paul and Bless, who had under him 50. ensigns. Which were all after his death scattered abroad and dispersed. Also died joannes de Denis a valiant Captain, with many other noble personages both men and women, which by altering the air and diet, there deceased. fol. 229.  
The next year eusuing, 
Anno. 1250.  which was 1250. about Ashewednesday, the French men issuing out of their tents by the City of Damiata, flew upon the Saracens, which besieged them, and so after a great number of the enemies stain, 
Victory of the Frenchmen over the Saracens.  with victory and great spoils, returned to their tents again. Now within the City of Damiata, was the Queen with her Ladies, the Pope's Legate, and bishops, with a garrison of horsemen and footmen for the defence of the City strongly appointed. The next day, the Frenchmen supposing to have the like hand of the Saracens, as they had the day before, 
Frenchmen discomfited by the Saracens.  gave a fresh assault upon them: but in that conflict, the Saracens had so strongly appointed themselves, that the French men lost ten times more than they got the day before, & so after a great slaughter of their men, retired to their tents again: whereupon the Saracens began to take great heart & courage against our men, stopping also the passages round about the City of Damiata, that no victual could pass unto them. In like manner the Sultan also gathering all the galeys about Alexandria and all the land of Egypt, so enclosed the S●as, that no intercourse should be to them by water. fol. 231.  
At length after long talk and consultation between them on both sides, 
The Frenchmen again well offered by the Sultan  the Sultan advised them betune to resign to him the City of Damiata, with the furniture which they found therein, & they should have all the country about jerusalem, with all the captives of the Christians friendly restored unto them. Wherewith the Christians (said he) ought to be countented, and to seek no farther, but only to have the land of jerusalem, which being grnnted to them, 
The Earl of Artoys & the pope's Legate again refuse the for●e of peace offered  they should not encroach into other lands and kingdoms, whereto they had no right. This form of peace, as it liked well the meaner fort of the poor soldiers and divers other of the sage counsel and nobility: so the proud Earl of Artoys the king's brother, in no cause would assent thereto, but still required the City of Alexandria to be yielded to them. Which the Egyptians by no means would agree unto.  
From that time the French army being compassed by sea and by land, 
Famine & misery in the French camp.  began every day more and more to be distressed for lack of victual and famine, being driven to that misery, that they were feign to eat their own horses in the Lent time, 
The Frenchmen eat their horses in Lent time.  which should have served them to other uses. Neither could any Christian, nor Frederick being deposed by the Pope, be able to send them any succour. Furthermore the more miseries the christians were in, the more fiercely did the Saracens press upon them on every side, detesting their forward wilfulness. In so much that divers of the Christian soldiers not able to abide the affliction, privily conveyed themselves, as they could, out of the camp, to the Saracens, who were gladly received and relieved, and some suffered still to keep their faith: Some marrying wives amongst them, and for hope of honour did Apostatate to their law, and so wrought no little harm to the Christians.  
The sultan being perfectly instructed by these fugitives of all things belonging to the king's army, 
The Sultan's message, deriding the French men.  sent him word in derision, ask, where were all his mattocks, forckes, & rakes, his scythes, ploughs, and harrows, which he brought over with him? or why he did not occupy them, but let them lie by him to rust and canker? All this and much more, the King with his French men were feign to take well in worth. It happened shortly after, 
Sultan dieth, a worse followeth.  that this Sultan died, being poisoned of his own servants. which was to the Christians a more heaping of their miseries. For albeit the said Sultan had been a cruel tyrant to the Christians, yet was he hated of his own people, whereby his strength was the less: After whom succeeded an other much more cruel. who as he was better loved, so he became much stronger by a general confederacy of all the Saracens which were in the East parts, 
The Frenchmen desire again the peace offered before, & could not have it.  joining now together. So that when the Christians desired now to have the form of peace before proffered, be precisely denied them. And so the French host which at first began to be feared, by their pride and overmuch greediness grew more & more in contempt amongst their enemies, and now was utterly despised.  
The Christians thus seeing all things to go backward with them, and how the infidel Saracens daily did prevail, began to murmur against God, and some also which were well settled before, to stacker in their Religion, casting out these words of infidelity: how is this (said they) that the Lord hath left us in whose cause we fight? how often within the time of remembrance, have we been confounded by these Saracens and infidels, who with shedding of our blood, have enjoyed great spoils & victories? first this City of Damiata, which we christian's had gotten dearly with effusion of somuch Christian blood, afterward we were constrained for nought to resign up again. After that the army of the templaries, fight for the holy Temple against the Saracens, near to Antioch, was vanquished, and the standard bearer slain in the field. 
Victories over the Templaries and keepers of jerusalem.  Again within these few years, our Frenchmen fight in like manner against the Saracens at the City of Bazara, were put to the worse, and many afterward out of captivity ransomed, by Richard duke of Exeter, brother to the K. of England, Henry 3. Then came in the Chosmorins, sent by the Sultan of Babylon, which by a wile invaded the christians in the City of jerusalem, where almost all the christian army being in the holy land, were destroyed. And now here our most christian king together with the whole nobility, is like to be in danger, utterly to be overthrown. And how is it, that the Lord thus standeth against us, and fighteth with them? hath he more regard of them, then of us? etc. Mat. parisians. fol. 231. Such murmuring words of an unstable faith, many there began to cast out, as taking displeasure for their sufferings, but not considering on the other side what Idolaters they were, what pride and discord was amongst them, what cruelty and murder they had showed at home in persecuting the poor Albingenses, what superstition they first brought out with them, with what idolatry they proceeded, putting their trust inmasses, in the pope's indulgences, in worshipping of images, 
Causes debated why the Lord did not prosper the Christians fight against the Saracens.  and praying to saints. And what help then could they look for at God's hand, which had Images in their temples, to fight against them which had none? Or what marvel, if the Lord of hosts went not with their army, committing such idolatry every day in their pavilions to their Sacramental bread and wine as they did, and fight with the strength of their own merits, and not only by the power of their faith in Christ, which is only the victory that overcometh the world? 
The Pope's wars never went well forward against the Infidels. Fredrick the Emperor cursed of the pope, blessed of God, Templaries set on by the pope to betray the Emperor.  john 1. and finally having in their camp the Legate of him whom the Lord taketh to be his enemy? As by example of Frederick the Emperor may be well perceived who after he was accursed by pope Bregorie a little before, coming the same time in war against the Saracens in Palestina, Boddes' blessing wrought so mightily with him, that without any bloodshed he recovered jerusalem, and set all the country about it in great quietness, till at last the popish Templaries, which at the pope's setting on, went about to betray him, to that Sultan of Babylon, & so lost all again by their own malicious mischief that the Emperor before had gotten. tEx Mat. Paris.  
But let us proceed further in this holy progress. The French king with his army, seeing himself distressed, and no good there to be done against the Sultan of Egypt, after he had sufficiently fortified the City of Dannata, with an able garrison left with the Duke of Burgundy, he removed his tents from thence, 
William Longspath.  to go Eastward. In whose army also followed William Longspath (of whom mention was touched before) accompanied which a piked number of English warriors retaining unto him. 
Grudge 〈◊〉 disdain ●● tween 〈◊〉 Frenche● 〈◊〉 & the english 〈◊〉 ours.  But such was the disdain of the French men agains this William Longspath and the Englishmen, that they could not abide them, but flouted them after opprobrious manner, with English tails: in somuch that the good king himself had much ado to keep peace between them.  
The original cause of this grudge between them, began thus. There was not far from Alexandria in Egypt, a strong fort or Castle, replenished with great Ladies, and rich treasure of the Saracens. 
A boory ●● ten by the English ●● diours' 〈◊〉 Alexandr●.  The which hold it chanced the said William Longspath, with his company of english soldiers to get more by good luck and politic dexterity, then by open force of arms, whereby he with his retinue were grearly enriched. when the Frenchmen had knowledge hereof, they being not made privy thereto, began to conceive an hartburning against the English soldiers, & could not speak well of them after that. 
A ventr● act of Wi●● Longsp●th.  It happened again not long after, that the said William had intelligence of a company of rich Merchants among the Saracens going to a certain fair about the parts of Alexandria, having their Camels, Asses, and Mules, richly laden with silks, precious jewels, spices, gold and silver, with cart loads of other wares, besides victual and other furniture, whereof the soldiers than stood in great need. He having secret knowledge hereof, gathered all the power of Englishmen unto him that he could, and so by night falling upon the Merchants, some he flew with their guides and conductors, some he took, 
William Longspath enriched by Saracens goods.  some he put to flight. The Cartes with the drivers, and with the Dren, and the Camels, Asses, and Mules, with the whole carriage and victuals he took and brought with him, losing in all the skirmish but one soldier, and 8. of his servitures. Of whom notwithstanding some he brought home wounded, to be cured.  
This being known in the camp, forth came the French men, which all this while loitered in their pavilions, & meeting their carriage by the way, 
William Longspath wronged by the French men.  took all the foresaid pray whole to themselves, rating the said w. and the Englishmen, for so adventuring and issuing out of the camp without leave or knowledge of their general, contrary to the discipline of war. William said again, he had done nothing, but he would answer to it, whose purpose was to have the spoil divided to the behoof of the whole army. when this would not serve, he being sore grieved in his mind so cowardly to be spoiled of that, for which he so aducnturously had travailed for, went to the king to complain. 
Willia● 〈◊〉 the Englishmen depateth to 〈◊〉  But when no reason nor complaint would serve, by reason of the proud Earl of Artoys the king's brother, which upon despite & disdain stood against him, he bidding the king farewell, said he would serve him no longer. And so William de Longspath, with the rest of his company, breaking from the French host, went to Achon. Upon whose departure, than said the Earl of Artoys: 
The despiteful wor●s of the king's brother against Englishmen.  tNowe is the army of French men well rid of these tailed people. Which words spoken in great despite, were evil taken of many good men that heard him. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 233.234.  
Before the arriving of the French army in the land of Egypt, the Sultan of Babylon having before intelligence of their coming committed the custody of Damiata to & certain prince of his, whom he specially trusted, committing also to his brother the keeping of Kaira & Babylonia. 
Babylon in Egypt.  It followed now after the taking of Diamata, that the soldan of Babylon accused the Prince which had the custody thereof, before his nobles, of prodition, as giving the City unto the Christians. Who notwithstanding in judgement did sufficiently clear himself, declaring how he was certified that the king would land at Alexandria, and therefore bend all power to prevent the king's arrival there. But by distress of weather, 
How Damiata was 〈◊〉 of the Christians.  he missing of his purpose, and the king landing about Damiata, by reason thereof the city was taken unprovided, he notwithstanding with his company resisting as well as they might, till they could no longer, and so departed out, cursing, said he, Mahomet & his law. At which words the Sultan being offended, commanded him to be had away as a traitor and blasphemer, and to be hanged, albeit he had sufficiently purged himself by the judgement of the court. 
The keeper or tribune of Damiata wrongfully put to death by the Sultan  His brother which was the keeper of Kayra and Babylonia, being therewith not a little aggrieved, and bearing a good mind to the Christian religion, devised in himself, bow to give the said city of Kayra with Babylonia to the French king, & so in most secret wise sent to the king, showing his full purpose and what had happened, and furthermore instructing the king in all things how and what he should do, 
The tribune to 〈◊〉 desireth to be Christened. W. Longspath sent for again, & cometh.  & moreover requiring the Sacrament of baptism, meaning in deed good saith, and sending also away all the Christian captives, which he had with him in prison, The king being glad hereof, sent in all haste for william Longspath, promising a full redress of all injuries past, who upon hope of some good luck towards, came at the king's request, and so joined with the French power again.   

* The lamentable overthrow and slaughter of the French armey fight against the Infidels, through the sinister council of the Pope's Legate.  

The story how the French army was overthrown fight against the Saracens.  TO make the story short, the king setting forward from Damiata, directed his journey toward Kayra, slaying by the way such Saracens as there were set to stop the vitailcs from Damiata. The sultan in the mean time hearing of the courageous coming of the French host, as being in great hope to conquer all: sent unto the king by certain thrt were next about him, offering to the Christians the quiet and full possession of the holy land, with all the kingdom of jerusalem, and more: besides other infinite treasure of gold and silver, or what else might pleasure them, only upon this condition they would restore again Damiata, with the captives there, and so would join together in mutual peace and amity. Also they should have all their Christian captives delivered home, and so both countries should freely pass one to an other with their wares and traffic, 
The fair o●fers of the Sultan to the Frenchmen, if they had had grace to take it. The pope & his legate cause of all this mischief  such as they lifted to occupy. Furthermore it was also firmly affirmed & spoken, that the Sultan, with most of his nobles were minded no less then to leave the filthy law of Mahomet, and receive the faith of Christ so that they might quietly enjoy their lands and possessions. The same day great quietness had entered (no doubt) in all Christendom, with the end of much bloodshed and misery, had not been for the pope and his Legate, who (having commandment from the Pope, that if any such offers should come, he should not take them) stoutly & frontosè (as the words be of the story) contradicens, in no wise would receive the conditions offered parisians. fol. 233.  
Thus while the Christians unprofitably lingered the time in debating this matter, the Sultan in the mean time got intelligence of the compact between the Tribune of Kayra, and the French king: whereupon he sent in all haste to the City of Kayra, to apprehend the Tribune till the truth were fully tried. which seemed to him more apparent, for that the Christian prisoners were already delivered. Hereupon the Sultan being in some better hope, 
The Christians refusing good offers could not have them when they would. A cruel proclamation of the Saracens against the Christians.  and less fear, refused that which before he had offered to the Christians, albeit they with great instance afterward sued to the Sultan, and could not obtain it. Then the Sultan being wholly bend to try the matter by the sword, sent to the East parts for an infinite multitude of soldiers, giving out by Proclamation, that whosoever could bring in any Christian man's head, should have x. talentes, besides his standing wages. And whosoever brought his right hand, should have five. He that brought his foot, should have 2. talents for his reward.  
After these thiuges thus prepared on both sides to the necessity of war, 
The Earl of Artoys with the 3. part of the Christian army palleth over the river Nilus.  the king cometh to the great River Nilus, having gotten together many boats, thinking by them to pass over, as upon a sure bridge. On the other side the Sultan pitcheth himself to withstand his coming over. In the mean time happened a certain feast amongst the Saracens, in which the Sultan was absent, leaving his tents by the water side. Which being foreseen by a certain Saracen lately converted to Christ, serving with the Earl Robert the king's brother, and showing them withal a certain shallow ford in the River of Nilus, where they might more easily pass over, the said Earl Robert & the Master of the Temple with a great power, esteemed to the third part of the armey, issued over the River, after whom also followed William Longspath with his band of English soldiers. 
W. Longspath.  These being together joined on the other side of the water, 
Victory of the Christians against the Saracens  encountered the same day with the Saracens remaining in the tents and put them to the worse. After this victory gotten, the French Earl surprised with pride and triumph, as though he had conquered the whole earth, would needs forward dividing himself from the main host, thinking to win the spurs alone. To whom certain sage men of the Temple, 
Good coun●ell given but not followed.  giving contrary counsel advised him not so to do, but rather to return and take their whole company with them, and so should they be more sure against all deceits and dangers, which there might be laid privily for them. The manner of that people (they said) they better knew, and had more experience thereof then he: Alledgists moreover their wearied bodies, their tired horses, their famished soldiers, & the insufficiency also of their number, which was not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies, especial at this present brunt, in which the adversaries did well see the whole state of their dominion now to consist either in winning all, 
The despiteful rebukes of Earl Robert to them that gave him good counsel.  or losing all: with ot●er such like words of persuasion. Which when the proud Earl did hear, being inflated with no less arrogance than ignorance with opprobrious taunts reviled them, calling them cowardly bastards, and betrayers of the whole country, objecting unto them the common report of many, which said, that the land of the holy Cross might be won to Christendom were it not for the rebellious Templarics, with the Hospitalaries and their fellows etc.  
To these contumelious rebukes when the Master of the Temple answered again for him and his fellows, 
The answer of the Templaries to Earl Robert  bidding him display his ensign when he would, & where be durst, they were as ready to follow him, as he to go before them: then began William de Longspath the worthy knight to speak, desiring the Earl to give care to those men of experience, who had better knowledge of those countries & people, than he had, commending also their council to be discrete & wholesome: & so turning to the master of the temple began with gentle words to mitigate him likewise. The knight had not half ended his talk, when the Earl taking his words out of his mouth began to fume & swear, crying out of these cowardly english men with tails. What a pure army (said he) should we have here, if these tails, & tailed people were purged from it? with other like words of great villainy and much disdain. whereunto the english Knight answering again: 
The worthy answer of an english knight to Earl Rob. the kings brother.  well Earl Robert (said he) where soever you dare set your foot, my step shall goc as far as yours: and as I believe, we go this day where you shall not dare to come near the tail of my horse, as in the event it proved true. Ibid. fol. 236.  
In this mean time, the French king intending to advance forward his army, thought best to send away such as were feeble and lacked armour, 
A number of French soldiers sent to Damiata, drowned & slain by the way.  to Damiata by boats. The Sultan hearing thereof, prepared a great number of boats to be carried by wain and cart to the water side, which meeting them by the way, drowned and destroyed by wildfire every one, so that of all that company of our christians, of whom some were burned, some slain, some drowned, not one escaped alive, save one only English man named Alexander Giffard, who although he was sore wounded in the chase in five places in his body, yet escaped to the French camp, bringing word to the king what was done. And this was upon the water.  
Now upon the land, seeing Earl Robert would needs set forward, 
The village and castle of Mansor assaulted by the Frenchmen.  weening to get all the glory to himself before the coming of the host: first they invaded a little village or castle, which was not far of, called Mansor. The country Boars and pagans in the villages by, seeing the christians come, ran out with such a main cry and shout, that it came to the Sultan's hearing, 
The Frenchmen discomfited at the siege of Mansor.  which was nearer than our men did think. In the mean while the Christians invading and entering into the munition incircumspectly, were pelted and pashed with stones by them which stood above, whereby a great number of our men were lost, and the army sore maimed and almost in despair. Then immediately upon the same cometh the Sultan with all his main power, who seeing the Christens army to be divided, and the brother separated from the brother, had that which he long wished for, 
Earl Robert● army enclosed by the Sultan of Babylon.  and so enclosing them round about, that none should escape, had with them a cruel fight. Then the Earl began to repent him of his heady rashness, but it was to late, who then seeing William the English knight dowrely fight in the chief brunt of the enemies, cried unto him most cowardly to fly, seeing God (said he) doth fight against us. 
The cowardly flying away of the Earl Rob. Earl Rob the kings brother drowned.  To whom the knight answering again, God forbidden (saith he) that my father's son should run away from the face of a Saracen. The Earl then turning his horse fled away, thinking to avoid by the swiftness of his horse, & so taking the river of Thasnis, oppressed with harness, was there soaken and drowned. Thus the Earl being gone, the French men began to despair and scatter. Then William de Longaspatha, bearing all the force of the enemies, stood against them as long as he could, 
The manly courage of William Longspath.  wounding and slaying many a Saracen, till at length his horse being killed, and his legs maimed, he could no longer stand: who yet notwithstanding as he was down, mangled their feet and legs, and did the Saracens much sorrow, till at last after many blows & wounds, being stoned of the Saracens, 
W. Longspath slain in battle  he yielded his life. After the death of him, than the Saracens setting upon the residue of the army, whom they had compassed on every side, devoured and destroyed them all, in so much that scarce one man escaped alive, saving two Templaries, 
The Frenchmen overthrown.  one Hospitular, and one poor rascal soldier, which brought tidings hereof to the king.  

The sorrows in the french camp for loss of their brethren.  These things being known in the French camp to the king and his soldiers, first of their drowning which were sent to Damiata, then of the ruin and slaughter of the army, with the kings brother, by the town of Mansor, there was no little sorrow and heaviness on every side, with great fear, and doubt in themselves, what was best to doc. At last when they saw no remedy, but they must stand manfully to revenge the blood of their brethren, them the king with his host passed over the flood of Nilus, and coming to the place where the battle had been, 
The heads and hands of the Christians cut off.  there they beheld their fellows and brethren pitifully lying with their heads and hands cut of. For the Saracens for the reward before promised by the Sultan or Sultan, to them that could bring the head & hand of any Christian, had so mangled the Christians, leaving their bodies to the wild beasts. Thus as they were sorrowing and lamenting the rueful case of their Christian fellows, suddenly appeareth the coming of the Sultan, with a multitude of innumerable thousands. 
The bartaile between the french king and the Sultan.  Against whom the French men eftsoons prepare themselves to encounter, and so the battle being strucken up, the armies began to join. But alack for pity, what could the Frenchmen here do, their number first so maimed, their hearts wounded already with fear and sorrow, their bodies consumed with penury and famine, their horses for feebleness not able to serve them? 
The French army overthrown The pitiful. slaughter of the Frenchmen. The French king with his two brethren taken captive by the Sultan.  In conclusion, the Frenchmen were overthrown, slain, and dispatched, & seeing there was no flying, happy was he that first could yield himself. In which miserable conflict, the king with his two brethren, and a few that clave unto him, were taken captives, to the confusion of all Christian realms, and presented to the Sultan. All the residue were purto the sword, or else stood in the mercy of the Saracens whether to be slain, or to remain in woeful captivity.  
And this was the end of that sorrowful battle, where in almost all the nobility of France was slain, neither was there one man well-near in all the multitude which escaped free, but either was slain, or taken prisoner. Furthermore, they that were slain or left half alive, had every one his head and hand cut off, upon the Sultan's proclamation above mentioned.  
The Sultan or Sultan, after the taking of the French king, fraudulently suborning an army of Saracens, to that number of the French army, with the arms and ensigns of them that were slain, made toward Damiata, where the Duke of Burgundy, with the French Queen, & Ddo the Pope's Legate, and other bishops and their garrisons were remaining, supposing under the show of French men to be let in, but the captains mistrusting their hasty coming, and misdoubting their visages not like to the French men, shut the gates against them, and so returned they frustrate of their intent.  
The purpose of the Sultan was, if he might have gotten Damiata, to send the French king higher up in the East countries to Calipha the chief Pope of Damascus, to increase the titles of Mahomet, and to be a spectacle or gazing stock to all those quarters of the world. The manner of which Calipha was never left to any Christian prisoner come out, whosoever came once in his hands. But for somuch as the Sultan miss his purpose, he thought by advise of counsel, to use the kings life for his own advantage in recovering the city of Damiata, 
Damiata resigned to the Saracens.  as in the end it came to pass. For although the king at the first was greatly unwilling, and had rather die then surrender Damiata again to the Saracens, yet the conclusion so fell out that the king was put to his ransom, and the City of Damiata was also resigned, which city being twice won, and twice lost by the Christians, the Sultan or Saladine afterward caused utterly to be razed down to the ground. The ransom of the king, upon condition that the Sultan should see himself conducted to Achon (which I take to be Cesaria) came to 60000. 
The sum of the kings ransom. The number of the French men slain.  marks. The number of Frenchmen, and others which miscaryed in that war by water and by land came to 80000, persons. tHaec Mat. Parisi. fol. 237.238.  
And thus have ye the brief narration of this lamentable peregrination of jews the French king. In which when the French men being once or twice well offered by the Sultan, to have all the kingdom of jerusalem, and much more in free possession, they not contented with that which was reasonable and sufficient, for greediness to have all, lost all, having at length no more than their naked bodies could cover, lying dead upon the ground: & all through the original cause of the Pope and Ddo his Legate. By whole sinister means and pestilent pride, not only the lives of so many Christians were then lost, but also to the said Pope is to be imputed all the loss of other cities & Christian regions bordering in the same quarters: for a●muche as by the occasion hereof, the hearts of the Saracens on y● one side were so encouraged, & the courage of the christias on the other side so much discomfited, that in short space after, both the dominion of Antioch and of Achon, with all other possessions belonging to the Christians, were lost, to the great diminishing of Christ's Church.  
During the time of this good king lying at Achon●or Celaria, 
The two Sultan's at varianee● 'bout the French 〈◊〉  almighty God sent such discord between that Sultan of Halapia, and the Sultan of Babylon, for letting the king so escape, that the said Sultan or Salidin of Babylon, to win the king unto his side, entered league with him (whom both his brethren, and all his nobles almost at home had forsaken) and remitted his ransom, and also restored unto him such prisoners as were, in the said battle found to be alive. Thus the Lord worketh, where man commonly forsaketh. Math Paris. fol. 261.  
another cause moreover, 
What mischief hau● come to Christend●m & by 〈◊〉 means.  why the ruin of this French army may worthily be impured to the Pope, is this: for that when jews the French king perceiving what a necessary friend and helper Frederick the Emperor might be to him in these his affairs against the Saracens, and therefore was an earnest suitor for him to the Pope to have him released, yet neither he, nor the king of England by any means could obtain it. 
How Fredrick the Emperor reign have send in good 〈◊〉 against the Saracens 〈◊〉 the pope would not suffer 〈◊〉  And although the Emperor himself offered to pope Innocent with all humble submission to make satisfaction in the Council of Lions, promising also to expugn all the dominions of the Saracens and never to return into Europe again, and there to recover whatsoever the Christians had lost, so that the pope would only grant his son Henry to be Emperor after him: yet the proud pope would not be mollified, but would needs proceed against him with both sword, that is, first with the spiritual sword to accurse him, and then with the temporal sword to depose him from his Imperial throne. Through the occasion whereof, not only the French kings power went to wrack, but also such a fire of mischief was kindled against all Christendom, 
The tyrant and deviled mischief is the pope ●gainst the Emperor.  as yet to this day cannot be quenched. For after this overthrow of the French king and his army, the Christians of Antioch and of other Christian regions thereabouts, being utterly discouraged, gave over there holds and Cities. Whereby the Saracens, and after them the Turks, got such an hand over Christendom, as to this day we all have great cause to rue and lament. Besides this, where divers Christians were crossed to go over and help the French king, the pope for money dispensed with them to tarry still at home.  
But as I said, the greatest cause was, that the Emperor, which could have done most, was deposed by the Pope's tyranny, whereby all those Churches in Asia were left desolate. As touching the which Emperor Frederick, because we have divers and sundry times made mention of him before, and for that his story is strange, his acts wondrous, and his conflicts tragical, which he sustained against iiii. or v. Popes one after an other, I thought not out of story in a whole narration to set forth the same, for the reader to consider, what is to be judged of this Cathedral Sea of Rome, which had wrought such abominable mischief in the world, as in the sequel of the story following faithfully translated out of Lative into English is to be seen.   

The whole tragical history of Frederick, 2. Emperor, translated out of the Latin book of Nich. Cisnerus.  
FRedericke the second, came out of the ancient house of the Beblines or Gibillines: 
What horse Frederick came of.  which Gibillines came of the most famous stock of the French king and Emperors.  
He had Frederick Barbarossa to his Grandfather, whose son Henricus the 6. 
What father and mother.  was Emperor after him: who of Constantia, the daughter (or as some writ the niece) of Roger the first, king of Sicily: begat this Frederick the second.  
This Constantia was 50. years of age before she was conceived with him: 
The time o● manner of 〈◊〉 birth.  whom the Emperor Henry 6. to avoid all doubt and surmise that of her conception & childing might be thought, and to the peril of the Empeir ensue: caused his regal tent to be pitched abroad in place where every man might resort. And when the time of his Queen's travail approached, Constantia (in presence of divers Ladies, and Matrons, and other Gentle women of the Empire, a great number was brought a bed and delivered of this Frederick: the seven. day before the kalends of January, in the year of Christ's incarnation. 1193. who by inheritance was king of Naples, Apuha, Calabria, and Sicilia.  
Henricus his father shortly after he was borne, obtained of the prince's electors, that by their oath to him given: they would choose his son Frederick for their Emperor after his disease, and so did, and immediately called him Cesar, being yet but in his cradle.  

What pati●nces he had.  This Henry when he died (which was shortly after the birth of Frederick) committed the protection of him to Constantia his wife, to Philip his brother chief governor of Hetruria, and to the Bishop of Rome, than Innocentius the third.  
Constantia, not long after the death of Henry her husband being sickly and growing into age, and thereby not so well able to govern the troubles and unquiet state of the Empire, resigned, and willed by her testament, the safety both of her son Frederick and also of his dominions to the protection and government of Innocent 3. thinking thereby safely to have provided. etc.  
This pope Innocent. assoon as he had the protection of the young Emperor & his Segniories: became in stead of a patron and protector, to him & to his dominions both an enemy and conspirator. The examples are many: One is, 
The conspiracies of pope Innocent against Frederick during his minority. The first conspiracy.  he persuaded Sibyl the late wife of Tancredus (whom Henry put from the kingdom of Sicily) to recover the same again, and that she should there unto require Philip the French kings aid: whereupon one waltherus being of noble house of the Earls of Brenno, which in the province of Barrencecis had great living, and marrying with Ateria the eldest daughter of Tacredus once king of Sicily (as is said) now by the instigation, counsel, & aid of the french king with the pope (well hoping to recover the kingdom) entered and invaded with great power Campania, & Apuha. At which time also, the same worthy protector Innocentius the third, sent his legates with letters of excommunication against all those that would not admit and take the said Waltherus for their king.  
In other was, that where the prince's Electors and other nobles as before is said had promised by their oath to Henricus, 
The 2. conspiracy.  that they would make Frederick his son Emperor after his disease (whom the Pope saw to put their indenour thereunto to bring it to pass) absolved them all from the oath which they had taken and given for the election of Frederick the Emperor, as one not content he should obtain the same. And further, he raised slanders and defamations against Philip, 
The 3. conspiracy.  whom the electors had chosen to govern the Empire during the minority of Frederick his nephew. He wrote his Epistle (which is yet extant) to the Duke Barthold of Zaringia to be Emperor: who, for that he gave place to Philip, he went about to procure, that Otho the son of Henry Leo should be made Emperor, & the the Princes & Lords electors of Germany, would crown him forthwith after the manner of Aquisgrane. 
The 4. conspiracy.  He deprived all such Bishops as he knew to favour Philip as Emperor, in the defence of his nephews right. But Philip, whose cause was better, his skill in martial affairs greater, & in power & strength mightier: after divers and great conflicts the marvelous disturbance and vastation of the whole Empire, by Gods help put the other to the worse. All which calamities and mischiefs Conradus Lichtenanus at that time living, in his Annals most pitifully complaineth of: and accuseth the Bishop of Rome and his adherentes to be the chief authors and devisors of this great and lamentable mischief: as such that for to make themselves rich by the spoil thereof, sought by all means and desired the same.  

The 5. conspiracy.  Not long after a peace was concluded between Philip & Otho, and Philip reconciled again to the pope: who within a while after between Otho and him was murdered in his chamber and slain. 
Philip slain.  And then was Otho again brought to the Imperial seat, and new elected for Emperor, with the counsel and consent of this Innocent the third: and so continued till that a great variance and discord chanced to rise between the said Otho & the pope. Whereupon Innocentius soughe by all means, 
Variance between Otho & the pope.  how against him likewise he might work mischief and bring him to his end. The occasion of this sudden change and alteration my author maketh no mention of, but that Otho (now being of great power) invaded and destroyed these dominions of Frederick: as Flamminia, Picenum, Umbria, Hetruria, but chief Campania, and Apulia, for that those properly appertained to the inheritance of Frederick.  
Thus you see, how first by the counsel and consent of Pope Innocentius and by his instigation, besides his secret conspiracies: this good Frederick and his domininions were hurt and endamaged. Then again, through his default what damage he sustained by Otho, who by him and his means was made so strong as he was: notwithstanding the great trust he was put in for the protection both of Frederick and his dominions.  
At this tyme. 
What learning and knowledge he was of.  Frederick was come to the age of xx. years: who in his youth by the provision of Constantia his mother, was so well instructed in letters, and in other arts and virtues so imbued: that at these years there appeared and did shine in him, excellent gifts both of wisdom and knowledge.  
He was excellently well seen in the Latin & Greek tongues, 
What virtues he was endued with.  although at that time learning began to decay, & barbarousness to increase. He had also the German tongue the Italian tongue, and the Saracen tongue. He day exercised and put in practise those virtues which nature had planted in him, as piety, wisdom, justice, and fortitude: in so much, that well he might be compared and accounted amongst the worthiest and most renowned Emperors his predecessors.  
Fazellus (the historician of Sicilia in this time) writeth, that Fredericus was again after this had in great honour and estimation with Innocentius: but yet notwithstanding, he had no sure confidence in him, 
Fred. suspected for his grandfathers sake.  for that he had the suspected name of Frederick his grandfather often in remembrance, and for that occasion was much desirous to have him far from Italy.  
When Frederick had gathered his power, 
The coronation of Frederick.  he purposet to set upon Otho his enemy: of which thing Otho hearing (as he was painful in travel) came out of Italy with his army into Germany, thinking to have met Frederick at the river of Rhine, and to have stopped his passage: but he was deceived of his expectation, and Fredericus was crowned as the manner of Aquisgrane is, before he came. And after that Frederick in the winter time took his journey to Francosert, 
The death of Otho.  and after many meetings in Norico had, and that Otho was dead, he set the Empire in a stay and the whole country of Germany he in a manner appealed And then with all his nobles and princes he returned to Rome, and of Honorius the third was with great solemnity consecrated and called Augustus. 
The consecration of Fred. the Emperor.  which Honorius succeeded Innocentius 3. in the Papal Sea: and was a great help to Frederick (although he loved him not) in this behalf, to revenge himself upon Otho.  
After the consecration of Frederick the second, he gave many great and liberal gifts, 
The liberal munificence of Fre. to the pope and church of Rome  as well to the Bishop of Rome himself, as also to the court of Rome besides. Also he gave & assured, by his Charter to the Church of Rome, the Dukedom of Fundanum. For by the unsatiable covetousness of the Romish Bishops, this wicked use and custom grew: that unless the emperors elect & crowned would give unto them such like great and large gifts: they could not obtain of them their consecration or confirmation which for that intent they devised.  
Furthermore, 
Fred. gave through his liberality a swword to cut his own throat. ●  Frederick the Emperor, willing to show himself more bountiful and liberal to the Church: neither yet to restrain any privilege that might benefit the same, gave & admitted those constitutions which the pope himself would desire, and are yet extant in their civil Law: By which his doings he delivered to their hands a sword as it were, to cut his own throat. For the bishops of Rome, now having even what they lifted, & all in their own hands: might by the pain of proscription, bring what Emperor or king under coram nobis that them listed, and keep them by their own laws, as if it were bound in a certain bands, out of the which they might not start. For whatsoever he were, which for the diminution of the liberties of the Church were excommunicate, and so continued a years space: then he should be within the danger of this proscript, and should not be released before he had made satisfaction, and were admitted by the Pope to the Church and congregation of good men again. 
The canon of proscription granted & confirmed by Fred.  whereby it came to pass, that whatloever Emperor in the government of his dominions, should in any point displeased or do contrary to the lust of the Bishop of Rome: he then as enemy to the church, was excommunicate. And unless within a year he were reconciled to them again (by this their principal law) he was in the proscript. And often it chanced, that Princes to avoid the pain of this proscript, were ready to do what soever the pope would have them, and command them to do.  
After the consecration of Frederick was with great solemnity finished, 
Fred. after his consecration directeth his provinces and dominions.  and that the pope & Church of Rome in all ample manner (as is partly described) were gratified, and yet larger constitutions to them confirmed: he departed from Rome and went into Italy, there to set in order and stay the Cities and great towns, for the better tranquility of himself and safety of his subjects, and from thence into his own provinces and dominions: where he heard of certain, that began to raise and make new factions against him. Amongst whom, were found Thomas and Richard, the brethren of Innocentius the third, Earl of Anaquinos, that held certain castles in the kingdom of neopolitans from him by force: which castles, he besieged and beat down, and took from them all that he in them found. Richard he took, and sent as a prisoner into Sicilia: but Thomas escaped and came speedily to Rome, whither also repaired certain bishops and others that were conspirators against Frederick, as also such other as the fear of the emperors laws, and their own guilty consciences caused to fly: and were (that notwithstanding) of this Bishop of Rome Honorius the 3. (to gratify again the liberality of the Emperor bestowed upon him) under his nose succoured, maintained and defended. Which thing when Frederick understood, he began to expostulate with the bishop, considering the unseemliness of that his fact. 
Fred. expostulateth, the Pope curseth.  Against whom, the Pope on the other side was so chased & vexed, that he immediately without farther delay thundereth out against him like a tyrant his curses and excommunications.  
Thomas Fazellus declareth, the detestation or defiance to happen between them somewhat otherwise. There were saith he, amongst those which were found traitors to the Emperor certain Bishops, which fleeing to the pope, requested his aid: whereupon, the pope sent his Legates to the Emperor, and requested him that he would admit and receive to savour those Bishops, which he had banished and put from their offices, and that he would not intermeddle with any Ecclesiastical charge wherewith he had not to do: And said further, that the correction and punishment of such matters pertained to the Bishop of Rome, and not to him: and moreover, that the oversight of those Churches in that kingdom, from the which he had expelled the bishops, pertained and belonged to him.  
Whereunto Frederick thus replieth: That for as much as now 400. 
The Emperor replieth to the pope's demand.  years and more (from the time of Carolus Magnus) all Emperors and kings in their dominions might lawfully commit to apt and fit men for the same, such Ecclesiastical functions and charges as within their territories and kingdoms fell: That he looked to have the like priviliege & authority also, that other his predecessors before him had. 
The Emperor speaketh but rea son howsoever it pleaseth the pope to take it.  And farther said, that he had the same and like authority in the Empire that his father Henry, & Frederick his grandfather, and other his predecessors be-before them had: neither had he so deserved at the hands of the Church of Rome: either of Honorius himself, to be deprived of those privileges which his ancestors before him had had, and kept. And further, Friderick being chafed and moved with these demands of the Pope, breaketh forth and saith: how long will the Bishop of Rome abuse my patience? when will his covetous hart be satisfied? whereunto will this ambitious desire grow? with such like words more, repeating certain injuries and conspiracies, both against him and his dominions, as well by Honorius as Innocentius 3. his predecessor, as also other like injuries of Pope to his ancestors practised. what man saith he, is able to suffer and bear this so incredible boldness and intolerable insolency of so proud a Bishop. 
The strife between the pope and the Emperor for the ele●●ion and deprination of Bishops.  Boe saith he (unto the Legates) and tell Honorius, that I will hazard both the signory of my Empire, and crown of my kingdom, rather than I will suffer him thus to diminish the authority of our majesty. Thomas Fazellus Lib. 8.  
Now, because much disquictnes and controversy hath arisen (for the most part through all Christendom in every kingdom and realm severally) for and about the authority of choosing and depriving of Bishops (as may be seen by the example of this Fridericke) which the pope only and arrogantly challengeth to himself, and not to appertain to an other: I thought good not with silence to over pass but somewhat to say: and to prove the authority of Christian kings & princes in this behalf, to be both sufficient & good: which thing, not only by the holy scriptures is right easy to be done, but also by synodal decrees & counsels (divers and sundry) to be established and confirmed may easily be proved: as also by the ancient custom and manner of the primitive Church, 
Authorities, for the election of Bishops to be 〈◊〉 he Princes and their subjects.  may further be corroborated and made good.  
Whereunto appertain certain places collected and gathered out of the decrees by Gratianus, & specially in these canons, 12, 13, 14, 26, 27, 32, and 63, distinction. furthermore, when Christian kings and princes began to embrace Christ his religion, both for honour and orders sake it was granted: that when the people desired such ministers as were convenient & by them thought meet: that they which were then in the ecclesiastical functiou and chiefest in authority, should either confirm such as were presented, or else themselves to place fit men in their churches as need required. 
Authorities of ele●en of the 〈◊〉 of Ron●e is be in the Emperor.  So did the Emperors of Constantinople (receiving the order and manner from Constantine the great) use and give the right of Ecclesiastical function, with the consent both of the people, and ecclesiastical persons, & long so retained they the same. As Honorious the Emperor unto Boniface. canon. 8. dist. 79. & canon. 2. dist. 97. Also of Pelagius and Gregorius Magnus: of the which one in the reign of Justinian the Emperor and Totila governing Italy) the other in the time of Mauritius the Emperor (when the lombards possessed Italy) were appointed Bishops to the Church of Rome. can. 15.21, 24.  
And where, 
Gratianus in his distinction, repaired for the election of bi●● open be in the Pope.  as Bratianus in the beginning of the 96. and 97. distinction doth declare, that the rescript of Honorius the Emperor is void and of none effect, for that he determined the election of the bishop of Rome, contrary to the authority of the holy canons: when as yet, neither to that civil magistrate, nor to any of the ecclesiastical order cambe read of any licence given them for to dispense withal: each man may plainly see and discern his great folly and want of understanding. As though at that time any decrees were made, which should debar Emperors for the consritituring of that ecclesiastical ministers. Or that it were doubtful, whether the Emperors at that time had passed any constitutions touching the causes of Ecclesiastical discipline, and the same laws then put in ure: 
The 〈◊〉 justinian for the election.  when that contrary most manifestly (both by the laws & histories of that age and time as well of the church as of the Empire) may appear. And that we need not seek far for the matter: this thing is sufficiently proved by these titles: De sacrosanctis Ecclesijs Episcopis, Clericis, besides other eccclesiasticall chapters, & matters touching religion. All which are to be seen in the books of the principal and chiefest constitutions, collected and set forth by justinian. Amongst the which, many of the chapters are said to be accepted and allowed of Honorius & Theodosius. 
The Grecian Emperor, electors of Bishops.  So in like case, the 21. can. in the 63. distinction doth declare, that the Grecian Emperors that next ensued after justinian, did observe that manner of ordaining and election of the Bishop of Rome: although then at that time interpellatum erat it was somewhat sporned at. Amongst whom mention is made of Constantinus the fourth which was surnamed Pogonatus.  
Carolus Magnus in like manner followed their steps and manner in the same, 
The elec●● decreed by 153. bishops in the ●●cell of L●●rane to be in the Emperor.  as in the 22. canon, and the same distinction is declared. And farther it was at a Synodal council in Laterane (Adrian being high Bishop where were convented and assembled 153. other Bishops) decreed: that the power and authority of creating the bishop of Rome, and ordaining of all other prelate's & ecclesiastical orders, should be in the power and will of Carolus Magnus, as well in Italy as other his dominions and provinces: and that whosoever was not promoted & allowed by him, should not be consecrated of any: And that those, which repugned and disobeyed this decree, 
Stephanus 4. first alt●● of this ●●tion.  should incur the most sharp pain of proscription and publication of law. The worthy example hereof is extant in the 18. can. and 18. title. Yet notwithstanding, Stephanus the 4. author of this rescript against the said decree and without the emperors consent was made Bishop of Rome. who to the intent he might delude the decreed & solemnised penalty, thereby to excuse himself: went into France to Ludovicus Pius the son of Carolus Magnus, & at Rheimis crowned he him with the Imperial diadem. Neither could this Bishop here stay himself, but spying the great lenity of the Emperor, assayed to make frustrate the foresaid constitution. For his purpose was, & so brought it to pass, as in the 27. canon and the lame distinction appeareth) that it might be lawful for the Ecclesiastical order, 
The Bishop Rome the first breaker of the decrees of the council.  with the people and senate of Rome (without the authority of the Emperor) to choose the Bishop of Rome: reserving, that he should not be consecrated without the will and consent of the Emperor. Thus is it manifest, that the Bishops of Rome themselves, not regarding but despising the strait penalty and sanction of the foresaid decree of the Lateran Council: were not only the first that broke the same, but also by contrary rescriptes and constitutions laboured & endeavoured to extol & set up themselves above all other.  
Whereupon, 
Lotharius reneweth the Lateran decree for election of Bishops.  Lotharius afterward being Emperor and nephew to Carolus Magnus, coming into Italy there to dissolve the conspiracy and confederacy of Leo the fourth about the translation of the Empire: renewed & established again the Synodal decree of Lateran, touching the jurisdiction of the Emperor for the election of the Bishop of Rome and other ecclesiastical persons. And hereof it came, that those Epistles were written of Leo in the 16. & 17. canon, and the same distinction, which also as in the 9 canon and x. distinction, made a profession, that the same Imperial precepts should be kept in all ages. This Leo when he was reproved of treason and other evils, pleaded his cause before Ludovicus the 2. Emperor of Rome, and son of Lotharius above recited 2. q. 7. canon. 40.  

●●depo● john ● 14. and 〈◊〉 a ●● decree ● election. Leo the 5. 〈◊〉 ●● by Otho ●● Emper. The election ●nce again 〈◊〉 to be ● the emperors jurisdiction.  But after this as time grew on, the bishops of Rome nothing relinquishing their ambitious desires: Otho the first Emperor of that name, deprived and put from the sea of Rome that most filthy and wicked Bishop john the xiij. both for divers and sundry wicked and heinous acts by him committed, as also for his great treasons & conspiracies against his royal person: and did substitute in his place Leo. the 5. who calling a Synod at Lateran in the same temple and place where the other before was kept● did promulgate a new constitution with consent of the Senate & people of Rome, concerning the emperors jurisdiction in the foresaid election: which in the 23. canon is contained and 63. distinction. Whereby the old right and power of the Emperor in the election of the Bishop of Rome and other ecclesiastical prelate's, was again with more sharper and straighter sanction confirmed & ratified. Again john the 18, whom Cressentius the roman (usurping that Imperial crown) had made bishop by the consent of the people of Rome & the Ecclesiastical order: having his nose cut off, & his eyes put out, & so thrust out of the capitol: was again of Otho 3. established and made Bishop. But when as yet notwithstanding, the Bishops of Rome would not alter their old accustomed disposition, but with all their industry endeavoured to abrogate that jurisdiction of the Emperor over the bishop of Rome (as people loath to be under subjection) Henry the 3. (then Leo the 9 being constituted bishop) did once again ratify that same, 
Henry the ● and Leo the 9  and caused the bishop which extolled himself before all his fellow bishops) to stoop and give place to Moguntinus.  

Henry the 3. and Nicholas the 2.  So, after the death of Henry the 3. Emperor, Nicholas the 2. although in his decree (which in the first canon and 32. distinction is recited) gave the primacy for the election of the bishop of Rome by the means of the priests and people of Rome, unto the Cardinals: yet he would after that, that the prerogative therein should be reserved to Henry 4. the young Emperor, from whom the Empire afterward was for a time wrested and taken.  
But now after this, when Hildebrand which was called Gregory the 7. was Pope: This prerogative of the Emperors in their Election, 
The election hitherto in ●he Emperors and ●ow beginneth to fail, by Hildebrand.  which before in the creation of Alexander the bish. was neglected and broken: The bishops of Rome, not only did seek to diminish the authority thereof, but also to evacuate, and quite undo the same. For he, not only aspired to that dignity, without the consent and appointment of the Emperor: but also made restraint that no Emperor, king, Duke, marquess, Earl, or any civil Magistrate: should assign and appoint to any any ecclesiastical function and charge, neither that any of his Prelates so hardy, should take them at any of their hands, as q. 16. canon. 7.9. and 10. may be seen.  
Yet notwithstanding, after that this horrible monster Hildebrand was proscript and thrust out of the papal seat, 
Henry 4. again changeth the election.  and Clement 3. put in his stead: Henry again challenged his Imperial prerogative of Election. But yet, when the Bishops which succeeded after this Hildebrand & led by his example, began to derogate from the Imperial prerogative of election: & Hen. on the other side by all means possible, sought to defend and maintain the same. By the subtle fraud & mischievous policy of the bishops which set the son against the father, and found means to steal from him the hearts of his nobles and subjects and to set them all against him, and especially the Princes of Germany: was deposed and disappointed of his purpose.  

Henry the 5. also striveth ●or the election & say●leth.  And although Henry the 5. (coming to Rome) brought Paschalis the second to that point, that he both in public contion, and in writing sealed, and also by oath confirmed, restored again to the Emperors of Rome the prerogative of election, and of giving of ecclesiastical dignities: yet not withstanding, after that Henry the Emperor was gone from Rome: Paschalis the Pope, greatly repenting and sorrowing that he had done (in allowing and confirming the privileges of Emperors through fear) touching the giving and disposing of ecclesiastical functions, 
Priests accused that take any benefate at the hands of a ●●y man.  excommunicated the Emperor: And in a Sinodal council at Lateran ordained & decreed, that he should be had & accounted a wicked enemy, that would take any Ecclesiastical function or preferment at the hands of a civil Magistrate, whereupon were made these decrees qu. 16. chap. 7. 13.14.15. and 16.  
Therefore, 
Henry 5. compassed by civil dissension for the prerogative of election as his father was.  when these decrees touching the desiguation of bishops, in spite and contempt of the Emperor were practised and put in ure: and when that vow (especially by the means and procurement of the bishops) intestine and civil wars begun to rise in the Empire: the Imperial jurisdiction in this matter was not only weakened and much debilitate, but also in manner utterly broken and lost. For when Henry the v. Emperor was sharply of Lotharius and his vassals the Bishops, beset & laid unto by the provocation of the pope, and was mightily by the bishops that took his part on that other side requested & entreated (in hope of public peace & tranquility) that he would condescend and somewhat yield to the Pope's demands: He at length (the more was the pity) that he might be reconciled and have peace with pope Calixtus the 2. 
Henry the 5. resigneth his prerogative of election.  In the city of Uangio departed from and with that his prerogative or jurisdiction of giving ecclesiastical preferments to the pope and his prelate's, now more than 300. years (from the time of Carolus Magnus) in the hands of them Emperors of Rome, and until this time with great fortitude & princely courage, conserved and kept: which resignation turned to no small detriment both of the Church of Christ, and Christian common wealth.  
Then first and never before, 
The election gotte● to the Bishops of Rome.  obtained the Bishop of Rome, and quietly enjoyed that prerogative of election, & bestowing of benefices: which he so long before with such great policies (now secretly now openly, and now with force) had sought for. And with what sufficient and good authority Gratianus will prove, that before this time the same authority was given to the City of Rome for the election of the pope without the consent of the Emperor he showeth: as in the 29. and 30. Canon, and what good stuff he putteth in the latter, and how subtly that Papistical flatterer or pontifical Parasite hath forged the same: 
Gratianus found a forger of the Canons. Sergius. 2. john 6. and Adrian 3. The second fault found with Gratianus.  Both Carolus Molineus sufficiently in divers places hath noted, and by the observation of times may of a mean Historiographer that hath red the French and german histories, soon be espied & discerned. For first, five bishops one after an other succeeded this Gregory 4. upon whom the 29. canon is entitled or fathered: that is, Sergius 2. john 8. Adrian. 2. john. 9 and Adrian the 3. which Adrian by force wresting the authority of the election from the people was made pope: when, as the Gregory (specially to be noted) would not take on him the Papacy, before that the Emperor had consented to his election. After this, Molineus compareth Raphell Uolateranus with the 30. canon which again is suspected: For why, when Eugenius was bishop which was the Successor of this Paschalis, with whom Ludovicus Pius is said to have made a league or paction: The same Ludovicus Pius with his son Lotharius together with the help of the king of Romans, at Rome made laws both to all his subjects in the Empire, as also to the Romans themselves: speaking nothing of the renewing of the decree made by Lotharius. 
The third fault found with Gratianus.  Thou again, how could Leo the fourth write to Lotharius and Ludovicus Emperors, that counterfeit or forged decree; beginning with Constitutio. etc. when in the same mention is made of Henricus Aucupes, & Otho the 1. which reigned more than 80. years after them, and Leo the 4. bishop of Rome.  
Now with what face dare this fond fellow Gratianus make Otho the first to be author of the 31. Canon, 
How shameless and impudent Gratianus is in forging the decrees.  when as Otho deprived the same john the 12. of the papacy: And not only took nothing from the Imperall jurisdiction concerning the election, nor from the city of Rome, nor any other bishops subject to the Roman Empire: but added somewhat more thereunto, as was said before. And yet notwithstanding, so shameless & senseless was this Gracian, that he durst obtrude & lay before the reader, so manifest fraud and evident legerdemain (feigned and made of his own brains in the compiling of this decree) being so necessary as he thought for the dominion and prunacy of the Roman Bishops, in the stead of good and true laws in either fearing that the same might be after his days reprehended, neither to his great shame and discredit unto him attributed. Where also by the way is to be noted, that as this graceless Gratianus to please these holy fathers and to erect their kingdom, would give so impudent an attempt to the blinding and deceiving of all posterities: inserting for grounded truths and holy decrees such loud lies and detestable doctrine: 
The corrupting of many good works to be feared.  what may be thought of the rabble of the rest of writers in those days what attempts hope of gain might cause them to work: By whom and such like is to be feared, the fasifying of divers other good works now extant, in those perilous times written.  

The election wrested from the Emperor.  Thus, when the Bishops had once wrested this authority out of the emperors hands: they then so fortified & armed themselves and their dominion, that although afterwards Frederick the first, grandfather unto this good Emperor Frederick the second, 
What Rome once catcheth, that she keepeth  as also Ludovicus Boius, and Henricus Lucelburgensis (as men most studious and careful for the dignities of the Empire: unfeigned lovers and maintainers of the utility of the common weal, and most desirous of the preservation and prosperity of the Church) did all their endeavours with singular wisdom & strength, as much as in them lay, to recover again from the bishop of Rome this the authority of the Imperial jurisdiction lost, most cruelly & wickedly abusing the same to the destruction both of the Empire, undoing of the common wealth, and utter subversion of the Church of God yet could they not be able to bring the same to pass in those dark and shadowed times of perverse doctrine and errors of the people, 
Not without good cause desired they to no●el the people in ignorance.  and most miserable servitude of civil Magistrates.  
The same and like privilege also in the election of their bishops & Prelates, and disposing of Ecclesiastical offices, as the Emperor of Rome had: every Prince and king in their several dominions had the like. 
Every king and prince in their several kingdom had also till that time the prerogative of election. Hispane had the same. France had the same.  For by the decree of the Council of Tolerane, which in the 25. canon and 63. distinction is mentioned: the authority of creating and choosing bishops and Prelates in Hispane, was in the power of the king of Hispane. The like also by the Histories of Clodoveus, Carolus Magnus, Ludovicus nonus, Philippus Augustus, Philippus pulcher, Carolus 5. Carolus 6. Carolus. 7. Kings of France, is apparent and well known: that all these kings had the chief charge and government of the French Church, and not the bishops of Rome.  

England had the election.  And by our English histories also as you heard, it is manifest: that the authority of choosing ecclesiastical ministers and bishops, was always in the kings of England, till the reign of king Henry the 1. who by the labour and procurement of Anselmus Archb. of Cant. was deprived and put from the same.  

Germany had the election.  Also the Princes of Germany and electors of the Emperor, till the time of Henry the 5. had all every Prince severally in his own dition and Province the same jurisdiction and prerogative: to give & dispose ecclesiastical functions to their Prelates at their pleasure: and after that it appertained to the people and prelates together. And how in the reign of Fridericke, the Prelate's gate unto themselves alone this Immunity: joannes aventinus in his 7. book of the Annals of the Boiores doth describe.  

Sicilia had the election.  Also it is probable, that the kings of Sicilia had the same faculty in giving and disposing their Ecclesiastical promotions and charge of churches. Andrea's de Istmia ad 1. constit. Neap. nu. 12. And that because Fridericke defended him against the tyranny of the bishop of Rome, therefore as Fazellus saith, he was excommunicated of Honorius. But that Platina and Blondus allege other causes wherefore he was excommunicate of Honorius, I am not ignorant: Howbeit, he that will compare their writings with others that writ more indifferently between Honorius and him: shall easily find, that they more sought the favour of the roman bishops, then to write a verity. But now again to the history of Fridericke.  

The death of Constantia the wife of Frederick.  Nicholaus Cisnerus affirmeth, that whilst Friderike the Emperor was in Sicilia, his wife Constantia died at Catrana or Catana. In the mean time, the Christians which was a great navy sailed into Egypt and took the city Heliopolis, commonly called Damatia, and long ago named Pelucinum, being in good hope to have driven Sultanus the Sowdan out of Egypt: had a great & marvelous overthrow, by the conveying of the water of the flood Nilus (which then overflowed into their Camp) & were sayne to accord an unprofitable truce with the Sowldane for certain years, 
A great overthrow of the Christians in Egypt.  and to deliver the city again: and so departing out of Egypt, were feign to come to Acone and Cyrus, to the no small detriment and loss of the Christian army. Whereupon, king john surnamed Brennus (being king of jerusalem) arrived in Italy, and prayed aid of the Emperor against his enemies, in whom he had great hope to find remedy of the evils and calamities before declared and from thence he went to Rome to the Pope, declaring unto him the great discomfit and overthrow past, as also the present peril and calamity that they were in, desiring also his aid therein. By whose means (as Cisnerus saith) the Emperor was reconciled again to the Pope, 
Frederick and the pope made friends.  and made friends together: to whom also king john gave joel his daughter in marriage, which came of the daughter of Conradus King of jerusalem, and Marquis of mount Ferrat: with whom he had for dowry, the inheritance of the kingdom of jerusalem, as right heir thereunto by her mother. By whom also, he atter obtained the kingdom of Naples and Sicill, and promised that with as much expedient speed as he might he would prepare a power for the recovery again of jerusalem, and be there himself in proper person: 
Hon●●● the 〈◊〉eth 〈◊〉 he put ● practise ● ure aga●● Frede●●●.  which thing to do, for that upon divers occasions he deferred (whereof some think one some an other: Honorius) unto whom he was lately reconciled, purposed to have made against him some great and secret attempt, had he not been by death before prevented, upon whom were made these Verses.  
O pater Honori, multorum nate dolori.  
Est tibi decori vivere, vade mori.  
After whom succeeded Gregorius the 9 as great an enemy to Fredrick as was Honorius: 
Gregori●● as great an enemy to Ferd, as Honorius.  which Gregory, came of the race whom the Emperor (as before ye heard) condemned of Treason which they wrought against him. This Gregory was scarcely settled in his Papacy, when that he threatened him that greatly with excommunication, unless he would prepare himself into Asia, according to his promise as ye heard before to king john. And what the cause was, why the Pope so hastened the journey of Fredrick into Asia, you shall hear hereafter: In effect, he could not well bring that to pass, which in his mischievous mind he had devised, 
Fredrick seth to ●●e into Asia the pope● bidding in pope is angry.  unless the Emperor were farther from him. Notwithstanding, Frederick it should seem smelling a rat, or mistrusting somewhat (as well he might) alleged divers causes and lets, as lately and truly he did to Honorius.  
Fazellus a Sicilian writer saith, that the special cause of the Emperors stay was: for the oath of truce and peace during certain years, which was made between the Saracens and Christians as you heard, which time was not yet expired.  
The same also Fazellus, 
The caused the slay of the emperors journey into Asia.  writeth thus of king john of jerusalem, that when his daughter was brought to Rome the Emperor and the pope was reconciled together. And being called up to Rome to celebrate the marriage. P. Gregory (as the manner of those proud prelate's is) offered his right foot unto the Emperor to kiss. But the Emperor not stooping so low, scarcely with his lip, touched the upper part of his knee and would not kiss his foot: which thing the pope took in very evil part and was therewith marvelously offended. But for that no opportunity at that time served to revenge his conceived grudge and old malice, 
The Pope dissembled his grudge.  he dissimuled the same as he might for that time, thinking to recompense it at the full as time would serve, and fall out therefore.  
After this, it fortuned that the Emperor hearing how the Christians were oppressed by the Sultan in Syria, and that from Arsacida there came a great power against the christian princes: he made the more haste, and was with more desire encouraged to set forward his journey into Asia. Wherefore, assembling the Nobility of the Empire at Ravenna and Creinona: he gave in commandment to Henry his son (whom not long before he caused to be created Cesar) that he should persuade the nobles & Princes of the Empire: that they all, would be ready to put to their helping hands, in furthering this his journey and enterprise. This writeth Fazellus: howbeit, some other affirm that these things were done in the time of Honorius. But how soever the matter is, 
The pre●ration ci●●riage of Frederick ●● Ierusal●●, and stay thereof.  this thing is manifest: that Frederick to satisfy the pope's desire, which never would sin but by all means sought to provoke him forward, gave him at length his promise: that by certain time he would prepare an army and fight himself against those, which kept from him the city of jerusalem (which thing he also confesseth himself in his epistles, and also how he desired, and obtained of the peers and Nobility of the Empire, theyr'ayd thereunto) as also, to have a appointed & convenient time when they should be at Brundisium.  
In the mean season, he with all his power and endeavour made hasty and speedy preparation for the wars: 
The preparation of the emperors war against the Turk.  he rigged & manned a puissant navy, he had the pykcost men and best soldiers that were in every country, and made warlike provison & furmture, for every thing that to such a voyage and expedition appertained. Neither was the matter slacked, but at that time appointed, great bands assembled & mustered both of german soldiers and others, and under their Captains appointed sot forth and marched to Brundisium. Their generals were, Thuringus and Sigebertus, and Augustinus the Bishop: where they, long time lying and attending the emperors coming (being let by infirmity and sickness) great pestilence and sundry diseases molested them, 
〈◊〉 slicknes in the emperors army.  by reason of the great heat and intemperance of that country: and many a soldier there lost his life, among whom also died Thuringus one of their Generals. The Emperor, when he had somewhat recovered his health, with all his navy launched out and set forward to Brundisium. And when he came to the straits of Poliponences and Creta (being islands lying in the sea) and there, for lack of convenient wind was stayed: suddenly the Emperor (his diseases growing upon him again) fell sick: and sending before all or the most part of his bands and ships into Palestina, promising them (most assuredly) to come after and follow them so soon as he might recover and get never so little health: 
The Emperor himself sick.  he himself with a few ships, returned and came to Brundisium, and from thence for want of health, went into Apulia.  
When tidings here of came to the Pope's ear: He sent out his thundering curses and new excommunications against the Emperor. The causes wherefore, I find noted and mentioned by his own letters, that is. Now that when he had rob and taken from Brundusius, 
The Pope excommunicateth the Emperor for staying ●is voyage.  Prince of Thuring, his horses, his money, and other rich furniture of his house at the time of his death, he sailed into Italy: not for the intent to make war against the Turk, but to convey this prey that he had stolen and taken away from Brundusius, who neglecting his oath and promise which he had made, and feiniug himself to be sick, came home again. And that by his default also, 
He layeth ●alse accusation to his charge.  Damieta was lost, & the host of the Christians sore afflicted. Fazellus besides these causes spoken of before doth write that the pope alleged these also. That he defiled a certain damosel, which was in the Queen's nursery: and that he slew his wife when he had whipped her in the prison, for declaring the mischievous act to her father king john. But all the writers, and also Blondus himself doth declare, that this joel died after the Publication of the proscript and excommunication: wherefore, the Pope could not without great shame allege the cause upon the death of joel: 
The Emperor putteth him●●lfe of those ●imes the ●ope laid ●gainst him ●y his letters. ●edicated to ●l Christian ●●inces.  For undoubtedly the truth is, that she of her son Conradus died in childbed. Then Frederick, to refel and avoid the foresaid slanders, sendeth the bishop of Brundis, and other Legates to Rome: whom the Pope would not suffer to come to his presence, neither yet to the Counsels of the Cardinals to make his purgation. Wherefore the Emperor to purge himself of the crimes, which the pope did so falsely accuse him of: both to all Christian kings and specially to the Princes of Germany, & all the nobles of the Empire, he writeth his letters (which are to be seen) that those things are both false and also feigned, & of the pope's own head muented. And showeth, how that his Ambassadors with his purgation, could not be suffered to come to the pope's presence: also doth largely entreat how unthankful & ungrateful the Bishops of Rome were towards him for the great benefits which both he, and also his predecessors had bestowed upon them and the Roman Church: which letter, for that it is over tedious here to place, considering the discourse of the histostory is somewhat long, the sum of the purgation is this.  

The effect of ●he Empe●●urs letters  He protesteth and declareth universally, that he had always great care for the christian common wealth, and that he had determined even from his youth, to fight against the Turk and Saracens. And for that occasion he made a promise to the Prince's electors of Aquisgrave, how that he would take that war upon him: Afterward he renewed his promise to Rome, 
The Emperors' purgation.  when he was consecrated of Honorius: Then, when he married the daughter of the king of jerusalem, which was an heir of the same: And for because that kingdom might be defended & kept from the injuries of the enemies, & that he favoured it even as he did his own: he prepared an huge navy, and gathered together a strong army of men: neither did he neglect any thing that belonged to the furniture of the war. But when the time was come, and his band was gathered together: his sickness would not suffer him to be there. And afterward when he had recovered the same, and came to Brundisium, and from thence without any disturbance went forthwith to the sea: he fell into the same sickness again, by the which he was let of his purpose: 
The Emperors' epistle beginning ●hus. In ad●irationem ●● justiciam, ●nd again, ●enate oculus.  which thing (saith he) he is able to prove by sufficient testimony. Now the Pope also doth lay the losing of Damieta, and other things which prospered not well with him, unjustly to his charge: when as he had made great provision for the same journey both of soldiers & other necessary things. But he that will understand these things more plainly among other Epistles of Petrus de Vineis, written in the name of Fridericke, let him read these especially, which begin thus: In admirationem, & justiciam & innocentiam: & Levate oculos. And truly even as Fredericus the Emperor declareth in his letters, concerning this matter, all the old writers of Germany do accord and agree in the same.  
Math. Parisiensis also briefly collecteth the effect of an other letter which he wrote to the king of England, 
A letter of the Emperor to the king of England abstracted by Mat. Paris.  complaining unto him of the excommunication of the Pope against him: Whose words are these. And amongst other Catholic Princes (saith he) He also wrote his letters unto the king of England, embulled with gold Declaring in the same, that the Bishop of Rome so flamed with the fire of avarice and manifest concupiscence: that not being contented with the goods of the Church which were innumerable, but also that he shamed not to bring Princes, Kings and Emperors to be subjects, and contributors to him, and so to disherit them and put them from their kingly dignities. And that the king of England himself had good experiment thereof, whose father (that is to say King john) they so long held excommunicate till they had brought both him and his dominions under servitude and to pay unto him tribute. 
Many kingdoms have experience of the pope's practices.  Also that many have experience of the same by the Earl of Tholouse and divers other Princes, which so long held their persons and lands in interdict: till they might bring them into like servitude. I pretermit saith he, the Simonies and sundry forts of exactions (the like whereof was never yet heard) which daily are used amongst the ecclesiastical persons, besides their manifest usury (yet so cloaked and coloured to the simple sort) that therewithal they infect the whole world. 
The Church of Rome, the mother of mischief  They be the sugared and embalmed Simonistes, the insatiable horse leeches or bloodsuckers saying, that the Church of Rome is our mother and nurse, where as it is in deed the most polling Court in the universal world, the root and right mother of all mischiefe-using and exercising no motherly doings or deeds but bringing forth the right exercises of a wicked stepdame: making sufficient proof thereof by her manifest fruits to all the world apparent. Let the Barons of England consider whether this be true or not, whom Pope Innocent by his bulls with one consent encouraged to rise and rebel against their sovereign Lord and Prince king john your father, as an obstinate enemy to the Church of Rome. 
King john's submission to the pope blamed by the Emperor.  But after that the king (far out of square) remembering himself, had crouched unto him and obliged both himself and kingdom to the Church of Rome, more liker a woman then a man: and that the wise Barons whom the Pope had first maintained and stirred up, without all shame either of the world or fear of God, had done the same: sought how he might with gaping mouth devour and consume the sweet fat from them, whom he had miserably to death betrayed and disherited, as the manner of the Roman Bishops is. By whose greedy avarice it came to pass, that England the Prince of provinces was brought under miserable subjection and tribute. Behold the manners and conditions of our Roman Bishops: behold the snares wherewith these prelate's do seek to entangle men withal: to wipe their noses of their money: to make their children bondmen: to disquiet such as seek to live in peace: being clothed with sheeps clothing when in deed they be but ravening Wolves, 
Who be the ravening Wolves in sheeps clothing.  sending their Legates hither, and thither to excommunicate and to suspend: as having power to punish whom they list: not sowing the seed, that is the word of God to fructify, but that they may bribe and pole men's purses, and reap that which they never did sow. Thus cometh it to pass, that they spoil the holy Churches and houses of God, which should be the refuge for the poor, and the mansion houses of saints, which our devout and simple parents to that purpose builded and ordained to the refection of poor men and pilgrims, 
The treasure of the Church belongeth to the pope.  and to the sustentation of such as were well disposed and religious. But these degenerate varlets, whom only letters hath made both mad and malapert, do strive and gape to be both kings and Emperors.  
doubtless the primative Church was builded and laid in poverty and simplicity of life, and then as a fruitful mother begat she those her holy children, whom the Catologe of Saints now maketh mention of: and verily no other foundation can be laid of any other Church, 
Christ's church was builded in humility: The pope's Church is all s●periluitie, Ergo, the pope's Church is not Christ's Church.  then that which is laid by jesus Christ. But this Church as it swimmeth and walloweth in all superfluity of riches, and doth build and raise the frame in all superstitious wealth and glory: So is it to be feared lest the walls thereof in time fall to decay, and when the walls be down, utter ruin and subversion follow after. Against us, he knoweth that is the searcher of all hearts, how furiously these Catholics rage and go to work: saying, therefore excommunicating me that I will not take upon me the journey I have promised beyond the seas: whereas inevitable and most urgent causes and perils, as well to the Church of God as also to the Empire, besides the annoyance of mine infirmity and sickness, do detain me at home, and stay the same, but specially, the insolency of the rebellious Sicilians. For why, neither do● we think it safety to our Empire, not expedient to the Christian state, that we should now take our journey into Asia, leaving behind us at home such intestine and civil wars: no more then for a good surgeon, to lay healing plaster to a grievous wound new stricken with the sword, and made. In conclusion, also to this he addeth: admonishing all the Princes of the world that they would beware and take heed (by their avaricious iniquity) of like peril and danger to themselves: Because that as the proverb is: It behoveth him to look about, that seethe his neighbour's house on fire. Thus much out of parisians. pag 69.  
But now, that Fredericus the Emperor might in very deed stop that slanders of the cruel Pope, which did persist and go forward still in his excommunication against him: And that he might declare in the whole world, 
another journey of the Emperor to jerusalem.  how that the last year he torslowed not his journey by his own voluntary will, but by necessity: when he had deutied and prepared all thing meet for the war, and that he had gathered together and levied a great army of men: He departed from thence to Brundisium, committing the government of his kingdom to Renaldus the son of Duke Spoletus, and to Anselmus a Baron of Instigensis and came by sea to Cyprus with his host.  
From Cyprus, the Emperor with his whole navy sailed into joppa, which City he fortified, for that the passages by land were stopped and kept of the enemies: And by sea might he not pass nor travail, 
The Emperor oppressed by famine and by prayer miraculously relieved.  by means of the extreme weather and tempest: whereby it came to pass, that within short space they lacked victuals and were sore afflicted with famine. Then fell they to prayer and made their humble supplication to God, with whose tears his wrath being appealed: the great tempest and long continued foul weather ceased, whereby (the seas now being calm) they had both victual great plenty, and all other necessary things for their need, brought unto them: whereby immediately it came to pass, that both the Emperor & his army as also the inhabitants of joppa were greatly refreshed and animated: and on the other side their enemies being disappointed of their purpose, were greatly discouraged. In so much, that the king of Egypt who with great power (accompanied with Scarapho his brother prince of Gaza, and the Prince of Damascus their nephew, with many other Dukes and nobles) having encamped themselves within one days journey of joppa, thinking to have besieged the same: were contented upon the coming of the Emperor's Heralds unto them to entreat of a peace. 
A conclusion of a profitable pe●ce during x. years between the Turks and the Christians.  Whereupon, Ambassadors were sent unto them with the emperors demands right profitable to the Christian common weal. The Saracens (immediately consulting upon the same) granted thereunto: so that a peace for x. years was concluded, & was confirmed by solemn oath on the behalf of both Princes according to their several usages and manner: the form and condition of which peace, briefly collected are these.  
First, that Fridericke the Emperor, should be crowned and anointed king of jerusalem, according to the manner of the kings of jerusalem before him.  

The articles of the peace agreed upon.  Secondly, that all the lands & possessions which were situate betwixt jerusalem and Prolomaida, & the greatest part of Palastina, and Cities of Tyrus and Sydon which were in Syria, and at other territories which Baldwinus the 4. at any time had and occupied there: should be delivered unto him, only certain castles reserved.  
Thirdly that he might fortify and build what fortresses and castles he thought good, cities and towns: in all Syria and Palestina.  
Fourthly, that all the prisoners which were in the Saracens hands, should be ransomed freely and sent home: and again, that the Saracens might have leave without armour to come into the Temple where the Lords sepulchre is, to pray: and that they should hold and keep still Chratum, and the kings mount.  

The letters of Frederick to the princes and pope of his success.  Friderick now, for that he thought the conclusion of this peace to be so necessary as also profitable for at Christians, and had also gotten as much thereby, as if the wars had continued he should: he sent his Legates with letters into the west, to all Christian kings, princes, and potentates, as also to the bishop of Rome: declaring unto them the circumstance and success of his journey and wars, as partly ye have heard: Requiring then, that they also would praise and give God thanks for his good success and profitable peace concluded: And desireth the Pope that for as much as he had now accomplished his promise, neither that there was any cause now wherefore he should be with him displeased, that he might be reconciled and obtain his favour.  

The Emperor crowned king of jerusalem.  In the mean season, the Emperor with all his army marcheth to jerusalem: where, upon Easter day in the year of our Lord. 1229. he was with great triumph & comfort of all his nobles, and also the Magistrates of that kingdom (only the patriarch of Cyprus the king's Legate, and Oliver the master or captain of the Temple with his company, excepted) solemnly and with great applause crowned king.  
After this, he rerdifieth the City and Walls thereof which by the Saracens were beaten down and battered. After that, he furnisheth it with munition, he buildeth vy the Churches and temples that were ruinous, he fortifieth Nazarethum and joppen with strong garrisons, vitale, and all other things necessary.  
Now see and behold I pray you, whilst that Frederick was thus occupied in the kingdom of jerusalem, what practices the Pope had in Italy: Not I warrant you any whit at all careful in the affairs of the Christian commonwealth, but studying and labouring what mischief and spite he might work against the Emperor: whom, of a set purpose he had so occupied (partly for hate, and partly to enrich himself) in Asia and jerusalem, so far out of Italy, 
The first and secret practice of Pope Gregory ●  ye may be sure. First, he caused the soldiers which the Emperor sent for out of Germany to the maintenance of the holy wars, to be stayed as they passed through Italy: letting them of their journey, and took from them, and spoiled them of all such provision as they had. And not only this, but he sent secretly also his letters into Asia, to those that were of his own fac●ion: that is, to the patriarch of jerusalem, and soldiers that kept the temple and the hospital, enticing and inciting them to rebel against the Emperor: which thing, Blondus himself that Popish Parasite or historiographer dissu●uleth or hideth not. But that he furthermore dissuaded the princes of the Saracens, that they should make no league nor take any truce with Fridericke, neither deliver up unto him the Crown and Kingdom of jerusalem. Which letters as they were manifest testimonies of his treachery and treason towards him whom God had instituted and made his liege Lord and sovereign, and mightiest potentate upon earth: so was it his will, that he should come to the knowledge thereof, and that those letters should fall into his hands. And that he kept the same letters for the more credible testimony thereof: in the same his last Epistle unto the Christian Princes he proresteth. The copy of which letter amongst his other Epistles, you shall have expressed.  
Neither were the Pope's letters written to that leavened sect and factious in vain. For the patriarch and his Collegioners which took their name of the Temple, did mightily repugn against Frederick. They raised a tumult in Ptolomaida against him: 
The Emperor withstandeth the secret 〈◊〉 which the pope had wrought against him ● jerusalem.  they accused him and his Legates openly of treason: and did malipartly & boldly withstand the right worthy and good order he made amongst them. But as God would, by the help of the inhabitants of Pisa and the Genoese, and the Dutch soldiers: both their false accusations were refelled, and also their seditious purpose & tumult expressed. And this was the cause, that when all other men rejoiced and were glad of the emperors coronation, they as wicked confederators were heavy therefore, and obtrectours of his worthy laud and fame.  
The Pope, 
The second and man●●d treason of the Pope against Frederick.  when he had thus conspired against Frederick, and had betrayed him to the public enemy of all Christian men, the Turk: he could not dissemble this his mischievous fact, nor content himself therewith, but that he would devise and practise yet an other. For by reason of those slanders (which a little before I touched) of the death and slaughter of his wife jola: he incited john Brennus his father in laws to make war against him, who caused the subjects of his Empire to withdraw from him their allegiance, as also the inhabitants of Picenum, & inhabitants of Lumberdy. 
Brennus Pandolphus, johannes Columna ● Thomas ● traitor, the Pope's generals and leaders of his host.  And thus joining themselves together, craved farther aid of the French king, whereby they made a great power. That done, they divided their host in two armies, invading with the one the Empire, & with the other the proper territories and ditions belonging in the inheritance of Frederick: john Brennus and Pandolphe Savellanus, leading the one (as Generals) into Campania and the kingdom of Naples: and the other (with john Columna Cardinals his Legate, and that Thomas before convicted of treason, being his Liefetenantes) he sendeth into Picenum.  
Of this treason of the Pope against Fredericus, both also Mat. Paris. make mention during his wars in Asia. Who (saith he) purposed to have deposed him, and to have placed alium quem libet filium pacis & obedientiae loco eius subrogare, that is, any other he cared not whom (so that he were the child of peace and obedience) in his steed. And for the more certainty thereof, the said Mat. Paris. pag. 71. repeateth the letter which a certain Earl of Syria wrote unto him concerning the same, which letter here under ensueth word for word.  
To the high and mighty Prince Fredericus by the grace of God Emperor of Rome, and ever Augustus and most puissant king of Sicilia, Thomas Earl of Actran his faithful and trusty subject in all thing humble salutation. After your departure most excellent Prince, Gregory the Bishop of Rome, & public enemy to your magnificence, gathering together a great power & host of men, By johannes Brennius late king of jerusalem and other stout captains whom he hath made generals of the same his host: As a foreign enemy invading your dominions and possessions of your highness subjects against the law of Christianity: hath purposed and determined to vanquish and subdue you with the material or temporal sword, whom he cannot master and overcome with the spiritual sword, he saith. For the foresaid john Brennus gathering out of France and other provinces hear adjoining, a great army: giveth unto them of the treasure he hath gotten (by what means together I cannot tell) great wages, in hope to recover and get from you the Empire. And furthermore, the same john and others (the captains of the see Apostolical invading your land) burn and destroy all as they go, driving away and taking for their booties, all that they can come by, as well cattle as other things: And such as they take prisoners, they constrain by inflicting them with grievous punishments to ransom themselves for great sums of money: neither spare they man, woman, nor child, but take and keep your towns and castles, having no regard that you be in the service of jesus Christ. And further, if any make mention of your majesty unto him, he saith there is none other Emperor but himself. Your friends and subjects most excellent Prince, much marvel hereupon: yea and also the Clergy themselves of the Empire, do marvel with what conscience or upon what consideration, the Bishop of Rome can do the same, making such bloody wars and slaughter upon Christian men: especially, seeing that Christ commanded Peter, when he struck with the material sword to put up the same into the scabbard, saying: all that strike with the sword shall perish with the sword Or else by what law, he daily can excommunicate such pirates, burners of men's houses, and robbers: when he himself is the patron and maintainer of such himself: hereat, they greatly muse and marvel. Wherefore most mighty and renowned Emperor, I beseech your highness to consider your own safety: for that the said john Brennus hath laid and fortify, all the ports and havens with no small company of men and soldiers: that if (not knowing thereof) your grace should arrive in any of them, the same garrisons of his should apprehend and take you as a prisoner: which thing to chance GOD forefend.  
Thus whilst the host of this hostile enemy the Pope was encamped in the dominions of Fridericke, he received the letters which Fridericke by his Legates sent into Europa as you heard: whereby he understood the good success he had in Asia: 
What mea●ing the P. ●●d to send frederick ● fight against the ●urke.  Who not only took no delecration at all therein, but was also in a vehement perturbation therewith: whereby manifestly it may appear, what was the cause & meaning of the Pope, that he was so solicitous & urgent to have Frederick the Emperor make a voyage into Asia. Doubtless even the same, that Pelias had when by his instigation he procured jason with all the chosen youth and flower of Grecia to sail into Colchus, to fetch away the golden fleas: and that by the opportunity of his absence he might use, or rather abuse his power & tyranny: And that Fridericke might either be long afflicted & molested in the Asian war, or that he might perish and lose his life therein, was that he sought and all that he desired.  
And when he saw, that fortune neither favoured his fetthes, nor served to his longing lust, he was as a man bearest of his wits, specially at these tidings of the prosperous success of the Emperor. 
●owe the ●ope cha●th & fret●eth at the prosperous success of ●he Emperor.  He tore and threw his letters on the ground: and with all opprobrious words rebuked & revised the Legates for the Emperor their master's sake: which thing also Blondus himself denieth not, although he writ altogether in the favour of the Pope. And to the intent that he might cover this his rage and unbridled fury with some cloak & colour of just deserved dolour: He feigned himself therefore so much to mislike therewith, as though the Emperor therein had only respected his own private commodity, not regarding the utility of the Christians: for that the Saracens had licence (although without armour & weapon) to have repair unto the sepulchre of Christ, & had left for them somewhat near the same an hosterie or lodging place: For which occasion saith Blondus, his Lord Pope rebuked the emperors Legates by the name of traitors and such like other opprobrious words. 
●londus re●toued that ●ote so greatly in ●he Pope's ●auour.  Now go to friend Blondus, by what strong arguments prove you & your Lord Pope, that the peace which the Emperor hath concluded, to be either against the Christian common wealth, or that the Emperor was a traitor. But who is it that seethe not these things either by reading of old and ancient writers, or else partly by me that have gathered & collected the same out of divers monuments and histories: & plainly perceiveth not the conspiracies & treasons, of your good Lord the Pope so notable and filthy, as also his man●est shame and infamy. What? there be divers that writ, how the Pope commanded these Legates of Frederick to be made secretly out of the way▪ and also how he commanded divers soldiers returning out of Asia to be slain, to the intent that none should hear the report of those good news which were in Asia, nor none go rhether to rel● the fetches he had in hand at home. But I will make report of no more than of those things which all the writers with most consent agree upon: This is most certain, that the Pope caused this rumour to be spread of the death & taking of the Emperor upon this consideration, that he might allure unto him the fidelity of those Cities in the kingdom of Naples, which yet kept their allegiance unto Fridericke, of whom they should now hope for no longer refuge. And of that doth the Emperor in his Epistle entitled Levate oculos, greatly against him complain.  
Great are these injuries of the Pope against Frederick, 
The third practice of P Gregory against the Emperor.  and most wicked treasons: but herewith could not the cruel and titannicall mind of him be contented, nor yet his lust satisfied: but so far exceeded, as scarce is credible that it could. For he presumed not only to set variance between Henry (whom Fridericke his Father had caused to be made king of Germany) and him: but also by his allurements, caused him to become an enemy unto him. 
The P. setteth the son against the father, as a good father of peace.  To whom, when his father had assigned the Duke of Bo●oria (named Ludovicus) to be his overscer and counsellor: neither knew he amongst all the princes of Germany a man more mythfuller to him in his office and duty, or else more virtuous, or else more graver & apt to be in authority: 
Henry Cesar at the pope's enticement putteth from him h●s truth counsellor Ludonicus.  Henry, fearing lest he should understand & know of these secret counsels which he with his conspirators had in hand against his father: or that he should utter the same unto him, or that he should go about to dissuade him from that he was purposed to do: by authority of the court and Senate of Rome, he put him out of office. And this was the fetch of all their policy: that together and at one instance (but in divers and sundry places far one from an other) sharp & cruel war might be made against the Emperor: so that his power being distracted to the appealing of variable contention, might be himself the easiyer oppressed of a few.  
When the Emperor now understood what stir the Pope kept in all his dominions in his absence, 
The Emperor hearing of the pope's practices returneth secretly out of Asia.  and that he had somewhat reform and appeased the troubles which he secretly had wrought him in the kingdom of jerusalem: thinking to prevent the Pope's purpose in that he went about, and also to confirm the friendship towards him of them, whom in his absence he found his trusty subjects: He left in Asia Renaldus with his garrisons, commanding all the other bands to be under his appointment, and with all speed came forth certain Galleys to Calabria. During the time of his there being, which unlooked for came thither: he assembled his power and made with his friends all the speedy preparation that he might. From thence he went to Barleta, where he tarried xx. days: to whom came the Duke of Spolitanum with all his garrisons. 
john Brennus removed from the siege of Calatia God prospereth Frederick in all his affairs.  And so from thence, with all his power he came into Apulia, & removed john Brennus his father in law from the siege of Calatia: and within short time by God's help, recovereth again all his holds and dominions there. And from thence going into Campania, he winneth Ber●ueuentum, and as many other towns and holds as the Pope had there, even almost to Rome, and so after that, Umbria and Picena. And now, although the Emperor (being moved thereunto upon good occasion, & upon the Popes worthy desert) had gotten & recovered this so likely an entrance upon the Pope's dominions, whereby he might have revenged him of all the injuries done to him: yet notwithstanding, for r ● he preferred nothing before the Christian and public tranquillity (for the love of which he restraining his wrath so v●hemērly urged & kindled) sendeth unto him his Legates to entreat a peace: 
Frederick entreateth for the Pope's favour although ●ee have no n●●de.  declaring unto him, that if no other conceived grudge towards him were, then that he simuled and pretended: he promiseth that he would make to him an account voluntarily, of all things that ever he had done in his life, and that he would, and was contented to submit himself unto the Church: and also that for this cause he willingly offered unto him both duty and observance. Furthermore to the entreating of this peace and deciding of all controversies, he sent to the Pope eight or x. of the noblest and chiefest about him, that were Princes and Dukes of the Empire. As Bartoldust the patriarch of Aquileia, and his brother Otho prince of Dalmatia and Histria, Eberhardus junavensis, Sigifridus, Reginoburgensis, Sibbotus Augustanus, a worthy Prelate, Leopaldus of Austria & Stiria, and Bernhardus being all Dukes, besides others of the nobility to accompany them.  

The Pope refuseth a peace with the Emperor.  But yet so great was the insolency and pride of the stubborn pope, that by no gentleness or beneficence, he of those Princes could be brought that year to the profitable concord of the Church and Christian common weal. O worthy head, that challengeth all authority to himself in the Church of Christ, and in respect of his own wilful revenge, setteth nothing by the health & utility of all Christendom. Then therefore, when nothing could be done in the matter, & the most part of these noble men departed from Rome: that next year after (with much ado) a peace was made & concluded between them, by the help and industry of Leopoldus of Austria, Hermannus captain of the Dutch soldiers, and the Precedent of Messanea, 
The price of the emperors absolution.  The pope then absolving the Emperor Fridericus of his excommunication, took therefore of him an hundredth and twenty thousand ounces of gold, restoring unto him again the titles both of his Empire, and also of his kingdoms. Now considering the uncourteous dealing of the Pope with Fridericke the Emperor herein: who can sufficiently muse & marvel at the unshamefastness of Blondus, 
Vnshamefull Blondus.  which hath the face to write, that the Pope (yet notwithstanding) had dealt more gently and courteously with Fridericke then was meet, or beseemed him to do. Who is it that doth not see his manifest flattery, coloured neither with reason, nor secret dissimulation. But, 
Cuspinianus prately gudeth the Pope.  much more truly, & better writeth Cuspinianus concerning this matter which saith, that the Pope doth occupy very profitable merchandise, which for so much money selleth that he received freely paying nothing therefore, if he had received it of Christ in deed, as he saith he had.  
And yet although the Emperor Fridericke, concluded with the Pope this unprofitable peace for himself: yet he performed those things that were agreed upon faithfully & diligently. But the Pope, which thought it but a trifle to break his promise, would not stand to the conditions of the peace he made. For by the way to pass over other things, neither hath he restored as he promised the customs in the land of Sicill, neither yet the city Castellana, which he before the peace concluded between them did occupy & enjoy. And that doth both Fridericke in his Epistles testify, and also Fazellus in his 8. book, writing of the affairs of Sicilia. Yet that notwithstanding: Fridericke, for the quietness and utility of the common wealth, purposed with himself to bear and suffer these small injuries. And further studied in all that he might, as well by liberal gifts as otherwise, to have the Pope to be to him a trusty friend. As when the Romans & other of the Ecclesiastical number made war against the Pope for certain possessions which he kept of theirs: 
What beneficence the Emperor useth to have the Pope's friendship which he shall never get.  he coming to him at Reate, and as one that tendered the unity of the church, & thinking to help the Pope at his earnest request in these matters: sent his Legates unto them, willing them to lay down their armour which against the Pope they bore. And when that would not serve, at the Pope's further request & desire he levied an army against them at his own charge, and drove them from the siege of Uiterbium: with other such like assured tokens of amity and friendship he showed him. Who notwithstanding, so soon as the Emperor was departed with a small company which he took with him into Sicilia, leaving with him the greater and most part of his army for the maintenance of his wars: concluded a peace with the Romans (unknowing to the Emperor) whom he had procured to travel and labour therein with great expenses: 
A well recempenced good turn of the Pope to the Emperor.  affirming that without his will and commandment, the Emperor had expelled them, and driven them out of the territories of Uiterbium. And hereof, doth Fridericke also himself make mention in his second and third Epistle, where he complaineth of the injuries of the Popes towards him.  

Blondus' taken with untruth.  Therefore, greater commendation had Blondus deserved if he had written of these treacheries of the Pope, then that forgetting himself (as unto liars often it chanceth) in that he writeth both contrary to himself in the effect of this matter, and contrary to the verity of Fridericus his history: which saith that the Romans were incited to these new tumults by his enticing and setting on. As though simple men of understanding, could not both by the offering of his son in hostage, by the great preparation of the wars, and by the event specially of the thing itself gather the contrary. But to to impudent will Blondus needs show himself.  
Whilst that these things were done in Italy and Sicilia, great rebellions were moved in Germany against the Emperor by Henricus Cesar and Fridericke of Austria, 
The emperors sons no longer suborned, make manifest rebellion against their father.  his sons being the chief authors thereof. For Henry, being disappointed and shaken of from his Lord Pope and other conspirators by reason of the peace between his father & him as ye heard: began now to make open challenge to the Empire. And for that cause, he as before is said, put from him Ludovicus whom he knew to be unto the Emperor his father so loving and an assured friend: who as willingly (perceiving and smelling what mischief he went about) forsook his court and came to Boioria: who had not there remained a year, but was as he walked abroad at a certain time stabbed in with a dagger of one Kelhemius & presently died, 
A wicked murther● Henry Cesar for 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 service.  his servants being not far from him. Of whose death divers diversly write. Notwithstanding the sequel doth show them to write truliest, that affirm the said striker to be suborned by Henry Cesar: who coming unto him in the habit of a messenger, delivered unto him certain letters which he feigned to be sent from the Emperor. And whilst Ludovicus was in reading the same, he strake him in with a dagger and gave him his mortal wound: & with speed fled upon the same. After whose death succeeded in that Dukedom his son Otho, who when solemnly according to the manner of the Boiores he should have been created, was also let by the same Henry Cesar: who forbade the assembly of the magistrates and Citizens of the same. 
The outra●● of H. Cesar against the Emperor his father.  They notwithstanding, neglecting his unjust restraint created him: Wherefore, he first besieged Reginoburgh & with an other company, sacked, brent, and wasted Boioria: with many more such great outrages & rebellions.  
When intelligence was brought of these things to the Emperor, he sent his Legates and commanded that both the Cesar his son and other Princes of Germany which had assembled their armies should break up and disperse the same. And because he saw and perceived now manifestly that his son made so apparent rebellion against him, and fearing greater insurrections to ensue in Germany, he thought good to prevent the same with all expedition: wherefore he determined to go in all haste to Germany with his army, (from whence he had been absent now 14. years) and hereunto he maketh the Pope privy. 
The Emperor 14. years 〈◊〉 Germany  The Pope promised the Emperor hereupon, that he would write his letters in his behalf to all the Princes of Germany: but persuaded him to the uttermost of his power, that he should in no case go into Germany himself. For why, his conscience accused him that he had written to the nobles of Germany even from the beginning of his Papacy (for the hate and grudge he had against the Emperor) that they should suffer him, neither any of his heirs to enjoy the Empire, & farther had stirred them all up to rebel against him: and had moved Henry the Emperor's son by his bribes and fair promises, 
The Pope feareth●● his treason should be spied by the Emperor going into Germanic.  to conspire against his father. And to conclude, he was the author & procurer of the conspiracy which the lombards made then against him: and fearing least these things should come now to the emperors ear, he was greatly troubled and careful. But the Emperor not thinking it good at so needful a time to be absent: he (all doubt set a part) with his second son Conradus, went speedily into Germany. And assembling there a council in the City of Nureburgh: Henry Cesar his son, after his conspiracy was manifestly detected, which he had in practice with the Longoberdes (whereof, 
Henry Cesar condemned of treason, and ●eth in p●●●  the Pope was chief author) was by judgement and sentence of 70. Princes, condemned of high treason. And being commanded by his father to be bound, was as a prisoner brought to Apulia: where not long after in prison he died. In whose stead, he ordained Conradus his 2. son Cesar, by consent of all the Peers & Princes, 
Frederick Austricus proclaimed an open 〈◊〉 my to his father and disherited.  Furthermore, by public commandment he renounced Fridericke Austriacus for his son, and for an enemy to the public weal he caused him to be proclaimed. And further, when he saw that neither that punishment could cause him to remember himself and acknowledge his abuse, the Emperor with a great army (accompanied with divers of the noble men of Germany) took from him all Austria and Stiria, and brought them again under his own obedience and fidelity.  
The same year, 
The Emperor marrieth king john's daughter of England.  married he his third wife named Isabella, the daughter of king john of England. Then, when he had set Germany in a stay and quietness, he left there Conradus Cesar his son: and with his host returneth again into Italy, there to punish such as had with Henry his eldest son conspired against him: whose treasons were all detected at the condemnation of Henry Cesar his son, chief set on by the Pope. When the Pope had understanding that the Emperor with warlike furniture marched toward Italy: although he feigned himself reconciled, and to be a friend to Frederick, yet was he notwithstanding to him a most secret & infestive enemy. And understanding, that he brought with him such a power, both of horsemen and footmen, to do execution of such as he understood to have been conspirators against him in the late tumult and rebellion: Those which were faulty herein and guilty (and all other that took their parts) he admonished to join themselves together: 
The pope again beginneth to play his part.  and that they should furnish strongly their Cities with garrisons: that they send for aid to their friends, and that with all the force they were able, they should prepare them for the war. The rest of the Cities also in Italy, whether they were the Emperors or his own, he endeavoureth to make them all his, and proper to himself.  

The Pope's embassage to the Emperor.  Furthermore, unto the Emperor he sendeth his Ambassadors: to whom, under the pretence of nourishing a peace, he had given secret commandment: that they should interdict him and his host, so soon as he came within the borders of Italy. To the preservation of which peace, saith he, he had (but late since) promulgate a subsidy to be gathered amongst the Christians, when he began the holy war. And also to say (not by way of entreaty, but commaundingly) that what cause of controversy he had with the langobards: the same he should commit to him, and stand to his arbitrement. Whereunto, the Emperor replying, maketh his Legate this answer.  
Shortly after saith he, the peace was made between the Pope and me: he called me for a chief defence both of the Church and himself, against the Romans which made war with him: and at his request, with mine own proper charge I maintained that his war, & gave his enemies the overthrow. And further said, that he should not do well through the pretence of peace, 
The Emperor again unto the Pope.  to be a let to him from that which both by law and right he might and ought to do: But rather so he ought to dispose himself, with force to restrain and expel them, which gathered them together as rebels thinking to exclude themselves from the subjection both of him and the Empire. And that, such rebels as both had restrained the soldiers which the Emperor sent for when he was in Asia, & divers others also (which for necessary causes he had called to him) they had so wickedly dealt with & abused: He, as they had deserved, should rather desire to see punished & reform, then to maintain them (under colour of peace) being so wicked and manifest evil doers. And touching that he demandeth of him, that he should commit and defer so great a cause wherein the wealth and safety of the Empire consisteth, to his arbitrement by him to be determined: without either assignment of any time when, or adding thereunto any condition or exception for not doing the same: neither the diminishing & impairing the dignity and regalty of his Empire considered, he could not but marvel: Seing that neither it appertained to his calling and faculty, nor to the benefit or commodity of the Empire. To this effect also writeth Fridericke in his last Epistle to the Pope: the effect whereof amongst other Epistles you may read.  

A secret conspiracy of the pope against the Emperor.  And in the same his letters he showeth, that when the Emperor, at a certain time had been with the Pope: At his going away, he requested that when he came again he would come into Italy, but with his household band and family: For that, if he should come as before he did accustom with his army, he should terrify them overmuch: amongst whom saith he, you may assure yourself to be in great safety, and find all things in rest and quiet: when quite contrary (as the Emperor for a certainty had tried) he had there all things ready and prepared for his destruction. So that, when he pretended unto him greatest friendship, he was busiest in conspiring his death. The certain time, when the Pope had this exercise in hand against the Emperor I cannot search out, neither may it be in his epistles undated, easily found out: But that of the certainty thereof no man need to doubt, I have assigned you to the emperors Epistle where he maketh mention of the same.  
The Emperor then, as he had determined prosecuteth his purpose & marcheth into Italy: 
The Emperor marcheth into Italy, notwithstanding the pope's forbidding.  where he brought under his subjection, those Cities that against him rebelled: as Mantua, Uerona, Ternisium, Patavium, and others. And then, he afterward set upon the great host of the Mediolanenses, the Brixians, the Placentines and other confederators, unto whom the Pope's Legate Georgius Longomantanus had joined himself: of whom he took 1000 prisoners, and also their general being the chief Magistrate in the City of Mediolanum, and Petrus Tenopolus the Dukes son of Venice, & slew divers captains more and took all their ensigns. And in this battle specially at the recovering of Marchia and Ternissana he used the friendly aid of Actiolinus.  
The Pope now somewhat dismayed at this overthrow of his confederates & mates (though not much) began yet somewhat to fear the Emperor: 
The Emperor loath to break the peace, of late concluded.  & whereas before, that which he did he wrought secretly and by others, now he goeth to work (with might and main) to subdue and deprive the Emperor. And although the Emperor saw & perceived what inward hate and mortal malice he bare wards him: not only by that he so apertly stood with his conspirators against him, but also that on every side he heard, and from all parts was brought him certain word how greatly he laboured against him: as with opprobrious words, naughty reports, and slanders, to the intent to pull from him the hearts and fidelity of his subjects, and make those that were his friends his enemies, neither that he meant at any time to take up and cease from such evil and wicked practices: yet notwithstanding, for that there should be no default in him found, for the breach of the league and peace between them a little before concluded: he sendeth four Legates to the Bishop of Rome which should answer unto and refute, those criminous objections which he laid unto him: as also make him privy to his purpose, and what he meant to do, thereby to declare his innocency towards him (in such causes) and simplicity.  
The Bishop, 
The pope refuseth to speak with the emperors Legates.  when he understood these Ambassadors to be not far of from Rome, & knew the cause of their coming: he thought with himself, that in hearing the excuse and reasonable answer of the Emperor, perhaps might be provoked to desist from his purpose, and so degenerate from other of his predecessors: refuseth to speak with them, 
The new sentence of proscription against the Emperor.  and at the day appointed pronounceth the sentence of proscription against him, depriving him of all his dignities, honours, titles, prerogatives, kingdoms & whole Empire. And that he had no occasion hereunto, as well Pandolphus & Colonutius, as the letters of the Emperor himself do both right well declare. For it may appear, he dedicated as it were himself to his utter ruin and destruction, when he did sollicitate against Fridericus, jacobus Tewpolus the Venetian Duke: Whom, for the displeasure he took with the Emperor in the imprisoning of his son, was in good hope he should allure unto him, he being in so troublous a time such a comforter & aider unto him: that as Blondus writeth, in a certain Epistle gratulatory he calleth him Lord of the fourth part of Croatia and Dalmatia, 
The Pope wageth and hyr●th 35. Galleys to spoil the coasts of the Emperor.  and Lord of the half of the Roman Empire. And calling unto him the Venetian and Benwetian Legates, made a peace betwixt them (which for certain causes about their sea costs were at variance) and covenanted with them upon this condition: that at their public charges, they should rig and man 35, galleys, which should spoil and burn all alongst the Sea coasts of the kingdoms and dominions of Frederick.  
But the Pope, when he saw the good will and fidelity which the Duke of Venice bore unto the Emperor, and saw also what aid the Emperor had of him, neither that he was like to win him to his purpose: 
The pope's edict against the Emperor, Ascendit de mari ●●tlica best●●.  then had he recourse again to his old crafty practices & subtleties. And further devised, to put forth an Edict at Rome to the universal Church and people, the beginning whereof is Ascendit de mari bellica bestia: wherein, he declareth the causes wherefore he curseth and giveth the Emperor to the devil of hell, & hath deject him from all his princely dignity. He in the same, accuseth him of so many & so huge a heap of mischiefs, as to nominate them my hart detesteth. And besides that, he restraineth his sovereign Lord, & Emperor of the appellation which every private man by law may have. He slandereth him of treason, perjury, cruelty, sacrilege, killing of his kind, and all impiety: he accuseth him for an heretic, a schismatic, and a miscreant: And to be brief, what mischief so ever the Pope can devise, with that doth he charge him and burden him. All this doth he saith the Pope, that when he hath brought our holiness, and all the Ecclesiastical estate to beggary, he might scoff at and deride the Religion of Christ, which as a miscreant he detesteth. And now for that the Pope had a great and special trust in Albertus Behaws of the noble house called Equestri (as crafty apostle as the best) as one whom he saw ready to lean to his lust: 
Albertus' Behaws the pope's one hand.  To him the Pope delivered two other mandates in several letters sealed, in which he commandeth all Bishops, Prelates, & other of the Clergy: that they should solemnly recite the same in their churches instead of their sermon, that by his decree he had excommunicate Fridericke out of the fellowship of Christian men: put him from the procuration or government of the Empire: 
The P. threateneth to curse all those that wi●h well to the Emperor.  & that he had released all his subjects of their allegiance & fidelity towards him. And furthermore, chargeth than, & all other Christian men under the pain of cursing & damnation, that neither they secure the Emperor, nor yet so much as wish him well. Thus he, being the Pope's special & trusty serviture & made to his hand, caused a most horrible confusion and Chaos of public quietness, as shall after appear.  
Amongst all other noble men of Germany at that time towards the Emperor, was Otho the governor of Rhenus and Duke of Boiora, both most serviceable and also a Prince of great honour, riches and estimation. This prince, both with fair promises & also rewards, he enticed from him, for that being made by him to believe, that Ludovicus his father of whom we spoke before, was by the Emperor murdered and slain. And the same Otho again, caused 3. other Princes & Dukes, to revolt from the Emperor to the Pope, which were neighbours & near adjoining unto him: as Uuenceslaus, and Belus, princes of the Ungarians, and Henry Duke of Polonia. To whom came also Fridericus Austriacus his son: 
Otho with divers other princes of Germany by the pope's mean do forsake the Emperor.  who because he was proscript or outlawed of his father, and had his dukedom wasted and brent as you heard, was easily won unto the pope. These gathering a Council (when they had thought to have translated the empire unto the kings son of Denmark) desired to have the pope's Legates to be sent from him, to the effect of that election.  
The Emperor was at Patavium when these news were brought unto him, what the pope had done at Rome Therefore he commanded Peter to Uineis' his Secretary (upon Easter day) to make a Narration to the people, of his great & liberal munificence to the bishops and church of Rome, & again of the injuries of them towards him in recompense thereof: of his innocency also in that whereof he had accused him: 
What great good the oration of Peter de Vineis did in the th'emperors behalf.  and of the unseemliness of such an act or deed: of the right use of the ecclesiastical censure, & of the errors and abuse of the church of Rome. By which Oration of his, he so removed the cloud from many men's hearts of blind superstition, and the conceived opinion of holiness of the church of Rome, and Bishops of the same, and also of their usurped power and subtle persuasion: that both they plainly saw and perceived the vices and filthiness of the Church of Rome and Bishops of that sea, as also their fraudulent deceits and flagitious doings: most vehemently lamenting and complaining of the same. Albertus maketh mention of certain Verses which were sent and written between the Bishop of Rome and the Emperor. The which verses in the latter of this present history of Fridericke you shall find.  
The Emperor moreover both by his letters & Legates, giveth intelligence to all Christian kings, to the Princes of his own Empire, to the College of Cardinals, and people of Rome: as well of the feigned crimes wherewith he was charged, as also of the cruelty of the Bishop of Rome against him. The copy of which letter or epistle followeth here under inserted.  
The Emperor to the Prelates of the world.  

The emperors letter to all prelate's to bridle the pope and restrain him of his will.  IN the beginning and creation of the world: the ineffable foreknowledge and providence of God (who asketh council of none) created in the firmament of Heaven two lights (a greater and a less) the greater he created to govern the day, and the less to govern the night: which two, so do their proper offices and duties in the Zodiac, that although oftentimes the one be in an obliqne respect unto the other, yet the one is not enemy to the other: but rather doth the superior, communicate his light with the inferior. Even so, the same eternal foreknowledge hath appointed upon the earth two regiments: that is to wit, Priesthood and kingly power: the one for knowledge and wisdom, the other for defence. 
Man being made of two parts hath two seu●rall regiments Gods word and the material sword.  That man, which was made of two parts (over wanton and dissolute) might have two reigns to govern and bridle him withal, that peace thereby and love might dwell upon the face of the earth. But alas, the B. of Rome sitting in the chair of perverse doctrine or pestilence, that Pharisee anointed with the oil of iniquity above the rest of his consortes in this our time, which for his abominable pride is fallen from heaven: endeavoureth with his power to destroy and undo all, and thinketh (I believe) to stellify again himself there from whence he fell. His purpose is to darken and to shadow the light of our unspotted life, 
The Apology of the Emperor to the pope's edict. Ascendit de mars etc.  whilst that (altering the verity into lies) his Papal letters stuffed with all untruths, are sent into sundry parts of the world: of his own corrupt humour, and upon no reasonable cause, blemishing the sincerity of our Religion. The Lord Pope hath compared us, unto the beast rising out of the sea, full of names of blasphemy, and spotted like a Lyberd. But we say, that he is that monstrous beast of whom it is said, and of whom we thus read: And there shall come an other red horse out of the sea, and he that shall sit on him, shall take peace away out of the earth: let them therefore that dwell upon the earth destroy him. For since the time of his promotion, he hath not been the father of mercy but of discord: 
Antechrist long agone descried to the world by the Emperor.  A diligent steward of desolation in stead of consolation: and hath enticed all the world to commit offence. And to take the words in right sense and interpretation, he is that great Dragon that doth deceived the whole world: he is that Antichrist, of whom he hath called us the forerunner: he is that other Balaam hired for money to curse us: the Prince of darkness, which hath abused the Prophets. This is the angel leaping out of the sea, having his Phials filled with bitterness, that he may both hurt the sea and the land: the counterfeit Vicar of Christ, that setteth forth his own imaginations. He saith that we do not rightly believe in the Christian faith, 
The confession of the emperors faith whereof he was accused by the pope.  and that the world is deceived with three manner of deceivers (which to name God forbidden we should open our mouth) seeing that openly we confess only jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour to be the everlasting son of God, coequal with his father and the holy Ghost, begotten before all worlds, and in process of time sent down upon the earth for the salvation of mankind: conceived, not by the seed of man, but by the holy Ghost: which was borne of the glorious virgin Mary, & after that suffered and died as touching the flesh: and by his Godhead the third day, he raised from death that other nature which he assumpted in the womb of his mother. But we have learned, that the body of Machomet hangeth in the air and that his soul is buried in hell: whose works are damnable & contrary to the law of the most highest. We affirm also, that Moses was the faithful servant of God, and a true teacher of the law: and that he talked with God in mount Sinai, unto whom the Lord said, Rubrum. etc. By whom also God wrought miracles in Egypt, and delivered the law written to the Israelites, & that afterwards with the elect he was called to glory. In these and other things our enemy and enuier of our state, causing our mother the church to accuse her son, hath written against us venomous and lying slander, and sent the same to the whole world. If he had rightly understood the Apostles meaning, he would not have preferred his violent will before reason, 
The pope under pretence of his holiness deceiveth simple souls and ignorant men.  which beareth such sway with him: neither would he have sent out his Mandates to the suggestion of those which call light darkness, and evil good: which suspect honey to be gall, for the great good opinion they have conceived of that holy place, which in deed is both weak & infirm, & converteth all truth into falsehood, & affirmeth that to be that is not.  
Truly my opinion (so indifferent on every side) ought not in any case to be infringed and averted from the faith, to such enemies of so corrupt a conscience. Wherefore we greatly are enforced not a little to marvel, which thing also doth much disquiet us to see: that you which be the pillars and assistentes in office of righteous dealing, the Senators of Peter's City, and the principal beams in God's building: have not qualified the perturbation of so fierce a judge: as doth the planets of heaven in their kind: which to mitigate the passing swift course of the great orb, or sphere of heaven, 
The imperial dignity spurned at always by the pope.  draw a contrary way by their opposite movings. In very deed, our Imperial felicity hath been (almost even from the beginning) spurned against, and envied at of the papal see and dignity: As Simonides being demanded why he had no more enemies and enviers of his state, answered and said: quia nibil falsciter gessi: for because (saith he) I have had no good success in any thing, that ever I took in hand. And so, 
The answer of Simonides applied.  for that we have had prosperous success in all our enterprises (the lords name be blessed therefore) especially in the overthrow (of late) of our rebellious enemies the lombards: to whom in their good quarrel he promised life and absolution and remission of their sins, is the cause wherefore this Apostolical bishop mourneth and lamenteth: And now, not by your counsels (I suppose) he laboureth to impugn this our felicity, but of his own power of binding & losing, whereof he glorieth so much, he impugneth it. But presently where power and ability wanteth to redress, there doth abuse take place. We see in him which was so mighty a king, and the worthiest prince amongst all the Prophets, to desire & crave the restitution of God's holy spirit, when he had polluted the dignity of his office. But the proverb is, Vti indissolubilia non solnuntur ita inligabilia non ligantur. 
The Emperor prophesieth of the pope's fall,  As things indissoluble are not to be loosed, so things that cannot be bound, are not to be bound. Which thing manifestly is proved in him. For why, the scriptures of God do instruct men how to live, they mortify our souls which are immortal, and quicken the same which are dead for want of life. And doubtless, he is able to humble and bring down those that are unworthy of dignity, as much as him pleaseth, and when him pleaseth. Doubtless, if the Bishop of Rome were a true Bishop indeed, innocent, impolute, and not associate with wicked livers and evil men, his life should declare him so to be. He would not then be an offerer of dissentious sacrifice, but a peaceable offerer of love & charity, & would cense, not with the incense of grief & hatred, but with the sweet smelling incense of concord and unity: neither yet would alter suum pontificium in maleficium: That is, make of a sanctified office an execrable abuse. If he were such a bishop as he ought to be, he would not wrest or abuse the preaching of the word, into the fruit and gain of his own dissension: neither should we be accused for such an enemy of our mother the true church, as is laid unto her sons charge by such a bishop. Which true and mother Church, with all reverence we honour, and benignity embrace, so beautified and adorned with Gods most holy Sacraments. Some singular persons notwithstanding, feigning themselves to be our brethren by that mother and yet are not, but of a strumpet begot: such I say as are subject and slaves to corruptible things (putting them from amongst us) we utterly reject: Especially for that injuries by them done, are not only transitory and mundane, 
The Emperor utterly rejecteth and the pope and Church of Rome.  wherewith our majesty is so molested, vexed & grieved. Wherefore, we cannot so easily mitigate our mood, neither ought we in very deed so to do: and therefore are we enforced the more to take the greater revenge of them. You therefore that are men of grave and deliberate counsel, having the excellent gift (as from God) of wisdom and understanding: Refuse you that raoring enemy of ours in these his proceed whose beginnings are so wicked and detestable: wisely comparing things past, with those to come. Otherwise, you that are under our subjection, as well of the Empire as other our dominions shall feel and perceive (both of my chief enemy and persecutor, as also of the princes that are his fautors and adherents) what revenge by sword Fredericus Augustus shall take upon them, God so permitting.  
This done, he denounceth a solemn Parliament or council of all the princes & other nobility of the Empire at Aegra: 
The Emperor calleth a parliament or council to express the pope's malice.  whether came Conradus Cesar, Moguntinus Presul, the Saxon Dukes, the Lords of Brandeburgh, Misna, Thuringus, and the Legates of all the nobles of Brabant to aid the Emperor. But the princes of Boiemus and Palatinus, being dissuaded by the legates unto whom the Austrians had joined themselves, refused to come to the Council holden at Aegra. And being at their wits ends not knowing well what they might do, forsook at last the Emperor, and took part with the pope and the other conspirators. Then Fredericus Austriacus the Emperor's second son (whom he disherited as ye heard) by the aid of the Boiors and Bohemians, recovered again the Dukedoms of Austria and Styria: putting to flight and discomfiting, the Emperor's bands and garrisons which he had there. And although the Cardinals (especially that honest man Albertus Boiemus) had alured unto the pope Otho the duke of Boioria as ye heard, & divers other noble men of Germany: yet notwithstanding, certain bishops in Boioria (as Eberhardus Iwanensis, and Sigrefridus Seginoburgensis, being at that time the Emperor's chancellor, Rudicenis Ratheviensis, Conradus Frisingensis and others) left not or yet forsook the Emperor. All which the foresaid Albertus' not only did excommunicate, 
The godly Bishops of Germany are obedient to the king and prince.  but also by process sought to bring them up to Rome before the pope: giving commandment to their Collegioners and cloisterers, that they should deprive them of their offices, & choose such others in their stead as would obey the Pope. All which things the Pope understanding by Albertus, and of this their fidelity to the Emperor, corroborated and confirmed the same his doings, commanding them to choose other bishops in their steeds.  
But the bishops & prelate's with one consent contemning the pope's mandates & writs, and also the curses and threatenings of Albertus, accused, reproved, & greatly blamed his temerity & also tyranny which he usurped against the churches of Germany, and especially against the good Emperor: that without his consent he durst be so bold as to meddle in churches committed to the Emperor's government, against the old & ancient customs: and that he had excommunicated the Emperor without just cause, that he had condemned the Emperor's faithful subjects, as enemies to the Church, for standing with their liege and sovereign Prince (which allegiance to violate, without horrible iniquity they might not) and so had sought to disquiet them likewise in their charges and administrations, & had also in that quarrel given such defiance to the Emperor. They accused and condemned the same Albertus also, for a most impudent impostor, 
The bishops of Germany excommunicate the pope's legate and Cardinal.  and wicked varlet, and for a most pestiferous botch & soar of the christian common weal: and give him to the devil they do, as a ruinous enemy, as well of the church as of his own natural country: and further think him worthy to have his reward, with the rest of the pope's pursuivants being the most wicked inventors & devisers of mischief that were in all Germany. This done, they make relation hereof to the Emperor by their letters: and further, they advertise all the princes of Germany (especially those which were of the Pope's faction or rebellion, & were the favourers of Albertus) that they should take heed and beware in any case of his subtle deceits & pernicious deceivable allurements: nor that they should assist the pope for all his words against the Emperor. And doubtless by the counsel of the high prelate or Archb. of Boioria (whose name was Iwanerisis) and by his industry and persuasion: 
jovanensis the Bishop, a true subject to his prince.  Fredericus Austriacus was again reconciled unto the Emperor his father, from whose aid and obedience after that (by no promises, threatenings, bribes, nor pains, no nor for the execrable curses of the Popes own holy month) he would be induced or removed. But Albertus prosecuteth still his purposed mischief, alluring & inciting by all means possible (and that not amongst the worst but the best) friends to the pope, & enemies to the Emperor: To some, he gave their tithes to fight against the Emperor, to other some he gave the gleebe lands of benefices: and to other some he gave the spoil of such colleges and monasteries as took not part with the pope: and to some other also, he gave the colleges & monasteries themselves. And assuredly I find by johannes aventinus lib. 7. annalium Boiorum: 
The passage of the pope to maintain the war against his Lord and master.  that there were certain of the pope's own birds, that had their ecclesiastical tithes taken from them: and other some, had the rents and revenues of their colleges plucked away by force to the maintenance of the Pope's quarrel against the Emperor. Hereby was there a window opened to do what they listed (every man according to his ravening and detestable lust) and all things lay open unto their greedy and insatiable desires. Who listeth to hear more hereof, let him read aventinus in his Book before noted, and there shall he see what vastation grew thereby to the whole state of Germany, who largely entreateth of the same.  
While these things were thus in working in Germany, Frederick leaving in Lombardy Actiolinus with a great part of his host (he passing with the rest by Apeninum) came to Hetruria and set the same in a stay, after that he had alaide certain insurrections there: and from thence to Pysas, where he was with great amity and honour received and welcomed. This city was always assured and faithful to the Emperors of Germany. 
The pope besiegeth Ferraria.  The Pope understanding of the emperors coming into Hetruria, and knowing what power the Emperor had also left in Lombardy, he with a great army besiegeth the city Ferraria, that always loved the Emperor full well: which City, when the Pope's Legate had assaulted sharply the space of 5. months and could not win the same: he devised with himself to send for Salingwerra out of the town by way of a parley, promising his faith and truth to him for his safe return. Who, by the persuasion of Hugo Rambartus, that said without peril he might do the same (being but by way of Parley) was coming to the legate: who preventing him in his journey took him as prisoner, contrary to his truth and fidelity. 
The fidelity of papists learned by this example.  And thus gate he Ferraria, and delivered the keeping thereof to Azones Astensis. And that the Pope's Legate thus falsified his troth, and circumvented the captain & old man Salingwerra: the same is confessed of the Pope's friendly Historiographers, to be but a Stratagem or warlike policy. But to return again: About the same time also the Venetian navy, at the mount Garganum chased 12. galleys of the Emperors which were appointed to the keeping of that cost, 
The emperors Galleys chased, and one of his ships taken by the pope.  & spoiled, brent, and wasted all the region: and farther took one of the Emperor's great ships, being driven by tempest and weather into the haven Sipontinum, fraught with men and munition.  
Fredericus again getting on his side the Lucenses, the Uolateranes, the Genenses, the Aretine's, and divers Cities besides in Hetruria to help that country: came to Pisas' and Uiterbium, which took part with him. Some say, that the names and factions of the Gibellins & Guelphs, sprang from Frederick: that by them he might spy and know (having recourse to all the towns and cities in Italy) which took part with and favoured the Pope, and which the Emperor: and called the one by the name of Gibellines, and the other by the name of Guelphs. But for that, both Blondus, and Platina, and some others, bring no sufficient proof thereof, but only by slender conjecture, I rather cleave to the opinion of Nauclerus, Hermanus, Antonius, 
The Gibellines and Gwelpes from whence they came.  Florentinus, and other such writers, which say: that these Guelphs and Gibellines in Italy, took their beginning of Conradus 3. Fredericus his great uncle being Emperor. And that these Guelphs were dedicated to the Pope, of Guelphus the younger brother of Henry the proud: and that those which were called Gibellines were appointed either of Conradus himself or else of his son, being brought up in the Lordship of Uaiblingen. But to our purpose.  
The Pope, 
The pope afraid of the Emperors coming into Italy.  when he understood that Frederick was come to Uiterbium, he was very heavy: for that he feared he would come to Rome, the good will of which City the Pope much mistrusted. He therefore caused a supplication to be drawn, portraying about the same the heads of Peter and Paul, & with a sharp and contumelious oration he much defaced the Emperor: promising them everlasting life, & gave them the badge of the cross, as many as would arm themselves and fight against the Emperor, as against the most wicked enemy of God & the Church. Now when the Emperor marching somewhat near to Rome gates, beheld those whom the Pope had with his goodly spectacle of S. Peter and S. Paul, and with his alluring oration stirred up against him, and marked with the badge of the cross to come forth in battle against him: Disdaining to be accounted for the enemy of the Church, 
The Emperor hangeth all the crossed soldiers.  who had been thereunto so beneficial, giving a fierce charge upon them, put them soon to flight: and as many as he took (cutting off that badge from them) he caused to be hanged. From thence he marching into Campania & his own kingdoms: levied a great mass of money, & mustered new bands, and augmented his army: and in these bands he retained the Saracens also. And to the intent he might find the Saracens the more trusty unto him: he appointed them to inhabit in a city named Luceria. For which thing, although the Papistical writers do greatly blame and opprobriously write of Frederick: 
The Emperor retaineth the Saracens in his wars against the Pope.  yet notwithstanding, Nicholaus Machivellus doth write, that therefore he retained them: lest that through the Pope's execrable curses, he should be quite destitute of soldiers as was Fredericus Barbarossa a little before, his grandfather, when that of Alexander the Pope he was excommunicated, as ye have heard.  
After this, when the Emperor had greatly afflicted by battle the Pope's Ecclesiastical consorts, such as conspired with the Pope against him: and that he had wasted & destroyed Beneventum, the mount Casenum, & Sora, for that they took part with the Pope against him: Frederick, when he had manned the City Aquila, marched forth with a great host both of horsemen and footmen to Picenum, that he might vanquish his enemies in Italy. And by the way, he besieged the strong town of war named Asculinum, which was also converted to the pope's faction and rebellion. He there having understanding what the Pope's assistants had done with the Prince's electors and other princes of Germany, 
The effect of a letter sent by the Emperor to the princes of Germany.  especially with Wenseslaus king of Bohemia, and Otho Palatinus: writeth his letters unto them. In the which, first he showeth how that those contumelies and spiteful words which the Pope blustered out against him, are light upon himself: And how the bishops of Rome have taken to them of late such hart of grace, and are become so lofty, that not only they seek to bring Emperors, Kings and Princes under their obedience, but also seek how to be honoured as gods: And say, that they cannot err, neither yet be subject or bound to any religion: and that it is lawful for them to do all things what they list, neither that any account is to be sought or demanded of their doings, or else to be made of them to any, so impudent are they in these their affirmations. And further, as Princes they command (and that under pain of cursing) that men believe every thing they say, how great a lie soever it be. In so much that by this covetousness of his, all things go backward, 
No enemy more hurtful to the Church of God than is the pope  and the whole state of the common weal is subverted: neither can there any enemy be found more hurtful or perilous to the Church of God than he. He wrote unto them furthermore, that he (to whom the greatest charge and dignity was in the whole common weal appointed and committed) seeing and perceiving to his great peril, 
The Emperor voweth to remove the pope and put another more careful shepherd into the church of God.  their good hearts, wills, & practices towards him: would with all the power and ability that God had given him, do his endeavour: that he which in the likeness of the shepherd of the flock, & the servant of Christ, and chief prelate in the Church, showeth himself so very a wolf, persecutor and tyrant: may be removed from that place, and that a true & careful shepherd of God's flock, may be appointed in the Church. Wherefore he exhorteth them, that if they desire the safety and preservation of the whole state of the common weal and Empire: that they be unto him no hinderers, but furtherers of his purpose and proceed: lest otherwise, they also should hap to fall into the same snare of servitude with the Bishop of Rome. And further, he gave them to wit, that if he should aspire to that he sought for (that is to be an Emperor and King over kings) yet should that be no stay of his insatiable desire, but would be as greedy and ravenous as now he is. Therefore, if they be wise, to withstand him betimes: lest hereafter when they would it should be to late, neither were able to withstand his tyranny. The effect of this Epistle I took out of Aventine which more largely dilateth the same: who also writeth, that the Emperor (by his legates) sent the same to Wenseslaus.  

Boiemus relenteth at the emperors letter.  Boiemus somewhat relenting at this letter, promiseth to accomplish the Emperors bid and precepts: and forthwith gathereth the assembly of princes and nobles at Aegra: where, by common consent they think to renovate with the Emperor a new league and covenant. And furthermore, they find Otho Boius (which was absent, and would not be at this their assembly) to be the author of this defection, 
The practice of Otho with the pope against the Emperor.  and an enemy to the common weal. Otho, then seeing himself not able to stand against Cesar, and the other Princes with whom he was associate, desiring aid of the Pope by his letters, came with all speed to Boiemus his kinsman: whom, when he could not persuade unto him again, neither he would unto their parts also be won: obtaineth notwithstanding yet thus much at their hands, that the league and covenant (which they were in hand to make with the Emperor) might for a time be deferred, and that another assembly might be made: whereat he also would be, and join himself with them. Thus had they, who killed (as you heard) his father, bewitched also his son: and brought him to be both a rebel and traitor: In the mean season, the Pope sent his rescript unto the king of Boiemia and to Otho, tending to this effect: that in no case they should either forsake him, or else the church, to take the emperors part. 
The Pope rescript ●●sheth 〈◊〉 matter 〈◊〉  And so much prevailed he by the means of Bohuslaus and Budislaus (which were the chiefest of the Senate regal) and by his fair promises and bribes to such as he before had made to him: that again at Libussa by Boiemus and Boius new assemblies were gathered for the creation of a new Emperor, in despite of Augustus the Emperor, & Cesar his son. And whilst that this was thus in hand, Conradus Cesar casteth Landshuta the wife of Otho (being absent) in the teeth for great benefit & possessions which her husband had and possessed by the ancestors of him: and that unless her husband took a better way with himself, and showed his obedience to the Emperor his father: that he should not enjoy one foot of that land, which now he had by his predecessors. The promotion and dignities which Otho had by the ancestors of Conradus Cesar came thus. 
By what means Otho attained so great possessions by the Empire his Ancestors.  Fredericus Barbarossa in the year of our Lord 1180. at a Parliament held at Reginoburgh, condemned Henricus Leo of high treason, and deprived him of his dominions of Boiora and Saxony, and gave Boiora to Otho Wiltespachius: for that he had done him so faithful service in his Italian wars. After that, Ludovicus the son of this Otho, obtained of this Emperor Fredericus the second, in recompense of his assured and trusty fidelity the dition of Palatinatum Rheni so called: which gave also Agnetes the daughter of Henry Earl of Palatine to Otho his son in marriage. This Henry was the son of Henry Leo the traitor: unto whom Henry the 6. the father of Frederick gave in marriage Clementia his brother's daughter Conradus Palatine of Rhenus, & gave unto him the keeping of the palace of the same. And as touching the inheritance of Boiora, that he had also long now possessed by the heirs of Otho Wiltespachius. But to our purpose again.  
At the same time also the governor of Colonia Agrippina revolteth to the Pope: 
The governor of Agrippina revolteth to the Pope.  who not long after in a skirmish beweene Brabantinus & him, was vanquished and taken prisoner. And doubtless, Fredericus Austriacus after he was received into favour again with the Emperor (keeping most constantly his promise and fidelity renewed) during this time, made sharp war upon the Ungarians which took part with the Pope, & greatly annoyed them. As these things thus passed in Germany: the Emperor, when he had gotten Ascalum and led his host into Flamminia, having Ravenna at his commandment: from thence came to Faventia, which city never loved the Emperor: the circuit of whose walls is 5. miles in compass, & pitched his camp round about the same. And although the siege was much hindered by austerity of the time & weather (being in the dead time of winter) yet notwithstanding, through his great fortitude and courage, so animating his soldiers in the painfulness of the laborious siege, he endured out the same: who thought it no little shame having once made that enterprise, to come from thence without any assault given. And therefore, when now the winter (so extreme cold & hard) was well near ended, and the spring time now hard at hand, and by long battery had made the same in divers places sautable: The citizens (being greatly discouraged, & in no hope of the defence thereof) sent their Legates to the Emperor, craving pardon for their offence, and that he would grant unto them their lives, and so yielded themselves unto his mercy.  
The Emperor having against them good and sufficient cause of revenge: 
The emperors great lenity and and clemency, but we● merueilou●● enforced.  yet for that his noble heart thought it to be the best revenge that might be, to pardon the offence of vanquished men: he thought it better to grant them their requests, to save the city and citizens thereof, with innumerable people: then by arms to make the same his soldiers pray, to the destruction both of the City, and great number of people therein. So doth this good Emperor in one of his Epistles Adacta nobis confess himself: which Epistle, to declare the lenity and merciful heart of so worthy a prince, if that with great & marvelous provocation and wrongs he had not been incited, I thought good in the midst of history here to have placed. But thus I have kept you long herein, and yet not finished the same.  
In this siege the Emperor having spent and consumed almost all his treasure both gold and silver: caused other money to be made of leather, which on the one side had his Image, & on the other side the spread Egle (the arms of the Empire) and made a proclamation that the same should pass from man to man for all necessaries in stead of other money: 
The Emp. enforced to make his money of leather.  and therewithal promised, that whosoever brought the same money unto his Exchequer when the wars were ended, he would give them gold for the same, according to the value of every coin limited: which thing afterward, truly and faithfully he performed, as all the historiographers do accord.  
Thus, when the Pope as before is said, had stopped his cares and would not hear the emperors Legates that came to entreat for peace, but rejected and despised his most courteous and equal demands: neither yet had left any wily policy unattempted or force unpractised, that with his confederates he thought himself either able to revenge or else resist: He by his Legates calleth to a Council at Rome, 
The pope sendeth for foreign aid and is prevented.  all such Prelates out of Italy, France, and England, as he thought to favour him and his proceed: that hereby as his last shift and only refuge, he by their helps might deprive Frederick of his Empire, as an utter enemy to God and to the Church. All which things Fredericus having understanding of, & knowing that these assemblies should be but to the destruction & supplanting of him: determined to stop and let their passages to Rome, as well by sea as by land in all that ever he might. So that, all the passages by land being now stopped & prevented, he commanded his son Henry with certain galleys to go and keep the coasts of Sardinia, which kingdom the Italians call Entimum: and from thence to Pisas', and with the Pisans to rig out a navy to meet with (if it were possible) such as should come to aid the Pope at Rome. The Pope's champions understanding, that by land they could not safely repair to Rome: they procured of Galleys and ships of Genua (having Gulielmus Graccius for their chief captain or Admiral) for forty sail their defence: 
The Emperor riggeth so●th a navy to the sea.  thinking hereby, that if they should fortune to meet with any of the emperors ships or galleys, which should lie for them in wait, they should be able to make their part in good, and give them also the repulse. Encius in like manner and Huglinus (being Captain and admiral of the Pisan navy for the Emperor) launched forth to sea with 40. ships and galleys: and betwixt the Isles of Lilium and Mons Christi, which lie between Liburnium and Corsica, they met with the Genewes ships: and straightways fiercely began to grapple with them & board them, in which sight at length, were 3. of the Genewes ships with boulged and sunk, and 22. taken and brought away, with all the riches and treasure in them. 
A great victory on the sea against ●he pope's confederates by the emperors navy  In these were taken 3. Legates of the Popes, whereof were 2. Cardinals, jacobus Columna, Otho Marchio, & Gregorius de Romania, (all cruel enemies against the Emperor) and many other Prelates mor: besides a great number of Legates and procurators of cities, with an infinite number of Monks & Priests, beside of Genewes soldiers 6000. with divers others.  
Pandolphus Colonutius in describing the circumstances of the great loss and misfortune of these champions of the Pope by sea, amongst the rest declareth: that besides the great prey and booty which the takers had from them, they also found many writings and letters against Frederick, which much holp him in the defence of those causes, 
The Emp. obtaineth an other victory by land at Ticinum against the pope and his confederates  wherein they had laboured against him. The like mischance also, almost about that time happened on the pope's side, by the emperors soldieurs which lay in garrison at Ticinum, thus. There went forth upon a time out of Ticinum into the borders of Genewes, certain bands to give them alarms in the country: which bands, the scuriers of Mediolanum (where lay a great garrison of the Popes) descrying: told the Captain of the town, that now a very opportune and fit time was to give an assault to Ticinum: for that say they, the greatest part are now gone a foraging. Whereupon, they immediately calling together the captains and such as had charge, set their soldiers in array and marched forward to Ticinum. And now, when they were come almost thither, the Ticinian bands (whom they thought to have been far a foraging) were returned and met with them, & fiercely gave a full charge upon them: who, being dismayed at the suddenness of the matter, fought not long but gave over and fled. In which skirmish was taken (besides those the were slain) 350. captains and brought prisoners into Ticinum with all their ensigns with them.  
News hereof was brought to the Emperor not long after, who then was removing from the siege of Faventia as ye heard to the city of Gononium thinking to have destroyed the same. But upon the hearing of these good news, he altereth his purpose, and thinking to have hereafter a more convenient time thereunto, leadeth his army towards Rome: 
The Emp. thinketh to make the P. a●ray de.  and in the way, he reconciled to him the City Pisaurum. But Fanum, for that the towns men shut their gates and would not suffer the Emperor to come in, he took by force and destroyed. For the Emperor, seeing that neither by petition made to the pope, nor yet by his lawful excusation be could do any good with him: thought, that by his sudden coming thither, and with fear of the peril imminent, he might be brought to some uniformity, & caused to leave of his accustomed pertinacy. And although the Emperor was too strong for him, yet for that he regarded nothing more than the public tranquility of the Empire, and that he might then take the Tartarian wars in hand: if he could by any means conclude, he refused not so to entreat a peace with him as though he had been both in force and fortune much his inferior.  
Whilst that this ruffle was betwixt the Emperor and the Pope, 
The Turk invadeth Christendom with a great and mighty power.  Ochodarius the Emperor of the Tartarians his son, with a great power & provision made and invaded the borders next adjoining unto him, & there wan Roxolanum, Godolium, Mudanum, with divers other cities, towns, and villages: destroying, wasting, & burning the countries all about, killing and slaying, man, woman and child, sparing none of any sex or age. At whose sudden invasion, the people being in such fear & perplexity (having no city, no refuge, nor aid to stand in defence for them) were sane to leave all that ever they had, and disperse themselves into woods, and flee into marshes and mountains, or where soever any succour else, did offer itself to them. And by this time, the Tartarian host was come as far as Uratislavia, 
The unmerciful cruelty and the great slaughter of Christian men by the Turk.  where Henricus of Polonia and the Duke of Silesia with their army met with them: who for the inequality of the number & small strength they were of, had soon an overthrow, and almost all their soldiers being slain, they themselves were taken and put to the sword. From thence, they came to Moravia, & from thence to the kingdom of Boiemia: which Country, while the king kept himself in strong defenced forts, and durst not come abroad: he invaded & destroyed all Ungary, putting to flight and vanquishing Colmannus the brother of Belus the 4. king of Ungary: by whom also, was great spoil made in both the Pannonias, Mesiarum, Bulgaria, and Servia, when Belus the king of Ungary had gotten to Pola (which is a city of Histria) unto Otho the duke of Dalmatia: 
The K of Vngarie craveth aid of th'emperor for the which he offereth him his land.  He sent his Legates to Frederick the Emperor, promising that if he would send him aid that the Tartarians might be expelled: that Ungary should ever after be under the jurisdiction of the Emperor: which thing if he refused to do, that then the same were in great danger to be subject to the Tartarians, to the no little peril of the whole Empire. And said further, that the cause wherefore he with more instance required the same, was: That so many christian men and countries, made such pitiful lamentation in this their great calamity & misery, & that there was none able to help them: which sayeth he, is as great shame as may be to the whole Christian common state and Empire. And also said, that if the malice of this barbarous people were not suppressed, that then he thought they would make invasion upon the Empire and provinces of the same.  
The Emperor, although he thought it very requisite, that with all convenient speed this mifchiefe should be remedied and prevented: 
The pope will grant to have no peace.  yet notwithstanding, his great enemy the Pope with his confederates, was the only let and hindrance thereof. For when he saw and perceived that he himself could do no good, and only laboured in vain in seeking peace with the Pope: he gave commandment to Boiemus and Boius, to entreat and persuade with him: And (considering the imminent peril like to ensue by reason of such civil dissension to the whole state of Christendom) that he would take up and conclude a peace, and mitigate some what his fierce and wrathful mood. Wherefore, when he saw further that nether by that means of entreaty, nor any other, the Pope would desist from his stubborn and malicious froward purpose: He writeth again to the king of Hungary, the he was right sorry and greatly lamented their miserable state, & that he much desired to relieve the need and necessity he and all the rest stood in. 
The pope's fault that the Turk is not resisted.  But why that he could not redress the same, nor stand him then in any stead, he blamed greatly the bishop of Rome: who refusing all entreaty of peace, could not without great peril to himself depart out of Italy: lest that when he should come to the aid of him (by the Pope's mischievous imaginations) he should be in peril of losing all at home. notwithstanding, he sent Conradus Cellar king of Bohemia & other princes more of Germany to resist and withstand the enemy, as much as in them lay to do. The great army and number of such soldiers, as aware the cross by the Pope's assignment, deferred their journey against the Tartarians, and had commandment given them by that Albertus (the Pope's procurator) to tarry and abide at home till they should be called for in battle to fight against the Emperor. This was the loving zeal and affection of the Pope and his adherentes (to conclude) in this time of calamity towards the Christian state and common wealth: 
The Pope had rather fight against the Emp. then against the Turk.  That he had rather bend his force and revenge his malice upon the christian & good Emperor, then either he himself to withstand, or suffer and permit by conclusion of any profitable peace: that this most bloody and cruel Tartarian should be let and restrained from so great havoc, spoil, & slaughter of the Christian men. And yet forsooth these men will seem to have the greatest regard of all other to the Christian preservation, and think to have the supremacy given therein: what thing else is this, then manifest mockery and deceiving of the people: But notwithstanding, even in the midst of this spoil and havoc of Polonia, Bohemia and Hungaria, was it determined: that at Libussa, the princes confederate should be assembled about the deposing of the Emperor and creation of another.  
But now, notwithstanding the provident foresight and wise policy of the Emperor (as you heard before) in restraining the passages both by the sea & land, who had special regard thereunto, and gave most strait charge that none should pass without privy search and examination, as one having sufficient trial as well in his own person as by the example of his predecessors, what great mischief & dissension by their Legates every way sent out they had procured, 
The Emperor as well in his own person, as his predecessors have trial of the Pope's subtle practices.  both to the Imperial state and dignity, and to the whole country of Germany: yet found they such means, and wrought such policies, that they had not only secret passage and repassage with their letters and spials into all places of Christendom where they listed, but also so laboured the matter and handled the same: that the long continued league of amity between the French king and the Emperor, whose predecessors as also they themselves had many years reverently observed in Christian concord & unity: was by this seditious prelate & arrogant vicar of sathan, now either utterly infringed, or else in variable suspense: as by their letters each to other, and here under ensuing, are to be red and seen: which for the more probability of this history of Frederick (not being long or greatly tedious) I thought meet here to intext and place.  
The Epistle of the French King to Frederick the Emperor touching the imprisoning of certain Cardinals of France.  
hitherto noble Emperor, hath the good opinion and great confidence (many years in mutual love established betwixt us) lasted and continued well, hoping that no such cause should rise betwixt us, to hatch either hatred or other occasion offensive between your highness empire & our kingdom. 
The great amity and long continued league between the Empire and kingdom of France.  Especially, seeing that all our predecessors Kings of France, late of most worthy memory (till these our days) have been so zealously affected to the most high and regal state of your Empire: As that also we, after whom God hath placed successively to reign as king, have been none otherwise minded nor affected towards the same. None otherwise also on their behalf, have the ancient and renowned Emperors of Rome our neighbours and your predecessors showed themselves towards us (each other esteeming the Empire and kingdom of France as one) and faithfully conserving together the unity of peace and concord. In somuch, that there hath not chanced between them these many years, so much as one spark of discord and dissension. But this notwithstanding, we for our part cannot but greatly marvel, & not without good cause are troubled and vexed: 
The K. not with out great allurement of the Pope would so have written to the Emperor.  That without desert or any offence, you have taken the Prelates of our realm upon the sea, making their repair to the see Apostolical: to the which, as well by their faith as their obedience they stand bound and are obedient, neither could they withstand the Pope his commandment: these have you imprisoned, and so still detain the same. Whereat (we do your majesty to were) we are not well pleased, neither yet take it in so good part as you peradventure think we do. For by their own letters we understand, they had excogitate nothing prejudicial to your imperial estate and celsitude, although the Pope had prosecuted therein more than became him to do. Wherefore, seeing that there is no cause why ye should detain them: it is meet and becometh no less your magnificence, but that you restore unto us and set at liberty, the said Prelates of our Realm: wherein also you shall appease our grudge and keep us your friend, which account the displeasure you do to them, as our own and proper injury For why, it were a great dishonour to our Realm and Kingly estate, if we should wink hereat and overpass the same with silence. 
Here it should s●●● the Emp. found 〈◊〉 fault of 〈◊〉 tradition.  Wherefore, if you will consider and respect the thing that we have said, we doubt not but that you will release the Bishop of Penestrum, with the other Legates and Prelates of the Church, which you to our prejudice do detain. In desiring of our aid doubtless, we gave unto them a manifest nay: neither could they obtain in our kingdom any thing at all which, seemed to be against or prejudicial to your majesty. Let therefore your imperial providence ponder in the balance of justice, those things which we write unto you, neither let our lawful request unto you, be frustrate or made in vain. For our realm and kingdom of France is not so debilitate or impoverished; that it will be spurned at, or trodden under your feet. Far ye well.  
The rescript of the Emperor to the same letter of the king of France.  
Our Imperial magnificence hath perused your kingly letters: wherein, if we had not found manifest contradiction, they might peradventure have obtained at our hands all that they required. But even as with a little leaven a whole lump of dough is soured: so a manifest untruth alleged, hath made the whole argument of your letter both faulty and unsavoury. 
The French kings Ister's co●●●ry to themselves.  It is apparent that you wanted the virtue of mediocrity in the conclusion of the same your grace's letter: For that, they themselves bewray no less, than we give you manifestly to understand, & many more besides doth know. It is notorious also, and to all the world revealed, 
A good Apostolical father with a two handed sword.  in what sort that Apostolical father hath impugned our innocency, as well with the one sword as with the other. And how, that whilst we at his commandment took our journey beyond the seas: the same our enemy and hostile adversary, invaded our kingdom of Sicilia: and the same not in one place or two, but in divers & sundry parts thereof hath wasted, spoiled, and destroyed. After this when with great entreaty at our return from Asia, we had concluded a peace with him: which with us at his own pleasure he made. And had taken and received our devotion for the same, 
120020, ounces of gold, as before you heard.  which in serviceable manner we granted him: The said Apostolical father (that notwithstanding) hath since that time, rather aggravated his displeasure towards us, than any thing at all qualified the same: and further hath to our deprivation and subversion, excogitate and devised against us, all the mischief he might or hath been able, no cause in all the world given of us to provoke the same. And farther hath promulgated to our great defamation and shame (as well by his letters as Legates) the sentence of excommunication against us unto all nations. Lastly, he aspiring to our imperial state, and conspiring our supplantation, hath made war against us, as against king David God's anointed: and hath unto a private Council for that purpose, called all the Prelates he can get, as one that meaneth to set the whole world together by the ears. But such is the marvelous wisdom of God by whom we live and reign, beholding the wicked purpose he went about (confounding the crafty in their craftiness) hath given into our hands as well your Prelates of the realm of France, 
The crafty compassed ●● their cra●●nes.  as also of other regions and provinces: all which, we imprison and detain, as enemies and adversaries to our Imperial crown and person. For where there desisted not to be a persecutor, there hath not wanted also a sufficient withstander & defender. Let not therefore your kingly highness marvel, although Augustus detaineth in prison your French Prelates, which have endeavoured themselves to conspire and so to disturb our imperial estate and regiment. Far ye well.  
When Frederick now saw there was none other remedy, and that in vain he laboured to have peace with the Pope, he prosecuteth his war to the uttermost: and when he had gotten Ludertum and reconciled the same, 
gregory. dy●th for thought● cursed hea●.  he destroyed the town of Geminum and Naruia. and giveth the spoil of them unto his soldiers: He gently received the yielding up of Siburnum, and wasteth all the country round about Rome. The Pope here with dismayed and troubled with such as otherwise dissuaded and counseled him, and that things not so well prospered with him and against the Emperor as he wished and desired: being in despair of obtaining his purpose, died for very anger and thought.  
What opinion the Prelates of Germany at that time had of this Gregory, is extant and to be seen by the oration of Eberhardus Bishop of Iwavence that he made to the nobility of Boioria in the Parliament at Reginoburgh, written by johannes aventinus in his 7. book. Doubtless he not only brought great and ruinous calamities to the whole Christian common weal and also Empire: whilst he sought thus to depress & bridle the Emperor, & advance hiz papal sea and dignity; but also brought into the church of God much horrible impiety, blasphemy and wickedness, whereof both Blondus, Platina, Baleus and others make mention: And amongst others that most detestable Catilene Salue Regina in the which he attributeth the honour and worship only due to jesus Christ, unto the virgin his mother. This is he in whose name the book of the Decretals was set out, which (to omit the opinion of divers other learned men) johannes Baleus calleth it the sink or puddle of foolishness and impiety. Doubtless Charolus Molineus a man both of singular judgement in that law, which in tribunal courts & judgements is used: as also in this painteth forth the decree of this Gregory in his book of annotations unto Platina, whose words thereof are these. Certum est, multa capita in ijs mutila & decurtata esse, ut invidiosum argumentum lateret. 
C●rolus Molineus ●pon the de●et●ls of ●. Grego●y ●.  etc. That is, Doubtless, divers Chapters in the same book of decretals be mangled & unperfect, that many contentious arguments therein might lurk. For when the ambitious desire of reigning like kings took them, they studied nothing else but how to enlarge and advance their See and dominion with the Empire itself and other kingdoms (oft shaken and weakened through contention) and this purpose and end had they and none other, in all their constitutions. The proof whereof, Molineus declareth in his book de regibus Galliae & Angliae. But many more examples by the Emperors, Princes, and Lords electors of the Empire may be gathered: whereof to speak, more convenient place shall serve hereafter.  

The creation and death of P. Coeletius.  In the stead of this Gregory, was placed Celestine horn in Mediolanum amongst the Castellians: who as Blondus declareth, by feigned promises offered a league with Fredericus, and the 18. day after he was created Pope, he also died.  
Thus when the author of all this conspiracy was gone, Fridericus now thinking himself free and void of that fear which before he had, and durst not be absent out of Italy: with all his endeavour levieth an army and prepareth his furniture and other necessaries for the delivery of the Christians, so mightily oppressed as ye heard by the Turk or Tartarians. Who hearing of the coming of the Emperor, left the strait way through Hungary, 
The Emperor prepa●eth an army ●o fight with ●he Tartari●n●, the Tar●●rian● fly.  which they came & returned by the river of Danubium to Taurica, and so through the fens of Meotida: and by the river Tanaum, into Sarmatia Asiatica. When the Cardinals had now a long time protracted the creation of the Pope, and would not agree upon the same: The Emperor put them in remembrance of their duty, and blameth them for their disagreeing, and exhorteth them to be more careful for the christian common wealth. His 2. Epistles touching this matter are extant. Whereby appeareth that only for the care and desire of peace he had to the christian unity and state, he did the same: and for that (peradventure) the cardinals refused to make peace with him, before they had created a new Pope. The one for more brevity I have omitted, and here the other inserted.  
An Epistle invective of the Emperor unto the Cardinals, for that they cannot agree upon the creation of the Pope.  

Frederick ●gainst the Cardinals.  Unto you I writ, Oh you children of Ephraim, which evil have bend your bows, and worse have shot your arrows, filthily turning your backs in the day of battle. Unto you I speak, O you children of Belial, and disperpled flock. You insensible people and assistants of the great judge. Unto you I write, O you disentious Cardinals, who the world for your deserts doth hate: for whose causes the whole world being at variance is evil spoken of. Doubtless, I cannot speak unto you, but to your detractation, because I am worldly and you spiritual. I am unperfect, wherefore I must do as the unperfect world doth: neither can the part be dissonant to the whole, nor I contrary to myself that writeth. Attend ye therefore my rude Epistle, wanting the dignity of Rhetorical stile. My provoked tongue brasteth forth into words before my conceiving spirit hath delivered the same: and so not attending to the higher regiment, hath hastened to express my words not fully conceived or premeditate. Thus I say, troubled mind oftentimes doth beget unordered talk, and untimely uttereth the same. This therefore is, that our heart hath conceived, that we believe and all men confess, that jesus Christ the mediator between God and man, which came from heaven to make peace upon the earth, is not divided and at variance, being also the master and Lord of the Apostles. But Satan being divided in himself, that blustering prince is amongst you, as those to whom he ministereth: He, even he, the persuader of discord and dissension, that mankiller, father of lies, and spirit of darkness, that hath divided your tongues, and set dissension amongst yourselves: Neither ye do good one to another, nor yet to the world, being by you in so perilous a state brought. And the little ship of Peter, 
Peter's ship by the disdentious Cardinals greatly afflicted.  which is tossed upon the sea by vehement winds, you nothing regard: which ship, though it need not in deed utterly to fear drowning, yet suffereth it by your negligence many great storms and perilous tempests. Doubtless, if ye would diligently consider how the nations and people whom ye were wont to judge in scorn, shake their heads at you: every one of you would be ashamed of an other. And to say the truth, they can not do too much to detect your so detestable opporobrie: for whilst every one of you aspireth to the chair, every one is at variance with his fellow: and whilst one of you cannot agree with another, none is promoted, & whilst none is promoted, the Cathedral dignity vanisheth: And thus by your discord, the peaceable state and concord of the Church is confounded, and the perfection of the faith and Religion whereby ye should live, perisheth. And surely, through your default it perisheth, so that where as nature hath placed the sense and understanding to be: that partly like a monster remaineth with you, both senseless and headless. 
Peter's shrill voyee turned into a scoffing Echo.  And no marvel, for why your hearing is impaired, and that sound of the mouth that shrilly was heard throughout the whole earth, is utterly dumb, and become a scoffing Echo. For why, the tound●ings of Peter and Paul are now no more heard, the Preachers are become dumb dogs, and are commanded to silence. Perhaps you have hands ready to receive, but there be no bribes: For why, those that were wont to come from Saba, and bring gold with them, now come no more: seeing the Lord is not in the manger, and the celestial shining star refusing to be their guide. Moreover, ye want feet to walk withal, for seeing there is no man to give you aught, you will not remove one foot for any man's pleasure. Fie shameless people, the least and simplest beast may learn you obedience, for the birds have their Captain, and the silly Bee their King, but you will come under no government. etc.  
The Emperor yet after this, 
The Emperor releaseth the Cardinals out of prison.  at the request of Galdwinus, the Emperor of Constantinople, who came to Fredericus to Parma, released the Cardinals out of prison: thinking thereby not only to gratify the Emperor Baldwinus, but also thinking that thereby things would have the better grown to public tranquility on every side. When the Cardinals were all assembled at Auignia: they made Simbaldus a Genues Pope: whom by a contrary name for that he had determined (as I suppose) to be hurtful to the common wealth, 
Innocentius the fourth created Pope.  they called Innocentius the 4. Of which election, when Frederick understood, be was well pleased therewith: And for that he had in all this troublous time been his friend, he well hoped that the Christian common wealth, should by him have been brought to much peace and concord. Wherefore, he sent both his legates and letters gratulatory unto him, letting him to understand, how well it contented and pleased him that he was made Pope, 
The Emperor rejoiceth of the pope's election but without cause why.  & what peace & quietness thereby he promiseth (as it were to himself) he maketh full relation thereof: offering again unto him observance, help and aid in all things, commending his dignity to the public state and quietness of the christian common weal and Empire, etc.  
He also wrote his letters to Otho Duke of Boioria, who a little before was reconciled to the Emperor: that he which was elected pope was a good man, a lover of peace, and studious as well for the tranquility of the christian common wealth as of the Empire.  
The Legates of Frederick also with the furtherance of Baldwinus the Emperor of Constantinople, laboured very diligently for the conclusion of the promised peace: And to be brief, every man was in good hope, and looked for no less. But far otherwise fell the matter out, and contrary to all their expectations. For the Pope (set on and encouraged by the Cardinals and other against Frederick) secretly and amongst themselves wrought contrary to that they openly pretended: and not a little disappointed both Frederick and others of their expectation and good opinion they had in the Pope's holiness. 
The Pope taketh Viterbium whilst the Emperor hoped after peace.  For whilst the Emperor's legates attended the answer of their peace before promised, Rainerus the cardinal went secretly to Uiterbium with a certain number of soldiers, and took the town which before was on the Emperor's part.  
The Emperor having understanding hereof, mustereth his bands, and with a sufficient power entereth the pope's dition, again to recover Uiterbium. But yet, taking this war so in hand (not thinking thereby to expel all conditions of peace) at the request of certain of the Cardinals was contented to leave Uiterbium, being furnished by the Emperor of warlike provision before, and came to Aqua. From thence he sent again other ambassadors to Rome, & with them also the Emperor of Constantinople with the Earl of Tholonse, who he thought were able to do much with the pope in the prosecuting of this peace. 
The dissimulation of the subtle Pope Innocent. 4.  And although at the time of Easter the matter seemed to have been through, and peace concluded, for that his legates had sworn in the behalf of the Emperor (and as he willed them) that he would submit himself to the Pope. And again, for that the Cardinals and others, commonly called & named him Fridericus the Christian prince, yet all this was no more but for a further fetch and purpose. Not for that they meant in deed to conclude any peace with him; or to go through there withal, but that through this dissimulation & likelihood of peace which they understood the Emperor much desired: he should set free & open the passages which he straightly kept that no man could pass & come to Rome, whether a great multitude daily resorted & flocked for religions sake. But when all came to all, & that the Legates perceived no conclusion of peace, was simply purposed on their behalf: they began to despair of the matter, letting the Emperor so to understand. 
The Emperor hath too much confidence in the Pope.  The Emperor yet notwithstanding doubted not, but if he might himself speak with the Pope, he upon reasonable conditions, should well enough accord with him: wherefore, he by his Legates and letters desired him to appoint a place where the Emperor might resort to him. The Pope seemed to be contented herewithal, and appointed a day at Fescennia where they would talk together, & that the Pope w●●● be there before him, and accept the emperors coming. But the Pope in this while, had made a confederacy with the French king against Fredericus: who when he knew those 3. galleys to be ready and brought to Centincellas, 
The Pope mocketh the Emperor and goeth to Lions where he proscribeth the Emperor.  which he before had spoken for unto the Genewes: secretly in the night with his company (hastening thither in post speed) took ship, and first came to Genua, and from thenre to Lions in France: where he (calling a Council) with a loud voice summoneth Frederick, and appointing him a day, commanded him there personally to plead his cause.  
And yet, although he understood the sudden departing of him out of Italy, made plain demonstration of no conclusion or meaning of a peace: and also knew the Council which the Pope had called, wherein he was himself both plaintiff and judge: and at the same council those which he had by bribes alured, pretended the destruction of the Emperor: with many other such evident demonstrations, both of his envious & hateful heart to wards him: yet the most modest Emperor using the innocency & uprightness of his cause, & as one most desirous of peace and christian concord: sent the Patriarch of Antioch, which lately was come out of Syria, the B. of Panormia, and Thadeus Suessanus the precedent of his court (a most skilful and prudent Civilian) to the council at Lions: which signified unto them the the Emperor would be there for the defence of his own cause: and for that the day was very short, required a time more convenient for him thither to make his repair. 
The Emperor coming to make his appearance before the Pope.  The Emperor also, being onward on his way & come as far as Taurinum, sent before other messengers (as the master of the Flemish order, & Peter de Vineis) to give them understanding of the Emperors coming, and that he would prorogue the day of hearing, till that he might conveniently travel thither. ●●●for any thing that could be either said or done, 
The extremity of the Pope to the Emperor.  or upon how just cause so ever required: the pope would not give so much as 3. days space, in the which time the Ambassadors assured them of the emperors presence: As though there had been no common proviso for every man in that case, by the law to have used upon any reasonable let. What should I longer protract the time: when the day by them appointed was come, the Pope with his confederates (whom for money & bribes he had gotten to that council) against god's law, against christian doctrine, against both the prescript of the law of nature and reason, against the rule of equity, against the order of law appointed, against the constitutions of Emperors, and also the decrees of the Empire, without any observation of the law, or granting dilatory days, without probation of any crime, or his cause suffered to be pleaded unto, or heard what might be answered therein: taking upon him to be both adversary & judge, condemned the Emperor being absent. What more wicked sentence was ever pronounced, what more crueler fact (considering the person) might be committed? Or what thing more brutish & beastly could have been imagined or devised? And yet hereat were these by shops nothing ashamed: but meaning to leave their doings in writing (as an impudent testimony to their posterity) established the same for a law to continue.  
But mark what vengeance God took upon this wicked judge. 
Vengeance falleth upon the Pope for his false judgement.  The writers of the Annals record, that when Fredericus the Emperor, and Conradus his son being Cesar were both dead: the Pope gaping for the inheritance of Naples & Sicily, and thinking by force to have subdued the same, came to Naples with a great host of men: where was heard in the Pope's court manifestly pronounced this voice, Veni miser ad judicium Dei. Thou wretch, come to receive thy judgement. And the next day after, the Pope was found in his bed dead, all black and blue as though he had been beaten with bats, as before in the history of king john is declared.  
When the Emperor had understanding of this cruel & tyrannical sentence of the Pope, passed and pronounced against him (considering his furious purpose & mind therein) thought good by his letters to let all christian princes & potentates understand, as well what injuries & manifold displeasures he had sustained by the 4. Popes in all their times, as also the cruelty and tyranny of this Pope in pronouncing the sentence of judgement and condemnation against him (passing the bounds both of justice, equity, and reason) which letter as he wrote the same, here underfolloweth to be seen.  
The letter of the Emperor to the French King, and other Princes for the sentence given against him in the council of Lions by the Pope and Cardinals.  
ALthough we suppose not the contrary, but that both by true certificate and common rumour you have heard of the indifferency of our cause and good handling thereof: yet for that more credit is commonly given to that the eye seethe, then to that the ear receiveth: we thought good to present unto you the naked truth of such things, which the Popes successively have put forth, & forged against us. To the perusing and consideration of which my case and letter, I beseech your gentleness amongst other times of laisure, you will spy out some fit and convenient time therefore. And all other whatsoever that shall have desire to hear princes 〈◊〉 & affairs, let them in like sort attentively consider. First, whether our predecessors have been destitute or not of godly zeal, just dealing, & righteousness: or whether we may not lawfully revenge ourselves being so much provoked, of such evils and injuries as have been wrought against us. Secondly, let them consider whether Christ's vicar doth follow Christ's steps or not, and whether Peter's successors do follow his example or not: and also, by what law, equity & right, that sentence which they have pronounced against us, may be maintained and allowed. As also what name they may justly give it, and whether that may be said to be a sentence which is given by an unsufficient judge or not. For, although we acknowledge that the Lord hath given full power in spiritual things unto his Church: that whatsoever the same bindeth in earth is bound in heaven, & whatsoever the same looseth, is also loosed: yet we read neither by God's law, nor by any law of man, that we ought of duty to be subject unto him: or that an Empire ought at his pleasure to be transformed and transposed: or that he may give any such sentence or judgement to punish Princes temporally, and deprive them of their kingdoms. For why, although our consecreation belongeth unto him by right and custom (as he challengeth) yet our deposing and depriving doth no more belong to him then doth that presumption belong to any other prelate of other Realms, which do consecrate and anoint their kings, as the custom and manner is. Or put case it were so (we nothing hindered thereby) that he had such power: Hath he that power to the intent to revenge himself upon whomsoever his malicious mind consenteth, and without all equity and law to bring them under his jurisdiction: He hath proceeded of late against us as is said, but not by the order of accusation: for so much as neither was there any sufficient accuser, neither went there out any inscription or process before. Neither yet by denunciation, for so much as there lacked a lawful denouncer: neither yet by the way of inquisition, for that there went before it no manifest accusation. But he peradventure will say, that all things that he layeth against us were manifest and notorious, but that do we deny, and nothing to be notorious but that, which may by a sufficient number of witnesses be approved & tried. For so may every judge himself (contemning the order of law) affirm what he list to be notorious, and thus condemn whom he list. There were against us (as well it may be said in counsel) certain false witnesses although not many: of whom, the Bishop of Calin was one, whose near kinsman or nephew (by our laws condemned for treason to be hanged) maketh also to us an infestive enemy. With such like effect prosecuting the rest of his Epistle, which for brevity sake I omit.  
This policy used the Pope to vex and disturb both the country of Germany and the whole Empire, and not so only, but also utterly to destroy and subvert the same: by the ruinous decay whereof, the Pope and his Prelates thought to make up their mouths. And thus, whilst that Germany was now newly again divided, some taking part with Frederick the Emperor, and Conradus Caesar his son & other nobles and princes of the Empire: some with those that should by the Pope's procurement be the electors of the new Emperor: 
Altogether in hurly burly through the Pope's malicious mind.  other some, with neither of both, as men not minding nor tending the public utility, but to serve their own purposes, armed themselves: And thus was the public peace and quiet broken and disturbed, and altogether in ti●nult and hurley burley. For whilst the one part laboured by all force to retain the dominion by public and common consent first to him committed: the other part in like sort endeavoured themselves with all their force & power to use and occupy the same, according to the decree of the bishop of Rome, & to take it from Frederick, and thus great conflicts grew on all parts.  
By these civil wars, Germany suffered no little calamity: 
Germany spoiled by civil dissension through the Pope's only practice against the Emperor.  In every place was manslaughter and murder, the country spoiled, the towns and villages set on fire and brent, the churches and temples violated & rob, wherein the husband men had put their goods & substance: houses were pulled down, the goods divided, & every man's cattle driven away. To conclude, in this turmoil & contention of deposing & choosing an other emperor, in this faction of princes, in this liberty of wearing armour, in this licence of hurting & sinning: The impudent boldness of divers private soldiers, & especially of such as were the horesemen them counted the better sort of soldiers, was so great: & there unbridled & unsatiable desire in robbing, spoiling, and taking of booties, catching & snatching all that came to hand, so much: that nothing could be sure and in safety that any good in Turrian enjoyed. Wherefore a little before the death of Guilielmus the king, 60. Cities and Towns which were belonging to Ludovicus Palatinus Duke of Boioria and Rhenus, and Otho his son, 
The robbers and rebels chased out of Germany  and other princes, whose names aventinus in his 7. book of the annals of the Boiores maketh mention oft joined themselves in a league for the expelling of these rebels & repressing of their so great injurious rapines and slaughter of men. Of which army the said Ludovicus being captain, chased & drove the whole rout of them to the uttermost parts of Germany, and pulled down and overthrew their castles and fortresses, and cuery other place where they had entrenched themselves.  

The fidelity of Otho to the Emp.  Otho Boius yet notwithstanding, keepeth his promise and faith most constantly made before to the emperor Frederick and Conradus his son. Whereupon, Philippus Iwavensis, Albertus and others, calling a council at Mildorsus (by the Pope's commandment) sent for Otho unto them, unto whom they opened the Pope's pleasure & commandment. To all which, when he had heard, Otho answered: I cannot marvel at some of you enough, that when as heretofore you persuaded me to leave and forsake the part I took with the Bishop of Rome, whom ye yourselves affirmed to be Antichrist, & that I should take part with the Emperor: why that you yourselves will not keep your fidelity and promise made to those good Princes: And said that he perceived in them a great inconstancy and levity, both in their words and deeds, which now call that wicked, unjust, and violent wrong, but lately that they thought equal, 
The answer of Otho to the Legates.  just & right. He said further, that they were overcome with pleasures, corrupted with superfluity, won with bribes▪ gaping for honour and estimation: & that they neither regarded honesty, godliness, nor their duty and office, but studied how to make dissension and commotions, and longed after war and bloody battle.  
He said farther, that for his part he would obey God and his prince to whom he had sworn fidelity, and that he nought esteemed the feigned holiness and detestable practices of such Prelates: He said he believed in Christ and would trust in his mercy, & that he believed how those whom they cursed and gave to the Devil, were in greatest favour with God. Howbeit and notwithstanding those Prelates took in good part this expostulation with him, 
Otho excommunicated for turning from the pope to take the emperors part.  and seemed to bear Otho no malice or grudge for that he had said, but to be desirous of peace and unity: yet not long after, Otho was cursed as black as all the rest, and counted as bad as the best.  
Albertus' the pops champion now in Germany playeth not rex only amongst the citizens: But also bethought him of a mischievous devise against Conradus Cesar the emperors son. When by fraud and subtlety he had gotten and taken many of the rich Burgises and Citizens of Reginoburgh, which bore the Emperor good will and had sent them prisoners to Staffum. Conradus joining with other noble men of the Empire (after he had spoiled and wasted much of his lands and others his companions) brave him so near, that upon certain other conditions he delivered again the Citizens. And shortly after coming again to Reginoburgh, and being received & welcomed into the College of D. Haimeranus: Albertus with certain of his confederates by the means of Ulricus a chief officer of the monks, came in the dead time of the night into the chamber, 
Caesar in danger by Albertus.  where the Cesar with a few other about him did lie: And falling upon them some they took, and other some they slew, & finding no other body in the chambers or lodgings, they thought that Cesar had been slain amongst the rest. But he hearing the noise, forsook his bed & hide himself under a bench and so escaped their hands. The next day he outlawd or prescribed the bishop and his mates, and also the monk bailif of treason, & seized upon all the goods of the house. But at the suit of the guiltless monks, he released all to them again, taking by way of fine 100 pound. 
Albertus' 〈…〉 order of 〈◊〉 ●ery.  Ulricus lost his office and Albertus thereby to escape danger of punishment, took upon him the habit of a Monk, Conradus Hochensolseus which was the murderer of these men (although he escaped the punish meant of man's hand) yet the vengeance of God for the fact, he escaped not. For as he rid in the day time abroad, he was suddenly strooken with a thunderbolt and died.  
During all this busy and contentious time, it may well be gathered, Frederick the Emperor lay not still, but had his hands full: who notwithstanding (by God's help) overcoming & suppressing these or greater part of these rebellious popish tumults, and had done straight execution (of those especially) that had conspired against his person: 
The Emperor when he had somewhat suppressed these tumults came to Cremona.  calling a counsel and setting in some stay the troublesome affairs of his kingdom, came to Cremona with Fridericus Prince of Antioch, Richardus earl of Umbria, the governor of Flamminia, and Encius king of Sardivia, with a great number besides of soldiers & men of war. And besides, he took with him (which he sent for out of every part) the wisest, most virtuous, and best learned men that there was: thinking with them to have gone himself to Lions to the Pope, 
The Emp. thinketh to go to Lions to the Pope.  and there to have had with him communication as well concerning the sentence definitive, as also about the conclusion of any peace, if by any means he might. And when all things was prepared & ready, he took the journey in hand & came to Taurinum, having with him both a great army of soldiers & also a great company of Legates and Ambassadors. From thence sending his carlages before, within 3. days journey of Lions: 
Parma taken and kept by the pope's legate and other friends of his.  he was certified that Parma was taken & kept by the outlaws of divers & sundry factions of the Pope: his near neighbours & friends: as by the pope's Legate, and other citizens as of Brixia, Placentia, & such like. Which thing when he understood, and that the Pope herein was the only and chief doer: he saw manifestly it should little prevail, to attempt any further the thing he went about: & then at length, when he saw no other remedy putting from him all hope of peace, 
The Emp. altereth his journey from Lions to the siege of Parma.  determined himself to the wars with all his force and might. Thus altering his purpose & journey, he took the straightest way into Lumbarby: and with an army of 60000. men, he besieged Parma. And to the intent he might more aptly and near the town, plant his siege and battery, without disturbance: first he entrenched his camp and fortified the same about with bulwarks & other defensible munition: After that, he caused divers vitailing houses & taverns in his camp to be slightly builded of timber: and without the camp he appointed the place where the market should be kept, & all vitailers' resort that would. He appointed places for their churches & temples, & in seemly manner adorned the same: and for the most part their tents were builded with wood, 
The Emp. named his camp and siege about Parma Victoria.  so that it was like an other Parma. All which things when he had finished, which was not long in doing: for this happy and prosperous success he called and named it Victoria, & had thought to have made the same to be in the stead of the City Parma, which he purposed to have made level with the ground. And in the beginning both there and else where, all thing prospered well with Frederick & had good success: for be sharply laid unto their charges that defeded & kept the city Parma. And further Robertus Castilioncus which was the Emperor's lieutenant in Picen●, near unto Auximum: discomforted the Pope's army, & slew of them more than 4000 and took many such as were of the confederate cities prisoners. 
The pope's army discomfited by the emperors Lieutenant at Auximum.  And when the factions or companies of the Gibellines and Gwelphes in Florentia were at controversy: when Fredericus of Hetruria came to the Gibellines to whom they had sent for aid: The Guelphs therewith dismayed fled from thence to Bononia, whose goods & substance came all to the Emperor's coffers, & Florentia also itself to the Emperor's obedience. But this good success and prosperous fortune lasted not long: for as at a time Fridericus to recreate himself (which seldom had his health) rod about the fields with certain of his horsemen to hawk & hunt: Many also of the Emperor's soldiers thinking no thing less than of such a matter to be attempted of a many starvelings within the town Parma, wandered & ranged unarmed out of their City Uictoria about the fields. 
The negligence of the soldiers offereth an occasion to the enemy.  The soldiers in Parma having this occasion offered, with all force & speed possible entered the Emperors camp or town Victoria, which being not very strongly fenced nor having gates to shut against them, was a thing easy enough to do. The sudden strangeness of the matter much abanshed the soldiers, & rang out their lar● bell. The first assault was given upon Marcus Malaspina his charge, whom when the Emperor returning in all haste found to be hard beset, had thought to have rescued him. But when that was perceived of the enemy, they bend all their force altogether on the side. In so much, that the Emperor was enforced to take the trench, 
The discomfiture of the Emp. at the siege of Parma.  lest he should have been of the enemy environed, & from thence he retired into the city or camp where he had thought to have gathered further aid. But the enemy giving not so much tune thereunto, ●a●l force entered the city Uictoria. The Emperor now, when the enemies were entered, left the camp & came to Dominum, who when they had killed & slain a great number of the Emperor's soldiers, & had burnt & destroyed the same camp Uictoria, 
The Emp. upon suspicion of treason imprisoneth divers of his Captains.  came, again to Parma. The Emperor then suspecting this thing to be wrought by treason, whereby the enemy had understanding as well of the Emperor's absence, as also of the negligence of his soldiers, imprisoned certain of the chiefest about him, amongst whom also was Petrus de Vineis. Yet whilst he was at Dominum gathering together his soldiers and residue of his bands: Encius getteth a great victory of the Mansuanos', who coming to the rescue of Parma, lost 50. of their ships and all that they had in them.  
After this also, Richardus in another conflict in Picenum, discomforted the Pope's soldiers, & slew their captain Hugolinus, besides 2000 others slain & taken prisoners. When now Fredericus had gathered again, and new mustered his bands at Dominum, he marched forth to Cremona: and notwithstanding, that there he understood of the good success and victory that Encius had at Rhegium: yet for that he perceived the defection and backsliding of all or most part of Lombardy from him: he determined to take his journey into Apulia, and when he had there levied a strong and sufficient power, he purposed to make his speedy return again into Lombardie. Therefore, in his journey through Netruria into Apulia, he joined with his son Fridericus, 
Capras besieged and taken of the Emperor.  which besieged Capras, and took the same: and led with him divers of the chiefest captains prisoners, and after that subduing unto the obedience of the Empire Miniatum, he came into Apulia.  
When news was brought him thither, that Encius his son (coming to aid the Mutinenses against the Bononiens) was taken prisoner, two miles of from Mutina: and that in his absence, the Pope's captains with their bands and garrisons went throughout all Lombardy, Aemilia, Flamminia, and Hetruria, to stir and procure the Cities to revolt from the obedience of the Emperor: And the same, partly working by subtle policies, & partly by force & sinister means to bring them to his purpose: determined with himself, that with all the force and power he might by any means procure and make, to have begun a fresh & prosecuted this war to the uttermost. 
The Emperor purposeth to make some great attempt.  Neither was it to be doubted as Pandolphus Colonucius writeth, but that he would have wrought some marvelous exploit & great attempt, but that he was of this his purpose (whereunto he was both willing & bend) prevented by unlooked for death. For when he fell into this ague, being at a certain castle of his in Apulia called Florentinun, & saw by the extremity thereof, his days to be short: he remembered that which was once showed him, how he should die at Florence. Whereupon, he made and ordained his testament: and when unto Conradus and other of his children he had given and appointed the great and innumerable mass of money which he had collected & levied for the maintenance of his wars (and godly purpose as it is called) And unto 
The Emp. prevented by death Fred. one of Gods elect.  them also had given all other his kingdoms & dominions (to every one according to their ages and years) departed this wretched and miserable world.  
Pandolphus writeth, that Fredericus was very willing to die, & as they made certain report to him which were present at his death, that his mind was altogether set and bend upon the heavenly joy & felicity. Which thing also Gulielmus Putranus, Andreas Panbalus, and Manardus the bishop, being Italian writers do all affirm of whom this last writeth, 
Sundry opinion, of the death of Frederick Emp.  that he assuredly believeth Frederick to be one of the number of Gods elect.  
The writers notwithstanding are of sundry judgements & opinions touching this good emperors death: Some writ that he was traitorously poisoned by his cup bearer, being hired thereunto. Some other, that he was strangled with a pillow of Manfredo the son of Pherus. But Pandolphus as good a writer as the best, maketh no mention of any poison that was given him, but only that he died of an ague. The last opinion of Manfredus, he manifestly refuteth and that there is no manner of likelihood of the same: & further, that the contrary is affirmed by divers other writers that were of that time. He died in the year of our Lord. 1268. the 13. day of December, in the 57 year of his age, and 37. year of his reign, whose corpses was brought to Panorinum, and there entombed.  
Frederick had 3. wives: the first was Constantia, the daughter of the king of Arragon: of whom he begat Henry the Duke of Suevia and king of the Romans: The other jole the daughter of johaunes Brennus, 
The issue of Frederick the Emp.  king of jerusalem, by whom he had the inheritance of Jerusalem, Naples, and Sicily: of whom he begat Conradus Duke of Suenia, king of jerusalem & Naples being Cesar. The third Isabella the daughter of king john of England, by whom he had a son named Henry, 
Fred. a most puissant prince in marshal affairs.  which is said to die in his childhood. This Fredericus had not his peer in marshal affairs to be compared unto him and warlike policies amongst all the princes of that age: A wise and skilful soldier he was: a great indurer of painful labours and travels: most boldest in greatest perils: prudent in foresight: Industrious in all his doings: prompt & humble about that he took in hand: and in adversity most stout & courageous. But as in this corruption of nature, few there be the attain perfection: neither yet is there any pr●ice almost of such government and godly institution, both in life & doctrine as is required of them: So neither was this Frederick, without his fault & humane fragility. For the writers ●●pute to him some fault of concupiscence, 
Frede. was not with●● his fault of human fragility  wherewith he was stained and spotted. And it appeareth that he was not all clear thereof, for as much as by sundry Concubines he had sundry children: As Ene●is, the king of Sardina: Manfredus, the prince of Sarcutinun: And Frederick king of Antioch. And this is all that I find of the description of Frederick by Colonucius, which he affirmeth to have gathered out of good & probable authors. But as touching the heinous arts and flagirious verdes, which the Pope burdeneth him withal, and in his sentence against him, maketh mention of: Fredericus not only purgeth himself thereof, but also divers historicians (as well german writers as Italians) affirm the same to be false and of the Popes own brains, to do him scare & teen withal, invented. Of which matter, those things which Pandolphus (touching the commendation or dispraise of Fredericus writeth) I thought good out of Italian, to translate: whose words be these.  
Albeit the Emperor Fredericus was endued with many goodly gifts and virtues, 
The world of Pandolphus touching the praise and dispraised of the Emp.  yet notwithstanding was he accounted an enemy of the church and a persecutor of the same: of which, both Innocentius the 4. in his sentence hath pronounced him guilty, & the same sentence have other Popes registered in their six books of Decretals, and established the same for a law, how that he ought to be taken for no less. Therefore peradventure it should not become me to falsify or call in question that, which other have confirmed, or else to dispute and argue much of that matter. Yet notwithstanding as much as his acts & deeds in writing declare, & the books of the chiefest authors affirm, as also his own Epistles do testify: I cannot precisely say, whether the bishops of Rome so call him and judge him therefore: Or else for that, he was somewhat to bold in speaking and telling them but the truth, and reproving the ecclesiastical order of their great abuses. Or else, whether for that, he would have had them gone somewhat more near the conditions & lives of the ancient fathers of the primitive Church and disciples of Christ: Or whether for that, he defended and stood with them for the prerogative and dignities belonging to the empire or not: Or else, whether they stood in fear & awe of the great power he was of in Italy (which thing in deed Gregory the 9 in a certain Epistle of his, confesseth.) But of these things let them judge and discern, that shall read the monuments and histories of Frederick Truly (saith he) when I consider with myself that Christ (whose vicar the Roman Bishops boast themselves to be) said unto his disciples: 
Frederick The pope's church compared with Christ his Church 〈◊〉 as like as black and white.  that they should follow him and also intimate his example as of their master and teacher: and commanded them furthermore, how they should not draw the sword, but put up the same into the skaberd: and farther gave than in precept that they should not only forgive injuries seven times but 70. times seven times to those that offended them: And when I now compare the lives of the Bishops of Rome, how near they follow him whose vicar they say they be: And consider so many and greet conspiracies, treasons, rebellions, disloyaltyes, lyings in wait, and treacherous devices: So many Legates of the Popes (being Ecclesiastical persons) which will needs be called the shepherds of Christ's flock, to be such warriors and Captains of Soldiers in all the parts of Italy, Campania, Apulia, Calabria (being the emperors dominions) in Picenum, Aemilia, Flamminia, and Lombary, to be sent out against him. And also when with myself I meditate, the destruction of so many great and famous Cities, the subversion of such common weals, the slaughter of so many men, and the effusion of so much Christian blood: And lastly when I behold, so victorious, prosperous, and fortunate Emperors to be: and so many miserable unfortunate, and vanquished Popes put to flight: Am persuaded with myself to think and believe, that the judgements of God are secret and marvelous, and that to be true which Aeneas silvius, in his history of Austria writeth: That there is no great and marvelous slaughter, no notorious and special calamity (that hath happened either to the public weal, or else to the church of God, of the which the Bishops of Rome have not been the authors. Nicolaus Machiavellus also saith, that all the ruinous calamities and miserable chances that the whole christian common weal and also Italy hath suffered: hath been brought in by the Popes and bishops of Rome.  
Many Epistles of Fredericus there be, which he wrote unto the Bishops of Rome, to the Cardinals, and to divers other Christian Princes, all which I have read and in them is to be seen nothing contrary unto Christian doctrine, nothing wicked and ungodly, nothing injurious to the Church of God, nothing contumelious or arrogantly written of Frederick. But in deed I deny not the same to be fraught and full of pitiful complaints and lamentations, touching the avaricious ambition of the Ecclesiastical people, and pertinacy of the Bishops of Rome: and that he would receive and take no satisfaction, nor yet excuse in the defence of the right and privilege of the Empire, which he maintained: also of their manifold and infinite conspiracies which they practised both secretly and openly against him: And of the often admonitions which he gave to the whole multitude and order Ecclesiastical, to attend upon and discharge their functions and charges. And who, that farther is desirous to know and understand the truth, and coveteth to search out the renowned virtues of magnificent Princes, let them read the Epistle of Frederick dated to all Christian Princes which thus beginneth: Collegerunt principes, pontifices & Pharisaei concilium: 
Deserved commendation upon the Epistles of Fred.  and an other, wherein he persuadeth the College of Cardinals to take up the dissension between the Emperor and the pope, which beginneth: In exordio nascentis mundi: and also an other which thus beginneth: Infallibilis veritatis testem: besides yet an other: Ad Reges & principes orbis Christiani: with divers other more wherein may well be seen the princely virtues of this so worthy a pier: all which Epistles collected together in the Latin tongue, the learned sort I wish to read, whereout they may pick no little benefit and commodity to themselves: In his Epistle last recited these are his words: Non existimetis id me a vobis ideò contendere, ac si ex sententia pontificia privationis maiestas nostra sit perculsa: Cum enim nobis sit rectae voluntatis conscientia, cumquedeum nobiscum habeamus, eundem testem invocamus id nos spectasse, cum totum ordinem Ecclesiasticum tum praesertim primores, neruis potentiae, dominationisque eorum succisis extirpatisque tyrannidis radicibus ad primitive Ecclesie conditionem & statum revocaremus: That is. Think ye not that we so earnestly desire or crave this peace at your hand, as though our majesty were terrified with the Pope's sentence of deprivation: 
Frederick purposed with the hazard of the imperial state to reform the church of Rome.  When as God (upon whom we trust and invocate) is our witness, and judge of our conscience: that when we went about to reform the Ecclesiastical state, but especially the ringleaders of the same: and should restrain their power and extirpate their great tyranny, and reduce the same to the state and condition of the primative Church: we looked for no less at their hands. For these causes peradventure, those which had the government of the Ecclesiastical dignity, decreed and pronounced Frederick to be an enemy to the Church: which (as I have said) I leave others to judge thereof. Hitherto Pandolphus Colonutius.  

Fre. showed himself no enemy but a friend to the Church of Rome.  And doubtless examples to the contrary doth appear, that Frederick was no enemy to the church of Rome, for that he both gave large and great gifts thereunto, and also franchised the same with great privileges & imminuities: which things, by his own constitutions, statutes, & customs may be perceived and understood. But rather contrariwise, that the Bishops of Rome most filthily recompensed the same his great liberality and princely benevolence again, which he gave and bestowed upon the same, as partly in the discourse of this history you have heard: who not withstanding, they so molested and tired him with such & so many injuries as you have seen: he nevertheless, forgiving and pardoning all the same, for the great zeal he had to the common Christian wealth (whereof he more forced, then else of any other thing) sought by all the means he might for to have peace, although it were to his own great hindrance. Therefore, seeing he was of necessity by the Bishops of Rome provoked to that war, 
Self do, self have, the proverb is, Hope of gain allureth many to flatter and to write untruths.  if he did them any skath in revenge of his Imperial dignity, let them thank their own selves, which might otherwise have remedied the same. Notwithstanding upon this occasion divers (both Italian and Germany writers, which at that time sought for fat benefices, and ever since even unto these our days have done the like, by flattery rather to obtain that which they hunted for, then to bear true and faithful testimony of things as they were in deed) took great occasion to write, and slander this good Emperor. But let us pass over these Parasites and return to those, which although they themselves were of that calling, I mean of the Ecclesiastical order: yet notwithstanding, for: that they rather preferred the study of verity, and to reverence the truth before Popish authority, & flattering servitude: greatly extolled and commended this good Emperor Frederick. So did Nicholaus Cusanus a Cardinal, in his writing affirm this Emperor to be an altar Carolus Magnus, both for his wisdom and also diligent regard to the common weal. So also writeth Aegidius Biturigum the Bishop, in his books of the institution & bringing up of a prince, which he wrote to the French king: exhorting him and all others, to take a pattern of this most worthy and excellent Prince. In commendation of whose worthy praise and virtue these verses are written on his tomb.  
Si probitas, sensus, virtutem gratia, census,  
●obilitas orti poslent resistere morti:  
Non foret extinctus, Fridericus qui iacetintus.  
Wherefore, in as much as it appeareth by the approved writers of whom I have made mention: who & what manner of prince Frederick this Emperor was: And for that he diligently laboured as well in the preservation of the christian common weal, as in the conservation of the Imperial dignity: procured to himself the great hatred and displeasure of the Romain Bishops (who have been, to all the good Emperors for the most part utter foes and enemies) & with what wicked slanders & other injuries both by them & by their ministers they continually molested him withal: This lesson ought to be ours: that having the same in our memory, we imitate & follow his virtues, hating & detesting the wicked & flagitious doings of those holy father's the will so be called, & Bishops of Rome: desiring God that he will so guide the hearts of all kings & Princes, that they may by his grace advance and set forth his glory, and reform the corrupt & vicious manner and order of the Church to all sincerity and purity both of life and doctrine.  
These verses which here ensue were sent and written between the Emperor & Pope Innocentius the 4. which for that to the learned are both commodious and profitable at the end of this history I thought good to place.  

¶ Fridericus Imp. Innocent. 4. Papae.  
Fata movent stellaeque docent, aviúmque volatus  
Totius subitò malleus orbis ero.  
Roma diu titubans longis erroribus acta  
Corruet, & mundi desinet esse caput.   

¶ Innocent. Papa Frederico Imp.  
Fata silent, stellaeque tacent, nil predicat ales:  
Solius est proprium nosse futura Dei.  
Niteris in cassum navem submergere Petri,  
Fluctuat: at nunquam mergitur illa ratis.  
Fama refert, Scriptura docet, peccata loquuntur:  
Quòd tibi vita brevis, poena perennis erit.  
Quod divina manus potuit, sensit julianus:  
Tu succedis ei, te tenet ira Dei.  
Fre. fremit in mundo, de deprimit alta profundo:  
Ri. mala rimatur, cus. cuspide cuncta minatur.   

¶ Fredericus Innocentio.  
Fata movent stellaeque docent aviúmque volatus  
Lapsurum te mox ad stigis antra nigrae.  
Cymba Petri non est, sed Christi, quae natat undis:  
Fluctuat, at nusquam mergitur illa ratis.  
Fama refert, tua scripta docent, peccata nefanda  
Interitum ostendunt, exitiumque tuum.  
Strangulat Adrianum musca, anon ira tonantis?  
Cogitat & de te sumere supplicium?  
Carcere suspendit seize Benedictus, & alter  
In stupro captus, saucius ense perit.  
Siluestrum extinguit Satan, sceleratior ipse:  
Ergo tuis factis praemia digna feres.  
Innocuum te voce notas cum sis nociturus  
Orbi terrarum Christianóque gregi.   

¶ Fredericus Innocentio de integro.  
Esso●●●membrum, non te caput orbis & urbis  
●actates cum sis orbis & urbis onus.  
Nunc membrum non es, sed putre cadaver & ulcus,  
Ense recidendum ridiculúmque caput.  
A daniel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nefasque caputque malorum  
Diceris, a Paulo filius exitij.  
Nos solum Christum nostrum caput esse, malorum  
Totius orbis te caput esse facis.  
Et caput est unum, quod Paulus dicit ubique  
Tu vecors balatro, dic mihi quale caput?  
Corporis ergo caput monstrosi monstra parisque  
Monstra paris monachos, scorta nefanda foves.  
Est tua religio stuprum, Ira, superbia, caedes,  
Error, deliciae, fulmina, turpe lucrum.  
Ex his ergó liquet Christum te spernere: Christo  
Hostem esse in visum, dedecorique Deo.  
Rex tandem veniet coelo delapsus ab alto  
Tunc non defendent te, sacra, missa, cruces  
Non in sublimi surgentes vertice cristae,  
Non diploma potens, non tua sacra cohors.  
Nec diadema triplex, nec sedes sanguine parta,  
Nullus honos solij, purpura nulla tui.  
Triginta argenteis Christum vendebat judas,  
Tu Christi vendis corpora plura tui.  
Corpora tu vendis Christi parvo aere, polumque,  
Caelestes genios, sidera, jura, deos.   

Certain preachers in Suevia.  As ye have heard of the iniquity & raging pride of the popish church against their lawful Emperor: Now shall ye hear (Christ willing) how God beginneth to resist and withstand the corruption of that whorish Church, by stirring up certain faithful teachers in sundry countries: As in the country of Sucuia, about the time of this Emperor. an. 1240. or near upon the same, where were many preachers mentioned in the Chronicle of Urspergensis, and also in Crantzius Lib. 8. cap. 16. & 18. 
Ex Chron. Ab●. Vrsperg. Crantz. lib. 8. cap. 10.  which preached freely against the Pope. These Preachers (as Crantzius saith) ringing the Bells, and calling the Barons in halis of Suevia: there preached that the Pope was an heretic, & that his Bishops and Prelates were simoniacke and heretics. And that the inferior Priests and Prelates had no authority to bind and lose, but were all seducers. Item that no Pope, Bishop, or Priest, could restrain men from their duty of serving and worshipping of God. And therefore such cities or countries, as were then under the Pope's curse, might notwithstanding lawfully resort to the receiving of Sacraments, as well as before. Item that Friars Dominicke, 
Resistance against the Pope no new thing in Christ's church  and Franciscane, did subvert the church with their preaching. And as the indulgence of the Pope, & his Popelings was of no regard, so that remission, which they did preach unto them, they preached it not from the Pope but as from the Lord. And thus much I thought here to recite, whereby it may appear, how the resisting of the Pope's usurped power and corrupt doctrine, is no new thing in these days in the Church of Christ. etc.  

Arnoldus de nova villa condemned of heresy.  And not long after these aforesaid, rose up Arnoldus De nova villa, a Spaniard, and a man famously learned & a great writer. an. 1250. Whom the Pope with his spiritualty condemned among heretics, for holding and writing against the corrupt errors of the popish Church, His teaching was, that Satan had seduced all the world from the truth of Christ jesus. Item that the saith (which then christian men were commonly taught) was such a faith as the devils had: meaning belike (as we now'affirme) that the papists do teach only the horicall faith, which is the faith Historiae non fiduciae. Iten, that Christian people (meaning belike for the most part) are led by the pope unto hell. Item, that all cloisters are void of charity, and damned: And that they all do falsify the doctrine of Christ. 
Vide librum, de testibus veritatis.  Item, that the Divines do evil in mixting Philosophy with d ivinity. Item, that Masses are not to be celebrated. And that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead. Certain other opinions there be, which the slanderous sects of Monks and Friars do attribute unto him: (but as they are wont in all other to do) rather upon envious taking, then of any just cause given.  
And as this Arnoldus was condemned, so also the same time joannes Semeca, 
joannes Semeca the gloze writer to the Pope's decrees excommunicated.  the gloze writer of the Pope's decrees, and Provost of Halberstate was excommunicated, & deprived of his Provostship, for resisting Pope Clement the fourth, gathering certain exactions in Germany. And therefore he appealed from the Pope to a general council, and had many great favourers on his side, till at last both the Pope and he died.  
Consequently in this order and number, followeth the worthy and valiant champion of Christ & adversary of Antichrist Guilielmus de S. Amore, 
Guilielmus de S. Amore.  a master of Paris, and chief ruler then of that University. This Guilielmus in his time had no small a do writing against the Friars, & their hypocrisy. But especially against the begging friars, both condemning their whole order, and also accusing them as those that did disturb & trouble all the churches of Christ by their preaching in churches against the will of the ordinaries and pastors, by their hearing of confessions, and executing the charges of Curates and pastors in their Churches. All the testimonies of Scripture that make against Antichrist, he applieth them against the Clergy of Prelates, and the Pope's spiritualty. The same Gulielmus is thought to be the author of the book, which is attributed to the school of Paris, and entitled: De periculis Ecclesiae. Where he proveth by 39 arguments, that Friars be false Apostles.  
Moreover, 
The place 〈◊〉 the Go●p●● expounded, Go● & sell all & come follow me.  he doth well expound this saying of Christ (if thou wilt be perfect, go and sell away all thou hast, and come follow me) declaring there poverty to be enjoined us of Christ, non actualem, sed habitualem: not in such sort as standeth in outward action, when no need requireth, but in inward affection of hart, when need shall require: As though the meaning & precept of our Lord were not that we should cast away actually all the we have, but that when the confession of the name of God & the glory of christ shall so require: that then we be ready to leave & reliquish what things soever, for the sake of him. etc. As when he requireth in us, after like phrase, the hatred of father & mother, and of our own lives: he biddeth us not to dihonor father or mother, much less to hate than: but that than, when case shall require, we set all things behind the love of Christ. Many oath ere worthy works he compiled, wherein albeit he uttered nothing but what was truth, 
Guliel des Amore condemned of the pope for in heretic.  yet notwithstanding he was by Antichrist & his rabble, condemned for an heretic, exiled, & his books burnt: Whose heretical arguments as they called them, that thou mayst better judge thereof, here under I thought good to place.  
Against false Prophets with signs to know them by in these his words do follow. For because these seducers saith he, name themselves to be Apostles: and that they are sent of God to preach, to absolve & dispense with the souls of men, by means of their ministry. Read the saying of the Apostle in his second Epistle to the Corinthians, the xi. chap. For such Apostles are subtle and cratty workmen, disguising themselves to be like the Apostles of Christ: Therefore, we mean to show some certain infallible tokens and probable, by the whic false Apostles may be discerned from the true preachers and Apostles of Christ.  
The 1. sign or mark is, 
The 1. sign and token to know 2 false Friar 〈◊〉 Prophet ●y.  that such as be true preachers do not enter into simple women's houses laden with sin and take them as it were captive, as many of the false preachers do: as in the second Epistle of S. Paul to Timothy the 3. chapter is manifest, saying: Of those sorts are they, which enter into women's houses. etc. Therefore those preachers which come into women's houses, to the intent they, may take them captive, be not true preachers, but false Apostles.  
The 2. sign and token is, 
True Preachers do not deceive men with painted flattering words.  that those that be true preachers do not deceive simple men with painted and flattering words, whereby they prefer their own trash and traditions, as all false Prophets do, as in the last Chapter to the Romans appeareth, saying: By their pleasant & sugared talk. and by their blessing and crossing they deceive and beguile the hearts of innocent men and women. Glo. with gay glorious words they extol & set forth their traditions, whereby they deceive simple men. Very greatly do they deceive the souls of simple men, which cause them to enter into their sect, which they term Religion. And they which before led a naughty life, by reason of their ignorance or simplicity: after their entrance, become subtle false deceiving hypocrites, entering together with the rest into poor men's houses: yea & oftentimes become worse than the other. whereupon Mat. 22. woe be unto you Scribes & pharisees, hypocrites which go about. etc. Therefore they which do this, are no true messengers but false Apostles.  
The 3. sign is, 
Sign 3. is, that true Apostles take in good par● when they be reproved.  that the true Apostles if they be reproved, suffer the same patiently. 2. Cor. 12. saying: the tokens of my Apostleship are accomplished among you, in all patience & sufferance, meaning that patience, which pertaineth to the manners of the preachers. Therefore they which suffer not correction or punishment, be no true Apostles, but rather show themselves to be no Christians at all 1. Cor. 12. No man can say that jesus is the Lord, but by the holy ghost. Glossa. It is meet that christians should be humbled, to the intent that they may suffer themselves to be reproved, and not to be holden up with yea and nay. And also such men do show themselves to be carnal, and not spiritual at all, although they fayne themselves to be spiritual. Gal. 3. Therefore am I become an enemy unto you? Notwithstanding the Glossa saith: no carnal man will be reproved although he err. Where efore, those preachers which suffer not coroection, seem not to be true Apostles, but false Prophets.  
The 4. sign is, that true Apostles commend not themselves. 2. Cor. 4. 
The 4. sign is, that true preachers commend not themselves.  For we dare not join ourselves, nor yet compare ourselves unto others which commend & boast many of their acts, when God alloweth none of them at all. Also true preachers although they be in deed praise worthy for their good deserts: In the consciences of men are they praise worthy, & not to the outward show alone. 2. Cor. 3. We commend ourselves saith the Apostle to the consciences of all men: Then they do not commend themselves in comparison of other, wherefore the gloze saith upon the same place: those that deserve no commendation but in comparison of other, do challenge to themselves other men's deserts and praise: wherefore in the second Epistle of S. Peter the last chapter it is said. Even as our well-beloved brother Paul according to the wisdom that God hath given unto him, hath written unto you: Glossa. The chiefest of the Apostles hath here forgotten his papal authority, and also his keys that were delivered unto him: For he is astonished as it were at the great wisdom given unto his brother Paul. For in deed it is the manner of the elect children of God, to be more in love with the virtues of other men, then with their own: wherefore in the second chap. to the Philipp is written. Let those that are superiors esteem of themselves in all humility. They therefore that do the contrary, ●●ving that their state or doings be better than other men's, although they be preachers, yet are they no true Apostles, in deed but false prophets.  

Sign 5. is, that true preachers need no letters commendatory.  The 5. sign is that true Apostles need no letters of commendation: nor yet desire to have themselves praised of men: as in the 2. Cor. 3. chap. the Apostle saith, we need not the letters of commendation of any man: that is to say of false prophets.  

Sign 6. is, that true Apostles preach not ●iles they be sent.  The 6. sign is, that true Apostles, do not preach unless they be sent, as in the 10. chap. to the Rom. how shall they preach unless they be sent; Glossa. There be no true Apostles but those that be sent. For they have no need of Signs which are true witness bearers, but those that be not sent and do preach, are false prophets.  

Sign 7. is when those false prophets preach that were never sent.  The 7. sign is, for as much as false Prophets have their authority in their own names: wherefore, in the 2. epistle of S. Paul to the Cor. it is written. For we dare not boast of ourselves or make comparison, Glossa. That is to say, with those that be false prophets: not taking their authority from God, but usurping the same desirous to bear rule, claiming in their own name their authority. And therefore although peradventure by presumption they say that they are sent of God, as all heretics will say: yet notwithstanding, unless they shall prove their sending, either by spiritual prophecy as john Baptist did, saying: I am the voice of a crier in the desert: As out of the prophet Esay in the first chapter of S. john's Gospel is alleged: Or else by miracles, as Moses did which turned his rod into a Serpent, and again from a Serpent to a rod, as in the 7. chap. of Exodus: they ought for to be excommunicated, till such time they cease from preaching: Yet notwithstanding, a miracle ought not to be a sufficient testimony, of their sending, for as much as they be done oftentimes and that of evil and wicked men. 1. q. 1. we may perceive towards the end. But miracles ought to be suspected, for as much as our Saviour saith in the 23. of Matthew. Then shall false prophets arise, etc. Therefore, they which do challenge authority in their own name, for as much as they have not their authority from God, they are not true Apostles but false preachers.  

Sign 8. is, that false prophets pretend great holiness in superstition.  The 8. sign is, that false Prophets pretending great wisdom and holiness to be in superstition, have named their own traditions to be religion, the which are rather to be counted sacrilege or Church robbery, and do usurp unto themselves the due deserts of other men by boasting and bragging among strange & unknown people. Wherefore, the Apostle speaking of false Prophets in the 2. chap. to the Col. saith: According to the precepts of men, which having a face of wisdom consist in superstition, interlaced with humility. Gloze. That is to say, mingled with feigned religion that it might be called religion, when in very deed, it is nothing else but sacrilege, because it is contrary to all authority: that is contrary to God himself, that any man should desire to have government of a multitude without public commandment, as in Deuteronomist 23. chap. Thou hast entered into thy neighbours vinyeard. Gloze. that is to say, into the Church of an other Bishop. May a man warn & admonish others, or else correct that congregation which is not lawful for him to govern, nor yet to take so great a charge upon him? no. And that it is not lawful to enter into an other bishop's Diocese, it is apparent: because it is not lawful for the Archbishopp so to do. To this effect appertaineth that which is red. 6. q. 3. And also it is written 9 q. 2. through out. Therefore those preachers which against God and his divine Scriptures do call their own traditions religion, are not are Apostles but false Prophets.  

Sign 9 is, that when they neither preach nor minister, yet live upon other men's labours.  The 9 sign is, by the authority which they have. For as much as they be no preachers of the gospel or ministers of the Sacraments, yet they will live by the Gospel; and not by the labour of their own hands, against the text in the 2. Thess. 3. neither have we eaten any man's bread for nought, or of free cost. Glossa. Then, those false Prophets ought much more to live by their labour, which have not that authority which we ought to have, that is to say to live by the Gospel. And S. Augustine speaketh of this more expressly in his book De opere monachorum, by these words. Those our brethren do claim to themselves (very rashly as me thinketh) that they have any such authority, to live by the Gospel. If they be preachers of the Gospel, I grant that in deed they have such authority: if they be ministers of the altar, if they be disposers of the Sacraments: they cannot well but take to themselves this authority, as also manifestly to challenge the same, if at the least they have not where with all to sustain this present life, without labour of their hands. etc. As though he would have said, if they be not such manner of men, then have they no authority to live by the Gospel. Therefore those preachers, which have not authority to line by the Gospel, or else minister the Sacraments, because they have no congregation whereby to take charge of souls, yet for all that will needs live upon the Gospel, they be no true Apostles but false Prophets.  
The 10. sign is, 
Sign 10. is, that false prophets take that to them which pertaineth to the word of God.  that false teachers, rejoice more to be commended themselves, than the word of God to have the commendation & praise. But they that are true preachers and Apostles, are far otherwise minded as to the Thess. 2. not seeking the praise of men. etc. And herein he toucheth those false Prophets, which desire rather to be commended themselves, then that the word of God which they preach should have the commendation, but he is an Apostle which not seeking the glory of this present world, but for the glory to come, doth abase himself to the intent that the preaching and word of God might be commended and exalted. They therefore which desire to have praise & to be commended of others, rather than that the word of God should have the praise, to be no true Apostles but false Prophets.  
The 11. sign is, 
Sign 11. is, that false prophets do preach for gain and not for God's cause.  that true Apostles do preach only for God's cause, and for the health of souls, and for no temporal gain as in the 2. Cor. 4. saying, we preach not ourselves. etc. Gloze. Our preaching tendeth not to our glory and gain, but only to the glory of Christ. But the preaching of Christ by those that are false Prophets, tendeth to the contrary. Whereupon in the Phil. 1. is said: whether it be upon occasion given, or else for the verities sake, let christ be preached. etc. Gloze. False prophets do preach the Gospel upon some occasion, as either by seeking some commodity at the hands of men, or else because of getting goods, honour, or praise among men. Which notwithstanding, that they be ready and willing as it should seem to bear and sustain injuries: yet they seek not so much the health of him to whom they preach, as in very deed they do their own commodity and gain. Whereupon. 2. Cor. 12. Gloss. Because I seek not the things that be yours, that is to say, not your treasure as gold & silver, but only you yourselves. Gloss. For other ways it could by no means be gathered, that they should understand him to speak or mean of their substance, because he more esteemeth them then their money, to the intent that they might understand his great good will toward them. Therefore these evil and naughty preachers which preach for worldly gain, or honour, or else for the praise & commendation of men, be no true Apostles but false Prophets. But it may be asked, how shall men understand when these good fellows preach for their own vain glory sake? It may be answered thus, when they preach before they be called, as in the 2. Cor. 11. whosoever boasteth let him boast and rejoice in the Lord. Gloss. Which thing to do, cannot he by any means, that hath not his authority from God. For if any such Prophet preach, he seeketh his own glory: and that may easily be perceived. Because he is not called of God he hath no such authority of him, that is to say, of his Church or congregation, as to the Heb. 7. No man taketh to himself any dignity, but he that is called of God as Aaron was. The Gloss. He is called of God that it is lawfully chosen of the congregation.  
The 12. sign is, 
Sign 12. is, that false prophets do counterfeit to love where they hate.  or token of a false prophet is: Because such Prophets do counterfeit themselves to have greater care, and love to men's souls, than those that be their very governors & pastors have, although they have no charge at all of them, against whom the Gloze speaketh, and the 1. Thess. 2. We are become meek and loving towards you, even as the nurse which giveth her child suck. Gloss. A woman nurseth other men's children for wages & not for love alone, but she giveth her own suck of very love with out respect of money. Therefore those preachers which feign themselves, to have a greater love & affection to the souls of men, than they that have the charge over them, seem not to be true Apostles. The Apostles study not for eloquence nor for the curious placing of their words, but false Prophets do them both. As in the 2. Cor. 11. If the simple and uncloquent man. etc. Gloss. The Apostles were not eloquent, but false Prophets are full of curious eloquence. Also upon the same an other Gloss. The Corinthians were led away from the Gospel by over nice eloquence, the 2. Cor. 7. Let us show ourselves before all men as the ministers of God. Gloss. The ministers of God, do not flatter as false Prophets do. And for this occasion those that be true Apostles have not their abiding in princes Courts, and noble men's houses, knowing this saying of Christ in S. Mathewes Gospel. Behold those that are clothed with silks, dwell in kings Courts. And therefore true Apostles are not conversant in Princes Courts and noble men's houses. Gloss. Hard & straight life with the preaching of the Gospel loveth not to come near Prince's palaces, and noble men's houses. Often times it cometh to pass that Courtiers are found great flatterers. Therefore those preachers that have their abode in Courts, or that in any other place do use to flatter, are no true Apostles but false Prophets.  

Sign 13. is, that false prophets do cirumvent men to have their goods, and care for nothing else.  The 13. sign is, that true Apostles or messengers, do not cirumvent or subtly go about to deceive men, that they should give unto them their goods: either in their life time or else at the time of their death: as in the 2. Cor. 7. We have falsely deceived no man. Gloss. By the subtle and deceitful getting away of your substance as false Prophets do, which get away from you those things that be yours, under pretence of great friendship. Also Mat. 22. Woe be unto you Scribes & Phariseis you hypocrites which spoil widows houses, by your long prayers: which mean nothing else by your superstition, but that you may spoil & rob the people as in Luke. 20. Which devour widows houses, by dissembling of your long prayer. Gloss. The which make over long prayers, to the intent they may seem more devout, & that they may get both money & great commendation of all such as be sick and troubled with the burden of their sins: Whose prayers be turned into sin, which neither are profitable for themselves nor any other. But rather shall have for making those prayers greater damnation, for as much as by the same they deceive others. For by this that they receive and take both gold and silver, it appeareth that they preath not for soul healths sake, but only for filthy lucre and gain sake. Math 10, Be ye possessors neither of gold nor silver. Gloss. If they then have these things, they can not seem, or be thought to preach for the health of the soul, but for lucre's sake. And so saith Hi●rome upon the Prophet Malachy. Because some Prophets took money, their Prophecy became divination: that is to say, their prophecy appeared not to be prophecy but divination, or enchantment: that is, that such prophecy proceedeth not from God, but from the devil. And this appeared in 1. q. 1. having this beginning Nunquam divinatio. etc. Therefore these preachers which cirumvent and beguile men, to the intent that they should give them their good, either in their life time or after their death: are not true Apostles but false Prophets.  

Sign 14. is, that false prophets can not abide to have the truth preached.  The 14. sign is, that false Prophets, when any verity is preached, which for the most part they are not acquainted with all, or that touched them: then begin they to chafe and bark against the same, whereupon the Apostle in the 3. chapter to the Philippians saith: behold the dogs. Glossa. Understand you that they are not dogs by nature, but by their usage & conditions, barking against the truth, which they were never acquainted with. And so he compareth them right well to dogs, because dogs follow rather custom, than reason: So false Apostles do keep the custom of the law, & do bite and bark against the truth, as though they were without the gift of reason. And also in the second epistle to Timothy, the 4, chapter, saying: They get them instructors according to their own desires. Glossa. Which may teach them what things they themselves are willing to hear, because the truth seemeth nothing pleasant unto them. Therefore, those preachers which bark against the late revealed truth, which toucheth them very near & therefore cause the same to be hidden & kept under: are not true Apostles, but false prophets.  

Sign 15. is, that false prophets do enforce them to hear that are not willing to hear.  The 15. sign is, that the true Apostles do not enforce any to receive or hear them, which be unwilling thereunto: but send them away rather, lest they should seem to seek after some earthly and transitory thing. Math 10 Who soever will not receive you, get you out of that City, and shake the dust from off your feet. etc. Glossa That you may thereby show, that the desire of earthly things hath no power in you. Therefore, those preachers which wrestle & strive as it were to that intent they would be received and heard, are no true Apostles: For as much as the Apostle saith. Corint. 11. If any man appear among you to be over contentions or full strife: such custom have we none nor yet the congregation of Christ.  

Sign 16. i●, false prophets do cause pri●●● to hate ●●● punish●●● that 〈…〉.  The 16. sign is, that the Apostles did not procure the indignation of those princes with whom they were esteemed and regarded, against such persons as would not receive them and hear them, according as we read in the life of Simon and Jude the Apostles: The chief ruler being very angry, commanded a very great fire to be made, that the bishops might be cast into the same, & all other which went about to defame the doctrine of the Apostles of Christ: But the Apostles fell down before the Emperor, saying: we beseech you sir, let not us be the authors or causers of this destruction or calamity: Nor that we which are sent to be the preservation of men, and to revive those that are dead through sin, may seem to be killers of those that be alive. Therefore, those preachers which seek to stir up the displeasure of Princes against them. (whose favours now they enjoy) that will not receive and hear them, or rather whom they themselves hate, are no true Apostles but false Prophets.  
The 17. sign is, 
Sign 17. is, that false prophets do not know neither what God hath done, not yet 〈◊〉 do as true prophets ●●.  that the Apostles of Christ have not only the knowledge of those things which God hath already done, but also of those things which he will hereafter do, as in the Apo●. 3. The beasts were full of eyes both behind and before. Gloze. Obtaining the knowledge of those things which God had done, as also what he would do hereafter in the end of the world. Therefore those that say they know not the perils of the church in the latter time which are prophesied afore: or that they care not for them, or else if they know them not, they have not eyes be hind and before, be no true Apostles. Therefore, what time as they call themselves Apostles, they are false prophets.  
The 18. sign is, 
Sign 18. is, that false prophets do preach for money ● are not to be discerned from Wolves.  that true Apostles do not desire the riches and goods of them to whom they preach, whereby they are discerned from wolves, that is to say, from false Prophets. Act. 20. I have desired no man's gold nor silver: Gloze. By this are Wolves discerned, for they desire such things. And again in the same place: For those things which I had need of, and to those which were with me these hands have ministered. Gloze. This example also of labouring, is a spectacle for Bishops whereby they are discerned from wolves. For such as ask or beg of those to whom they preach, or set any other to ask or beg in their names: do seem to commit simony: Like Byezi, of whom it is red in the third book of kings the fi●t chapped. that craved certain apparel of Naaman the Sirian, to whom his master Elizeus had restored the benefit of health. Not withstanding, he had gotten those garments, unwitting to his master. Whereupon Gregory Nazianzenus saith 1. q. 1. Qui isti debetur. But some man perhaps will say: can not the preacher ask money or money worth of those to whom he preacheth? Or at the least, may not he beg? To this may be answered. If the preacher by authority preach and doth feed his flock as a true pastor with the food of God's word, he may take money or money worth: but than it is not begging or craving, but it is by authority: as the second to Timothy the second chapter: 
If the Preacher do his duty in preaching, he may 〈◊〉 lawfully for his necessary things.  It is meet that the husband man that tilleth the ground, should first and afore other receive the commodity of his increase. Gloze. He putteth the virtuous preacher out of doubt, not preaching for that intent to make merchandise of the Gospel, and giveth him to understand: that it is lawful for him to take of them whom he feedeth as his flock, what things soever he had need of: and doth it not in begging or craving, but by good authority. It is manifest that it cannot in any place of the holy scripture be found, that the preacher ought to beg. But begging is forbidden of all the Apostles of Christ, and is aborted of Solomon, and S. Augustine▪ & reproved by divers other holy men. Therefore, it is manifest, that the true Apostles do not desire the temporal goods of them to whom they preach, neither do they beg or crave the same. They therefore that require any thing of them to whom they preach, or else that any other man asketh for them, or in their names: do not seem to be true Apostles, but false preachers.  
The 19 sign is, that true Apostles are patiented in tribulation: neither do they tender evil for good, 
Sign 19 ●●, that true Apostles do not render evil for good as false do.  Matthew 10. Behold I send you as sheep among wolves. Gloze. They that occupy the place of preaching, ought not to procure any evil toward their Brethren, as the example of Christ teacheth. 1. Peter. 2. saying: who when he was reviled, reviled not again, but did submit himself to him that judged him unjustly. They therefore that suffer not injury, but rather do wrong themselves, are not true Apostles, but false Apostles.  
The 20. sign is, that true Apostles at their first coming are evil entertained, as the Lord saith, in the xxiii. chap. of Math. Ye shall be hated of all men for my name's sake: 
Sign 20. is, that true Apostles are not so well entertained as false prophets be.  but yet at the length such get the victory: According to that saying of the first of Saint john the v. Chapter. Every thing that is of God overcometh the world. They therefore that in the beginning rejoice and are well entertained, but in the end are rejected, seem not to be true Apostles but false.  
The 21. sign is, that true preachers go not to preach unto those which have preachers appointed unto them, 
Sign 21. is, that true preachers build not upon an oan other man's foundation.  because they have not to rejoice of a company belonging to an other man's charge, as to the Romans the 15. chapter. I have preached the Gospel where Christ was not before preached, lest I should build upon an other man's foundation. And in the second Epistle of S. Paul to the Corinthians the x. chapter, he saith: we are no boasters, nor busy in other men's mattets. Gloze. where an other man had laid the foundation. Likewise in the same chapped. Not having pleasure to boast of other men's labours, that is to say of those which be committed to the government of an other man. Likewise Augustinus saith. Honour ought to seek thee, 
Authority loveth them that refuse her, and yet abhor her not.  and not thou honour. Also chrysostom: Authority is in love with such a man as refuseth her, and yet abhorreth her not, They therefore that procure and have desire to preach unto the people committed to an other man's charge, which is an office of honour: especially in counsels, Synods, and great assemblies, also in kings and princes courts, and Prelates palaces, are not true Apostles, but false teachers.  
The 22. sign is, that true Apostles when they know themselves to do much good in the church & congregation of God: 
Sign 22. is, that true prophets are not proud and vain glorious as false prophets be.  yet notwithstanding, are not puffed up with pride. Ezech. 3. O son of man, I have made thy face as an Adamants stone. The Adamant stone when it draweth iron unto it, is not thereby either lifted upor altered. Likewise a true preacher when he draweth sinners unto him by his preaching (whose hearts were as hard as iron) is never the more lifted up or higher minded therefore. But as in Luke the 18. chapter: when ye have done all that ye can, and as well as ye can, yet say that you are unprofitable servants. Psalm. Not unto us Lord, not unto us, but to thy name be given the glory. They therefore that do arrogantly boast themselves of the fruit and benefit that they have done in the church of God, saying: we have given light to the universal church, which was blind before our time, & we have put out the flame of sin in the church of God (when perhaps they have more furthered hypocrisy, than either truth or verity) they are not true prophets but false, of whom it is spoken in the psalms. The mouth of them that speak proud things. etc.  

Sign 23. is, that false prophets be always men pleasers▪  The 23. sign is, that true Apostles do not seek the favour of the world, nor yet how to please men: As to the ●a. 1. If I should please men, that is to say, if I had a desire to please men, I should not be the servant of God, whereupon to tim. the 1. epistle & 2. chap. Not as men pleasers, Gloze. Seeking to please because we have not the pleasing spirit. Therefore those preachers that seek the favour of the world, & do labour to this intent that they might please men, are not true Apostles but false. 
Sign 24. is, that true prophets eat what is set before them and give God thanks, but that do not the false prophets.   
The 24. sign is, that true Apostles when they have meat and drink they are contented, neither do they desire over dainty fare, according the saying of Math. 10. chap. Eating and drinking those things that are set before them. Gloze. The gospel condemneth not altogether costly and delicate fare, yet so alloweth the same, that if we have meat and drink, we ought not to grudge, but to be therewith contented. Therefore, those preachers which although that neither they be sent, nor have authority to preach, and yet are offended when they have not fine and delicate fare, are not true Apostles, but false preachers.  

Sign 25. is, that false prophets do love more their own estimation, then that the word of God should be truly taught.  The 25. sign is, that true Apostles do love more the law of God, than their own estimation amongst their neighbours: According to that in the 7. chapped. of the proverbs. Keep my law as the apple of thine cie, & bind the same up on thy fingers, and write the same in the table of thy hart: whereupon in the 119. psalm. The law of thy mouth is dearer unto me then thousands of gold and silver. Gloze. charity doth more love the law of God, than the desire of gold & silver a thousand fold. He therefore that seethe the gospel of Christ trodden under the foot, which is the eternal glad tidings to be taken away by that cursed one, and doth neglect and contemn the same, or else peradventure consenteth unto the same, to the outward appearance of the world: And yet because he will keep his temporal dignity and estimation, refuseth not to stir up strife and contention about the same, and so to be evil spoken of: seemeth not to be an Apostle of Christ, but rather a false prophet, if he be a preacher.  
The 26. sign is, 
Sign 46. is, that false prophets are not contented with necessary things, but look after superfluous.  that true Apostles seek not after such fine lodgings and wealthy habitations, where they may have all things at their commandments: but rather such honest resting places, where they may have necessary things for themselves, with their good wills of whom they have it. And they take nothing of such, whom they see to be so ready and liberal in giving: as that think the one doth him more pleasure in receiving the gift than the other doth in giving him the same. According to that in the 10. chapter of Matthew, saying: Into what city or town so ever ye shall enter, inquire out those that be of good report in the same: & abide you with them, so long as you tarry in the same City or Town. Gloze. Your host with whom ye lodge, aught to be chosen by the good report of neighbours, lest your preaching be evil spoken of by reason of his infamy. Neither ought such men to run from house to house. But whom shall we call worthy or of good report? Gloze. Him, who knoweth better to do other men good, than to receive a good turn of an other: and this is he which giveth willingly for Christ's cause, and not in respect of any commodity. Also true Apostles receive nothing of such men as lie weltering in their sins, but rather of those that are washed and cleansed from their sins whereupon the 2. to the Cor. the 7. chap. They have given themselves first to the Lord. Gloze. Because they now amending their old errors and vicious manners have vowed themselves unto the lord, & afterward gave of that which they had to their brethren. For otherwise, they ought not to have taken any thing of them, because gifts do blind the eyes. But those that give where there is no cause of reproof in their doing, have no just cause to give. Therefore those preachers that seek how to come by dainty fare, & do receive bribes & rewards of naughty men, that have this world at will: to the intent that those preachers may cover and hide their faults, and get of others what they can by subtlety, which give indeed rather to remove the shameless importunity of the craver or else for avoiding of present shame, them for any love they have to God: are not true Apostles, but false Prophets, according to that in the 2●. to the Cor. the 9 chap. The Lord doth love a willing giver. Gloze. He that giveth for present shame, or else for that he may be free from the importunacy of him that asketh, doth lose both his substance and merit: wherefore he that hath respect to these things, doth not seek the fruit and profit of the giver, but the gift itself as the Apostle to the Philip. the 4. chap. saith. Seek not the gift but the fruit or benefit of the giver.  
The 27. sign is, 
Sign 27. is, th●● those that be false prophets, their belly is their God.  that true Apostles do not endeavour themselves to seek & enjoy the fruit of other men's labours that they may be fed thereby: because that the belly is such men's God, according to that in the 2. to the Thessa. the 3. cap. we have heard of some amongst you which walk unordinately: not labouring at all, but living delicately or idly. Gloze. of other men's labours, and deserve they to be fed▪ The discipline of the Lord cannot away with that doing: for the belly is their God, which provide to have more than necessary dishes of meat. Therefore those preachers which so do, are no true Apostles but false.  
The 28. sign is, 
Sign 28. is, that true prophets rejoice not in miracles as false prophets do.  that true Apostles do not rejoice only of the miracles, or other excellent works, which the Lord doth by them: but they rejoice rather of the salvation which they look for from the Lord, then that by doing those miracles, they desire any honour. According to that which is written in Luke x. saying: Rejoice ye not for that the spirits be subject unto you, but because your names are registered in heaven. They therefore that boast of their own miracles, or of any that belong unto them, for this cause that they are saved by the doing of them, as many do say, seem not to be true Apostles but false. 
Sign 29. is, that true prophets seek not their own glory as false prophets do.   
The 29. sign is, that the true Apostles do never seek their own glory in this life, but the glory of Christ, as in john. 7. He that speaketh of himself doth seek his own glory. But he that seeketh the glory of him which sent him (that is of whom he is sent) is a true Apostle. Therefore those which seek the things that pertain to the glory of this world, of the which one is: To be assistant to those that bear rule and authority, according to that saying of Boetius De consolation. Those that do desire to be extolled, either they reign & bear rule themselves, or else do desire to be near about them, that have such dominion. Another is, they desire to have the fame and victory, of that which they have nothing at all deserved before God. Whereupon is written that saying of the Apostle in the Gal. 5. Let not us become desirous of vain glory. Gloze. To be desirous of vainglory is, to have victory without any merit or desert: & those I say that do such things seem not to be true Apostles but false.  
The 30. sign is, That true Apostles care not for the solemnities of men, neither their salutations, nor feastings, nor any other benefit of theirs. 
Sign 30. is, that true prophets do not force upon the solemn salutations of men as false prophets do. Sign 31. is, that false prophet's resort to other men's boards, and flatter them for a meals meat which true prophet's do not.  They therefore which love & seek the company and fellowship of men, their feastings, and other their commodities, do not seem to be true Apostles but false.  
The 31. sign is, that true Apostles do not commonly resort to other men's tables, least that they should for a meals meat become flatterers, as in the 2, Thessalon. 3. That we should give you an example to follow us. Gloze. He that cometh oftentunes to an other man's table, being given to idleness, cannot choose but flatter him, which feedeth him: but Christ's religion calleth men to liberty, and to no such bondage. They therefore that resort oftentimes, & that of their own minds to other men's tables (living idly) are not true Apostles but false.  
The 32. sign is, that true Apostles do not hate their enemies, 
Sign 32. is, that true prophets do not hate their enemies as false prophets do.  and such as hate them: which doctrine the Lord taught Matthew. 5. saying. love your enemies, do well to them which hate you. But false Prophets do both hurt & defame their neighbours, according as S. Jerome. 14. saith. The Prophets of jerusalem have defiled the whole earth Glossa. They are not contented only to hurt their neighbours, but also whom they before this time have hated, they defame and speak evil of, in every place they come. Therefore those preachers which hate them whom they think are their enemies, and do defame them, are not true Apostles but false preachers.  
The 33. sign is, 
Sign 33. is, that true prophets do not persecute men as the false prophets do.  that false Prophets when they are examined, & proved whether they be true Apostles or liars, take that very grievously. And persecute all those that can prove them to be so. And also do stir up and provoke other to persecute the same men: which also join themselves together by secular power even as certain false prophets did in the primitive Church, against the Bishop of Ephesus: to whom the Lord said in the Apoc. 2. I know, that is to say: I do allow thy works and thy labour: that is thy tribulation, because thou canst not away with those that be evil men. Glossa. But that thou hast a desire to amend them, or else to expel them, and hast examined those, which say that they are Apostles, and are but liars: and also hast suffered this patiently. Glossa. The evils, which these false Prophets joined together by seculare power do bring in: Are not the doings of true Apostles but false Prophets.  
The 34. sign is, 
Sign 34. is, that true prophets preach to those which be not yet converted, which the false prophets do not  that true Apostles go not to preach to those which are converted already by other men, but rather do convert those which are not yet converted: lest that they should build upon an other man's foundation, as S. Paul, Rom. 15, saith: I have laboured so, that from jerusalem to Iliricus, I have replenished the Gospel in every place. Gloze. That is, I have preached the same abundantly, in whom the great virtue of the holy ghost appeareth: because so many nations, that is, the Gentiles have received the Gospel by my preaching. But I have preached the Gospel there, where Christ was not preached before, lest I should build upon an other man's foundation. Gloze. I should not preach to those that were converted by an other man. Also 2. Corinth. 10. we are not such as boast and glory in other men's labours. Gloze. where an other man laid the foundation: for that should be to boast inordinately. Also in the same place: not thinking to boast, where an other man hath government, but in those things which are put in experience. Gloze. Of other preachers. Because the Apostle did preach unto those to whom the Gospel was never preached, that he might get praise by his own proper labour. Therefore, those Preachers which go not to that people which have need to be converted, but to those which are converted already, which have apostles of their own: that is to say, Bishops, and Priests, and yet do boast over an other man's flock: are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.  
The 35. sign is, because true Apostles when they are sent, 
Sign 35. is, that true prophets chief preach in their own diocese, and not in other men's.  go to their own diocese, & not to an other man's diocese: even as Paul being sent, went to the Gentiles when he purposed to preach: Acts. 13. Separate Paul and Barnabas, for the business which I have chosen them unto Gloze. According to the appointment and decree of james, Cephas, and john, went he forth to be a teacher unto the Gentiles. But those preachers that stand upon their feet: That is to say, those Preachers which have but small worldly substance, for which cause they are more readier to go which way so ever it shall please the Lord to send them: I say, the Lord hath sent them to preach, not to those which be sufficiently learned, but to those that are infidels, as we read in Ezech. 2. After that, the spirit of the Lord set Ezechiel upon his feet, in qua spem situs unus tangitur, and he said unto him: O son of man behold I send thee to the nations which have ●art ●acke from their profession: which have gone from me, that is to the jewish heretics, and to those nations which sometime have been Christians: as the Egyptians, the babylonians, and all those that observe the law of Mahomet. Therefore, if such go to those that are already instructed, & having both Apostles, bishops, and priests of their own: they go not into their own diocese, but into an other man's diocese: and are not true Apostles, but false preachers. And it is greatly to be feared, lest the Church be in hazard and danger by such, unless they be thrust o●t of the same betime: Even as jonas which when he was sent to ninivy of the Lord, which is interpreted large or wide, and leadeth to the hill: that is to the Infidels we speak of before. They go not to those Infidels according to the commandment of the Lord, but they turn an other way, take their journey into ●harsis, which is interpreted, ●o●king after joy and pleasure: That is, they go unto thos● which receive them with joy and gladness, & do well provide for them, that is to say▪ to godly and devout Christians▪ And therefore it is to be feared lest the ship in which they be (that is the Church) be in great peril, unless they be thrown forth. And therefore the Apostle spoke of such false Prophets, not without good cause. 2. Timo. 2. And shun thou those. Gloze. That is such men as those be.  
The 36. sign is, 
Sign 36. is, that fa●●● proph●●● attribute●● to themselves 〈◊〉 which t●●y never die.  because true Apostles do not boast, neither do they attribute unto themselves any other thing, but in that God hath wrought the same by them. Paul, Romans 15. saith: I dare not say any thing, but that which Christ hath wrought and accomplished by me. Glo. That is, I speak only those things (which by me) that is by my ministry, Christ hath wrought. They therefore that boast of many things, & do attribute much unto themselves, which they never did, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.  
The 37. sign is, 
Sign 37. is, that false prophets ●o cleave and lean to logical and philosop●●call reaso●, Sign 3●. is, that false prophets do love carr●●l● and not spiritually.  that true Apostles do not apply themselves, or lean to Logical or Philosophical reasons. Therefore those preachers which do endeavour themselves to such kind of reasons, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.  
The 38. sign is, that true Apostles do not love carnally or after the flesh, but hate what thing soever doth resist them in the service of God, as Luke. 14. He that doth not hate his father and mother, his son and sister, and also himself, he cannot be my disciple. Gloze. That is, he that doth not hate whatsoever doth resist or let him in the service of God, is not worthy to be a Disciple, neither can he abide in that office. Therefore for as much as true preachers are the true Disciples of the Lord, it must needs follow: that those Preachers which do promote their nephews and kinsfolks (how unworthy soever they be) to Ecclesiastical promotions and livings, contrary to the will of God: or do any other thing that letteth or hindereth them in the service of God, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.  
The 39 sign is, 
Sign 39 is, that fal●e 〈◊〉 prophets is hunt after the friendship of the world.  that true Apostles do not hunt for the friendship of this world: for he that is the friend of this world, is the enemy of God. Therefore those preachers which purchase the friendship of this world are not true apostles but false prophets, Therefore, for as much as the Scripture is infallible, as in the 24. chapter of Matthew, saying: Heaven and earth shall perish, but my words shall endure for ever. And the holy ghost which spoke in the Apostle cannot lie: for prophecy (for the most part) is not spoken by the will of man, but the holy men of God spoke by the inspiration of the holy Ghost, as it is red in the first epistle of Peter the 5. chapter: It remaineth that all men which are bound to defend the Church, may rise up in the defence of the same, according to that in the 24. chapter of the Proverbs. Deliver those that are led to death and cease thou not to rescue those which are drawn to destruction. Neither may he allege vain accusations, because it is said in the same place: 
Whatsoever doth perish in the church of God for want of preachers shall be required.  If he say he is not able, or strong enough, he that beholdeth the thoughts of men's hearts, shall know it. etc. what so ever perisheth in the Church of God for want of preachers: all that shall be demanded of them at the day of judgement: As jacob confesseth to La●an, whose sheep he fed. Genesis. 31, I did restore all thy loss, and that which was stolen I made answer for. I will demand his blood at thy hands. ezechiel. 3. This is said, to the Pastor or Prelate. But if the other things which we have spoken of before could not move the Prelates, and Cardinals: this at the least should move them: Because that then, the spiritual power which doth consist for the most part in the exercise of preaching, in hearing confessions, & enjoining of penance: shall be taken away from them by little & little. For by piecemele doth the wolf d●nour the poor & needy man. 3. q. cap 1. when the authority Ecclesiastical therefore shall be quite taken from them, and disposed to other, such as either by their order, or Apostolical grant, do challenge to have the same: Then doubtless, shall neither the jurisdiction of civil causes and plead, nor any authority that such Prelates have yet remaining, neither yet the possessions of the temporal goods of the Church, any longer remain amongst them. Shall such have the temporal goods of the church which minister not the spiritual treasure thereof? 1. Cor. 9 Know ye not that they which kill the sacrifice ought to eat of the sacrifice, & they that serve at the altar are partakers of the altar? For as the body without the soul cannot stand, so corporal things without spiritual things cannot continue. 1. q. 1. if any shall take away the same. Thus have you had the 39 arguments, for the which both he was condemned, and his books burned.  
In the days of this Guilielmus, 
A detestable book of the Friars called evangelium ●●ernum.  there was a most detestable and blasphemous book set forth by the Friars, (mentioned also in Math. parisians.) which they called evangelium aeternum, or evangelium spiritus sancti: That is, the everlasting Gospel, or the Gospel of the holy Ghost. In which book, many abominable errors of the Friars were contained, so that the Gospel of jesus Christ was utterly defaced: which this book said, was not to be compared with this everlasting Gospel, no more than the shell is to be compared with the carnel: then darkness to light. etc. More over that the Gospel of Christ shall be preached no longer but fifty years, and then this everlasting Gospel should rule the Church. etc. Item, that whatsoever was in the whole Bible, was in the said Gospel contained. At length this friars Gospel was accused to the Pope, and so 6. persons chosen of the whole university to peruse and judge of the book: 
The eternal and spiritual Gospel of the Friars condemned with much a do of the Pope.  as Christianus Canonicus, Baluacensis: Odo de Doaco: Nicholaus de Baro: joannes de Sicca Vella Anglus. joannes Belim, Gallus: Among whom, this Guilielmus was one, who mightily impugned this pestiferous and devilish book. These 6. after the perusing of the book were sent up to Rome. The Friars likewise sent their messengers withal: where they were refuted, and the errors of the book condemned: but so, that the Pope with the Cardinals commanded the said book to be abolished and condemned not publicly (tendering the estimation of the religious orders, as of his own most chief champions) but that they should be burned in secret wise: and the books of the foresaid ●uilielmus to be burnt with all.  
Besides other his books, 2. Sermons we have of his yet remaining, one upon the Gospel of S. Luke, of the Pharisy and the Publican: the other upon the Epistle, red in the Church on May day. where in the first he resembleth the Phariseis to our Monks, and that he proveth by all the properties of the Phariseis described in the Gospel. The Publican he resembleth to the Laity, such as for because the sooner they are reduced to acknowledge their sins, the more hope they have of mercy. The other, because they stand confident in their own righteousness, are therefore farther from their justification. In the latter sermon he setteth forth and declareth what perils and daunders be like to fall upon the Church by these religious orders of Monks and Friars.  
Among the other besides of that age which withstood the bishops of Rome & his Antichristian errors, 
●aurentius Anglicus condemned of the pope. Desensio Gulielmi. Ca●endum ● pseudo prophet's. The Pope Antichrist. The synagogue of Rome to be great Babylon. Ex Nicolao Emerico in libro svarum inquisitionum. Petrus joannes burned after his death. Robertus Gallus prophesieth against the Pope.  was one Laurence an Englishman, and master of Paris. An other was Petrus joannes a Minorite. Of whom the foresaid Laurence was about the year of our Lord. 1260. who in his teaching, preaching & writing, did stoutly defend the part of the foresaid Guilielmus & the rest of his side against the Friars. Against the which Friars he wrote 2. books: One in the defence of William afore mentioned: the other upon this argument and title: To beware of false prophets. etc. Certain other things also he wrote, wherein by divers proofs and testimonies he argued & proved, that Antichrist was not far of to come.  
The other, Petrus joannes was about the year of our Lord. 1290. which taught and maintained many things against the Pope: proving that he was Antichrist, and that the synagogue of Rome was great Babylon. He wrote upon Matthew, upon the Epistles, and upon the apocalypse. Mention of this Petrus joannes is made in Nicholaus Emericus in Lib. Inquisitionum. etc. And saith moreover, that Mi●hael Cesenas (of whom Christ willing shall follow hereafter) took of him a great part of his opinions. And because the pope could not burn him alive, after his death he caused his bones to be taken up and burned.  
To these and with these above specified, is to be added Robertus Gallus, who being borne of a right noble parentage for devotion sake, was made a Dominicke friar, about the same year of our Lord above touched, an. 1290▪ This man, as appeareth by his writing, had divers and sundry visions: whereof part is annexed with the visions and prophecy of Hildegardis. His visions all tend against the spiritualty of Rome. where in the fift chapter, he calleth plainly the Pope an Idol: which having eyes seethe not, neither lusteth to see the abominations of his people, nor the excessive enormity of their voluptuousness. But only to see to the heaping up of his own treasure: & having a mouth, speaketh not, but saith: I have set good men over them, (which is sufficient for me) to do them good either by myself or by some other. And followeth in the same chapter, woe to that Idol: woe to the mighty and proud, who shall be equal in all the earth to that Idol? He that exalted up his name in earth, saying: who shall bring me under? Is not my house compared with the mighty Potentates of the land? I am higher than Dukes: Knights on their horseback do service unto me. That which my Fathers had not before me, that have I done to me. My house is strewed with silver: gold and pearl are the pavement of my palace. etc.  
Again in the 12. chapter and also in the first, 
The Pope described.  under the name of a Serpent he painteth out the Pope: whom he declareth to extol himself above measure, and to oppress y●, few that be godly, and to have many fal●e prophets about him, which neglecting the word and the name of Christ, do preach & extol him only, obscuring the name of Christ. The church of Rome and the Pope he describeth in these words: I was praying (said he) on my knees, looking upward to heaven, 
The visions of Robertus Gallus.  near to the altar of S. james in Paris, on the right side of the altar: & saw in the air before me the body of a certain high bishop all clothed in white silk, who turning his back on the East, lift up his hand toward the west, as the Priests are wont in their Mass turning to the people, but his head was not seen. And as I was considering advisedly whether he had any head or no: 
The state of the church of Rom● described.  I perceived a certain head in him all dry, lean & withered, as though it had been a head of wood. And the spirit of the Lord said to me: This signifieth the state of the Church of Rome.  
Moreover, the same author in his visions well describing the manner of the school sophisters, and Sorbonists, addeth in this wise. 
The schoolmen and the frivolous questions described.  another day as I was in like contemplation as before, I beheld in spirit: and behold I saw a man appareled like to the other before: which went about, having fine bread, and excellent wine, that hanged about him on both sides. And the same having in his hand a long and an hard flint stone, was gnawing hungerly upon the same, as one being hungry is wont to bite upon a loaf of bread. Out of the which stone came two heads of two serpents, the spirit of the Lord instructing me, and saying: This stone purporteth the frivolous, intricate, & curious questions, wherein the hungry do travail and labour, leaving the substauntiall food of their souls. And I asked, what these two heads did mean. And he said, The name of the one is vain glory, the name of the other is the marring and dissipation of religion.  
Also, 
The reformation of the church presignified.  concerning reformation of the church, this vision he declareth▪ It happened as I was (saith he) in the same City in the house of a certain noble man (a Britain) and was there speaking with certain: I saw a cross of silver very bright, much like to the Cross of the Earl of Tholouse. But the 12. apples which did hang beside in the arms of the cross, were very vile, like the apples which the sea is wont to cast up. And I said: what is this Lord jesus? and the spirit answered me: This cross which thou seest is the church, which shall be clear and bright in pureness of life, and shall be heard and known all over through the shrill voice of the preaching of sincere verity. Then being troubled with the apples, I asked, what these apples so vile did signify? and he said: it is the humiliation of the Church. etc.  
This godly man did forewarn (as in a certain chro●ticle is declared) how God would punish the simony and avarice of the clergy with such a plague, 
The simony and avarice of the clergy to be punished.  that rivers should run with blood. etc. It is said, that there is remaining a great volume of his visions, which are not yet abroad: for these that be abroad, are but a brief extract out of his visions and revelations.  
After that we have thus long strayed in these foreign stories of Frederick, and in the tractation of other matters pertaining to other countries: Now after this sufficient disgression, it is time that we return to our own country again. where, in following the continuation of time, & course of the Church: we will now adjoin to these good fathers and writers, the history of the learned Bishop of Lincoln named Robert Grosted, 
The story of R. Grostede Bishop of Lincoln.  a man famously learned (as that time served) in the three tongues, both Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, also in all liberal sciences. whose works & Sermons, yet this day are extant, which I have seen in the Queen's majesties Library at Westminster. wherein is one special Sermon written and exhibited in four sundry skrolles to the pope, and to other four Cardinals, beginning Dominus noster jesus Christus. etc. 
Ex Nic. Trivet. Rob. Grostede a Southfolke man borne.  Nicolas Trivet in his chronicle writing of this bishop, affirmeth that he was borne in Suffolk, in the Diocese of Norfolk: who giving him the praise to be a man of excellent wisdom, of profound doctrine, & an example of all virtue: witnesseth, that he being master of Art, 
The commendation of Rob. Grostede.  wrote first a Commentary in librum posteriorum of Aristotle. Also that he wrote Tractations the sphera, & de arte comput. And that he set forth divers books concerning Philosophy. Afterward being Doctor in Divinity, and expertly seen in all the 3. tongues, drew out sundry Treatises out of the Hebrew gloss: also translated divers works out of the Greek, as namely the Testaments of the xij. patriarchs, & the books of Dionysius, commenting upon the new translation with his own gloze. Haec ille. Many other works and volumes besides were written by the said Grosted, 
The books and works of Rob. Grostede.  as De oculo morali, de Dotibus, De cessatione legalium, parvus Cato, Annotationes in Suidam, in Boetium, De potestate pastorali, expositiones in Genes. in Lucam, with a number mo●, besides divers Epistles, Sermons, and Inuections sent to the Pope, for his unmeasurable exactions, wherewith he overcharged & oppressed the Church of England.  
This godly and learned Bishop after divers conflicts and agonies sustained against the Bishop of Rome: after the example of Frederick: of Guiliel. de sancto amore, of Nico. Gallus and other after minded: at length after great labours and travels of life, finished his course, & departed at Buckdone in the month of Octob. 
Anno. 1253. The death of R. Grostede.  an. 1253. Of his decease thus writeth Mat. parisians. pag. 278. Out of the prison and banishment of this world (which he never loved) was taken the holy bishop of Lincoln Robert, at his manor of Buck●one in the even of S. Dionise: who was an open reprover of the Pope and of the King: a rebuker of the prelates, a corrector of the Monks, 
Malleus Romanorum Grosthedus.  director of the Priests, instructor of the clerks, fautor of scholars, a preacher to the people, persecutor to the incontinent, a diligent searcher of the Scriptures. A mall to the Romans, and a contemner of their doings. etc. Haec Mat. what a mall he was to the Romans, in the sequel hereof (Christ willing) shall better appear. The story is this.  
It so befell, among other daily and intolerable exactions wherein Pope Innocent was grievous and injurious (manifold ways) to the Realm of England: 
The trouble of R. Grost. with the Pope.  he had a certain cousin or nephew (so Popes were wont to call their sons) named Frederick, being yet young & under years: whom the said Innocent the Pope would needs prefer to be a Canon or Prebendary in the church of Lincoln, in this time of Robert Bishop of the said Church. And upon the same directed down letters to certain his factors here in England for the execution thereof. The copy of which letter, by chance, yet not by chance, but by the opportune sending of God, came to my hands, as I was penning this present story, written in the end of an old parchment book and otherwise rare I suppose to be found. As is this.  
Dilectis filijs Archdiacono Cant. & magistro Innocent. scriptori nostro in Anglia commoranti: 
An unreasonable letter of the Pope.  salutem & Apostolicam benedict.  
Cum dilectus filius noster G. Sanct Eustachij Diaconus cardinalis dilecto 
* Recte dictum fortassis filio.  filio Fridericho de Lavania, clerico nepoti nostro, de speciali mandato nostro Canonicatum Lincolniens. cum plenitudine juris canonici duxerit conferendum, ipsum per suum anulum corporaliter, & praesentialit. investiens de eodem, ut extunc canonic. Lincolniensis existat, & plenum nomen & ius Canonici consequatur ibidem, ac prebendam, si qua vacaverit in Ecclesia Lincol● a tempore quo dudùm litere nostrae super receptione, ac prouisione facienda sibi in Eccles. eadem de praemissis venerab. fratri nostro Episcopo Lincoln. presentatae fuerunt: a lioqui post va● caturam conferendam sibi donationi Apostolicae reseruarit: decernendo irritum & inane, si quid de praebenda huiusmodi a quoq fuerit attentatum: nec non & in contradictores & rebels excommunicationis sententiam ubique promulgando, prout in literis eiusdem exindè de 
* Confectis.  constitutis pleniùs continetur Nos ipsius Frede rici devotis supplicationibus inclinati, quod ab eodem Cardin. factum est super hoc & ratum & gratum habentes, idem autorit. Apostolic. duximus confirmandum. Quocirca Discretioni vestrae per Apostolica scripta●mandamus, quatenus eundem Fredericum, vel procuratorum suum eius nomine in corporalem possessionem praedictorum Canonicatus & praebendae, authority nostra inducatis. & defendatis inductum: contradictores per censuram Ecclesiasticam appellatione postposita compescendo. Non obstantibus aliquibus consuetudinibus vel statutis, inramentis, vel confirmationibus sedis Apostolicae, seu quacunque alia infirmitate roboratis: vel quòd dictus Frider. praesens non fuerit ad prestandum juramentum de obseruandis consuitudinib. eiusdem Eccles. consuetis. Sive si praedicto Episcop. vel Capitulo ipsius Ecclesiae communiter vel singulatim: ●eu alijs quibuscumque personis a dicta sede indultum existat, quòd ad receptionem, vel provisionem alicuius compelli nequeant, sive quòd nullus alius in eorum Ecclesia nemini providere valeat: vel quod interdici, suspendi, aut excommunicari non possint, per literas apost. sub quacumque forma verborum obtentas, vel obtinendas, etiamsi totus tenor indulgen tiarum huiusmodi de verbo in verbum in ijsdem literis sit insertus, sive quibus alijs indulgentijs quibuscunque personis, dignitati, vel loco, sub quacunque forma verborum concessis a sede Apost. vel etiam concedendis: per quas effectus huiusmodi provisionis posset impediri aliquatenus vel differri: Tamen volumus ea de certa scientia, quantum ad provisionem factam & faciendam Frederico praedicto in Ecclesia Lincoln. viribus omnino career. Coeterum si aliqui praedicto Frederico, vel procuratori super praemissis, vel aliquo praemissorum, aliquatenus duxerit apponendum: Illos ex part nostra citari curetis, ut peremptoriè infra duorum memsium spacium post citationem vestram personaliter compareant coram nobis, eidem Friderico super praemissis legitimè responsuri. Non obstantibus privilegijs, sive quibuslibet indulgentijs personis regni Angliae generaliter vel cuivis alij personae, vel dignitati, vel loco specialiter a praedicta sede sub quacunque forma verborum concessis: Quod non possunt ultra mare, seu extra civitatem vel Diocesin suam in judicium evocari per literas apost. sub quacunque forma verborum obtentas, quod privilegium & indulgentias eisdem personis de certa scientia nullatenus volumus suffragari, & constitutione aedita de duabus dictis in concilio generali non obstante. Diem autem citationis & formam nobis, vestris literis tenorem praesentium continentibus fideliter intimetis. Quòd si non ambo his exequendis interesse poteritis alter vestrum nihilominus exequatur.  
Datum Perus. 7. Cal. Febr. Pontificat. nostro anno decimo.  
Which letter to be englished is this.  
Unto our well-beloved sons the Archdeacon of Cant. & to master Innocent our scribe abiding in England: greeting and Apostolical benediction. 
The Pope● unreasonable letter.  For so much as our well-beloved son G. of S. Eustace Deacon Cardinal, upon our special commandment hath given and granted to our well-beloved son Frederick de Lavania (a Clerk and our nephew) a Canonship in the Church of Lincoln with full power and grant of the same: Investing him also corporally, and presently with his own ring in the said canonship to be from henceforth Canon of Lincoln, & to have full power of the said canonship in the church, and a prebend when any shall fall in the Church of Lincoln: From that time, since which our former letters of late, concerning this receiving and provision to be given to him in the said Church were presented & exhibited to our reverend brother Bishop of Lincoln: Or else after the next avoiding the said prebendship to be reserved to the Apostolical donation & to be given to him, making it void & frustrate if the said prebendship shall be given to any other man beside, 
Excommunication abused.  and also denouncing the sentence of excommunication against all them that shall rebel and gainsay the same as in the letters of the said Cardinal is more fully contained.  
We therefore graciously inclined by the devout supplication of the said Friderick, ratifying & gratefully approving that which hath been done by the said cardinals in the premises have thought good by the authority Apostolical to confirm. Wherefore we give in commandment by our letters Apostolical to your wisdoms, that you will see the said Frederick (or his proctor in his behalf) to be really and corporally possessed in the said Canonship or prebend by our authority, & also defend the said party being therein possessed, denouncing the sentence of excommunication against all such as shall withstand the same: All manner of customs, or statutes to the contrary notwithstanding, corroborated either with oath, or confirmations of the sea Apostolic, or by what stay or let soever: Or whether that the said Frederick be not present to take the oath accustomed to be given for observing the customs of the said church: Or whether it be given and granted by the said sea to the foresaid Bishop, or to the chapter of the said church jointly and severally, or to what person or persons else, that no man by compulsion should have admission or provision for any person in their Church whereby they cannot be interdicted, suspended, or excommunicate by the letters Apostolical obtained, or to be obtained hereafter, under what form or words soever, yea although the whole tenor of the said indulgence be inserted word for word in the said your letters or by any other indulgences to what person or people soever, of what estate, dignity or place soever, under any manner or form of words, granted hereafter by the sea Apostolic: by the which indulgences the effect of the said provision may be by any manner of ways hindered or deferred: yet of our certain knowledge we will that they shall want their strength in the provision made or to be made for the said Frederick in the Church of Lincoln: And if any upon the premises or any of them shall allege against the foresaid Frederick, or his procurator: That you will cause them to be cited on our behalf, so that they being cited peremptorily shall within the space of two months of your citation, personally appear before us there according to the law to make answer to the said Frederick, upon the premises: Any privileges or indulgences what soever, given and granted either generally to the king doom of England, or peculiarly to any other person of what state, degree, and place soever, granted by the foresaid sea, under what soever manner & form of words for them not to be called up beyond the sea, or out of their own City or Diocese by letters Apostolical, under whatsoever form of words obtained, to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding: All which privileges and indulgences, we will in no case shall stand in any force or effect to the said parts. Moreover, the day and form of the citation, we will that ye faithfully do intimate unto us by your letters containing the tenor thereof. And if both of you can not be present at the execution hereof, yet we will notwithstanding that one of you do execute the same without fail.  
Dated the 7. Kal. Febr. the 10. year of our Popedom.  
As the●e is no man which hath any eyes to see, but may ●asely understand in reading this letter of the Pope, how unreasonable his request is how impudently he commandeth, how proudly he threateneth, how wickedly he oppresseth and racketh the Church of God, in placing boys and strangers in the ministry & cure of souls, & also in making them his provisors, to raven up the Church goods: So is it no great marvel, 
A double commendation of B. Grosted.  if this godly Bishop Robert Grosted was offended therewith. who in my mind, deserveth herein a double commendation, not only that he so wisely did discern error from sincerity and truth: but also that he was so hardy and constant to stand to the defence thereof against the Pope, according as in this his answer to the Pope again may appear, as followeth.  
The answer of Robert Grosted.  

The answer of R. Gro●●ed to the Pope.  SAlutem. Pleaseth it your wisdom to understand, that I am not disobedient to any the Apostolic precepts: but both devoutly & reverently with the natural affection of a son obey the same: And also am an utter enemy to all those that resist such Apostolic precepts, as a child zealous of his father's honour. And truly I am no less than bound thereunto by the precept and commandment of God. For the Apostolic precepts are none other nor can be, then consonant and uniform to the doctrine of the Apostles, and of our Saviour Christ being the master and Lord of all the Apostles: whose type and person, specially in the consonant and uniform hierarchy of the Church, the Lord Pope seemeth to bear (the same our Lord and Saviour jesus Christ, saying) whosoever is not with me, the same i● against me: Therefore, against him, neither is nor can be, the most divine sanctitye of the sea Apostolical. The tenor then of ●our foresaid Apostolical letter is not consonant to true sanctity but utterly dissonant and disagreeing to the same. First, for that upon the clause of this your letter & many such other letters like, which clause always ye so much do urge (Non obstante) induced and brought in upon no necessity of any natural law to be observed: doth swarm, and floweth with all inconstancy, boldness, pertinacy, impudence, lying, & deceiving, and is also a sea of mistrust in giving credit to no man. Which as it swarmeth with these, so in like manner with innumerable other vices which hang and depend upon the same: moving and disturbing the purity of Christian religion and life agreeable to the same, as also the public tranquillity of men. Moreover, next after the sin of Lucifer (which shallbe in the latter time, to wit, of Antichrist the child of perdition, whom the Lord shall destroy with the breath of his mouth) there is not nor can be any kind of sin so repugnant and contrary to the doctrine of the Apostles ●nd holy scripture & to our saviour Christ himself more hateful, detestable and abominable: then to destroy and kill men's souls by defrauding them of the mystery of the pastoral office which by the ministry of the postorall cure ought to save and quicken the same. Which sin, by most evident places of the Scripture such men are discerned & known to commit: which being in the authority of the Pastoral dignity, do serve their own carnal desires and necessaries, with the benefit of the milk and wool of the sheep and flock of Christ: and do not minister the same Pastoral office and charge to the benefit and salvation of those their sheep. The same therefore by the testimony of the Scripture, is not the administration of the Pastoral ministry but the kill and destruction of the sheep. And that these two kind of vices be most vile and wicked (although after a differing sort) and far exceeding all other kind of wickedness, hereby it is manifest: For that the same are directly contrary to two virtues most chiefly good (although differing in themselves) and unlike together. For that is called most wicked which is contrary to a thing most best. So much then as lieth in the offenders, the one of their offences is directly against the deity, which of himself is always essentially and supernaturally good: The other is against the deification and the Image of God in man, which is not always but by the participation of God's lightsome grace essentially and naturally God. And forasmuch as in things being good, the cause of good is better than the effect: & like as again in evil things the cause of evil is worse than the effect of evil proceeding thereof: hereby it is manifest: That the inducers of such wicked destroyers of God's Image and deification in the sheep of Christ (that is the church of God) are worse than those chief destroyers, to wit, Lucifer & Antichrist.  
And as in these degrees of wickedness how much more excellent such be, who having a great charge committed to them of God (to edif●ication, and not to destruction) are more bound to keep away and exclude such wicked destroyers from the church of God: 
Power giuē●o ministers to edification only, not to destruction.  So much is it also of that, that this holy seat Apostolical to whom the Lord jesus Christ hath given all manner of power (to edification as the Apostle saith, and not to destruction) can command, or will to go about any such thing, urging unto so great wickedness, so audible, detestable, and abominable to our Lord jesus Christ and also so pernicious to mankind. For this should be a great defection, corruption, and abuse of the said seat and fullness of power, and an utter separation from the glorious throne of our Lord jesus Christ, and a near neighbourhood unto the two most principal princes of darkness, sitting in the chair of pestilence, 
Two principal princes of darkness, Lucifer and Antichrist.  prepared to the pains of hell. Neither can any man which is subject and faithful to the said sea (and not cut away from the body of Christ, and from the said holy sea) with sincere and unspotted conscience▪ obe● such manner of precepts and commandments, 〈◊〉 what soever other attempts proceeding, yea though from the high order of angels themselves: but rather aught of necessity with all their strength to withstand & rebel against the same. Wherefore my reverend Lord, I like an obedient child upon my bond duty of obedience & fidelity, which I own to bot● the 
* He mea●ieth either Christ & the Church, or else Peter and Paul.  parents of this holy Apostolic sea, and partly for love of unity in the body of Christ joined with the said sea: do not obey but withstand and utterly rebel against these things in the said letter contained, & especially which urge and tend to the foresaid wickedness: so abominable to the Lord jesus Christ, so repugnant to the holiness of the holy Apostolic sea, & so contrary to the unity of the catholic ●aith. Neither for this cause can your discretion determine any extremity unto me, because all my doing and gainsaying in this matter is no resistance nor rebellion, but a▪ childly obedience to the divine precept and honour due both to 
* Idest, both to Christ and hi● Church.  Father and Mother. Briefly therefore repeating my words I say: that this holy Apostolic sea cannot do any thing but to edification, and nothing at all to destruction. For this is the fullness of power, to be able to do all things to edification. But these which you call provisions, be not to edification, but to manifest destruction. The holy Apostolic sea therefore cannot nor aught to attempt any such thing, because that flesh and blood which cannot enter into the kingdom of God hath revealed the same, and not the Father of our Lord jesus Christ which is in heaven.  
Then followeth it in the story both of Mathaeus Parisiensis and of Florilegus, 
Ex Ma●. Paris. ad verbu●.  in these words: That when this Epistle came to the knowledge of the Pope, he fuming & fretting, with anger and indignation answered, with a fierce look and proud mind saying: what old doting frantic wretch is this so boldly, & rashly to judge of my doings? By sweet S. Peter and Paul, were it not but that upon our own clemency and good nature we are restrained, 
Well sworn master pope.  we would hurl him down to such confusion, that we would make him a fable, a gazing stock, an example and wonderment to all the world. For is not the king of England our vassal? and to say more, our mansiple or page (to use the very words of mine author) which may at our pleasure & beck both hamper him, and imprison him and put him to utter shame? This when the Pope in his great fury and rage had uttered amongst his brothers the Cardinals, who were scarce able to appease the furious violence of the pope, with mild moderation of words, they said unto him: that it was not expedient for them to proceed against that bishop in such rigorous m●ner, For said they to confess the truth to your holiness, it is but very truth that he affirmeth, neither can we condemn him therefore. He is a catholic man yea also a holy man: more holy & also religious than we ourselves: 
Giles Cardinal defendeth Rob●rt Grosted to the pope.  a man of excellent wit and excellent life, so as it is thought among all the Prelates he hath not his better nor yet his like. This is not yet unknown both to the french & English clergy universally, neither can our contradiction prevail against him: The truth of this his epistle perhaps is known now to many & shall stir up many against us: for he hath the name to be a great Philosopher and singularly seen in all the tongues both Greek, Latin & Hebrew: zealous in justice, a reader of divinity in the schools, ● preacher amongst the people, a lover of Chastity, & a persecutor of Simony. These words spoke L. ●iles, a Spanish Cardinal to the Pope and other more moved by their conscience to speak. And this counsel they gave to the Pope, that he should dissemble and wink at these things as one not seeing or regarding them: lest otherwise perhaps, some tumult might rise and spring thereof: Especially seeing this is manifest and known to all men, that once must needs come a defection and parting from the Church of Rome. 
The godly talk of R. Grosted in time of his sickness.   
Not long after this (about the canicular days) this reverend & godly Robert bishop of Lincoln lying at his manor place in Bugden fell grievously sick: and thereupon within few days departed. In the time of his sickness he called to him a certain Friar, of the preaching order named M. john Giles, a man expert & cunning both in physic & Divinity: partly to receive of him some comfort of his body, and partly to confer with him in spiritual matters. Thus upon a certain day, the said. B. conferring with the foresaid M. john, & riciting to him the doings & proceedings of the Pope: did grievously rebuke & reprehend his fellow brethren the preaching Friars, and the other order also of the Minorites. That for so much as their order being planted in wilful poverty of the spirit, to the intent they should more freely carp and reprove the vices of the mighty, & not to flatter or spare them, but sharply to rebuke & reprehend the same: The said Friars contrary to their profession did not boldly enough cry out and inveigh against the abuses of their superiors and men of power, nor did uncover nor detect their faults and wickedness. And therefore said the Bishop, I judge them to be no better than manifest heretics: And addeth moreover (demanding of M. john) what is heresy? and that he should give him the true definition thereof. whereat, when the Friar did stay and pause, not remembering the solemn definition of that matter: the Bishop thereupon inferreth, giving this definition in Latin, by the true interpretation of the Greek word: 
Heresis quid.  Heresis Graece, electio Latin, est sententia humano sensu electa, Scripturae sacrae contraria, palam docta, pertinaciter defensa. That is. heresy is a sentence taken and chosen of man's own brain, 
Definition of heresy.  contrary to holy Scripture, openly maintained, and stiffly defended. And this definition given consequently he inferred sharply reprehending the Prelates of the church, but especially the Romans: which commit the charge of souls unto their kinsfolks being both in age unworthy, and in learning unsufficient. To give saith he, the charge of souls to a boy is a sentence of a prelate chosen and taken of man's own head, only for carnal and earthly respect: & also is contrary to holy scripture the which forbiddeth any such to be made ministers or pastors, which are not sufficient to drive away the wolves. 
The P. proved here an heretic  And moreover it is also openly maintained, because it is manifestly borne abroad and commanded, with charts imbulled both with wax & lead. And finally, it is stiffly defended: for if any man shall dare to presume to withstand the same, he is suspensed and excommunicated and open war cried out against him: Therefore to whom the whole definition of an heretic doth agree, he is a very heretic. But every faithful Christian man ought to set himself against an heretic as much as he may: wherefore he that can resist him and doth not, he sinneth and seemeth to be a fautor thereof according to the saying of Gregory. 
The saying of Gregory.  He lacketh not conscience of secret society which ceaseth to resist open impiety. But the Friars both franciscans and Dominicks, are most chief bound to withstand such, seeing both of them have the gift of preaching committed to them by their office, and be more apt to the said office, by reason of their poverty: And therefore, do not only offend in not resisting such, but also are to be rounted maintainers of the same, according to the sentence of the Apostle to the Romans saying: Not only they which commit such things, but also they that consent are worthy of death. 
The Pope accused of heresy.  wherefore it may be concluded, that as well the Pope (unless he cease from that vice) as also the same Friars, unless they show themselves more earnest and studious in repelling the same, are both worthy of death, that is, perpetual damnation. Item saith the Canon decretal, that upon this vice of heresy the Pope both may & aught to be accused.  
After this, the vehemency of his disease more & more increasing and because the nights were something longer: the third night before his departure, the bishop feeling his infirmity to grow upon him willed certain of his clergy to be called unto him, thereby to be refreshed with some conference or communication: 
Certain Aphorisms or articles laid of R. Grosted against the B. of Rome.  unto whom the bishop mourning and lamenting in his mind for the loss of souls through the avarice of the Pope's court said on this wise, as by certain Aphorisms.  
1. Christ came into the world to save and win souls: Ergo, he that feareth not to destroy souls, may he not worthily be counted Antichrist?  
2. The Lord created the whole world in six days, but in restoring of man he laboured more than 30. years. wherefore he that is a destroyer of that, about which the Lord so long laboured, is not he worthy to be counted the enemy of God, and Antichrist?  
3. The Pope shameth not impudently to annihilate and disannul the privileges of his holy predecessors of Roman Bishops, 
The Pope accused ●n his 〈◊〉 clause 〈…〉  by this obstacle (Non obstante) which is not done without the prejudice and manifest injury of them, For in so doing, he doth reprove and destroy that which so many and so holy men have builded up before, and thus seemeth he to be a contenmer of the Saints: worthily therefore he that contemneth shall be contemned, according to the saying of Esay: woe to thee that dost despise, for shalt not thou thyself be despised? And who shall keep his privileges which so breaketh the privileges of others.  
4. The Pope answering hereunto thus defendeth perhaps his error. 
The P●●●sed for erogating 〈◊〉 than is 〈◊〉 to him, 〈◊〉 proved 〈◊〉 to be equal but 〈◊〉 to his predecessors▪  He that is equal, hath no superiority over his equal. Therefore, no Pope hath power to bind me being pope as well as he. To this I answer again (quoth the Bishop) It seemeth to me, that he that now presently is sailing in the dangerous seas of this world: and he that is safely arrived in the haven, having past all jeopardies, are not both like and equal. Grant that some Popes be saved (God forbidden any should say contrary.) Then saith our saviour: He that is least in the kingdom of heaven, is greater than john Baptist, a greater than whom did never rise amongst the children of men. Is not therefore some Pope greater being a giver and confirmer of privileges than this that is alive? Truly me thinks he is greater. Therefore he hath dominion over his inferior.  
5. Doth not the Pope thus say, 
The P●●● said for r●●●ing the 〈◊〉 and foundations of his predecessor Proved tha● the Pope ● live is 〈◊〉 our to hi● predecessor before him. And therefore to ha● no authority to infringe the priuileg●es of other Popes. Proved by example 〈◊〉 Benet th● men more auncien●●● time ought to be preferred in higher reuer●●●  speaking of all his predecessors for the most part: This our predecessor, and this our predecessor of most worthy memory. etc. And again, we (saith he) cleaving to, or following the steps of our predecessors. etc. And why then do such Popes as ●me after, destroy these foundations which their predecessors have laid?  
6. Many Apostolic men coming after, have confirmed some privilege being granted by other before: And be not many Bishops being already saved by the grace of God, to be counted greater and better than one bishop which hath not yet attained, but standeth in danger to obtain that which the other have got already?  
7. Also our former father's bishops of the Apostolical sea, in preferment of time go before the other, which in time come after. And those whom the estimation of ancient time doth advance, such are we bound to esteem and to have in more reverence. This did the holy man Benedict well consider who in his rule preferreth such as came first in time, what so ever men they were, before them, which (albeit being more ancient in years) come after them into the order: & commandeth them to be their superiors, and to have the pre-eminence. which being so (as it is) true and certain: how cometh then this injurious and rash presumption, which dare repeal and disannul, the old privileges of many ancient holy Bishops, in time and in reverence going before them.  
8. Moreover, 
The Pope accused for maintain●● of vsur●.  and though many Popes have been grievous to the Church, yet this Pope most specially hath brought it most into servitude & manifold ways hath damnified the same. For these Caursini, these open usurers, whom our holy forefathers and doctors (whom we have seen) and namely our learned master in France preacher: also the Abbot of Flay a Cistercian: master jacobus de veteri, and master Steph. Archbishop of Cant. in the time of his banishment: And also master Rob. Curcun, with his preaching, banished out of France (for before that time these kind of ●surers were never known in England) the same Caursini, these wicked usurers (I say) were by this Pope induced, supported and maintained: so that if any do speak against them, he is miserably tossed and trounced for his labour, whereof partly Roger bishop of London hath some experience.  
9 The world doth know, 
Against r●● re●s.  that usury is counted a detestable thing in both the Testaments, and is forbidden of God. But now the Pope's usurers or exchangers (the very jews crying out against them) being openly suffered in London to exercise their usury, to the great damage & detriment of all ecclesiastical persons (but especially houses of religion) compelling such as be in poverty, to counterfeit, and to put to their scales unto forged writings: which is no less then to commit Idolatry, 
The 〈◊〉 practise of usurers.  and to abrenounce the verity which is God himself. As for example, I borrow 100 Marks for a year, in stead of 100 Pounds. I am compelled to make my writing, and to seal the same, confessing that I have received in borrow an 100 pounds to be repaid again at the years end to such a man. etc. And if it shall chance that your occupying be such, that within a month you bring again the principal to the Pope's usurer, he will receive no less notwithstanding, than his full 100 pounds: 
The Pope's Usurers worse than the jews.  which condition of usury is much worse than that of the jews. For to the jew what principal you bring, he will require no more then proportionally, for the commensuration of so much time, wherein his money hath been out of his hands.  
10. Moreover, 
Crafty subtil●ie of the Pope to get money.  we have seen & known the Pope to have given in charge and commandment to the friars preachers, and minorites: to inquire diligently for such as lie sick and like to die, and so coming to them diligently to persuade them, to make their wills and Testaments fa●orably to the profit and subsidy of the holy land, and to take the cross upon them, that if they do amend, they may wring them in the law. And if they die, they may wrest the money from their executors.  
11. We have known likewise and seen men that have taken the vow and sign of the cross upon them, 
Men signed to the holy land, sold for money like sheep by the Pope, Remission of sins, sold for money. The Pope accused to be injurious ●● churches in his provisions and seleruations.  to be sold to lay men, as sheep and oxen were wont in time past, to be sold in the temple.  
We have seen with our eyes, the Pope's letter, in which we have found this to be written: that they which bequeath any thing to the behoof or subsidy of the holy land, shall receive so much indulgence, as they have disbursed money.  
12. Over and beside all this, the Pope in divers and sundry his letters, hath willed and commanded Prelates to receive into Ecclesiastical benefices, and to provide some such living in their Churches, as shall be sufficient to such and such a stranger, (being both absent, and also unworthy) which have neither learning, nor yet the language of the country: whereby they are neither able to preach, nor to hear confessions, nor to keep residence for to refresh the poor and waifarers.  

The Pope accused to be injurious to the Abbot of S. Albon.  13. Item, we know and have seen ourselves, that the Pope hath written to the Abbot of S. Alban, to provide for one called john de Camezana, whom he never saw, in some competent benefice. whereupon in few days after, when provision was made for him in a certain Church, worth 40. marks by the year and more: the party being not therewith contented, complained to the Pope. who then writing to the foresaid Abbot, commanded him to provide for the foresaid M. john in some better thing, reserving notwithstanding the gift of the former benefice, to himself.  

The Pope accused for violent extortion.  14. Again, not long after came also to the house of the foresaid Abbot two other persons like begging vagabonds, bringing with them the Pope's letters: in the tenor whereof the Abbot was commanded, that incontinent upon the sight thereof, he should give & disburse to the said persons for the expedition and dispatch of his affairs 10. marks in hand, without any delay or sticking: The which persons uttering to the Abbot proud and threatening words, he was feign to agree with them and send them away.  

The Pope accused for troubling & corrupting learned men of the spirituality with his temporal affairs.  15. Item, of men which are both holy and well learned, which have left the world for the following of God in such order, as they ought not to turn back again, the Pope of them maketh his Tolners and bankers to get in his money: The which charge they are compelled against their wills to take upon them, lest they should seem to be disobedient: and so of spiritual men, are made more secular than the most secular. And so, the baseness of their chimmers and scapillers which they wear, doth prove them to be liars: whilst under the habit of poverty and humiliation, lurketh the spirit of pride and elation. And because no Legate may be sent into England, but being first required of the king: the Pope sendeth sophistical Legates and such as be disguised in counterfeit apparel, and are guarded with great might and power: neither is it hard to bring forth examples thereof. For so many such daily do come into the realm, that to hear the names of them recited, it would be tedious for any man to hear.  
16. Furthermore (as we have seen ourselves) the Pope granteth for secular favour, 
The Pope accused for unlawful dispensation  that a man may have a Bishopric, and yet be no Bishop consecrated, Sed electus sempiternus, that is, elect for ever. which is as much to signify, to have the milk and the wool of the sheep, and not to keep the wolves away from the sheep: To retain the rents of a Bishop, and not discharge the function of a Bishop.  
And when this godly Bishop had thus reproved these and such other detestable enormities of the court of Rome: as all kinds of avarice, their usury, their simony, their extortion, all kinds of filthiness, fleshly lust, gluttony, and their sumptuous apparel reigning in that Court: then saith he, this old verse may be truly verified upon it.  

Eius avariciae totus non sufficit orbis,  
Eius luxuriae meretrix non sufficit omnis.   

All the world cannot suffice their greedy avarous mind,  
Nor all the drabs and naughty packs their filthy lusting kind.   
afterward he went about more to prosecute, how ●he foresaid court like a gulf never satisfied, ever gaping (so wide, that the flood of jordane might run into his mouth) aspired how to usurp the goods of them that die untested, and of Legacies bequeathed without form of law, and whereby more licentiously to bring this to pass, they used to join the king to be fellow and partaker with them in their spoils, extortions, and robbings. Neither sayeth he, shall the Church be delivered from the servitude of Egypt but by violence and force, 
Ex Mat. Paris.  and with the bloody sword. And albeit sayeth he, these be yet but sight matters, yet shortly more great and grievous things than these shall be seen.  
And in the end of this his prophesying which he scarcely could utter, 
The death of R. Grosted Bishop of Lincoln.  with sighing, sobbing and weeping, his tongue and breath began to rai●e, and so the organ of his voice being stopped, made an end both of his speech and life. Ex Math. Paris.  
And for as much as mention hath been made before, of the insatiable avarice of the Pope's court by his inordinate provisions and reservations, it is testified by the said author Math. Paris that the foresaid Robert Grosted being bishop of Lincoln, caused to be viewed and considered diligently of his clerks, 
What the revenues of the Pope's Clerks here in England came to by year. Ex Cestrensis▪ lib. 7.  what the revenues of foreigners and strangers within England set in by the Pope, came to by the year: and it was found and evidently tried, that this Pope now present, to wit, Innocentius 4. did impoverish the universal Church throughout Christendom, more than all his predecessors from the time the Pope first began: So that the revenues of foreigners and clerk placed by him here in England, mounted to the sum of 70000. marks and above, whereas the mere revenues of the crown came not to 30000.  
Of this Robert Grosted writeth Cestrensis in his 7. book of his history: that partly for that it grieved him to see the intolerable exactions of the Pope in this realm, and partly because he refused to admit a certain young nephew of the Pope to be canon of his Church (as hath been before recited). He therefore writing to the Pope, and signifying that he could not admit any such persons into his Church, which neither knew themselves, nor the tongue of the people, nor the charges committed unto them: was called up to Rome, 
The Pope strooken with the staff of Grost. Bysh. of Lincoln  and there excommunicated, who than appealing from the Pope, shortly after departed, which was An. 1253. It chanced within 2. years after his decease, the said Pope Innocent being a sleep: a certain Bishop appareled bishop like, appeared unto him, and striking him with his staff on his left side, said: Surge miser veni in judicium. That is. Rise wretch and come to thy judgement. The next day after, the Pope was found amazed as a man strooken on the side with the stroke of a staff. This Robert though he was greatly commended for his sanctimony, & as Cestrensis sayeth, for his miracles: yet was he not permitted in the court of Rome to be ascribed in the catalogue of saints. And thus much out of Cestrensis concerning this matter. But Math. Paris. and the author of Flores historiarum prosecuting this story more at large, addeth this more unto it & saith. That Pope Innocent the next year following, 
Anno. 1254.  which was An. 1254. being passing angry: contrary to the mind of his brethren the Cardinals, would have the bones of the foresaid bishop of Lincoln cast out of the Church, and purposed to bring him into such spite and hatred of the people, that he should be counted an Ethnic, a rebel, and disobedient person through the whole world. And thereupon caused his letters to be written and sent down to the king of England, knowing that the king would gladly serve him therein to have the spoil of the bishop and of his church. But the night following, the said B. of Linc. appeared unto him as coming in his pontificalibus, and with a severe countenance and stern look, and terrible voice speaketh unto him being in his rest, & smiting him on the side with a vehement stroke with the end of his crossestaffe thus said, 
Ex Mat. Paris. Ex Fl●r. hist. Senibalde pap● miserime. The Pope's new and true stile given by Grost. Bish. of Lincoln.  O thou scourfie, lazy, old, bald, lousy, wretched, doting Pope. Hast thou purposed to cast out my bones out of the Church to the shame and slander of me? Now cometh this rash wilfulness in thy head? It were more meet for thee being this advanced by God & honoured, to make much of the zealous servants of God, although departed. The lord will not suffer thee henceforth to have any more power over me. I have written unto thee in the spirit of humility and love, that thou shouldest correct thy manifold errors. But thou with a proud eye and disdainful hart hast despised my wholesome admonitions. Woe to thee that despisest, shalt not thou also be despised? And so the Bishop departing from the Pope, strooken as is said on the side, le●t him for half dead, and so lying in sorrow & lamentation. Whereupon his chamberlains being amazed hearing these things, came running to the pope to know what him ailed. To whom the Pope much troubled and bexed in his spirit, said: that great terrors in his sleep, vehemently disturbed and molested him in such sort, that he thought he should never recover it, nor be restored to himself again. Oh (sayeth he) how sore is my side, and how eagerly it vexeth me, as being run through with a spear. Neither did the Pope eat or drink all that day, 
The Pope disquieted in his mind.  but feigning himself to be sick of a burning ague, kept in. And yet the indignation of the ireful hand of God (saith the story) so left him not.  
For after these wholesome admonitions given to him by the servant of God: 
The revenge of God upon pope Innocent.  the Pope not regarding them, but all set upon war, suppression of his enemies, and secular affairs, gave his mind wholly unto them. And yet all his labours, counsels, & expenses bestowed upon them, could never prosper after that day, in that he went about. For the Pope the same time having war with the Apulians, all his army fight under the Pope's nephew their captain, were slain & confounded the number of many thousands. 
The Pope's army vanquished and confounded  whose lamentable slaughter all the country of the Romans did much bewail. The Pope not yet quiet in his mind, directeth his journey toward Naples, although sore vexed in his side like a man sick of a pleurisy, or s●itten rather with a spear. Neither could any physic of his Cardinals help him. For Robert of Lincoln (saith the story) did not spare him. And he that would not hear him gently correcting him, being alive, his stripes did he feel when he was dead. So that he never after that enjoyed any lucky or prosperous day, till time of his death: nor yet any prosperous or quiet night until the morning. 
The death of Pope Innocent. 4.  And so continued he unto his death, which shortly after ensued, he being at Naples. An. 
Anno. 1255.  1255. or as N. Trivet recordeth. An. 1254. And thus have ye the whole discourse between Robert Grosted & Pope Innocent.  
¶ 
A note to the reader concerning the appearing of dead men.  In the which story is to be noted (gentle reader) that although in the story of Cestrensis, of matthew Paris and of Flor. hist. it is expressly testified and reported, that the Pope was smitten with the staff of Robert the foresaid Bishop of Lincoln: yet thou must wisely understand, that how so ever God's hand dealeth here in this world in punishing his enemies, or how so ever the Image of things not seen but phantasied, offer themselves to the secret cogitation of man (his senses being a sleep) by the operation or permission of God, working after some spiritual influence in our imaginations: certain it is, that no dead man materially can ever rise again or appear, before the judgement day, to any man with his staff or without his staff, to work any feat, after he have once departed this life.  

Dissension between the arch. of Cant. and the Church of Lincoln.  After the death of this Robert Grosted bishop of Lincoln, great dissension fell between the Archb. of Cant. Boniface, and the canons of the said church of Lincoln, about the right of giving prebendships, and about the revenues of the said church, in time of the bishops see being now vacant. Which right & power the Archbishop claimed to himself, but the canons of that Church (maintaining the contrary side) stood against him, 
Excommunication abused. Appellation made to Rome. Henry Lexinton B. of Lincoln.  and for the same were excommunicated of the Archbishop. Among whom, one M. Wolf resisting the Archb. to the face, in the name of all the other canons, made up his appeal to Rome, where much money on both sides was spent. At length, after this Grosted, was elected Henry Lexinton in the see of Lincoln.  
About which time, the wicked jews at Lincoln had cruelly crucified, whipped, & tormented a certain child named Hugo of 9 years of age. An. 1255. in the month of August. Ex Gualt. Gisburn. At length the child being sought & found by the mother, being cast in a pit. 32. of those abominable jews were put to execution. 
A child crucified of the jews at Lincoln.  whereof Matthew Paris. reciteth a long story. The same or like fact was also intended by the like jews at Norwich 20. years before upon a certain child, whom they had first circumcised, & detained a whole year in custody, intending to crucify him, for the which the jews were sent up to the tower of London, of whom 18. 
Ex Nic. Trivet. Ex Cestrens. l. 7 cap. 34. Ex Flor. hist. The jews expulsed out of France.  were hanged, & the rest remained long in prison. Ex Cestrens. lib. 7. Of this wicked jewish people I find also in the book of Flor. hist. that about this year of our Lord 1255. they began first to be expelled out of France, by the commandment of the French king, being then in Palestina, warring against the Turks: By the occasion that it was objected then by the Turk against him and other Christian princes, 
A child ●●cumcised ● the jews, and kept a whole year to be crucified.  for the retaining the jews amongst them which did crucify our saviour, and warring against them which did not crucify him. Ex Flor. Hist Of these jews moreover king Henry the same year 1255. exacted to be given unto him 8000. marks in pain of hanging. Who being much aggrieved therewith, & complaining that the king went about their destruction, 
The Iewe● ask leave to departed the realm of England.  desired leave to be given them of the king, that they might departed the realm, never to return again. But the king committed the doing of that matter unto Earl Richard his brother, to enforce them to pay the money whether they would or no. Moreover of the same jews mention is made in the story entitled Eulogium. Of the jews in Northhampton, 
Ex E●lo●●, Jews burned at N●●thampton.  who had among themselves prepared wild fire, to burn the city of London. For the which divers of them were taken, & burned in the time of Lent, in the said city of Northhampton, which was 2. years before, about the year of our Lord. 1253. Ex Eulogio. And for so much as mention here is made of the jews, I cannot omit what some English stories writ of a certain jew: who not long after this time about the year of our Lord. 
A jew fallen into a privy, would not be take● out for keeping his Sabbath day  1257. fell into a privy at ●uekesbury upon a Sabbath day which for the great reverence he had to his holy Sabbath, would not suffer himself to be plucked out. And so Lord Richard Earl of Gloucester, hearing thereof, would not suffer him to be drawn out on sunday for reverence of the holy day. And thus the wretched superstitious jew remaining there till Monday, was found dead in the dung.  
And to note the blind superstition of that time, not only among the jews, but also among the christians, to omit divers other stories as of Walter Gray, 
Superstitious falling noted in Walter arch. of York.  Archbish. of York, who coming up to the Parliament at London. an. 1255. with unordinate fasting, did so overcharge nature, & pined himself, & (as the story mentioneth) did so dry up his brain: that he losing thereby all appetite of stomach, going to Fulham, 
Ex Flo. hist.  there within 3. days died, as in the compiler of Flor. Hist. is both storied and reprehended. Let this also be adjoined, which the forenamed author, and in the same year is recorded of one named Peter Chaceporce, who dying in France, 
Superstition in seeking salvation by wrong means.  an. 1255. left in bequest of his testament 600. marks for lands to be purchased to the house of Merton for God to be served there perpetually pro anima eius, & omnium fidelium i for his soul's health, and all faithful souls. As who would say, Christian faith were not the ordinary means sufficient to salvation of faithful souls, without the choir service of the Monks of Merton.  
Ye have heard it often complained before, how the usurped power of the Pope hath violently and presumptuously encroached upon the Church of England, 
The Pope injurious to the Church of England.  in giving & conferring benefices and prebends to his Italians and strangers, to the great damage and ruin of Christ's flock manifold ways. This violent injury & oppression of the Pope, as by no lawful and gentle means could be reform: so by occasion & means inordinate about this time, it began somewhat to be bridled. The matter whereof was this, as it is in the collector of Flor. Hist. recited. In the days of the reign of this king 44. The Bishop of London named Fulco, had given a certain prebend in the Church of S. Paul, to one master Rustandus the Popes messenger here in England. Who entering into the profession of the gra●e friars, & shortly after dying on the other side of the sea: the Pope immediately conferred the said prebend to one of his specials, 
A prebendship of pa●●s given both of the Pope and of the king at one time to two several persons.  a like stranger, as the other was before. About the same instant it befell, that the bishop also of London deceased, whereby the bishopric now vacant fell into the king's hands. Who hearing of the death of the forenamed Rustandus, gave the said prebendship (given of the Pope before) to one john Crakehale his under treasurer. Who with all solemnity took his installation, unknowing as yet that it was bestowed of the Pope before. It was not long after as time grew, but this being noised at Rome, forthwith cometh down a certain Proctor named john Grass with the Pope's embulled letters, to receive the collation of the benefice by his commission procuratory, given by the Pope: wherein john Crakehale had been already installed, as is aforesaid, 
The Pope's donation preferred before the kings.  by the king's donation. This matter coming in travise before Boniface Archbishop of Cant. he enquiring and searching which donation was the first, finding the pope's grant to be the former, gave sentence with him against the king: so that in conclusion, the Roman clerk had the advantage of the benefice, although the other had long enjoyed the possession thereof before. Thus the pope's man being preferred, and the Englishman excluded, after the party had been invested & stalled after the use and manner, he as thinking to be in sure possession of his place, attempted with the rest to enter the Chapter house, but was not permitted so to do: whereupon the pope's clerk giving place to force and number, went toward the archbishop to complain. 
Two Roman clerks going to complain were 〈…〉 the way.  This being known, certain recluses pursued him, and so being compassed about, one in the thickness of the throng being never after known, suddenly rushing upon him, a ●itle above his eyes so pareth of his head, that he fell down dead. The same also was done to an other of his fellows in fleeing away. This heinous murder being famed abroad, straight inquiry thereof was made, but the deed doer could not be known. Although great suspicion was laid upon Crakhale the king's chaplain, yet no proof could be brought. But most men thought, the bloody fact to be done by certain ruffians, or other light persons about the City or the Court, disdaining belike, that the Romans were so enriched with Englishmens livings, by whom neither came relief to any Englishman, nor any godly instruction to the flock of Christ. And therefore, because they saw the Church and realm of England in such subjection, and so much to be trodden down by the Romans and the pope's messengers: they thought thereby something to bridle, as with a snaffell, the Pope's messengers, from their untemperate ranging into this land. Ex Flor. Hist.  

The story of Mat. Paris. here ceaseth.  ¶ here by the way is to be noted, that unto the death of this foresaid Fulco Bishop of London, continueth the history of Matthew Paris. monk of S. Albon, which was to the year of grace 1260. The residue was continued by an other Monk of the same house, but not with such like commendation, worthy to make any authentic story, as I have seen it noted in a written book.  
It were to tedious and curious in order to prosecute what happened in every year, through this king's reign: as how it was provided by the king, that whosoever could despend 15. li. land by year, should be ●ound to make to the king a soldier, that watch should be kept every night in Cities: that who soever was rob or otherwise damnified in any country, he that had the custody, should be compelled to make up the loss again, or else to pursue the malefactor, which was An. 1253. witnessing Flores hist. Item, how the king making his voyage into cascone, his expenses were reckoned to mount 270000. marks, beside 30000. Marks bestowed upon his brethren by the mother side, & beside other great gifts given abroad. By reason whereof, great taxes and colonies and tenths were required of his subjects, especially of the Churchmen: who were wont to receive tithes of other, now were constrained to give tithes to the laity. Flores Hist. An. 1254. Item, how in the year next following, the Londoners offering a 100 li. for a gift to the king with a precious cup of gold, at his return out of France, were shortly after compelled by the King to pay 3000. Marks, for the escape of a certain prisoner being a clerk condemned: which clerk being granted of the King to the Bishop, and he having no prison sufficient for him, borrowed of the Londoners to have him kept in the prison of Newgate, who escaping thereout, they as is said, were demanded this recompense aforesaid. Anno 1255. Item, how the king greatly complaining of his debt, the same year required the whole tenths, which should be gathered in 3. years, to be taken up all at once. To whose request, the nobles and commons agreed to strain themselves, so that the Charter of their liberties and customs might be ratified, & fully by him confirmed. And so for that year they were. 
Pope Alexander 3. ma●er war.  Flores Hist. Item, how Pope Alexander the 3. to destroy the city Michera, with king Menfrede the son of Frederick the Emperor, sent forth the same year Octavianus his Cardinal with a puissant army: 
The Pope's army slain.  who coming to the City with his siege, through the counsel of Marchisius one of the chief Captains, discharged a great part of his host, whereby the most of the Pope's army was slain and destroyed, almost all, save only the family of Marchisius. An. 1255. Flor. Mat. Paris.  

Lewlinus K. of Wales war●eth against the king. Lewlinus & the K. concorded.  Many other things during the time of this King might be congested, as the rising of Lewlynus King of Wales and of the welshmen against the king, and wasting the land unto the town of Chester, who destroyed divers of the Englishmen horsemen, taken in the Marrys, with whom at length they fell to agreement by the means of Octobonus: that his successors should be called princes only of Wales, and should do the king his homage. And the king of him to receive 3000. Marks. And this being established in writing, 
Ex Polychro nico. lib. 7.  was confirmed by the Pope's seal. An. 1257. Ex Polychron.  
About the same time, such famine oppressed the land and lack of victuals, 
Ex autore Eulogij. Anno. 1257.  that a sum of corn was then sold for 26. shillings: in somuch, that the poverty were forced to eat nettle roots, thissell roots, & whatsoever they could get. Ex Eulogio. Although some refer this to the year 1262.  
Hereunto moreover might be adjoined, how Pope Alexander abusing and mocking the king's simplicity, made him believe that he would make his son Edmund king of Apulia, 
Pope Alexander to make shift for money ma●eth the king believe his son should be king of Apulia. Richard the king's brother made king of Almain.  so that he would sustain the charges and costs thereof, to maintain the war which thereto should appertain. Whereby the king cast in a sudden hope, caused his son incontinent to be proclaimed king of Apulia. And upon the same sent up to the pope all the riches he could well make in his realm. And thus was the realm manifold ways miserably unpoverished to enrich the pope. Ex Flor● Hist. About which season, Rich. Earl of Exeter the king's brother, was made king of Almain by the electors.  
Here might be showed moreover, and added to the stories above, how the year next following, which was 1259. (as Nicholas Trivet writeth,) the King entering into France, required the restitution of such lands in Normandy and Angiew, as of old right was due unto him, and wrongfully with holden from him. But the French King again alleged, saying: that the country of Normandy by old time was not given away from the crown of France, but usurped, and by force extorted by Rollo. etc. In conclusion, the King fearing and suspecting the hearts of his nobles, and looking for none other but for rebellion at home, durst not try with them, but was compelled to agree with them upon such peace & conditions as he could get, which was this. 
What c●●ill discord worketh worketh. Resignation of the Earldom of Normandy and Ang●ew.  That he should have of the French king xiii. C. M. of Turen pounds, with somuch lands else, as came to the value of xx. M. pound in yearly rent: so should he resign fully and purely to the hands of the French king, all such lands and possessions which he had in France. Whereby the King given over his stile and titles which he had in those parts, ceased then to be called Duke of Normandy, or Earl of Angiew.  
Albeit if it be true that Gisburn writeth, 
Ex Gual. Gisburn.  the king afterward repenting of his deed, did never receive the money in all his life, neither did he cease during his life, to entitle himself Duke of Normandy. But after him, his son Edward and his successor in their stile left out the title, to be called Duke of Normandy. 
The conflict & skirmish between the Northern Wealth men, and the Southern men in Oxford.  etc. Ex Gisburn.  
Beside many other matters omitted, here I overpass also the sore and vehement conflict, not between the frogs and the mice which Homer writeth of, but the mighty pitched field fought in the year of our Lord 1259. between the young students and scholars of the University of Oxford, having no other occasion (as I read in Math. Pariens.) but only the diversity of the Country where they were borne. For the Northern men joining with the welshmen, to try their manhood against the Southern part: fell both parts together in such a broil, with their ensigns & warlike array, that in conclusion divers on both sides were slain. This heavy & bloody conflict during and increasing among them, the end was this: that the Northern lads with the welsh had the victory. After that fury and fiery fierceness had done what it could, the victorers bethinking at length with themselves, partly what they had done, partly how it would be taken of the higher powers: and fearing due punishment to fall upon them, especially seeing the brother of Leoline prince of Wales, and son of Giffine, was newly dead in prison, drawing their counsel and helps together: they offer to king Henry 4000 marks, to Edward his son 300. and to the Queen 200. to be released of their trespass. But the king answering them again, that he set more price by the life of one true subject, then by all, which by them was offered: would in no wise receive their money. And so the students without hope of peace, went home with small triumph, learning what the common Proverb meaneth: Dulce bellum inexpertis. Notwithstanding, the King being then occupied in great affairs and wars, partly with Leoline and the welshmen, partly enwrapped with discord at home with his nobles, had no leisure to attend to the correction of these university men, which was. An. 1259. Ex Mat. Pariens. Likewise concerning the dissension following the next year after, 
Variance between ●he students and the Friars in Paris. Variance between the University of Oxford and Cambridge. Variance between the Archb. of Cant. and the chapter of Lincoln. Variance between the Archb. of Cant. and the chapter of London. Ex Flor. ●●st.  in the University of Paris, between the students there and the Friars: the number of whom then did somuch increase, that the commons uneath was able to sustain them with their alines. Also between the Universities both of Oxford and Cambridge, for a certain prisoner taken out of prison by strength, and brought into sanctuary the same year, as is testified in matthew Paris. An. 1259. In like manner, touching the variance between the Archbishop of Caunterb. and the Chapter of Lincoln. Again, between the said Archbishop of Canterb. and the Chapter & bishop of London: and how the said Bishop at his consecration would not make his profession to the Archb. but with this reception, Saluis iure & libertate Ecclesiae Londinens. quae pro posse meo defendam in omnibus. etc. recorded in Flores Hist. All which wrangling and dissensions, with innumerable other reigning daily in the Church at those days, if I had so much leisure to prosecute them, as I find them in stories remaining: might sufficiently induce us to understand what sma●l peace and agreement was then joined with that doctrine and religion in those days, 
Little peace in the Pope's Church.  during the state & reign of Antichrist.  
These with many such other matters more, which here might be discoursed and storied at large, being more foreign than Ecclesiastical, for brevity I do purposely contract and omit, cutting of all such superfluities as may seem more curious to write upon, then necessary to be known.  

Histories profitable for example.  This that followeth concerning the pitiful & turbulent commotion between the king and the nobles, which lasted a long season: because it is lamentable, & containeth much fruitful example, both for Princes and subjects to behold and look upon, to see what mischief and inconvenience groweth in common weals, where study of mutual concord lacketh, that is: where neither the Prince regardeth the offending of his subjects, and where the subjects forget the office of christian patience, in suffering their prince's injuries, by God's wrath inflicted for their sins. Wherefore, in explaining the order and story thereof, I thought it not unprofitable to occupy the reader with a little more tarriance in perusing the full discourse of this so lamentable a matter, and so pernicious to the public weal.  
And first to declare the occasions and first beginnings of this tumult, here is to be understood, which before was signified: how king Henry married with Alinor daughter of the Earl of Province, 
The occasions of commotion between the king and the Nobles.  a stranger, which was about the year of our Lord 1234. Whereupon, a great door was opened for strangers, not only to enter the land, but also to replenish the court: to whom the king seemed more to incline his favour, advancing them to more preferment, than his own natural English Lords, which thing was to them no little grievance. Moreover, before was declared, how the king by Isabel his mother who was a stranger, had divers brethren: whom he nourished up with great livings and possessions, and large pensions of money, which was an other hearts sore to divers, & also an hindrance. Over & beside hath also been declared, what unreasonable collections of money from time to time, as quindecims, subsidies, tenths, mersements, fines, payments, lones and taxes, have been levied by the king, as well of the spirituality, as of the lay sort, partly for maintaining the king's wars against Wales, against scotland and France, to recover Normandy: partly for helping the king's debts, viagies & other expenses: partly for the kingdom of Apulia, which was promised the king's son by the pope: partly for moneying and supporting the Pope in his wars against the Emperor. By reason of all which sundry and importable collections, the common wealth of the Realm was utterly excoriate, to the great impoverishment of poor English men. Neither did it a little vex the people to see the king call in so many Legates from Rome every year, which did nothing else but transport the English money unto the Pope's coffers. Besides all this, what variance and altercation hath been between the king and his subjects about the liberties of Magna charta, & de foresta, granted by king john, and after confirmed by this king, in the former council holden at Oxford, hath been afore declared.  
Perhaps this might be also some piece of a cause, that the king considering and bearing in mind the old injuries done of the Lords and Barons to his father King john before him: did bear some grudge therefore, or some privy hatred unto the Nobility, to revenge his father's quarrel. But of things uncertain I have nothing certainly to affirm. This is certain, by truth of history, that the year next ensuing, which was 1260. thus writeth Nicho. Trivet, 
Anno. 1260.  that the king's justices called Itinerarij, being sent thither to execute their office, were from thence repelled: the cause being alleged for that they were against the king in proceeding and enterprising against the form of the provisions enacted and established a little before at the Town of Oxford.  

Strangers having all the wealth of the realm under the king. Ex Gualt. Gisburnensi.  It befell moreover the same year, above other times (as Gualt. Demmingford writeth) that a great number of aliens coming out of France and other provinces, resorted into England: and had here the doing of all principal matters of the Realm under the king. Unto whom the rewards and reliefs, & other emoluments of the land did most chief redound, which thing to see did not a little trouble & vex the nobility and baronage of England. In so much, 
The words of the Nobles to the king.  that Simon Montfort Earl of Leicester, offering to stand to death for the liberties and wealth of the Realm, conferred together with other Lords and Barons upon the matter. Who then coming to the king after an humble sort of petition, declared to him how all the doings of his Realm and his own affairs, were altogether disposed by the ha●des, and after the wills of strangers, neither profitable to him, nor to the weal public: for so much as his treasures being wasted and consumed, he was in great debt, neither was able to satisfy the provision of his own house, but driven to ta●e for his own cates, to no small dishonour to his own state. And now therefore said they, pleaseth your highness to be informed by our advise, and to commit your house to the guiding and government of your own faithful and natural subjects: And we will take upon us to discharge your whole debt within one year, of our own proper goods and revenues, so that we within 5. years may clear ourselves again. Neither will we diminish your family, but rather increase it with a much greater retinue: providing ●o for the safety and seeing to the custody of your royal person, 
The K. g●●●teth to ●●. Lords.  as your highness shall find and understand our diligence most trusty and faithful unto you in the end.  
To these words so lovingly declared, so humbly pretenced, 
A sitting ●● the king and Lords at Oxford.  so heartily and freely offered, the king as willingly condescended: assigning to them both day and place, where to confer & to deliberate farther upon the matter, which should be at Oxford, the 15. day after Easter. At which day and place, 
The provisions or law●● ma●e at Oxford. The King swearet● to the prou●●ons ma●● a● Oxford.  all the states and Lords with the bishops of the realm were summoned to appear at the said town of Oxford, for the behalf of the king, and the Realm convented together. Where first of the King himself, then of the Lords an oath was taken: that what decrees or laws in the said assembly should be provided to the profit of the king and of the realm, the same universally should be kept and observed to the honour of God, & utility of his church, and wealth of the Realm. Besides these Lords and the King, were also 9 Bishops, which swearing to the same, did excommunicate all such as should gainstand the said provisions there made, the King holding a burning taper in his hand, and the Lords openly protesting, to rise with all their force, against all them that shall stand against the same.  
There were at that present in the Realm, 
The kings brethren. ●gainst the provisions of Oxford.  four brethren of the kings (most part of them by the mother's side) which would in no case agree hereunto, but in anger departed privily unto wint. The nobles hearing thereof, in all speedy wise pursued them, fearing lest they should take the City of Wint. and forcibly keep the same. Wherefore, the Lords preventing their purpose, and seeing them stiffly to persist in their stubborn sentence, wrought no other violence against them, but returning to Oxford again, prescribed to them these conditions, that they departing the realm should repair to their own lands & possessions, which they had beyond the sea. And that forthwith they should put this injunction in execution. notwithstanding that the King made for them great intercession, yet it took no place. 
The provisions of O●forde.  And because this should seem to proceed of no special displeasure against them, they enacted moreover, that all strangers and aliens of what state or condition soever, should forthwith avoid the realm in pain of death. divers other provisions the same time were ordained and established: that if any did hold of the king in whole or in part, and should chance him to departed (his heir being under age) the wardship of him should belong to the king, as hath partly before been specified.  
Moreover it was there decreed, 
Ex historic G●alte●● Gisburnensis. God grau●● this law might take place agai●● God gra●●● the like 〈◊〉 again fo● the wealth of the realm divers in this coun●● impoiso●t.  that the wool of England should be wrought only within the realm, neither should it be transported out to strangers.  
Item, that no man should wear any cloth, but which was wrought and made only within the realm.  
Item, that garments too sumptuous, should not be brought in nor worn.  
Item, that all excessive and prodigal expenses wasted upon pleasure and superfluity, should be eschewed of all persons.  
Many other laws & decrees (saith the author) in this assemble were ordained, wherein they continued the space of 15. days: and many of them were empoisoned, of whom was the Abbot of Westminster, a man in that order much commended. Also William brother to the Earl of Gloucester. Also the Earl himself being ●mpoisoned hardly escaped with life, his hear and nails falling of his body, whereof the author not long after was taken, and duly executed at Wintchester. In the mean time, the nobles considering those dangers and jeopardies, were constrained to break off for that time, appointing the 14. day of Octob. next following to convent together at London with weapon and harness: to prosecute & finish the residue, that was in the said counsel to be concluded. All which at the time & place appointed was fully accomplished, and the acts thereof in order of writing promulged, 
The kyn● repentance his oath.  and so committed to execution.  
After the promulgation whereof, many things therein displeased the king, and it began to repent him of his oath. 
Anno. 1261.  But because he could not at that present otherwise choose, he dissimuled for a season. Thus time passing on, within a year following, which was 1261. the king seeing himself more & more to grow in debt, and not to be relieved according to promise made, but especially being egged (as may be thought) by his brethren, 
The K. sneth to the pope to release him of his oath.  taking it to stomach, sent up the Pope both for him, and his son Edward, to be released of their oath made before at Oxford. The benefit of which absolution being easily obtained (or rather bought at the Pope's hand) the king stepping back from all that was before concluded, 
The Pope's absolution abused.  calleth an other parliament at Oxford. Where he before the Lords and nobles declared: how in the late counsel of Oxford they had agreed among themselves for the common utility of the Realm and of the king (as they pretended) for the increasing of his treasure, & his debt to be diminished. And thereupon bound themselves with an oath, causing also himself, and his son Edward to be bound to the same. But now by experience proving & trying the matter to be otherwise then their promise was: and that they, contrary to their covenant made, sought not so much the prof●te of him & of the Realm as their own, taking him not as their Lord, but going about to bring him under their subjection as an underling: and for that moreover his treasure greatly decreasing, his debts increased, and his princely liberality was cut short and trodden under foot: They should not marvel therefore, if he henceforth would be no more ruled by their counsel, but would provide himself of some other remedy, such as he might. And moreover, as touching the oath wherewith he & his son stood bound unto them, he had sent already unto Rome, & had obtained absolution and dispensation of the same, both for him, and his son Edward also, and for all other that would take his part. And therefore, he required of them to be restored again to that state & condition, he had enjoyed in times past.  

The answer of the nobles again to the king.  To this again gave answer the state of nobility on the other side, being in the same place present. In the number of whom was Simon Mountfort Earl of Leycester, Richard Clare Earl of Gloucester, Humphrey Run Earl Ferrence, with a great number of Barons: as Lord john Fitze, john L. Hastings, L. Geoffrey Lucy, Lord john Uescy, L. William Segraue, Hugh Spencer, L. Roberte Uespoynt, with divers and many more, whose answer to the king again was this. That the provisions made at the counsel of Oxford (whereunto they were sworn) they would hold, defend, and maintain to their lives end: forso much as they did sound, and also were agreed upon, both to the honour of God, to the profit of the prince, & stable wealth of the Realm. etc. And thus parts on both sides discording among themselves, would so have departed, had not certain of the Bishops coming between both, laboured between them to take up the matter. 
The controversy between the king & the Nobles put in comprimis.  By whose mean (saith Gualt. Gisburn.) and procurement, the determination of the cause was brought in comprimis, and referred to Ludovick the French king to judge between them, who hearing both the allegations (saith he) like no equal judge, but a partial friend: inclined wholly and fully to the king's sentence, and condemned the nobles. But the author of Flores Hist. saith, that by the mediation of certain discrete men, two were chosen: one for one side, the other for the other. To whom the third also was adnexed, who hearing as well what was brought of the king's part, as also what was answered of the other, should define between them both. And so peace was between them concluded, till the coming of Edward. All this while as yet, the Pope's absolution for the king, although it was granted and obtained at Rome, yet was it not brought down in solemn writing, neither was prince Edward as yet returned out of France to England.  

The Pope releaseth the K. of his oath.  At length, the writing of the king's absolution being brought from Rome, the king eftsoons commanded the same to be published throughout the Realm, and sendeth to the French king and other strangers for help. Moreover sesseth all his Castles into his own hand, rejecting the counsel of the Lords, to whose custody they were before committed. Also removing the former officers, as instices, and the Chancellor: with other placed afore by the Lords, he appointed new in their stead.  
To this foresald absolution procured from Rome for the king and his son: Edward returning out of France, at that time did not give his consent, but held with the Lords. Who then putting themselves in arms, with a great power repaired up to London (keeping there, in the suburbs and places about) while the king kept within the tower, causing the city gates to be watched and locked, and all within the said city being above the age of 12. years to be sworn unto him. But at length through the means of certain coming between, this tumultuous perturbation was somewhat appeased, (at least some hope of peace appeared) so that the matter was taken up for that time without war or bloodshed. 
Wicked make-bates.  notwithstanding, some false pretenced dissemblers there were, which secretly disclosing all the counsels and doings of the Lords unto the king, did all they could to hinder concord, 
Ex Flor. hist. in. Anno. 1261.  and to kindle debate. By the means of whom, the purpose of the Lords came not to so good effect, as otherwise it might. Ex Flor. Hist.  
In this present year (as affirmeth that forenamed author) it was rumoured abroad, 
Bishop's going about to recover benefices appropriate from religious houses Ex Florilego ibid.  that all the Bishops of England went about to recover again out of that hands of religious men, all such churches and benefices, which were to them improperated or appropriated: and that they, for the expedition of the same had sent up to Rome, both messengers & money nothing misdoubting to obtain their purpose. But as a little good fruit in those days used to spring out of that sea: so I do not find, 
Pope Alexander dieth. Pope Vibane.  that godly suit and labour of the bishops to take any fruitful effect. The same year died Pope Alexander, after whom succeeded Pope Urban the fourth.  
Of the which Pope Urbane the king also obtained, 
Anno. 1267.  or rather revived a new releasement from his oath, made to the provisions and statutes of Oxford. 

A new release of the king's oath from Rome, with this epitaph:  
Hic pudor Hypoliti. Paridis gerasensus Vlisiss.  
Eneaepietas, Hectoris ira jacet.   Which being granted, he commandeth incontinent all the foresaid laws & provisions through England to be dissolved and broken. This done, the King with the Queen taketh his voyage into France, where he fell into great infirmity of sickness, and the most part of his family taken with the fener quartane, of which many died. In the number of whom beside other, died Richard the worthy Earl of Gloucester and Heriord, after whom succeeded Gilbert Clare, his son.  
The Welshmen this year, breaking into the borders of England, did much annoyance in the lands of Roger lord Mortimer: 
The Welshmen rebel.  but mightily again by him were expulsed, not without great slaughter of the invaders. About which time, 
The provisions of Oxford again granted by the king.  the king through some discrete counsel about him, inclined to peace and concord with his nobles, granting of his mere voluntary will, the constitutions and provisions of Oxford to take place in the Realm, directing his commandment to every shire. All be it, the Realm yet was not altogether pacified for all that.  
In the latter end of this year, 
The king's palace at Wellm. brent with fire.  the king's palace at westminster was brent, and for the most part was all consumed with fire, which seemed to many an evil prognosticate against the king. Ex Flor. Hist.  
In some English Chronicles it is also recorded, 
Usury punished for taking above ● pence a week in a pound.  that the same year 500 Jews at London were slain for taking usury more than 2.d. a week for 20. s. being before forbidden by the king to take above that rate by the week.  
After this followeth the year 1263. in which, 
Anno. 1263.  the Barons of England confederating themselves together, for maintaining the statutes and laws of Oxford, and partly moved with the old grudge conceived against the strangers (maintained by the King and the Queen, and Edward their son, in the realm of England) joined powers in all forcible wise: and first invaded the said strangers, namely them which were about the king. 
The Nobles rising against the strangers having the commodities of the realm Peter of Hereford a Burgundian a rich Bishop,  Their goods and manors they wasted and spoiled, whether they were persons ecclesiastical or temporal. Among whom besides other, was Peter a Burgundian (Bishop of Hereford, a rich prelate) with all his treasure apprehended and spoiled: also his countrymen, whom he had placed to be Canons of the same church. With like order of handling other alienes also, to whom was committed the custody of divers castles, as of Gloucester, of Worcester, of Brignorth: were spoiled, imprisoned, and sent away. Briefly, whatsoever he was in all the land that could not utter the English tongue, was of every rascal disdained, and happy if he might so escape. By reason where of it so came to pass, that a great number as well of other foreigners, as especially religious men and rich Priests (which here had gathered much substance) were urged to that extremity, that they were glad to flee the land. In the catalogue of whom, was one most principally named john Maunsel, 
john Maunsell a rich priest.  a priest notoriously grown in riches and treasures not to be told: having in his hand so many & rich benefices, that near no bishop of this realm might compare with him in riches. Who notwithstanding he kept with the king at London, yet was compelled privily to void the Realm, & was pursued by Henry the son of Rich, king of Almain. Certain other strangers there were, to the number of 200. and more, which having the castle of Winfore there immured and entrenched themselves, to whom at length prince Edward also adjoined himself.  
In the mean time while this stir was abroad, 
The king again agreeth with the Nobles.  the king keeping them in the tower, & seeing the greatest part of his nobles & commons with the Londoners to be set against him: agreed to the peace of the Barons, & was contented to assent again to the ordinances and provisions of Oxford. 
The Queen a great cause of this debate.  Albeit the Queen, by all means possible went about to persuade the king not to assent thereto. Who as seemed, was a great worker in kindling this fire of discord between the king & the baronage. In so much, that when the said Queen Almore should pass by barge from the tower to Windsor: the Londivers standing upon the bridge with their exclamations, cursings, and throwing of stones & di●t at her, interrupted her course, causing her to return to the tower again. 
The form of peace concluded between the king and the Nobles.  Notwithstanding, the peace yet continued with the nobles and the king, the form thereof was this. First, that Henry son of Richard king of Romans, should be delivered by the King & Queen. Secondly, that the Castles again should be committed to the custody of Englishmen, not of strangers. Thirdly, that the provisions and statutes decreed at Oxford, should as well by the king, as by all other inviolably be observed. Fourthly, that the realm henceforth should be ruled and governed not by foreigners, but by personages borne within the land. Fiftly, that all alienes and strangers should void the land, not to return again, except only such, whose abode should by the common assent of the kings trusty subjects be admitted and allowed.  
Thus the King and the nobles joining together after this form of peace above prefixed, although not fully with heart, as after appeared: put themselves in arms with all their power to recover the Castle of windsore out of the stranger's hands. But Edward in the mid way between London & the castle, meeting with his father and the barons, entered communication upon the matter. Which being finished, & he thinking to return into the Castle again, by the policy of the Earl of Leicester, & William bishop of Worceter, 
The castle of Windsor recove red out of the hands of strangers.  was not permitted to re-enter. Whereupon, the strangers within the hold (destitute of all hope to withstand the great force approaching) rendered the Castle unto the king and barons, upon this convention: That with horse and harness they might be suffered safe to departed the land, not to return any more. Which being granted, certain of the Barons conducted them in their journey toward the sea side, and there they left them.  
In the same year about the beginning of October, the king and Queen made over to France, with Simon Montfort and other nobles, to hear and stand to the arbitrement of jews the French king, concerning the controversy between the states of England, and all through the procurement of Alinore the Queen. 
Manet alta ment repostum iudicinum Paridis. etc. Virg.  For she not forgetting the old contiunelie of the Londoners, exclaiming against her upon the bridge, wrought always what revenge she could against them. Concerning the arbitrement of this matter put to the French king, part hath been said before, more shall be said (Christ willing) hereafter. Some stories do add moreover, that the king continuing long in France: word was sent to him out of England, that unless he returned again to the realm, they would elect a new king. Whereupon the king returning out of France to Dover, would have entered the castle, but he was stopped. Wherefore the king in fierce anger and great indignation, prepared his power toward London: where, Simon Montfort the worthy Earl of Leicester, through subtle train, was almost betrayed and circumvented in Southwark, by the sudden pursuing of the king's army, had not the Londoners with more speed breaking bars and chains, made way to rescue him. By the means of whom the Earl at that time escaped the danger.  

The sentence of the french king, with the king of England against the Barons.  Now, to come to the sentence of the French king, for so much as the arbitrement of this matter was committed to him, as hath before been specified: he in a great frequency, both of French and English persons about him, considering & peysing the cause on both sides, between the king and the nobles: clearly and solemnly pronounced on the king's side against the Barons, ordaining that the king of England all this while had suffered wrong, and that he should be restored again to his pristine state, notwithstanding the provisions made at Oxford, 
Ex Flor. hist. ex Gisbur. & alijs.  which he ordained to be repealed and abrogated. Ex Flor hist. Gisburn.  
The sentence of the French king thus awarded: as it gave to the king of England, 
War between the king and the Barons beginneth.  with his retinue no little encouragement, so it wrought in the nobles hearts great indignation: which, notwithstanding that partial decreement of the French king, sped themselves home out of France to defend themselves with all their strength and power. And not long after, followeth also the king, by whose train, Simon Mountfort Earl of Leicester (as is above recited) was well near circumvented in Southwark. 
University of Oxford, removed for a time to Northampton.  Then the king calling his counsel together at Oxford (from whence he excluded the university of students for a season, who were then at Northampton) there consulted, conferring with his friends and counsellors, what way was best to be taken. And hearing that the Barons were assembled in a great number at the town of Northampton, went thither with his host, and with his banners displayed, 
Anno. 1264.  accompanied with Richard his brother king of Almain: Also with Edward his son, john common of Scotland, with many Scots, john of Dalliolo, Lord of Galewaye, Robert of Bruse, Lord Walter of Auand, Roger of Clifford, Philip of Marmyon, john of Wans, Roger of Layburne, Henry Percy, Philip Basset, Roger of Mortymer, and William of Walance, and many other. Therefore the king commanded the Barons that were within, to yield unto him presently the city and the pledges or else he would immediately destroy them. But they counseling with the younger Simon de monte forti, which by his father's commandment had got the residue thither to take counsel together (for his father and the Earl of Gloucester were not yet come) boldly and with one mind answered: that they would not obey the kings will, but would rather defend themselves and the City if need were even to the death. With the noble men of the king's part hearing, sent word again, that at the least they should come to the wall of the City to speak to the King, if by any means peace might be made. And they suspecting no deccite, followed their counsel, and leaving their holds, came to the wall towards the meadow, for there lay the king and his strong host hard by. 
The Nobles taken at Northampton.  But in the mean space, whilst divers matters were reasoned and entreated of between the king and the Lords: the Lord Philip Basset (which before was appointed to work that feat) with mattocks and other instruments of iron and men prepared for the nonce: near to the monastery of S. Andrew, did undermine the wall of the City. And by this means, the wall fell down lightly, and there was made a great plain, so that in one forefront there might have gone together on a row 40. horsemen. And of this subtlety, the alien Monks that were there, were thought to be the workers, because they made way and entrance for them that came in. But when they that passed by saw this, & the king's banners were erected, ready to enter in: There was a great howling made, & the noise of the people came to the ears of the Barons, & they made speed to resist them, but it was all in vain, because they were already prevented of a great company of their enemies. But Simon Mountfort the younger, after he had valiantly fought a while in the midst of his enemies with Peter Mountfort, 
Simon Mountfort the younger taken prisoner. The scholars of Oxford stout against the king.  and a few that were with him: when Edward the king's son came, was by his commandment taken and led away prisoner. But the clerks of the university of Oxford (which university by the Baron's commandment was translated thither) did work against the king's men, more hurt then the other Barons, with their slings, long bows, and crossbows: for they had a banner by themselves, and that was set up a high against the king. Where withal the king being greatly moved, swore at his entering in, that they should all be hanged. Which when they hard, many of them shaved their crowns, & they that were able ran away as fast as they could. And when the king entered the City, many fled in their armour into the Castle: other left their horse and harness and ran into churches, and a few were slain, and those were of the common people. But there was not much bloodshed, because all things were done as upon a sudden. When the City was at the length set in a quiet, the king commanded his oath to be executed upon the Clerks. But his counsellors said unto him: This be far from thee O king, for the sons of thy Nobles, and of other great men of thy kingdom were there gathered together into the University: whom if thou wouldst cause to be hanged or slain, even they that now take thy part would rise up against thee, 
The students of Oxford spared.  not suffering to the uttermost of their powers the blood of their sons and kinsfolks to be shed. And so the king was pacified, and his wrath against the Clerks was stayed.  
In the same day, after little more than an hour, the king's host assaulted the Castle, and the new hold keepers were afraid, for that they had not victuals & other things necessary for their resistance: therefore they sent immediately messengers unto the King, and yielded themselves to the king's mercy. There were taken that day these Knights & Barons under written: 
The Lords taken at Northamton.  Lord William de Ferrer, Lord Peter Mountfort, companion of the said Simon de Mountforte the younger, Lord Baldwyn de wake, Lord Adam de Newmarche, Lord Roger Bertram, Lord Simon the son of Simon a valiant warrior, which first erected his banner against the king, Lord Berengarius de waterwile, Lord Hugo Bubiam, Lord Thomas Maunsell, Lord Roger Botemlam, Nicolas wake, Lord Robert de Newton, Lord Philip de Driby & Brimbald de Pauncefoote. All these afore hand did the king take prisoners and many more, of whom he committed some to the Lord Nicolas of Haversam to be kept in the same Castle well defensed: some he led away with him, and some he sent to divers Castles, and appointed Simon Mountfort to be cast into windfore Castle. And all these things, as touching the taking of Northampton, were done on the Sabbath day in passion week, being the third of April, in the year of our Lord. 1264. And the king went forward even to Nottingham, burning and wasting the manners of the Lords and others his enemies, and there he gathered together his nobles, and greatly increased his number.  
When this ill luck was told of them that there were run away to the Earl Simon, which was coming towards Northampton with a great host: he was in a great rage, 
Earl Simon Mountfort sayneth himself sick.  & yet was not discouraged. But immediately going to London, caused a chariot to be made him after the manner of litters or couches, wherein he might ride as though he were sick: for he feigned himself to be feeble and weak, whereas he was in deed a stout and valiant warrior. And there gathered to him other noble men that were confederate with him, Earls and Barons, every one bringing with them their several armies. And preparing their enginings of wood, 
Rochester besieged of the Barons.  they went to besiege Rochester, for the Earl of Worcester in the kings behalf, kept both the town and castle. When they had gotten the first gate and the bridge, they were partly wounded and compelled to retire, and there that valiant knight Roger de la Bourne was wounded and very il handled: And whilst they continued siege there a while, it was told them that the king was coming toward London with a mighty host. And they said one to an other: if the king at his coming should take London, we shall be shut in as it were in a strait corner. Let us therefore return to London that we may keep in safety both the place and the people. Therefore appointing certain persons to keep the siege, they returned to London. At the length when the king came, they went forth with the Citizens to mere him, not with flowers and palms in their hands, but sword and spears. The K. shunned them, 
The King s●uaneth London.  and after he had the Castle of Kingston, which was the Earl of Glocesters, he went from thence to Rochester: where after he had killed a few, he broke that siege, and from thence the king went to Tunbridge. And the town and Castle now being given up to him, he took there the Countess of Gloucester, & put her into an Abbey, not to be kept in hold, but to go at liberty whether she would: And he left for the custody of the Castle and City a great part of his host to the number of above xx. picked out ensigns, for that it was commonly said that the Earl of Gloucester would come out of hand to assault them. Which being done, he continued on his journey to Winchester, where he received to peace, the seamen of the haven towns. And three days alter upon the sunday following he came to the town of jews, and was received into the Abbey, and his son Edward into the Castle. Then the Barons sent letters to the king the 12. day of May, the tenor whereof followeth.  
TO their most excellent Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England, 
The letter of the Lords in the king.  Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitania: his Barons and other his faithful subjects, being willing to keep their oath and fidelity to God and him, send greeting and due obedidience with honour and reverence. Whereas by many experiments it is manifest, that some of your grace's assistaunces have reported to your majesty many lies of us, working mischief, as much as in them lieth, not only against us, but against you also and your whole Realm. Be it known to your highness, that we have been always willing to defend the health and safeguard of your person with all our power and fealty due to your grace: purposing to vex to the uttermost of our power and estate not only our ill willers, but also your enemies, and the enemies of your whole Realm. If it be your good pleasure give no credit to them, we shall be always found your faithful. And we the Earl of Leiceister and Gilbert of Clare at request of the other, for us & them have put to our seals.  
These letters being read and heard, there was a counsel called, and the king writ back to them, and specially to the two Earls of Leicester and Gloucester, in manner and form following.  
HEnry by the grace of God king of England. Lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitanie. 
The answer of the king to the Lords  etc. To Simon Mountfort, and Gilbert de Clare, and their confederates.  
For as much as by the war & general disquietness by your means raised up in our whole realm, and also the burnings and other hurtful enormities, it appeareth manifestly that you keep not your fidelity to us ward, nor care any thing for our health or safety: And for that ye have inorderly grieved our nobles, and other our faithful subjects, sticking faithfully and constantly to us (as you have certified us) we accounting their loss as our own, and their enemies as ours. And seeing these my aforesaid faithful subjects for the keeping of their fidelity, do assist us manfully and faithfully against your unfaithfulness, we therefore care not for your fidelity or love, but defy you as our and their enemies.  
Witness myself at jews the day & year abovesaid.  
Also Richard king of Almain, 
The letter of Richard K. of Almain and prince Edward to the Barons.  and Lord Edward the son of king Henry writ also to the Barons in this wife. Richard by the the grace of God, king of the Romans always Augustus, and Edward the eldest son of the noble king of England, & all the other Barons and nobles constantly and faithfully in hart & deed cleaving to the foresaid king of England: to Simon Mountfort, and Gilbert de Clare and to all and singular other their adherents in their conspiracy. By your letters which you sent to our Lord the noble king of England we have understanding that you defy us, although before any such word, your defiance towards us was apparent enough by your cruel persecution in burning our possessions and spoiling our goods: we therefore give you to wit, that we all and every one of us, as your enemies, do defy you all as our open enemies. And farther that we will not cease, where soever it shall lie in our power, to the uttermost of our force and might, to subvert your persons and all that you have. As touching that you lay to our charge, that we give neither faithful nor good counsel to our Lord the king, you say not the truth. And if your Lord Simon Mountfort, or Gilbert de Clare, will affirm the same in our Lord the kings court: we are ready to get safe conduit for you to come to the said Court to try, and declare the truth of our innocency and the falsehood of you both, as forsworn traitors, by some man equal with you in nobility and stock. All we, are contained with the seals of the aforesaid Lords, the Lord Richard, and the Lord Edward.  
Dated the day aforesaid.  
Both which letters being read, 
The battle of jews between the king and the Barons beginneth.  they drew near to the king for they were not far distant from the place which is called jews. And for that there wanted to the kings store provision for their horses, it was commanded them, on tewsday to go forth to seek for hay and provender. Which when they were gone forth, were prevented most of them, of their enemies and killed: but the residue returning, saw their enemies coming very early, on that wednesday morning, and making outcries stirred up the king, & his host to arm themselves. Then the Barons coming to the full plain descended there, and girding & trunming their horses made fit their harnies to them. And there the Earl Simon made the Earl of Gloucester, and Robert Dever, and many other new knights: which being done, he divided and distincted his host into four several battles. And he appointed noble men to guide & govern every battle. And over that first battle were ordained Captains, Henry Mountfort the eldest son of the Earl Simon & Buidd his brother, Lord john de Bruch the younger, & Lord Humphrey de Boun. Over the second battle, Lord Gilbert Clare Earl of Gloucester, Lord john the son of Lord S. john and Lord William of Mouncherisi. And over the third, in which the Londoners were at their request, the Lord Nicholas Segraue was assigned. Which required also very instanntly, that they might have that first stroke in the battle, at the adventure come what come would. But over the fourth battle, the Earl himself was captain with the Lord Thomas of Pilnestone. In that mean season came forth the kings host, preparing themselves to the field in three battles: of which Edward the kings son led the first, with the Earl of Warwick and Malence the king's brother: and the second the king of Alinaine guided, with his son Henry: but the king with his nobles guided the third. And the fourth legion the king appointed not, by reason that he had left many of his chief soldiers behind him, to keep the Castle and town of Tunebridge against the Earl of Gloucester. And the most part of the kings army were but young men, for the king thought not that his Barons had been come so nigh hand. Their arms being on both sides set in array & order, they exhorted one an other on either party to fight valiantly: & after they buckled together, the battle was great & many horsemen were overthrown even in a moment. But by and by Edward the king's son with his band, as a fierce young gentlemen, & valiant knight fell upon his enemies with such force, that he compelled them to recule back a great way: so that the hindmost (thinking by reason of their giving back, that the foremost were slain) ran many away of them, and taking water to pass over, were almost threescore soldiers drowned, & a few of the being slain, all the rest fled. Strait way the Londoners which had asked the first fight, knowing not how the battle went took them to their hercules: Whom Edward pursued with his band killing the himmost of them by the space of two or three miles. For he hated them because they had rebelled against his father, and disgraced his mother when she was carried by barge upon the Temse, from the tower to Windsor, as is above touched, pag. 000.  

Richard king of Almain with his son taken prisoners.  Whilst that Prince Edward was thus in the chase of the Londoners, who had the vawward of the Baron's battle: In the mean time the main battle of the Barons set upon the kings main battle, of the which the king of Almain the brother of king Henry had the leading: which being soon discomforted, and he with his son Henry & Robert de Brus, 
The kings main battle at Jews discomforted, and the king fain to take the Abbey.  john Coven with divers other captains taken prisoners: the rearward wherein the King himself fought, being immediately so hardly beset, & seeing his knights and soldiers on every side about him beaten down and slain, and divers other of his soldiers to forsake the field and shift for themselves: thought good to take again the town, and so retired into the Abbay from whence he came, shutting and rampering up the gates, & caused the same to be strongly warded with soldiers. To be brief, the Barons thus getting the field after long fight, and many men on either side slain: entered also the town of jews, pursuing in chase such soldiers as thither fled for succour.  

Prince Edward returning from the first chase, findeth altogether lost.  In the mean time, Prince Edward returning from the chase of the Londoners, as ye heard, who desired to give the first onset: and first espying the chariot of the Earl Simon (which he caused purposely to be made for him) & the horses in the same, without either waggener or any other to govern the same: fell immediately upon the chariot, & broke it all in pieces, & slew two burgesses that were within the same. But when he came nearer to the place where the bloody battle had been fought, & saw the great discomforture and overthrow which in his absence with great mortality and slaughter had happened: his hart was much dismayed, and his countenance altered. Yet notwithstanding comforting & couraging his knights & soldiers, of whom he had a valiant company, in battle array marched toward the town. Against whom, came the Barons again with all their power. And this was begun betwixt them a fresh field and new battle, & many men slain on either side. 
The prince fighteth a new battle.  But at length, the Earl de Warenia, with the kings two brethren, forsook the field and fled: after whom went more than seven hundred chosen soldiers, which were of their house and family: who the same day came to Penensie, and there took shipping over the sea. Also Hugh Bigot with divers other fled, and left the valiant Prince fight in the field: which thing he also perceiving, took the town. And when he found not the King his father at the Castle, he went from thence to the Abbey where he was. In the mean season the town was divided in parts: some fight: some spoiling, some getting of booties, neither could scarcely one of them know, 
Prince Edward also put to the worit, and fame to take the town  & discern an other whether he were his friend or enemy. But when win a while the Barons had assembled some company, they gave an assault upon the castle, thinking to have rescued john Bifford and others whom the king's soldiers had taken prisoners and put therein. But the soldiers win defended manfully the same, add in throwing out balls of wild fire, as for the defence thereof they had, they also fired part of the town. 
The Castle of jews besieged  Then the Barons retired and left the Castle, and purposed to have set upon the Abbey where the King and prince Edward his son was, which also was set on fire by the assault given to the Castle. But yet it was shortly recovered & quenched. Then Edward the kings son perceiving the bold enterprise of the Barons, prepared with courageous knights and soldiers as were yet remaining & within the Abbey, to have issued out, & to have given a new charge upon them, But that perceiving the Barons, sent unto the king Messengers to entreat a truce for that day, & on the morrow to talk and conclude of a further peace between them. This battle was fought upon the 19 day of May, being the year of our Lord. 1264.  
The next day, which was Thursday, there were sent on either side two preaching Friars between the king & the Barons, 
A peace entreated between the king & Barones.  with certain articles, & demands of peace: so that with certain others, these conditions were agreed on: that on the morrow being Friday, the prince should give himself in hostage for the king his father and other of his parts. And Henry the kings son of Almaigne also should give himself the like for his father. 
The two princes given in hostage.  That those things which should be concluded upon for the benefit and commodity of the Realm, and peaceable quietness thereof might be performed: and that all such prisoners as were taken on either side, should be freely ransomed and sent home.  
The next day which was Saturday, the king discharged all his soldiers, and other that were with him in the Abbey, licensing them to departed whether they listed. And furthermore, by the advise of his son and the Barons: he gave commandment to those which he had appointed to the keeping of Tunbridge, that they should make no attempt to the prejudice or hurt of the Barons, but in hope of the peace which was now at the point to be concluded, they should also departed every man to their houses and habitations. 
The kings soldiers in Tumbridge after they had spoiled the Londners at Crowdown kept themselves in garrison at Bristol.  But they giving no credit thereunto, went with their furniture to Bristol, where they kept themselves in garrison, until the escaping of Edward the kings son out of prison. But first before that, when they heard at Tunbridge that the king was vanquished in battle, & that the Londoners in the forward were put to flight by Prince Edward (by a messenger that escaped from the same) and that also the same Londoners were at Crowdown: they set upon them in the evening tide, and taking from them much spoil: slew also many of them.  
But when Roger Mortimer's part began to decrease, & Simon the Earl's part on the other side to increase: he bore himself more stoughter, for that both the king and all that was his, 
Earl Simon after this victory beareth himself so slout, the● he imprisoneth the hostages of the kings.  did depend upon the good will and favour of the Earl: and led with him the kings son to such holds & Castles as he thought to be most strongest. As though all were in his hands to do as him liked, and kept the hostages more straightly than he was wont to do. In so much that when it was blown abroad that the king's son was kept as a prisoner, divers cowsailed him that were his friends, that he should desire to disport himself at the barriers, that the people might have a sight of him, but he being narrowly guarded as he knew, and fearing some tumult to arise, thought good to refuse their counsel and so did.  
In this troublesome year, which was 1264. as the Londoners with the nobles were thus occupied in war and dissension: the malignant jews thinking to take vantage of that time, with privy treason conspired against the whole City and state of the Nobles. Who being taken with the manner, were almost all slain that dwelled in the city of London.  
In this year after the death of Pope Urbane, 
The death of Pope Vrbane. Pope Clement. 4. Pope Clement first a married man, & had wife and children Thomas Aquine Bo●uenture ●ders at Pa●is  succeeded the said year of our Lord. an. 1264. Pope Clement the 4. Which Clement, as affirmeth Nich Trivet, was first a married man & had wife and children, and was the solicitor and counsellor to the French king. Then after the death of his wife was bishop entitled Podiensis. After that archbishop of Narbone. And at last made Cardinal. Who being sent of P. Urbane in Legacy, for reformation of peace in his absence was elected Pope by the Cardinals. About this time flourished Thomas of Aquine, reader at Paris among the Dommike Friars, and Bonaventure among the Francis Friars. Ex Nich. Trivet.  
As this passed on, the sons of Simon the Earl, to wit, 
Ann. 1265.  Henry, Simon, Buido, and Henry being puffed up, and with the pride of this success elevated, did that which nothing contented the Earl of Gloucester. In so much that he challenged Henry the eldest son of the Earl Simon Mountfort, 
Dissent●● between Earl Simon and the Earl of Gloucester  at the barriers, to be tried at Northampton. But that challenge was taken up, lest some further inconvenience might have risen thereof. But the Earl of Bloucester being moved therewith in his mind, sent unto his father the Earl that he should deliver him such prisoners being Noble men, as he took at the battle of jews. Amongst whom, the king of Almain was named first. But he by countermand answered him and said: that it might content and satisfy him, for that he had saved and preserved to him his lands, that day the battle was fought at jews. And that furthermore he would not send him such prisoners as he demanded: But that he himself kept more nobler than they in the Castle of Dover: among whom was john Basset, which undermined and braced down the walls of Northampton, at that conflict as is said before and specified.  
The Earl of Gloucester being herewith displeased, as soon as he heard this answer: sent incontinently to the Lord Roger Mortimer, 
The Earl of Gloucester and Roger Mortimer conspire together against Earl Simon.  which always took the kings part, desiring that they two might take together touching the benefit and commodity of the king. Who, doubting some deceit, desired sureties and pledges for his safe return, & he would come and talk with him, and so had. When they met, and had a while talked familiarly: the Earl of Gloucester showed him all that he was purposed to do: and that further he lamented, he had so much and greatly offended the king: And that he would with all his power and ability make amends for that offence in the restitution of the king again to his kingly dignity, as much as he possible might. Therefore they sent secretly to Robert, the brother of the earl of Gloucester, which was near about the Earl Simon, & made him to consent with them therein. And to work this thing more circumspectly, when opportunity served thereunto: Roger Mortimer sent unto the king's son a horse excelling all other in footmanship, unto whom he might be sure to trust, when he saw convenient time thereunto. After which things thus contrived, Prince Edward desired leave of the Earl to prove his courser against such time he should ride at the tilt, as they might when they listed. assoon as he had gotten leave, and that with galloping and ranging the field he had wearied divers of their horses: at the last, getting up upon the horse which for that purpose was sent, and spying a servant on horseback coming toward him with two swords: 
Prince Edward escapeth from out of the custody of Earl Simon by a train.  He turned about unto his keeper, whose name was Robert de Rose, & to other his playfellows that were with him, saying: My loving Lords, thus long have I kept you company, & have been in your custodies: And now not purposing to use your companies any longer, betake you to God: And quickly turning his horse about, put to the spurs and away went he. The other pricked after a pace, but yet came far enough behind, and overtake him they could not. At last, when they saw Roger Mortimer coming from his Castle of Wygmore, accompanied with many armed men to meet him as before it was appointed, they returned again home as wise as when they came forth. And when this the prince's escape was diwlgated: much people came unto him out of every quarter, with great joy thereof. Amongst whom, the first was the Earl of Gloucester, and the other soldiers of the kings, which had long now lain at Bristol, and thereabouts. And within a short space he had a great and mighty host.  
Which thing when the Earl Simon understood, he much doubted and mistrusted himself: And sending into Wales, he gate from thence a great many men, and augmented his power as strongly as he might, from every part of England. 
The Earl 〈◊〉 Ien●●●h about, 〈◊〉 in all 〈◊〉 gathe●●●h a pow-●●.  He sent also Simon his son to the noble men of the North parts, that with all possible speed he might bring them with him: who with a great company came with him, and at Kenelworth a while they stayd, and there pitched their tents. But leaving Kenelworth for a certain time they went to Winchester, and spoiled the same, and then returned again to Kenelworth. And when this by a certain espial was declared to Edward the kings son, who then was at Worcester, which he had gotten after he came from Gloucester a little before: prepared himself with his soldiers, in the night season to go to the place where the spy should bring him, which was into a deep valley near unto the place, where Simon and his company had pitched. 
The first enterprise of prince Edward after his escape by the means of a spy.  And when in the morning they were very early about to arm themselves, and prepare their horses: they heard a great noise of their enemies coming towards them. Then thinking, that they had prepared themselves against their coming, and so had been betrayed: they set forth in battle array marching forward, till that they met certain of their enemies straggling in long wings, thinking to have gone aforaging & to have sought for victuals: whom they took, & with their fresh horses, new horsed their soldiers that had their horses tired with long travel. And so marching forward, came very early in the morning upon their enemies, whom for the most part they found sleeping and laying lustily about them: they slew divers, some they took, the rest they put to flight: and 15. of their chiefest ensigns they took, and many other rich spoils. But young Simon himself lodged in the Castle, who with a few with him escaped and fled. And this was the fourth day before the Nones of August. an. 1265.  
But when Edward, heard that Earl Simon was coming toward Kenelworth, to join with his sons battle: he marched forward to meet him, the third day after at Eusham. 
The disposing of the prince's battle against the Earl Simon fought at Eusham.  where he divided his host into 3. battles, he himself having the leading of one, the Earl of Gloucester the second, and Roger Mortimer the third, which came upon their backs. The king's son Edward came Northward as though he came from Kenelworth to Eusham, & because he would not be descried, he caused his own standards and ensigns to be taken down, and young Simons which he had taken before to be advanced. But the Earl Simons Scurier, whose name was Nicholas, showed the Earl that such bands and companies were marching towards him who thinking the same to have been Simon his sons power, not knowing of the overthrow which he had before, gave small credit thereunto: till that the said Nicholas the better to view and descry them, went up to the Abbey steeple of Eusham, where he might plainly discern them all and their standards: For by this time, they were mounted the hill which they laboured to attain, thinking to have that vantage, when they should give their charge as they had purposed: and had also advanced again his own standards, and pulled down Simons, whereby they were the more eas●yer descried and known. Then he cried aloud to the Earl Simon and said, we are all but dead men: For it is not your son as you suppose that cometh, but it is Edward the kings son, that cometh from one part: and the Earl of Gloucester, 
Prince Edwar●s host desc●i●● whereat the Earl was much abashed.  from an other part, and Roger Mortimer from the third part. Then said the Earl. The Lord be merciful unto our souls, forasmuch as our bodies and lives are now in their hands: commanding that every man should make himself ready to God, and to fight out the field, for that it was their wills to die for their laws and in a just quarrel: And such as would departed, he gave leave to go their ways that they should be no discomfiture to the rest.  
Then came unto him his eldest son Henry & comforted him, desiring him to have no despair, nor yet mistrust in the good success of this victory, with other such cheerful words. 
The words of Earl Simon to his son.  No my son (saith he) I despair not: but yet, it is thy presumption and the pride of the rest of thy brethren that have brought me to this end ye see. Notwithstanding yet I trust, I shall die to God and in a righteous quarrel. After words of comfort given to all his host, and the oration made as is the manner, they all armed themselves. The king also (whom the Earl always kept with him) he armed in an armour of his own. And then dividing their battles, they marched toward their enemies, but before they joined, the welshmen ran their ways, and thinking to scape over the river of Dee, were there some drowned, & some slain. Then when the battles joined and came to handy strokes, within short space, many of the Earls part fell and were slain. And the king himself being strooken at, cried with a loud voice to them, saying: kill me not, 
K. Henry almost slain in the battle, at length known by his voice & rescued by his son.  I am Henry your king. And with these the kings words the Lord Adam Monhaut knew him, and saved him. At whose voice and cry came also prince Edward his son, and delivered him to the guard and custody of certain knights. In the mean season, the Earl Simon was hard bestead and beaten down, and also slain before Edward the prince came at him. Howbeit, before he fell, when as ye fought for his life, & Henry his son & other noble men on his part were about him, he broke out in these words unto his enemies saying: what, is there no mercy & compassion with you? who again answered, what compassion should there be showed to traitors? Then said he, the Lord be merciful to our souls, our bodies are in your hands. And as soon as these words were spoken, they mangled his body, and divided his members, and cut of his head, which head Roger Mortimer sent unto his wife. And not far of from him also was slain Henry his eldest son, the lord Hugh Spencer, 
Earl Simon, his son, and many more Lords and Barons slain at this battle of Eusham.  the L. Radulphe Basset, the Lord Thomas de Hestele, the Lord William Maundevile, the Lord john Bewchampe, the Lord Guido Baillofer, the Lord Roger Rowley, and many other noble men besides with a great multitude of people the Lord knoweth how many. This battle was fought in the month of August & continued from one of the clock till it was night: in the which, was not so much as one man on the Earl's part of any estimation, fortitude, and courage, but in that battle lost his life: more than the Lord john, who by the great grace of God escaped death. Neither is this to be forgotten, that the same day being Tuesday, at that instant hour, when the battle began, which was at one of the clock at after noon: there was such a darkness over all, such thunder and such tempest: that the like before that time was never seen, being very calm and fair weather both immemediately before and after, which seemed (saith mine author) to give a plain demonstration of that which afterward chanced and followed.  
After this great slaughter and overthrow, 
Anno. 1266.  there was a Parliament summoned at Winchester by the Earl of Gloucester, and other of his part. 
A parliament summoned at Winchester, where K. Henry was again restored to his regality.  Here by the is to be considered, that the king although he was in the camp of the Earl of Leceister, being then in custody, and his son Edward with the Earl of Gloucester, yet the king was in that side against his will, and therefore in the said Parliament, the king was restored to his kingly dignity which was before that time under the custody of the Barons. But after the battle was ended and done, certain of them that loved the Earl: upon an old ladder, gathered up such parts of his body as remained, and covering the same with an old gown brought it to Eusham: where they putting the same in a fair linen cloth, buried it in the church. But not long after, by such as thought not themselves sufficiently revenged with his death (to wreak them of the dead corpses) took up the same and threw it in an other place, saying: that he which was both accursed, and a traitor, was not worthy of Christian burial.  
The same year also died Walter Cantilupus Bishop of Winchester, after whom succeeded Nicholas of Ely, the kings Chancellor.  
The same year the king perceiving, that unless that Castle of Kenilworth were recovered, and the boldness of them restrained that kept the same: many evils and inconveniences might ensue thereupon, to the prejudice of his kingdom: for that the number increased every day more & more, wasting and spoiling the country all about. Therefore, he gathered an army and came down to warwick, where he a while tarried expecting the meeting and assembling of his Marquesses and Lords, with engines and other munition sautable. Who when their bonds were furnished and mustered, and all things ready, the morrow after Midsummer day he displayed his banner, & began his viage marching towards Kenilworth & besieged the same. During which siege, by the advise and counsel of the king, the Pope's Legate, 
Kenilworth castle besieged of the king. Kenilworth decree against the disherited.  and other noble men 12. persons were chose which should have the disposing of those things that pertained to the state of the Realm, & of those that had lost their lands and inheritances: who amongst other things, made and established this one proviso, that was commonly called Kenelworth decree. That all those whieh haste lost their lands by attainder (although yet not attainted) should fine therefore at the kings pleasure, and take their lands of him again: paying some three years, some four years, some two years revenues of the same, according to the quality of the crime & offence committed. All which provisos or provisions, were established and confirmed as well by the corporal oath, as by signment of the same with the hands & seals of all the Prelates and clergy of England, there assembled for that purpose by the Pope's Legate upon the feast of all Saints. When these things were thus finished, messengers were sent on the king's behalf, as well to those that kept that castle of Kenilworth, as also to those that were assembled in the isle of Ely: willing them to come under the protection of the kings peace, and yield to the foresaid provisos established by the twelve commissioners. who altogether answered & said: that they would in no wise condescend thereunto: both for that it was done without their consents not being called unto it, and also for that the said decree was over strait and intolerable. Within short space after, 
Kenilworth decree gainsaid by divers.  great famine and pestilence chanced amongst them which kept the castle, in so much as they were without all hope of keeping the same: wherefore, soon after the king sending again to them to yield the Castle and take their pardons, they consulting together of their own estate: thus answered the king's messengers, if it please the king and his counsel to permit us to send our messenger unto the Lord Simon Mounfort which is beyond the sea: that he may come by a certain day to the defence of this his garrison & fort: 
Kenilworth castle yielded up to the king before the return of the messengers out of France.  and that in the mean space, we be not disturbed by the kings army that hath environed us, till the return of our messengers: If by the day appointed he come not, we will yield up the same, so that we may be pardoned of life, limb, and moucables.  
When the messengers were returned, and had declared to the king their answer: he consulting with his Nobles about the matter, agreed to their petitions. And caused the truce to be proclaimed throughout all his camp, after that sufficient hostages were on either side given for the performance of the same: whereupon, they set forward their messengers, as before was said they would. But after that many of them within the Castle being very grievously vexed with the bloody flux and other diseases, in so much that the whole men might not abide the corruption, and annoyance of those that were diseased: delivered up the Castle before the return of the messengers again, and were permitted to go whether they would to refresh themselves, as men molested with great vexation & miseries. After the rendering up of the Castle, the king committed the custody thereof to his son Edmund, and so with his host departing from the siege, came upon Christmans' evens even to Osney: where, he with great solemnity and triumph kept his Christmas during seven days, and from thence with his host came to windsor, from whence after a few days he marched towards Ely: In which Island he besieged those, which were disherited, and sharply assaulted them.  
The same year, Pope Clement the 4. promoted master Walter Giffard Bishop of Bathe, to be Archbishop of York.  
In which year also the Church of England began to pay the tenths of all their revenues as well spiritual as temporal, to the king: to continue for 3. years space, and this was done by the authority Apostolical.  
Within a while after, the Barons which were yet remaining, gathered themselves together again: 
The tenthly granted to the K●●y authority Apostolical.  Amongst whom john Daywile (being a subtle and stout man of war) began to have a name & was well esteemed amongst them: who altogether did what mischief they might, and in the month of May, they assembled at Chesterfield, under the said john Daywile & the Earl Ferarence, upon whom the kings soldiers, 
A new assembly of the Barons at Chester field, where they had the overthrow.  coming suddenly in the night took them sleeping, and slew many of them. Then the said john Daywile quickly arming himself came forth: thinking with more defence both to save himself and to escape. who in the way, struck the Lord Gilbert Humsard such a blow with his dimilance, that he field both him & his horse to that ground, & so fled with a few more after him. 
All the confederates of Simon Mei●fort, with their children disherited by the king. Simon Mountfort and his confederates excommunicated by the Pope's Legate. Tenths granted by the pope to the king and queen for seven. years.  And thus whilst the poor soldiers fought & were slain, the Barons fled away & saved themselves. Also the Earl Ferarence fled, & hide himself in a Church. But being be wrayed by a woman he was taken forth, and led away prisoner. After this, the king kept a parliament at Northampton, where he disherited all those, that took any part with the Earl Simon & all their children, where also the Pope's Legate Octobonus held a convocation, and excommunicated all such bishops, as had taken any part with Simon, against the king: of whom divers he sent up to Rome, to be absoiled of the pope, and farther the said Legate caused to be proclaimed certain decrees, which he himself had made: And also the new grant of Pope Clement, to the king and Queen, of all the tenths for seven years to come. And shortly after a tax also was fined upon that country of Norfolk: to the gathering whereof, Walter the bishop of Norwich was appointed. Ex Scala mundi.  
After this, in the year of our Lord. 1267. King Henry besieged again the Castle of Kenelworth, 
Anno. 1247.  from the 7. day before the first day of july, until the beginning of December: whether came Octobonus that Pope's Legate, 
The castle of Kenilworth again besieged.  by whose entreaty Henry hastings delivered the same unto the K. which stoutly had defended the same and resisted the king, having pardon granted both for him and his, of his life, lands, goods, and cattles. In which time also the Barons again assembled, with john Dayvile in the isle of Axioline, 
another assembly of the Barons at Axioline and discomforture of them.  & so proceeded till they came to Lincoln: which also they took, and spoiled the jews, and slew many of them: And curring their synagogue tear and rend the book of their law, and burned the same, and all other writings & obligations which they could come by. which thing when the king heard, he sent thither his son prince Edward: but as soon as they heard that, 
The jews spoiled and slain at Lincoln.  they fled into the isle of Ely, and fortified the same with Bulwarks as strongly as they might, at every entrance into the same. This was in the month of April when Edward the kings son came thither. 
The Barons fortified the Ileland of Elye.  Who for the great abundance of waters in the same, could by no means enter the Island, till at length by the counsel of the inhabitants of that province, he caused with a number of workmen great trenches and ditches to be made, somewhat to convey away the water: And so long used the Counsel of them, in making bridges with planks and hurdles, till at last they entered the Island. who as soon as they were entered, 
The I'll of Ely assaulted and entered by prince Edward.  the Barons fled to London, where they were of the Londoners well entertained. The rest which were in the Island, yielded themselves (amongst whom was Roger Wake, Simon the younger, and peaches) saving their lives and members. After this, both the King and Edward his son, came to London with a great power, but yet were kept out of the city, 
The king kept out of London. 40, days by the Barons and Citizens.  by the Barons and Citizens, for the space of 40. days. And Octobonus the Legate (who for fear was fled into the Tower) they narrowly laid for, that he should not escape. At length by the entreaty of the Earl of Gloucester and other Earls that were his friends, both the Barons and Citizens were pardoned, and admitted to the kings favour. And 4. Bishops and 8. other noble men were chosen, such as were at Coventry first nominated: that they should order and dispose all matters between the King and such as had lost their inheritance, 
A peace concluded between the Barons and the king.  as also the form of their peace and ransom. And proclamation was made upon the feast of all Saints, of perfect peace and record throughout all the Realm.  
The 52. year of this king Henry's raigue 8. days after the feast of S. Martin, he held a parliament at Marlberge in the year of our Lord above recited: where by the advise of wise and discrete men, 
The statutes of Marleberge. A convocation holden at London by Octobonus the pope's legate.  & with all the consents of the nobles, he ordained and enacted divers good and profitable statutes for the reformation and bettering of the state of the realm & execution of common justice, which are called the statutes of Marleberge.  
The same year upon S. Gregoryes day, Octobonus the Legate called a Council at London, where were fine Archbishops, and a great number of Bishops, Abbots, & other Prelates: which Council also within three days broke up again.  
The same year upon S. john's day the Baptist, 
The Legates departing out of England.  Edward the kings son & divers other noble men of England took upon them the cross by the legates hands at Northhampton, to the relief of the holy land, and the subversion of the enemies of the cross of Christ, which done, the legate that same year went out of England, 
Valuation taken of all Churches by Octoborus the Popes Legate. Pensions out of Cathedral and conventual churches paid to the pope's clarks  not purposing after that to return again. This holy Legate (saith mine author) which might well be resembled to Lynx the monstrous beast whose quick sight penetrateth every thing: enroled to perpetual memory the valuation of all the churches in the realm of England so narrowly, as by any means possible be might inquire the certainty thereof. The same was he, that made all the Cathedral & Conuentuall Churches to pay pensions: so that those Churches which gave not the vacancy of their benefices to their Clerks and strangers should pay unto them a certain yearly pension during the vacancy of the benefices which they should have.  
The same year died Pope Clement 4. after whose death the Church of Rome was two years vacant: 
Pope Clement the 4. dieth.  & then was chosen an archdeacon Cardinal, whose name was Theardus, 
Pope Gregory the 10.  as he was taking his journey into the holy land, and called him Gregory the 10.  

The marriage of Edmund Earl of Lancaster  Then also did edmund Earl of Lancaster and Leicester, and second son of king Henry, take to wife the Earl of Albemark his daughter, and the Niece of the Earl of Gloucester: at which marriage was the king and the Queen: and all the Nobility of England.  
The same year was the body of S. Edward the king & Confessor, by Walter Gifford Archbishop of York and other Bishops entombed in a new & rich Schrine of gold and silver, 
Edward the king & confessor shrined.  beset with precious stones in the presence of Henry the king of England: In which year also fell great rain and inundation of waters, such as hath not lightly been seen, which increased and continued the space of 40. days and more.  
The same year died Walter de Lawile Bishop of Sarum the third day before the nonce of january. After whom succeeded Robert of Northampton the Dean of the same Church. And because the see of Cant. was then vacant, he was confirmed by the Chapter of Canterbury: which Chapter had always the jurisdiction in spiritual causes, during the vacancy of that see, in as ample manner as the Bishop himself had being alive. 
The Bishop of Sarum put from his consecration.  After this, the Bishop elect coming thither, thinking to have had his consecration, was notwithstanding put back for two causes: one was, for that there was present then no more but one Bishop: the other was, for that all the other Bishops had appealed, that he might not be consecrated to their prejudice, that is, by the authority of the Chapter of Cant. saying, that they would not be under the obedience of the monks.  
After this, solemn Messengers were for this cause sent to the Cardinals of Rome, for that then that see of Rome was vacant: who received answer, that during the vacation of that see, the confirmation and consecration of the Bishop elect, pertained to the foresaid Chapter of Caunterbury.  

The death and slaughter of L. Richard the king's son of Almain at Viterbium.  The same year also was the Lord Henry the son & heir of the Lord Richard king of Almaigne and brother to king Henry 2. slain at Uiterbium, in a certain Chapel hearing Mass, by the Lord Simon and Buido the sons of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earl of Leicester.  
During this kings reign, there was made a great & general expedition of divers and sundry Christian princes to jerusalem, taking upon them the Lords character: that is the Cross: among whom was also Edward the king's son one, to the which expedition was granted him a subsidy throughout all the realm. 
Anno. 1270.  And the month of May, the year of our Lord. 1270. or as saith Florilogus, an 1269. he set forward on his journey.  

The death of Boniface Archbish. of Cant.  About the time when Prince Edward was preparing his journey toward Asia. Boniface the Archbishop of Canterbury ended his life, in the country of Sebaudia, going belike to Rome or coming thence. After whose death, the Monks of Canterbury proceeding to a new election granted by the king, 
Adam Chelindene elected Archb. of Cant.  agreed upon the Prior of their house named Adam Chelendene. But the king & his son Prince Edward consenting and speaking in the behalf of Robert Burnell their Chancellor: did solicit the matter with the Monks, partly entreating. partly threatening them, to choose the said Robert to be Archbishop. 
Appellation from the K. to the Pope by the Monks of Cant.  Notwithstanding the Monks being stout, would neither relent to their courteous request, nor yet bow to their boisterous threats, but constantly persisting in their former election, appealed from the king and prince to the Pope, Prince Edward being now on his journey, and seeing himself thus frustrated of the Monks, writeth back to the king his father: devoutly praying and beseeching in no wise to admit the election of the foresaid Monks. And so passing to Dover with Henry the son of Rich. his uncle king of Romans, 
Adam Chelindene goeth up to Rome.  with their wives took their passage in the month of August. After this the Prior thus elected, as is foretold, but not admitted by the king to be Archbishop went up to Rome.  
In the mean time, the Monks in the absence of their elect) ordained one Geoffrey Pomenall to be their Official: who seeing himself advanced to that dignity, & bearing belike some old grudge against the Prior of Dover, 
Variance between the official of Cant. and the prior of Dover.  caused him to be cited up to appear in the Chapter house of Canterbury. The Prior of Dover seeing this citation to be prejudicial to him and to the Church of Dover, whereas the Monks of Cant. have no such jurisdiction (the see of Canterbury being vacant) but that all things appertaining to that Church, aught to be reserved whole to the consecration of the new Archb. therefore, 
Appellation to Rome.  for the state both of him and of his Church, he appealed up also unto Rome. But to return to the archbishop again.  
The second year after, 
Adam Chelindon resigneth to the Pope. Rob. Kilwatby Archb. of Cant.  Adam Chelindon the foresaid Archb. elect, remaining all this while at Rome: at last resigned up his election to the pope's hand, being Breg. 10. who then gave the same to Rob. Kilwarby. Who then coming to Dover, restored again the Prior of that house, being before excluded upon certain causes. By these coutentions, judge good reader, of the religion of these men, and of these tunes, And now to return to our former story.  
About which time came out the great concordaunces by an English Friar, 
The concordance  called john Dernington. Ex Eulogio.  
It was above declared, how a general voyage being proclaimed to war against the Turks, and a subsidy being collected in England upon the same: prince Edward with other was appointed to take their voyage, & now were onward in their journey. Who at Michaelmas following, with his company came to Egermorth, which is from Marsilius 8. leagues westward: & there taking ship again (having a merry wind and prosperous) within x. days arrived at Sunes at Tunicium, where he was with great joy welcomed & entertained of the Christian princes that there were to this purpose assembled, as of Philip the French king, whose father Ludovicus, died a little before: of Carolus the king of Sicilia: and the two kings of Navarre and Arragon. And as the Lord Edward came thither for his father the king of England, thither came also Henry the son of the king of Almain for his father, who at his return from the voyage, was slain in a chapel at Uiterbium hearing mass, by the Lord Simon and Buido, the sons of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earl of Leicester.  
When Prince Edward demanded of these kings and Princes what was to be done, they answered him again and said: The Prince of this City said they, and the province adjoining to the same, hath been accustomed to pay tribute unto the king of Sicily every year. And now, for that the same hath been for the space of seven. years unpaid and more, therefore we thought good to make invasion upon him. But the king knowing the same tribute to be but justly demanded, hath now according to our own desires satisfied for the time past, and also paid his tribute before hand.  
Then said he: My Lords what is this to the purpose? Are we not here all assembled, 
The great expedition to invade the Turk stayed by the concluding of a peace.  and have taken upon us the lords Character to fight against the Infidels and enemies of Christ? what mean you then to conclude a peace with them: God forbidden we should do so: for now the land is plain and hard, so that we may approach the holy City jerusalem: 
The great voyage of the french king against the Turks turned to a money matter.  then said they now have we made a league with them: neither is it lawful for us to break the same: But let us return again to Sicilia and when the winter is past, we may well take shipping to Acra. But this counsel nothing at all liked him, neither did he show himself well pleased therewith: But after that he had made them a princely banquet, he went into his closet or priny chamber, from amongst them: neither would be partake ● of any of that wicked money which they had taken. They notwithstanding continuing their purpose: at the next merry wind took shipping, and for want of ships, left CC. of their men a shore crying out & piteously lamenting for the peril & hazard of death they were in. 
The clemency of prince Edward's toward the poor soldiers.  wherewith Prince Edward being somewhat moved with compassion, came back again to the land and received and stowed them in his own ships, being the last that went aboard. within 7. days after, they arrived in the kingdom of Scicilia over against the City Trapes, casting their anchors a league from thence within the sea, for that their ships were of great burden & thoroughly fraught. And from the haven of the City they sent out varges and boats to receive and bring such of the Nobility to land as would: but for their horses for the most part, and all their armour they kept still within board. At length towards the evening, the sea began to be rough & increased to a great tempest & a mighty: In so much, 
A great shipwreck of the Christians lying at anchor a little from Trapes. Money evil got, as evil lost.  that their ships were beaten one against an others sides, and drowned there was of them at that rempest lying at anchor, more than 120. with all their armour and munition with innumerable souls besides, and that wicked money also which they had taken before likewise perished and was drowned. But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of Prince Edwardes, 
Non habet eventus, sordida praeda bonos. Ex scala mundi. Ex Gualt. Gisburn. Ex Flor. hist.  who had in number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby, for that as it may be presupposed, he consented not to the wicked counsel of the rest. When in the morning the Princes and kings came to the sea side, and saw all their ships drowned: and saw their men and horses in great number cast upon the land drowned, they had full heavy hearts, as well they might. For of all their ships and mariners, which were in number a 1500. besides the common soldiers: there was no more saved, than the Mariners of one only Ship, and they in this wise. There was in that ship a good and wise Matron (a Countess or an Earl's wife) perceiving the tempest to grow, and fearing herself, called to her the Master of the ship: & asked whether in attempting to the shore, it were not possible to save themselves: who answered, that to save the ship it was impossible, howbeit the men that were therein by God's help he doubted not. Then said the Countess, for the ship force no whit: 
Prince Edward and his men preserved from the tempest. The integrity of Prince Edward rewarded of God.  save the souls therein, and have to the, double the valour of thy ship. who immediately hoisting the sails, with all force ran the ship a groundso near the shore as possible was. Thus with the vehemency of the weather and force he came withal, braced the ship and saved all that was within the same, as the matter had showed and said before.  
Then the kings and princes (altering their purpose after this so great a shipwreck) returned home again eveuery one unto their own lands: Only Edward the king's son remained behind with his men and ships, which the Lord had saved and preserved. Then Prince Edward (renovating his purpose) took shipping again, and within 15. days after Easter arrived he at Acra, 
Prince Edward arriveth at Acra and taketh Nazareth.  and went a land taking with him a thousand of the best soldiers & most expert, & tarried there a whole month, refreshing both his men and horses and that in this space he might learn and know the secrets of the land. After this, he took with him 6. or 7. thousand soldiers and marched forward twenty miles from Acra, and took Nazareth: and those he there found he slew, and afterward returned again to Acra. But their enemies following after them, thinking to have set upon them at some strait or other advantage: were by the Prince premonished thereof, and returning again upon them gave a charge, and slew many of them and the rest they put to flight. After this about Midsummer, when the Prince had understanding that the Saracens began to gather at Cakhow, which was 40. miles from Acra: he marching thither, set upon them very early in the morning, and slew of them more than a 1000 the rest he put to flight, and took rich spoils, marching forward till they came to a Castle named Castrum Peregrinorum, situate upon the Sea cost, and tarried there that night, & the next day they returned toward Acra. In the mean season, the king of jerusalem sent unto the noble men of Cypress, desiring them with speed that they would come and aid the Christians: but they would not come, saying: they would keep their own land and go no further. 
The Noble men of Cyprus show their fidelity to the Prince and kings of England.  Then Prince Edward sent unto them, desiring that at his request they would come & join in aid with him. Who immediately thereupon came unto him with great preparation and furniture for the wars, saying: that at his commandment they were bound to do no less, for that his predecessors were sometimes that governors of their land, & that they ought always to show their fidelity, to the kings of England. Then the Christians being herewith animated, made a third voyage or Road, and came as far as the fort called Vincula S. Petri, and to S. George's: and when they had slain certain there, not finding any to make resistance against them, they retired again from whence they came.  


A guileful deceit of the Saracens practised against prince Edward.  
Ex Gosb. Scala mundi.   When thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst his enemies, and that they began to stand in doubt of him: they devised amongst themselves, how by some policy they might cirumvent him and betray him. Whereupon, the great Prince and Admiral of joppa, sent unto him: saying himself under great deceit to become a Christian, and that he would draw with him a great number besides so that they might be honourably entertained & used of the Christians. This talk pleased the Prince well, and persuaded him to finish the thing, he had so well begun, by writing again: who also by the same messenger sent and wrote back unto him, divers times about the same matter, whereby no mistrust should spring. This messenger, saith mine author, was one ex cautè nutritis, one of the slony hearted that neither feared God, nor dreaded death. The fift time when this messenger came, and was of the Prince's servants searched, according to the manner and custom what weapon and armour he had about him, as also his purse, that not so much as a knife could be found about him: he was had up into the Prince's chamber, and after his reverence done, he pulled out certain letters, which he delivered to the Prince from his Lord, as he had done others before. 
The messenger searched before he came to the prince's presence.  This was about eight days after whitsuntide upon a Teusday, somewhat before night: at which time the Prince was laid upon his bed bore headed in his jerkin, for the great heat and intemperature of the weather.  
When the Prince had read the letters, it appeared by them that upon the Saturday next following, his Lord would be there ready to accomplish all that he had written and promised. The report of these news by the prince to the standers by liked them well, drawing some what back to consult thereof amongst themselves, In the mean time, the messenger, kneeling & making his obersance to the Prince (questioning further with him) put his hand to the belt, as though he would have pulled out some secret letters: & suddenly he pulled out an envenomed knife, thinking to have strooken him into the belly therewith as he lay: But the Prince lifting up his hand to defend the blow, was stricken a great wound into that arm. 
Prince Edward wounded & h●● with an invenemed knise of the Turks messenger.  And being about to fetch an other stroke at him, the prince again with his foot took him such a blow that he field him to the ground: with that the prince got him by the hand, and with such violence wrested the knife from him, that he hurt himself therewith on the forehead, and immediately thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker, and slew him. The Prince's servants being in the next chamber not far of, hearing the bulkling, came with great haste running in: and finding the messenger lying dead in the flower, one of them took up a stool, and bet out his brains: whereat the Prince was wroth, for that he struck a dead man, and one that was killed before. The rumour hereof as it was strange, so it soon went throughout all the Court, and from thence amongst the common people: wherefore they were very heavy and greatly discouraged, To him came also the Captain of the Temple & brought him a costly and precious drink against poison, lest the venom of the knife should penetrate the lively blood, and in blaming wise said unto him: 
The Prince in peril of death by reason of his hurt is comforted 〈◊〉 physicians.  Did I not show your grace before of the deceit & subtlety of this people? Notwithstanding, saith he, let your grace take a good hart, you shall not die of this wound, my life for yours. But strait ways, the surgeons & physicians were sent for, and the prince was dressed: and within few days after the wound began to putrify, and the flesh to look dead and black, whereupon they that were about the prince began to mutter amongst themselves, and were very sad and heavy. Which thing he himself perceiving, said unto them: why mutter you thus amongst yourselves? What see you in me, can I not be healed? Tell me the truth, be ye not afraid. Whereupon one said unto him: and like your grace you may be healed, we mistrust it not, but yet it will be very painful for you to suffer. May suffering, saith he, again restore health? Yea saith the other, on pain of losing my head. Then said the Prince, I commit myself to you, do with me what you think good. Then said one of the Physicians, is there any of your Nobles in whom your grace reposeth special trust? To whom the Prince answered yea, naming certain of the Noble men that stood about him. Then said the Physician to the two whom the Prince first named, the Lord Edmund, and the Lord john Uoysie: And do you also faithfully love your Lord and Prince? Who answered both, yea undoubted. Then saith he, take ye away this Gentlewoman and Lady (meaning his wife) & let her not see her Lord and husband, till such a time I will you thereunto. Whereupon they took her out of the prince's presence, crying out and wring her hands. Then said they unto her, be ye contented good Lady & Madame. It is better that one woman should weep a little while, then that all the realm of England should weep a great season. Then on the morrow, they cut out all the dead and envenomed flesh out of the Prince's arm, and threw it from them, and said unto him: how cheereth your grace, we promise you within these fifteen days you shall show yourself abroad (if God permit) upon your horse back, whole and well as ever you were. And according to the promise her made the prince, it came to pass, to the no little comfort and admiration of all his subjects. When the great soldan heard of, and that the Prince was yet alive, he would scarcely believe the same▪ and sending unto him three of his nobles and princes, 
The Prince restored to health, and the Soldian forl weareth himself.  excused himself by them, calling his gods to witness, that the same was done neither by him, nor his consent. Which Princes and messengers standing a loof of from the kings son, worshipping him, fell flat upon the ground. You saith the prince doc reverence me, but yet you love me not. But they understood him not, because he spoke in English unto them, speaking by an interpreter. Nevertheless, he honourably entreated them, and sent them away in peace.  

The Prince returneth out of Turkey toward England a-againe.  Thus when Prince Edward had been 18. months in Acra, he took shipping about the assumption of our lady, as we call it, returning houseward, & after 7. weeks he arrived in Sicilia at Trapes: and from thence traveling through Palestina and Mermes, and so through the mids of Apulia, till he came to Rome, where he was of the Pope honourably entertained. From thence he came into France, whole same and noble prows was there much bruited among the common people: and envied of the nobility, especially of the Earl de Chafons: who sent unto him and required him, that he might break a staff with him at the Tilt in his country: which thing to doc, for that the prince would not diminish his honour and fame (although he might have well alleged a sufficient cause and excuse by means of his travel) yet he would not, but willingly consented thereunto. 
A day of ●orte in France appointed, which turned to good earnest.  Whereupon it was proclaimed, that Prince Edward by such a day, with those that were with him, had challenged all comers at the Tilt & Barriers. Whereupon great assemblies were made in the country all about: and divers as well horsemen as footmen had conjured amongst themselves, and conspired against the Englishmen, selling their horses and armour a forehand, & drinking one to an other in bon voyage of the spoil of them whom they would take as their prisoners. Prince Edward in the mean time, sent into England for divers Earls and Barons which came unto him. When the day appointed was come, the Prince had with him more than 1000 horsemen, which were knights, besides his footmen. But yet there was as many more on the other side both in horsemen and footmen. When the parties should meet: The French footmen which had before conspired: began both to spoil, 
A conspiracy of the French men against the Englishmen  rifle, and kill. The Englishmen resisted & defended themselves both with bows & slings: many of them they slew & drove them to the gates of their City, the other they chased over a river, where many of them were drowned. In the mean season, the Earl with fifty of his knights which followed him, came forth and joined together so many for so many, and a long time together they tried it with their sword, laying one at an other. At the last, the Earl perceiving himself not able to match with him at the arms end: enclosed with him, and taking him about the neck held him with his arms very strait. What mean you my Lord, saith the prince, think you to have my horse? Yea marry quoth that Earl, I mean to have both thee and thy horse. Hereat Prince Edward being ascourued, lifted up himself, and gave him such a blow that therewithal he forsaking his horse, hung still about the Prince's neck, till that he shook him off to the ground. Herewith the Prince, being somewhat in a heat, left the press to take some air, thereby to refresh himself. But when he saw the injury of the Frenchmen towards his men, 
Exercise of battle used in stead of Barrio●s and Torney.  and how they had slain many of them, he then said unto them that they used rather the exercise of battle then of Torny Spare you not therefore, saith he, from henceforth none of them all, but give them again as good as they bring. Then they assayed to kill each other freely on either part, and let their sword walk. And when by this time the English footmen were again returned, and saw the conflict of horsemen and many other Englishmen overthrown: they put themselves amids the press, some panching the horses, some cutting a sunder the girths of the Frenchmens saddles, ouerthrew● the riders and gave them holybred. Then when the foresaid Earl was horsed again by some of his men & amongst the throng, Prince Edward also rushed in amongst the thickest & coped again with him: to whom he often spoke and cried, that he should yield himself as vanquished: but that he would not doc. Notwithstanding when his strength began to fail him, he was fayn to yield himself unto a simple knight, 
The victory of the prince and English men against the Earl of Chalons & Frenchmen.  according as Prince Edward him bad: and all the rest of his horsemen & Knights fled and saved themselves: Howbeit, many of them in that place were slain, and our men returned having the victory. But when after this they thought themselves to be quiet and at rest: they were killed by two & by three at once as they went in the streets of the Citizens. Which thing, when the prince heard, he sent for the Mayor and burgesses, commanding them to see the same redressed, and that immediately: for otherwise, of his knighthood, he assured them, that upon the morrow he would fire the city, and make it level with the ground. Whereupon they went their ways, and set watchmen in divers places of the same to keep the peace, by which means the Prince and his men were in safety and quiet. Thus in this pastime of Torneing and Barriers, much blood was spilled, whereupon the name of the place was changed: so that it is not called Torniamentum de Chalons, but parvum bellum de Chalons.  
From thence the prince came to Paris, 
Prince Edward was in Vasconia at the time of his father's death.  and was of the french king honourably entertained: & after certain days, went from thence into Vascovia, where he tarried till that he heard of the death of the king his father.  
In the year of our 1272. 
Anno. 1272.  died pope Clement the 4. After whom succeeded Pope Gregory the 10. who in the next year following, which was the year of our Lord. 1273. 
Pope Clement the 4. dieth. Pope Gregory the 10.  called a general Council at Lions, about the controversy between the Greek Church and the Latin Church, and for the vacancy of the sea Apostolical. etc.   

¶ Certain Notes of other occurrents chanced in foreign Countries abroad within the compass of years and reign of the foresaid King Henry the third.  
Having thus accomplished the life and history of King Henry the third, with such accidents as happened within this realm, I thought good to adjoin unto the same some other foreign matters not unworthy the note, incident in other Countries during the time of the said king: Namely from the year of our Lord. 1217. unto this year 1272. which I thought the rather not to be omitted, for that even from and about the beginning of this king's reign sprang up the very wellsprings of all mischief and sects of Monkish religions and other swarms of Popish orders which with their gross and horrible superstition have encumbered the Church of Christ ever since.  
First to omit the repetition of Pope Innocent the third the great Grandsire of that fowl monster Transustantiation and auricular Confession, with the friars Dominick, and Franciscane Friars: Thomas Aquinas, jacobus de Uoragine, Uincentius: with Pope Honorius the third coiner of the Cannon Law and the Cardinal Hostiensis, as also Bonaventure, Albertus magnus with Pope Urbane the 4. 
Ex Annalibus Silesiae.  first founder of the feast of Corpus Christi and procuror of the adoration of the body of Christ in the Sacrament, 
The Tartarians make great spoil in Christendom.  besides Durandus and many more: followeth further to be noted, that the Tartarianes about the year 1240. issuing out of moscovia into the parts of Polonia made great waste in Christendom so much the rather because the Princes about Polonia being at variance amongst themselves, 
The Seythians army like locusts.  used none other remedy for their defence, but heaps of Masses, Invocation of the dead and worshipping of Images, which in deed did nothing relieve them but rather increase their trouble.  
The next year following the whole nation of the Scythians (mustering like Locusts) invaded the parts of Europe with two mighty armies: whereof the one entering upon Polonia made great havoc and carried away many Christians from thence Captives, the other overrunning Hungaria made no less spoil there. Add hereunto an other fresh army of Tartarianes to the number of 5000000. Who at the very same time, joining themselves together entered into Muscovia and Cracovia, and made most horrible slaughter sparing neither sex, nor age: noble nor unnoble within the Land. From thence passing to Uratislavia, made great spoil there also, and thinking there to win the Castle, were by the miraculous working of the Lord at the instance and prayers of good people discomfited beyond all expectation of man by thundringe and lightning falling upon them from heaven in most terrible wise.  
The same year immediately after Easter an other army of Tartarians were gathered against Lignicium drawing near to Germnany: By the bruit whereof the germans being put in great fear were altogether dismayed: but yet not able to help themselves by reason they lacked a good guide and governor amongst them. All which came to pass specially by the mischievous practise of the Roman Popes raising variance and discord amongst them notwithstanding Dentry prince of Polonia and Silicia gathering a power as well as he could, 
King Henry slain, and his army vanquished.  did encounter with him, but in fine his whole army was vanquished, and the king himself slain. Notwithstanding which overthrow of Christians it pleased God to strike such a fear into the hearts of the said Tartarianes that they durst not approach any further or nearer into Germany, but retired for that time into they Country again: 
Nine sacks full of Christians cares being slain  who recounting their victory by taking each man but one ear of every of the Christians that were slain found the slaughter so great as that they filled it, great sacks full of ears. nevertheless, after this viz the year 1260. the same Tartarianes having the Moskovites to their guides returned again into Polonia and Cratonia, where in the space of three months they overran the land with fire and sword over to the coasts of Silesia. And had not the princes of Germany put to their helping hand in this lamentable case, they had utterly wasted the whole land of Polonia and the Coasts thereabouts.  
This year also in the month of April, Richard King of Almaigne died at the Castle of Barchamsted, and was buried at the Abbey of Dayles, which he built out of the ground. 
Richard king of Almain dieth. A great variance between the Monks and citizens of Norwich.  The same year also at Norwich, there fell a great controversy, between the monks and the citizens, about certain tallagies and liberties. At last, after much altecration and wrangling words, the furious rage of the Citizens so much increased and prevailed, and so little was the fear of God before their eyes, that altogether they set upon the Abbey and Priory, and burned both the church and bishops Palace, when this thing was heard abroad, the people were very sorry to hear of so bold & naughty an enterprise, & much discommended the same. At the last, K. Denry calling for certain of his Lords, and Barons, sent them to the city of Norwich, 
Execution done at Norwich by the commandment of king Henry the 3. Adam Prior of Cant. refuseth to be Archb. of Cant. Rob. Kilwerby Archb. of Cant.  that they might punish and see execution done of the chiefest malefactors: in so much that some of them were condemned and burnt, some of them hanged and some were drawn by the heels with horses throughout the streets of the City, and after in much misery ended their wretched lives. The same year, Adam the prior of Canterbury, and Bishop elect: in the presence of pope Gregory the 10. refused to be archbishop, although he was elect. wherefore, the pope gave the same archbishopric, to Friar Robert Kilwardby the Provost of the preaching Friars: a man of good life and great learning. He was consecrated at Caunterbury, the fourth day of March by six bishops of the same Province. The same year also at Michaelmas, the Lord Edmund, the son of king Richard of Almain, married the sister of Gilbert earl of Gloucester, Also in this year of our Lord, 1273. the 16. day before the kalends of December upon S. edmund's day the archbishop and confessor: 
The death of K. Henry the 3.  died King Henry, in the 56. year of his reign, and was buried at Westminster: leaving after him two sons and two daughters, to wit Edward the Prince, and Edmund Earl of Lancaster and Leicester, Beatrice, and Margaret, which Margaret was married to the king of Scots. This king Henry in his life time began the building of the Church & steeple at westminster, but did not thoroughly finish the same before his death.   

King Edward the first.  

K. Edward 1.  IN the time of the death of K Henry, Edward his eldest son was absent in Dasconia, as a little before you heard: yet notwithstanding, by Robert Kilwarby Archb. of Caunt and other bishops & nobles, he was ordained heir and successor after his father: who, after he had heard of his father's death, returned home to his Country, and was crowned the year of our Lord 1274. who then laid down his crown, saying: he would no more put it on, before he had gathered together all the lands pertaining to the same. This Edward as he had always before been a loving and natural Child to his Father, whom he had delivered out of prison and captivity: & afterward hearing both together of the death of his son, & of his father, wept and lamented much more for his father, then for his son, saying to the French king (which asked the cause thereof) that the loss of his child was but light, 
P●●ti● 〈◊〉 Parents rewarded of God.  for Children might after increase and be multiplied, but the loss of his parent was greater, which could not be recovered: 
Ex Chron. Tho. Walsinghami.  Robert Auesbury. So almighty God for the same his piety to his father showed, rewarded him again with great success, felicity, and long reign. In so much, the he being young as he was playing at Chess with a certain soldier of his, 
A miracle of God in preserving king Edward.  suddenly having no occasion given: rose up and went his way, who was not so soon voided the place, but incontinent fell down a mighty stone from the vawt above directly upon that place where he sat, able to have quashed him in pieces, 
False was ● ip reprehended. God gevers the be●●●te & a dum●●e stock hath the tha●●●.  if he had carried never so little more. In the proseruation of whom as I see, the present hand and mighty providence of the huing God: so in the kings order again, I note a fault or error worthy of reprehension: For that he receiving such a lively benefit at the hand of the living Lord, going therefore on pilgrimage to walsingham, gave thanks not only to our Lady, but rather to a rotten black, Ibidem. Of the gentle nature of this courageous prince, sufficient proof is given by this one example: that what time he being in his disport of hawking, chanced sharpoly to rebuke the negligence of one of his gentlemen, for what fault I cannot tell about his hawk: the gentleman being on the other side of the river, hearing his manassing words was glad (as he said) that the river was between them, with this answer the courageous blood of this Prince being moved, upon present hear, he leapt strait into the flood, both a swift stream and of a dangerous deepness, and no less hard in getting out. Notwithstanding either forgetting his own life, or neglecting the danger present, but having a good horse, ventreth his own death, to have the death of his man. At length with much difficulty recovering the bank, with his sword drawn pursueth his provoker. Who having not so good an horse, and seeing himself in danger of taking, reineth his horse: 
Example of prince●●. demency 〈◊〉 learned 〈◊〉 kings and princes.  submitteth his neck under his hand to strike. The prince, whose fervent stomach the water of the whole river could not quench, a little submission of his man did so extinct that the quarrel fell, his anger ceased, and his sword put up, without any stroke given. And so both returned to their game, 
Ex Chron. Nic. 〈◊〉 etc. Tho.  good friends again. Auesb. Nich. Trivet.  
In the first, beginning of his reign, this King had much ado in Wales, where he had divers conflicts with the welshmen: whom at last he subdued & cut down their woods, suppressed rebellions, & vanquishing their kings, Lewline and his brother, 
Wales sub. dued. The King's son first prince of Wales.  ordained his eldest son Edward, borne in the same Country to be Prince of Wales. This Lewline Captain of the welshmen hear mentioned, rebelling against king Edward: asked counsel by way of conjuration, what event should come upon his attempt To whom it was told, that he should go forward boldly for doubtless, he should ride through Chepeside at London, with a crown on his head. Which so came to pass. For he being slain, 
Vain prophesies not to be sought to.  his head was carried through Cheap, with a Crown of silver to London bridge: whereby men may learn not to seek nor stick to these vain prophecies: which though they fall true, yet are but the trains of the devil to deceive men.  
About this time was a great earthquake, and such a rot, that consumed a great multitude of sheep, in the land through the occasion as they say, of one scabbed sheep that came out of Spain. The king returning from Wales to England, ordered certain new laws for the wealth of the realm. 
Punishment for Baker, S: milner's. The statute for Mortmain first enacted.  Among many other this was one: that authority was given to all majors Bailiffs, & other officers to see execution and punishment of all Bakers making bread under the size, with pillory. Of milner's stealing corn with the tumbril. etc. And within two years after the statute of Mortinayne was first enacted, which is to mean that no man should give unto the Church any lands or rents, without a special licence of the king.  
About which time also, being the 7. year of his reign 297. 
Anno. 1279.  Jews for money clipping were put to execution. In which same year began first the foundation of the black Friars by Ludgate. And the town of Bosten was greatly wasted the same year with fire. The halfpenny and farthings began first to be coined the self time, which was the 8. year of his reign. The great conduit in Cheap began the fourth year after to be made. 
Black Friars by Ludgate builded Bosten blemished with fire. The great Conduit in Cheap. Westminster Church finished. The jews banished the Realm.  anno. 1248. And the year next following the new work of the Church of Westminster (begun, as is afore premonished in the third year of Henry 3.) was finished, which was 66. years in edifying the jews were utterly banished this Realm of England the same time, for which the commons gave to the king a fifteen. anno. 1291.  
After that the country of Wales, was brought in a full order and quiet, by the hewing down of the woods, and casting down the old holds, and building of new, which all was brought to perfect end, about the 24. year of this king's reign: then ensued an other broil as great or greater with Scotland: to the great disquiet of the king and the realm of England, many years after. This trouble first began by the death of Alexander king of Scots, who died without issue left alive behind him. 
A place in Fabian corrected.  Although Fabiane in that 7. book of his Chronicle affirmeth: that he left 3. daughters, the eldest married to sir John Bailol: the second to Robert Bruce, the third to one hastings. But this in Fabian, is to be corrected as which neither standeth with itself, & is clearly convinced by the witness and history of Rob. Auel bury, 
Ex Thoma ●alsing●a● & ●ualtero inburnensi.  and also 〈◊〉 Gi●burne.  
For first, if king Alexander had left his eldest daughter marked to Sir john Bailol, then what controversy might rule among the Lords about succession, needing so diligent and anxious deciding by the king of England. Secondly, what claim or title could the king of Norway have to the crown of Scotland which was one of the challengers, claiming the said crown in the behalf of Margaret the niece of the foresaid king Alexander her graunfather, if the eldest daughter of the father had have left alived Thirdly, what can be more plain, when by the affirmance of the foresaid story is testified, that K. Alexander had 2. wives. Of the second whereof he had no issue. Of the first had two Children: Alexader which died before his father, and Margaret married to the king of Norway, which died also before her Father, 
Lack of succession what disturbance it worketh in a Realm  of whom came Margaret the ●ece of Alexander, and daughter to the king of Norway afore mentioned. And the also died in the journey between Norway and Scotland, the fourth year after the decease of her grandfather. Wherefore, as this matter standeth most clear, so let us now returning from whence we digressed, prosecute the rest that followeth. After that Alexander thus as is said, departed without issue, & also Margaret his ●iece in Norway was deceased: the matter came in a great doubt among the nobles of Scotland (especially 12. by name) to whom the right of the crown should next pertain. 
The klag of England proved by old records, chief head & foveraign Ann. 1291.  After much variance among parties, at length the election and determination of the matter was committed to the judgement of king Edward of England: who after sufficient proof made to the Scots and firm evidence, brought out of all the ancient histories both of England, and Scotland, testifying from time to time that he was chief head and sovereign of the Realm of Scotland: first by necessity of the law, and by all their consents took full possession of the same. And that bone, adjudged the right of the Crown to John Bailol, who descended of the daughter of David Earl of Huntingdon, brother to David King of Scotland, in the days of King Henry the second. This Earl David had three daughters, Isabella married to Robert Brusse, Margaret to Allen Earl of Galeway, had Ellen to Henry Lord hastings: Allen Earl of Galeway had Ellen married to Roger Quincy Earl of Winchester, Constable of Scotland, & Doruagile married to John Bailol father to Edward king of Scots.  

Sir john Bayloll male king of Scotland by King. Edward. K. of Scots doth homage to the King of England.  When these things were thus finished in scotland, and Sir john Bailol as most rightful inheritor had received the crown of Scotland at the hands of king Edward thankfully: & for the same in the presence of the Barony of England and of Scotland, did unto the said king Edward his homage, and swore to him fealty: the Scots with their new king returned into Scotland, and King Edward removed again to England:  
But not long after, the falseness of this Scotishe King soon appeared. Who repenting him of his homage done, untruly forsook his former oath & promise, and made war against king Edward, through the counsel of the Abbot of Menros. 
The falseness of the Scottish king.  Wherefore, the king with a great host sped him into Scotland, & in process laid siege to the town of Berwicke: which the Scots did eagerly defend, not only to the discomfiture, but also to the decision of the kings and his English host. But in conclusion, the English men prevailed and won the town, 
The town and castle of Berwick won of Englishmen.  where were slain of the Scots the number of 25. thousand. And while the king was there busied in winning other holds about the same, he sent part of his host to Dunbarre, where the Englishmen again had the victory and slew of the Scots xx. thousand, Jesus burn saith but x. thousand, so that very few were lost of the English company. 
Falseness justly punished.  The king with a great number of prisoners returning into his realm, shortly after sped him over unto Flaunders, where he sustained great trouble by the French king, till truce for certain space was between them concluded. But in the mean while that K. Edward was thus occupied beyond the Seas: the French king (resorting to his practised manner) set the Scots secretly against the Englishmen to keep the king at home. 
The Scots rebel again.  Which Scots making themselves a Captain named William Waleis: warred upon the borders of Northumberland, where they did much hurt. At length the king returning from Bordeaux into England, shortly upon the same took his journey into Scotland. Where meeting at York with his host, marched into the Realm of scotland, winning as he went, towns and Castles, 
The second ●iage of king Edward into Scotland.  till at length coming to the town of Frankyrch on Mary magdalen's day, he met with the power of Scotland: and had with them a fore sight, but through God's providence the victory fell to the right cause of Englishmen: so that of the Scots were slain in the field, as it is of divers writers affirmed, over the number of xxxii. thousand: 
Anno. 1298.  and of Englishmen but barely. xxviii. persons. Whereupon, the king again taking possession and feairy of the whole land, returned home.  
And yet the false untruth of the Scots would not thus be ruled, 
Ex Fabiano. A notable victory against the Sco●e. Anno. 1299. The Scots sworn to the king's allegiance  but rose up in a new broil: so that the king was enforced to make his power again the year following into Scotland, where he to suppressed the rebellion of that Lords and of the commons, that they swearing to the king's allegiance, presented themselves by great companies, & put them wholly in the king's grace and mercy: so that the king thinking himself to be in peaceable possession & in a great surety of the land, caused to be sworn unto him the rulers of the boroughs, cities, and towns, with other officers of the land, and so returned unto Berwick, and so into England, and lastly to Westminster.  
These martial affairs between England and Scotland although they appertain not greatly to the purpose of our story Ecclesiastical: yet so much by the way I thought briefly to touch, whereby the better it might be understanded by these premises, that which followeth in the sequel hereof. As the Scots were thus warring and raging against the king, and saw they could not make their party good, 
Ex Chron. Tho: Walsinghami. Auesburiensis. The Pope's message unto the king.  they sent privily to Pope Boniface for hysayde and counsel: who immediately sendeth down his precept to the K. to this effect, that he should hereafter succease to disquiet or molest the Scots, for that they were a people exempt and properly pertaining to his Chapel. And therefore it could not otherwise be, but that the City of jerusalem must needs defend his own Citizens: & as the mount Zion, 
The kings answer to the Pope.  maintain such as trust in the Lord. etc. Whereunto the king briefly maketh answer again, swearing with anothe that he would to his uttermost keep & defend that which was his right, evidently known to all the world. etc. Thus the Scots bearing themselves bold upon the pope's message, 
The Pope challengeth the Realm of Scotland to be free from the dominion of England  & also confederating themselves with the French men, passed over that year. The next year after that (which was 29. of the kings reign) the said Pope Boniface directeth his letters again to the king, wherein he doth vendicate the kingdom of Scotland, to be proper to the Church of Rome, & not subject to the king of England. And therefore it was against God, against justice, and also preindiciall to the Church of Rome, for him to have or hold dominion upon the same, which he proved by these reasons.  
First, that when king Henry the father of this King, received aid of Alexander king of Scots in his wars against Simon Mountfort: he recognised & acknowledged in his letters patents, that he received the same of king Alexander, not of any duty, but of special favour.  
Item, when the said king Alexander coming to England, did homage to the said king Henry: he did it not as king of Scotland, but only for certain lands of Lyndal and Penreth lying in England.  
Item, where the said king Alexander left behind him Margaret his heir, being ●ece to the king of England, and yet under age: yet the tuition of the said Margaret was committed not to the K. of England, but to certain Lords of Scotland, deputed to the same.  
Moreover, when any legacy was directed down from Rome to the Realm of England, for collecting oftenthes or other causes: the said legacy took no place, in the realm of Scotland, and might well he resisted (as it was in king Alexander his days) except an other special commission touching the realm of Scotland, were joined wall. Whereby it appeareth, these to be two several dominions, and not subject under one.  
Adding furthermore, that the kingdom of Scotland first was converted by the relics of the blessed Apostle S. Peter: through the divine operation of God: to the unity of the Catholic faith.  
Wherefore upon these causes and reasons, Pope Boniface in his letters to the king, required him to give over his claim, and cease his wars against the Scottish nation: And to release all such both of the spirituality and laity, as he had of them prisoners. Also to call home again his officers and deputies, which he had there placed and ordained to the greavance of that nation, to the slander of all faithful people, and no less prejudice to the Church of Rome. And if he would claim any right or title to the said Realm or any part thereof: he should send up his procurators specially to the same appointed, with all that he could for himself allege unto the sea Apostolic, 
Anno. 1301. The K. replyech to the Pope.  there to receive what reason and right would require.  
The king, after he had received these letters of the Pope, assembled a council or Parliament at Lincoln: by the advise of which counsel & Parliament, he addressed other letters responsal to the Pope against wherein first in all reverend manner he desireth him not to give light care to the sinister suggestions of false reports, 
Scotland alone with England. Brutus.  and imaginers of mischief. Then he declareth out of old records & histories from the first time of the britains, that the realm of Scotland hath always from time to time been all one to England, beginning first with Brutus in the time of Dely and Samuel the Prophet: 
Lokrinus. Albanactus. Camber.  which Brutus coming from Troy to his I'll called then Albion, after called by him Britannia, had three sons: Locrinus to whom he gave the part of the land, called then of him Loegria, now Auglia Albanactus his second son, to whom he gave Albania, now called Scotia: and his third son Lamber, to whom he gave Cambria, now called Wales. etc.  
And thus much concerning the first division of this isle, as in ancient histories is found recorded. In which matter passing over the death of king Humber, the acts of Dunwald, king of this Realm, the division of Belyn and Brene, the victories of king Arthur, we will resort (saith the king) to more nearer times, testified and witnessed by sufficient authors, as Marianus Scotus, William Malmesbury: Roger Abyndon: Henry Huntingdon: Radulph de Bizoto and other. All which make special declaration, & give manifest evidence, of the execution of this our right (saith he) & title of Superiority, ever continued & preseved hitherto.  
And first to begin with Edward the senior, before the conquest, 
Alias 907.  son to Alurede king of England, about the year of our Lord. 900. it is plain and manifest, that he had under his dominion and obedience the king of Scots. And here is to be noted, that this matter was so notorious and manifest, as Maryan the Scot writing that story in those days, granteth, confesseth and testifieth the same: and this dominion continued in that state 23. year. At which time, Athelstane succeeded in the crown of England, and having by battle conquered Scotland, he made one Constantine king of that party, to rule & govern the country of Scotland under him, adding this princely word: That it was more honour to him to make a king, then to be a king.  
24. years after that, which was the year of our Lord 947. Eldred king our progenitor, Athelstanus brother, took homage of Irise then king of Scots.  
30. years after that, which was the year of our Lord 977. king Edgar our predecessor took homage of Kynalde king of Scots. Here was a little trouble in England by the death of S Edward king and martyr, destroyed by the deceit of his mother in law: but yet within memory.  
40. years after the homage done by Kynald to King Edgar, that is to say, in the year of our Lord. 1017. Malcoline the king of Scots did homage to Knute our predecessor. After this homage done. The Scots uttered some piece of their natural disposition, whereupon (by war made by our progenitor S. Edward the confessor. 39 year after that homage done, that is to say, the year of our Lord. 1056) Malcoline king of Scots was vanquished. and the realm of Scotland given to Malcoline his son by our said progenitor S. Edward: unto whom the said Malcoline made homage and fealty.  
Within 40. years after that, William Conqueror entered this realm, whereof he accounted no perfect conquest, until he had likewise subdued the Scots: and therefore in the said year (which was in the year of our Lord. 1068) the said Malcoline King of Scots did homage to the said William Conqueror, as his superior by Conquest king of England.  
25. years after that, which was the year of our Lord. 1093. the said Malcoline did homage & fealty to William Rufus, son to the said William Conqueror: and yet after that was for his offences and demerits deposed, and his son substitute in his place: who likewise failed in his duty, and therefore was ordained in that estate by the said William Rufus, Edgar brother to the last Malcoline, and son to the first, who did his homage and fealty accordingly.  
7. years after that, which was in the year of our Lord. 1100. the said Edgar king of the Scots, did homage to Henry the first our progenitor.  
37 year after that, David king of Scots did homage to Matilde the Emperatrice, as daughter and heir to Henry the first. Wherefore being after required by Stephen, then obtaining possession of the Realm, to make his homage: he refused so to do, because he had before made it to the said Matilde, and thereupon forbore. After which David's death, which ensued shortly after, the son of the said David made homage to the said King Stephen.  
14. years after that, which was in the year of our Lord 1150. William king of Scots, and David his brother, with all the nobles of Scotland made homage to Henry the second son, with a reservation of their duty to Henry the second his Father.  
25 years after that, which was in the year of our Lord 1175. William king of Scotland, after much rebellion and resistance, according to their natural inclination (King Henry the second then being in Normandy) knowledged finally his error, and made his peace and composition, confimed with his great Seal, and the Seals of the nobility of Scotland, making therewith his homage and fealty,  
Within 15. years after that, which what the year of our Lord 1190 the said William king of Scots came to our City of Caunterbury, and there did homage to our noble progenitor King Richard the first.  
1124. years after that, the said William did Homage to our progenitor king john, upon a hill besides Lincoln, making his oath upon the Cross of Hubert then Archbishop of Canterbury, being there present, and a marvelous multitude assembled for that purpose.  
26. year after that, which was in the year of our Lord 1230. Alexander king of Scots married Margaret the daughter of our progenitor Henry the third, at our City of York, in the feast of Christmas: at which time the said Alexander did his homage to our said progenitor: who reigned in this Realm 56. years. And thereford between the homage made by the said Alexander king of Scotland, and the homage done by Alexander, son to the said king of Scots, to us at our coronation at Westminster, there was about 50. years: At which time, the said Alexander king of Scots repaired to the said feast of our coronation, and there did he his duty as is aforesaid.  
¶ Besides these letters of the king, the Lords temporal also in the name of the whole commonalty and Parliament, wrote an other letter to the pope, answering to that, where as the pope arrogated to him to be judge for the title of the realm of Scotland, which the king of England claimed to himself: which letter I thought also here to annex containing, as in the words of the same here followeth to be read and seen.  
* The lords temporal, and the whole Barony of England to the Pope.  
THe holy mother Church, 
A letter of the Lords temporal to the Pope.  by whose ministry the Catholic fee is governed: in her deeds (as we thoroughly believe and hold) proceedeth with that ripeness in judgement, that she will be hurtful to none but like a mother would every man's right to be kept unbroken as well in other, as in herself. Whereas therefore in a general Parliament called at Lincoln of late by our most dread Lord Edward by the grace of God the noble king of England: the same our Lord caused certain letters received from you to be read openly, and to be declared seriously afore us, about certain businesses touching the condition & state of the realm of Scotland: We did not a little muse and marvel with ourselves hearing the meanings concerning the same, so wondrous and strange, as the like we have not heard at any time before. For we know most holy father, and it is well known as well in this realm of England (as also not unknown to other persons besides) that from the first beginning of the Realm of England: the certain and direct government of the Realm of Scotland in all temporal causes, from time to time belonged to the kings of the same Realm of England, and Realm of Scotland: as well in the times both of the Britons, as also of Englishmen. Yea rather, the same Realm of Scotland of old time was in see to the Ancestors of our foresaid Lords Kings of England, yea and to himself. Furthermore, the Kings of Scots and the Realm have not been under any other than the kings of England, and the Kings of England have answered, or aught to answer for their rights in the foresaid Realm, or for any his temporalities afore any judge Ecclesiastical or secular, by reason of free pre-eminence of the state of his royal dignity and custom kept without breach at all times. Wherefore, after treaty had and diligent deliberation of the contents in your foresaid letters, this was the common agreeing and consent with one mind, and shall be without fail in time to come by God's grace: that our foresaid Lord the King, aught by no means to answer in judgement in any case, or should bring his foresaid rights into doubt: nor ought not to send any proctor's or messengers to your presence: specially seeing that the premises tend manifestly to the disheriting of the right of the Crown of England, and the plain overthrow of the state of the said Realm, and also hurt of the liberties, customs, and laws of our fathers: For the keeping and defence of which, we are bound by the duty of the oath made. And we will maintain them with all power, and will defend them (by God's help) with all strength. And farther we will not suffer our foresaid Lord the king to do, or by any means to attempt the premises being so unaccustomed, unwont, and not heard of afore. Wherefore, we reverently and humbly beseech your holiness, that ye would suffer the same our Lord king of England (who among other Princes of the world, showeth himself Catholic and devour to the romish Church) quietly to enjoy his rights, liberties ', customs and laws aforesaid: without all impairing, and trouble, and let them continue untouched. In witness whereof we have set our seals to these presents, aswell for us, as for the whole commonalty of the foresaid Réalme of England.  
Dated at Lincoln in the year of our Saviour 1031. & anno Edwardi primi. 28.  

Anno. 1303. The P. letteth ●log against king.  The year following, which was from Christ, an. 1303. the said Pope Boniface the eight of that name, taking displeasure with Philip the French king: did excite king Edward of Englad, to war against him, promising him great aid thereunto. But he (as mine author saith) little trusting the Popes false unstable affection toward him well proved before, 
Ex R. Auesb.  put him of with delays. Ex Rob. Auesb. whereupon, the French king fearing the power of king Edward whom the Pope had set against his friendship: restored unto him again Wascone, which he wrongfully had in his hands detained. Concerning this variance here mentioned between the Pope and the French king, how it begun first, and to what end it fell out: the sequel hereof (Christ willing) shall declare, after that first I have finished the discourse begon between England and Scotland.  

Another Scottish rebellion suppressed.  In the year 1303. the foresaid Willa Waleys, which had done so many displeasures, to the king before (continuing still in his rebellion) gathered great multitudes of the Scots to withstand the king: till at length, the year following he was taken, and sent up to London, and there executed for the same. After which things done, the king then held his Parliament at Westminster, whether came out of Scotland the Bishop of S. Andrew's, Robert Bruise above mentioned, Earl of Dunbarre, Earl of Acles, and Sir john coming, with divers other: The which voluntarily were sworn to be true to the king of England, and to keep the land of Scotland to his use against at persons. But shortly after the said Robert Bruse, 
The P. dispenseth with due & true obedience of subjects toward their prince.  who as is said married the second daughter of Earl David, forgetting his oath before made unto the king: within a year or two after this, by the counsel of the Abbot of Stone, and Bishop of S. Andrew's: sent up unto Pope Clement the 5. for a dispensation of his oath made unsinuating to him, that King Edward vexed and grieved the realm of Scotland wrongfully. Whereupon the pope wrote unto the king, to leave of such doings. 
The Pope's inhibition neglected in England.  Notwithstanding which inhibition of the Pope, the king prosecuting his own right, after he had the understanding of the doings of the Scots, & of the mischief of Robert Bruys (who had slain with his own hands Sir john Coming, for not consenting with him and other Lords at his Parliament) areared his power & strength of men preparing himself toward Scotland: 
Another rebellion of the Scots repressed.  where he joining with the said Sir Robert and all the power of Scotland in a plain, near unto S. john's town, put him to flight and so chased the Scots, that of them were slain to the number of 7. thousand. In the which victory, such Bishops and Abbots as were taken, he sent them to the Pope: the temporal Lords and other Scots he sent unto London. 
The Scots again subdued.  etc. Sir Robert Bruys after this discomfiture, when he had thus lost both the field and chief friends, seeing himself, not able to make his party good, fled into Norway, where he kept his abode during the time while king Edward lived. When this noble Edward had thus subdued the Scots, he yielded thanks to God for his victory, & so letting the land in a quiet, and an order, he returned unto London, which was the 35. year and last of his reign. etc.  

A grievous variance between Philip the frech king & pope Boniface. Pope Nicolas. 4. Popedom vacant two years.  Now returning to that which I promised before touching the variance and grievous dissension between Philip the French king, and Pope Boniface the eight of that name. After the bishopric of Rome had been long void through the dissension of the Cardinals, for the space of two years and 3. months: at length, Pope Celestinus was chosen, successor to pope Nicholas the fourth. Which Celestinus in his first consistory, began to reform the Clergy of Rome, thinking to make it an example to all other churches. Wherefore, he procured to himself such a hatred among his Clergy men, that this Boniface, then called Benedictus, speaking through a reed by his chamber wall nightly admonished him, 
Pope Celestinus 5.  as it had been a voice from heaven, that he should give over his Papacy, as being a burden bigger than he could wild. Ex Masseo.  
This pope Celestine after he had set vi. months, by the treachery & falshhoode of this Boniface, was induced to give up & resign his Bishopric, 
crafty ingling among Popes and Cardinals. Ex Massao.  partly for the voice spoken of before, partly for fear: being told of certain craftily subornated in his chamber, that if he did not resign, he should lose his life. Who then after his resignation going to live in some solitary defert (being a simple man) was vilely taken and thrust in perpetual prison by Pope Boniface: crastely pretending that he did it not for any hatred unto Celestine, but that sedetious people might not have him as their head to raise up some stir in the Church. 
The eight Nero.  And so was brought to his death. Wherefore, this Boniface was worthily called the eight Nero: of whom it was rightly said, he came in like a Fox, he reigned like a Lion, and died like a dog.  
This Pope Boniface succeeding, 
P. Boniface. 8.  or rather invading after Celestinus, behaved himself so imperiously, that he put down princes, excommunicated kings, such as did not take their confirmation at his hand. 
The mischief of Pope Boniface described.  divers of his Cardinals he drove away for fear, some of them as schismatics he deposed and spoiled them of all their substance. Philip the French king he excommunicated, for not suffering his money to go out of the Realm, and therefore cursed both his and him, to the fourth generation. Albertus' the Emperor not once nor twice, but thrice sought at his hands to be confirmed, and yet was rejected, neither could obtain unless he would promise to drive the French king out of his realm. 
Guelphs and Gibelines 2. factions in Rome.  The factions discord in Italy between the Guelphs, and Gibillines, which the part of a good bishop had been to extinct: so little he helped to quench the smoke, that he of all other was chiefest fire brand to increase the flame. In so much that upon Ash-wednesday, when Porchetus an Archbishop came and kneeled down before him to receive his ashes: Pope Boniface looking upon him, & perceiving that he was one of the Gibbellines part, cast his handful of ashes in his eyes, saying: Memen to homo quòd Gibellinus es etc. That is: 
jubilei first be gone in Rome.  remember man that a Gibeline thou art, and to ashes thou shalt go. This Pope moreover ordained first the jubilei in Ro●●●in the solemnising whereof, the first day he showed himself in his poutificalibus, & gave free remission of sins to as many as came to Rome out of all the parts of the world. The second day (being arrayed with Imperial ensigns) he commanded a naked sword to be carried before him and said with a loud voice: 
The P. claimeth and practiseith power of both sword.  Eccepotestatem utriusque gladij. That is, Lo here the power and authority of both the swords, ●es.  
From the which very year (as most stories do record) the Turks, do begin the first count of their Turkish Emperors, whereof the si●t▪ was Ottomannus, as you shall hear discoursed hereafter by God's grace in the history of the Turks.  
By this said Pope Boniface, 
Pope Boniface 8. Author of the book of decretals.  divers constitutions extravaganes of his predecessors were collected together, with many of his own newly added thereto, and is made the book called Sextus decretalium, etc. By whom also first sprang up pardons and indulgences from Rome.  
These things thus premised of Boniface, the Pope, 
Romish pardons first begun by P. Boniface. 8.  now will I come to the occasion of the strife between him, and the French king: Concerning which matter, first I find in the history of Nicholas Trivet, that in the year of our Lord. 1301. the Bishop of Oppanubam being accused for a conspiracy against the French king, was brought up to his Court, 
Ex hist. Nie, Trivet.  & so committed to prison. The pope hearing this, sendeth word to the king by his Legate to set him at liberty. The French king not daring to the contrary, looseth the Bishop: But when he had done, he dischargeth both the bishop and the Legate commanding them to void his realm. Whereupon, Pope Boniface revoketh all the graces and privileges granted either by him or his predecessors before to the kingdom of France: also, 
Philip the French king excommunicated.  not long after thundering out the sentence of his curse against him. Moreover, citeth all the prelate's, all divines, and lawyers both civil and canon, to appear personally before him at Rome, at a certain day, which was the first of November. Against this citation, the king again provideth and commandeth by strait proclamation, that no manner of person should export out of the Realm of France either gold, or silver, or any other manner of ware or merchandise, upon forseting all their goods, and their bodies at the kings pleasure: providing with all, the ways and passages diligeurly to be kept that none might pass unsearched. Over and besides, the said French king defeated the Pope in giving and bestowing prebends, and benefices, and other ecclesiastical livings, contrary to the Pope's profit. For the which cause, the pope writeth to the foresaid king in form and effect as followeth.  
¶ Boniface Bishop and servant to God's servants to his beloved son Philip by the grace of God, king of France, greeting and Apostolical blessing.  
BOniface the servant of God's servants etc. fear God, and observe his commandments. 
Ex lib. Stephant Ausrery.  We will thee to understand, that thou art subject to us both in spiritual things, and temporal. And that no gift of benefices or prebends belongeth to thee: and if thou have the keeping of any being vacaunt, that thou reserve the profits of them to the successors. But if thou have given any, we judge the gift to be void: and call back how far so ever thou hast gone forward. And whosoever believeth otherwise, we judge them heretics.  
Unto this letter of the Pope, king Philip maketh answer again in manner & order as followeth, which is this.  
¶ Philip by the grace of God King of France, to Boniface not in deeds, behaving himself for Pope, little friendship or none.  

A letter of king Philip of France to pope Boniface.  TO Boniface bearing himself, for chief Bishop, little health or none. Let thy follishnes know that in no temporal things we are subject to no man, and that the gifts of prebends, and many benefices made and to be made by us were and shall be good both in time past and to come. And that we will defend manfully the possessors of the said benefices, and we think them that believe or think otherwise, fools and mad men.  
Given at Paris the Wednesday after Candlemas. an. 1301.  
After these aforesaid and other writings passing to and fro, between the French king and the pope: within a year and a half after, the king summoneth a Parliament sending down his letters to his Sheriffs and other officers to summon the Prelates and Barons of the Realm, unto the said Court of Parliament, according to the tenor of the kings letters here following.  

A Parliament summoned by K. Philip at Paris.  PHilip by the grace of God king of France, etc.  
Whereas we would take counsel with the Prelates, Barons and other our faithful, about weighty matters and hard, and such as belong greatly to our right and touching our honour, state, liberties and laws of this our Realm, Churches, and Ecclesiastical persons, and would also go forward and proceed in the foresaid matters according to their counsel: We command you, that ye diligently in our behalf require & straightly charge all the Prelates in your baliwicke, and also all and singular Abbots and Priors of the same your foresaid baliwicke, (to certain of the which, we have directed down our special letters for the same cause) that as they favour our honour, the good state both of the realm, of théselues, and of the Church: they repair to us in their own people all lets and delays set aside, and all other business left of Showing to them moreover, that we can judge none of them to be either to us faithful subjects, or friends to the Realm, which shall fail herein, or withdraw himself in the foresaid business, counsels, and helps in tyme. Wherein if peradventure any shall slack or refuse to resort and come toward us within 8. days from the time of this charge given by you, or your commandment: That then, you to seize all his temporal goods into our hand; & so seized to hold them until you receive other commandment from us.  
Given at Paris the Monday before the Nativity of S. john Baptist, in the year of our Lord. 1303.   

¶ A declaration of master William Nagareta, made against Pope Boniface the eight, with his appellation also made at Paris, afore the king and his Counsel in the Church of Paris.  

The appeal of Nagareta made against pope Boniface the 8.  IN the name of God Amen. In the year of our Lord. 1303. Indictione secunda, the 12. day of March, and the ix. year of the Popedom, of the most holy father the L. Boniface the 8. by God's providence pope: and in the presence of us common notaries, and witnesses written under, the noble man master William Nagareta knight (a worshipful professor of the laws) standing afore the most excellent Prince the Lord Philip, by the grace of God most noble king of France: 
Ex Registre.  spoke with lively words, and gave in writings these things that follow.  
There have been false Prophets among the people: as there have been also among you false teachers. etc. S. Peter the glorious prince of the Apostles, speaking to us by the spirit, told us things to come: that likewise as there were false Prophets afore time, so there should come among you false teachers, bringing in sects of destruction: by the which the way of truth shall be defaced: and covetously they shall make merchandise of you with feigned words: and further addeth, that such masters did follow the way of Balaam, of Bosor, which loved the reward of wickedness, and had his bridled Ass to correct his madness, which speaking in a man's voice did stop the foolishness of the Prophet. All which things as they be showed to us by the greatest Patriarch himself: Your eyes see them fulfilled this day according to the letter. For there fitteth in S Peter's Chair the master of lies, causing himself to be called Boniface. 1. a well doer, where he is notable in all kind of evil doing: And so both he hath taken to himself a false name, and where he is not a true ruler and master, he calleth himself the Lord, judge, and master of all men. And coming in contrary to the common order appointed by the holy fathers, and also contrary to the rules of reason, and so not entering in at the door into the Lords sheepfold, is not a shepherd nor hireling, but rather a thief & robber. For he (the true husband of the Romish church yet living) deceived him that was delighted in simplicity, & enticed him with feigned flatterings & gifts to let him have his spouse to be his wife, 
An invectib against the placing of Boniface, 8. in the papal sea.  let no man separate: & at length laying violent hands upon him, persuading him falsely that thing which the deceiver said to come from the holy spirit: was not ashamed to join to himself with wicked practice that holy Church, which is mistress of all Churches, calling himself to her husband, where as he cannot be: for Celestinus the true Romish Bishop, agreed not to the said divorce, being deceived by so great subtlety, nothing is so contrary to agreeing as error and deceit, as man's laws bear witness, that I need not to speak of his violence. But because the spirit inspireth where he will, and he that is led with the spirit, is not under the law, the holy universal Church of God, not knowing the crafts of that deceiver, stumbling and doubting whether it came from the holy ghost, that Celestinus should leave of his government, and the sins of the people deserving it, for fear of a schism, suffered the foresaid deceiver: although according to the doctrine of our Lord, by his fruits he might be known, whether he came to the said regiment by the holy ghost or otherwise: his fruits (as it is plainly here written beneath) are now manifest to all men, by which it is apparent to the world, that he came not in by God but otherways: and so came not in by the sheepefould. His fruits are most wicked, and his end is death, and therefore it is necessary that so evil a tree (according to the Lords saying) should be cut down and cast into the fire. This cannot avail to his excuse, which is said of some men, that is: that the Cardinals did agree upon him: again after the death of the said Celestinus the pope, seeing he could not be her husband, whom it is manifest that he defiled by adultery, her first husband yet living, & she being worthy to have the promise of marriage kept unto her. Therefore, because that which is done against the Lord, turneth to the wrong of all men: and specially in so great a mischief, by reason of the consequence by which she is judged of the people both a woman adultres or defamed: I like a bridle Ass by the power of the Lord, and not by the voice of a perfect man, being not able to bear so great a burdé, take in hand to rebuke the madness of the said false Prophet Balaam, which at the instance of king Balaac. 1. of the Prince of devils, 
The pope well compared to Balaam which was wont curse God's people for reward of money.  whom he serveth, and ready to curtsy the people blessed of the Lord, I beseech you most excellent Prince, and Lord Philip by the grace of God king of France: that like as the Angel of God in time passed met in the way with a sword drawn, the prophet Balaam going to curse God's people: so you (which are unwilling to execute justice, and therefore like the Angel of the Lord, and minister of power and office) would meet with a naked sword this said wicked man: which is far worse than Balaam, that he perform not that evil which he intendeth to the people.  
First, I propound that the foresaid man, 
Articles propounded against pope Boniface.  that nameth himself Boniface is no Pope, but wrongfully keepeth the fear which he hath in deed to the great damage of all the souls of Gods holy Church. I say also, that his entering was many ways faulty, and he entered not in at the door, but otherways, and therefore is to be judged a thief & a robber.  
2. I propound also, that the said Boniface is a manifest heretic, and utterly cut off from the body of the holy Church, because of many kinds of heresies, which are to be declared in convenient time and place.  
3. I propound also, that the said Boniface is an horrible simoniacal, & such a one as hath not been sithence the beginning of the world: and the mischief of this sin in him is so notorious to all the world (which thing is manifest to all that will plainly understand) in so much that he being openly slandered, said openly that he could not commit simony.  
4. I propound also, 
The nature of this pope and all pope's by his image painted out.  that the said Boniface being wrapped in infinite manifest heinous sins, is so hardened in them, that he is utterly not possible to be corrected: and lying in dungeon of mischief so deep, that he may not be suffered any longer without the overthrow of the state of the church. His mouth is full of cursing, his feet and steps are swift to shed blood. He utterly teareth in pieces the Churches, which he ought to cherish, wasting wickedly the goods of the poor, & making much of wicked men that give him rewards: persecuting the righteous, and among the people not gathering but scattering, bringing in new sects of destruction that have not been heard of. 
The pope thinks himself equal with Christ.  Blaspheming the way of truth, and by robbery thinking himself equal to that Lord jesus Christ which is blessed for ever. And he being most covetous thirsteth for gold, covereth gold, & by some devise getteth gold of every people: & utterly not regardig the worshipping of God, with sayned words sometimes by flattering, sometimes by threatening, sometime by false teaching, and all to get money withal, he maketh merchandise of us all: envying all things but his own, loving no man, nourishing war, persecuting & hating the peace of his subjects. He is rooted in all unspeakable sins, contrarying and striving against all the ways & doctrines of the Lord. 
Abhominatio desolationis Papa.  He is truly the abomination of the people which Daniel the lords Prophet described.  
Therefore I answer that laws, weapons, and all the elements ought to rise against him, which thus overthroweth the state of the Church: for whose sins God plagueth the whole world. And finally, nothing remaineth to him being so unsatiable to satisfy him withal, but only the unsatiable mouth of hell, and the fire that cannot be quenched, continuing for ever. Therefore, seeing that in a general council it so becometh, and I see this wicked man to be damned, which offendeth both God and all men. I ask and require, as instantly as I can, and beseech you my Lord and King aforesaid, that ye would declare to the prelate's, doctors, people, & princes your brethren in Christ, & chief to the Cardinals and all Prelates, and call a Council. In the which (when this foresaid wicked man is condemned) by the worshipful Cardinals: the church may be provided of a shepherd, & for that Council I offer myself ready, lawfully to pursue the foresaid things. And where as the said man being in highest dignity, in the mean time cannot be suspended of his superior, therefore he ought to be taken, suspended in deed for the things aforesaid, seeing his state, is called into judgement by the means aforesaid.  
I beseech and require the said Cardinals by you, and I presently require them & the church of God, that this wicked man being put in prison, the Church of Rome may be provided of a Vicar, which may minister those things that shall appertain, until the Church of God be provided of a bishop, utterly to take away all occasion of a schism. And lest the said wicked man should let and hinder the prosecuting thereof, I require these things of you my Lord king aforesaid, affirming you to be bound to do this for many causes. First for faiths sake. Secondly, for your kingly dignity, to whose office it belongeth to root out such wicked men. Thirdly, for your oath sake, which ye made for the defence of the Churches of your Realm, which the foresaid ravener utterly teareth in pieces. Fourthly, because ye be the patron of the Churches, & therefore ye are not bound only to the defence of them, but to the calling for again of their goods, which the foresaid man hath wasted. Fiftly, ye following the footsteps of your ancestors, aught to deliver your mother the Romish church, from so wicked a hand, wherein by oppression she is tied bound. I require that a public instrument may be made of these requests by the notaries here present, under the witness of the worshipful men that be here present. These things were done and spoken as is aforesaid at Paris in the King's hous● of Lupara.  
After this protestation of master Nagareta, immediately ensued the appeal of the king, pronounced and published against the said Boniface, in form as followeth.   

The appeal made by the king and the lovers of the Realm against Boniface.  

The appellation of the French king and Nobles against pope Boniface. 8.  IN the name of God. Amen. In the year of our Lord 1303 Indictione prima. 13. day of june, and the 9 year of the Popedom of Boniface Pope the 8. By the tenor of this public instrument be it unto all men known that the most noble prince and Lord Philip by the grace of God, king of France, the famous and reverend fathers in Christ, Archbishops & Bishops, religious men, Abbots and Priors here vndernamed, in the presence of us common Notaries here under written, especially called and required for this purpose, as it is contained in the subscriptions here under, the famous & noble men, the Lord jews, son of the French king Guido of S. Paul, and john Drocem Earls, and William of Plesiano Lord of Vitenob knight: Moved as they said with a fervent faith, with affection of sincere love and zeal of charity to be showed to the holy Romish church, and having pity from their heart, on their mother the universal church, which as they said is oppressed dangerously under the rule of the said Lord Boniface, and suffereth outrageous defacing and loss: and pitying the right faith (as they say) in which stands the salvation of souls, & which (alas for pity) in their times miserably pineth away, & perisheth for the lack of wholesome government of the Church through all Christendom: and earnestly taking pains, as they said, for the repairing and enhaunsing of the Catholic faith▪ specially, seeing it was necessary for the same church, for the foundation of the faith, and health of the souls, that none should rule the fold of the lords flock, but the true and lawful shepherd: and also because the same Church was the spouse of Christ that hath no spot nor wrinkle, all error, offence, wickedness & wrong should be put away, and salvation, peace and quietness through God's mercy might be procured to the whole world, which they say lieth in wars and darkness by the wicked deeds, cursed works, and hurtful examples of the said Boniface: They said and laid against the said Boniface, heresy, and other divers horrible & cursed faults, wherein they affirmed him to be tangled, and commonly and notoriously reported, the king himself being present, with Archbishops, Bishops and other Prelates and Churchmen (which were assembled for to entreat of their own matters, and matters of their Churches) beside Barons, Earls, and other noble men, whose names are under written.  
The said William propounded & objected against him, swearing by the holy Gospel of God which he corporally touched, that he could prove all and every the premises to be true. And the said William of Plesiano swore further this oath, that he believed he could prove the premises, and that he would pursue to the full end against the said Boniface in the general Council, where, when, and afore whomsoever of right it ought to be done: requiring earnestly the said Lord king as a champion of the faith, and defender of the Church: that for declaring of this truth to the praise of God's name, to the increase & promoting of the Catholic faith, to the honour and wealth of the universal Church and of all Christian people, and the congregation of the said general council: that he would help and bestow his profitable labour, with soldiers and other like, for the love of men, and zeal to justice (because his kingly house was ever a ruler of the truth) and that he would earnestly require the Archbishops, Bishops, & other Prelates, and that he would be effectually instant with them. The Earls & knights themselves besought earnestly many of the same prelate's (as they were pillars of the Church & the faith) that they would help and effectually bestow their labour to the calling, and assembling of the said council, by all ways and means lawful according to the ordinances of the holy fathers and decrees of the canons. But when the prelate's herd & fully understood such objections, oppositions, and requests, as is aforesaid: and considered that such a matter not only was most hard, but needed wise counsel, they departed out of the same place. But on the Friday next following i the 14. day of the same month of june, the foresaid Lord king being present, and also the Lords, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and many witnesses here under written the same time being present, and in the presence of us common Notaries here subscribed, and being specially called and required for this purpose: the foresaid William of Plesiano Knight said, propounded, affirmed, objected and read, as was contained more fully in a certain paper which he held in his hand, whose tenor was after this sort.  
I William of Plesiano Knight, say, propound, and affirm, that Boniface which now ruleth the Apostolical sea is a rank heretic in heresies, and by heresies, outrageous deeds, and wicked doctrines hereafter to be declared, which things to be true, I believe I am able to prove: or else, such things as these shall be sufficient to prove him a full heretic, in a convenient place & time, and afore whom of right this can or aught to be done. This thing I swear on the holy Gospel of God presently touched of me.  
First, that he believeth not the immortality of men and of christian souls, 
Pope Boniface had rather be a dog then a French man.  but thinking much like as the Saducies' did believe, that there is no everlasting life, and the men can not get at the length joy, but all the lot and part of comfort and gladness to be in this world: and by this means he affirmeth, that it is no sin for the body to live daintily in all dainties. And out of the abundance of this leaven, he was not ashamed to say and openly to confess, that he had rather be an ass or a dog or any other brute beast, rather than a Frenchman, which thing he would not have said, if he believed a Frenchman had a soul that could enjoy everlasting life. This thing he taught many men, which knowledged this at the point of death, and the common report goeth on him thus in these things.  
2. Also, he believeth not faithfully, that by the words ordained of Christ & spoken over the host, after the fashion of the Church by a faithful priest that is lawfully ordered, the body of Christ to be there: and therefore it cometh to pass, that he geneth no reverence to it (no not a little) when it is lifted up of the priest, yea he rises not to it, but turneth his back to it, and makes himself & his seat to be honoured where he sitteth, rather than the altar where the host is consecrate: and he is commonly reported to do this.  
3. Also, he is reported to say that whoredom is no sin, no more than rubbing of the hands together, & thus commonly runs the voice and brute.  
4. Also, he said often, that to thrust down the King and Frenchmen (if it could not be otherways done) he would overthrow himself the whole world, & the whole Church. And when he had said so, some that stood by said, God forbidden, he answered God grant. And when good men that heard the words replied against him, that he should not say so, because the church of God & all Christian men should suffer great slander so: he answered, I care not what slanders soever come, so that the Frenchmen and their pride be destroyed: for it is necessary that slanders & offences come.  
5. Item, he called again & allowed a book made by M. Arnold of Newton, containing and smelling of heresy, condemned by the Bishop of Paris and reproved by the masters of divinity, and burned openly by Boniface himself: and in the full consistory of Cardinals being likewise reproved, condemned, and burned, yet he allowed it being written again, and containing the same fault.  
6. Item, that he might make the most damnable remembrance of him perpetual, he caused his Images of silver to be set in the Church, by this means bringing men to Idolatry.  
7. Item, he hath a private devil, whose counsel he useth in all things and through all things.  
8. Item, he said once that if all men were on one side, and he on another, they could not deceive him neither in law nor in deed, which thing could not be done except he used a devilish ar●: and of this he is openly thus reported.  
9 Item, he is a witch, ask counsel at soothsayers both men and women, and thus he is commonly judged.  
10. Item, he said openly that the Romish pope could not commit simony, which is heretical to say. This is a sin reproved aswell in the old Testament, as in the new, and generally in the holy Counsels. Also he is wont to make merchandise of prelate's livings, dignities, superiorities, and benefices, to the which holy orders be necessarily joined: and of absolutions and dispensations, like as usurers and merchants use to buy and sell common things in the market, and of this the common bruit reports him.  
11. Item, he letteth with all his might among Christian men the special ambassade of Christ, made to his own sons, saying: Peace I leave to you, & soweth discord and wars: Wherefore one's it was said afore him, that certain parties would friendly agree after a good sort, but he letted the peace: and when the other part did humbly beseech him, that he would give licence to agree (he said) he would not: Yea if the son of God or Peter the Apostle would come down into the earth and command him: he would say, I will not believe thee.  
12. Item, because the French nation (being manifestly a most Christian nation) followeth not his errors in the faith: he reckoneth and openly calleth all and every of them, Paterniani.  
13. Item, he is infect with sodomitical sin, keeping with him boys for concubines, and of this fault he is most commonly and openly reported.  
14. Item, he hath caused many murders of clerk to be done in his presence, & commending it rejoicing at their death: and if they were not deadly wounded at the first by his seruant●, as oft as he law them smiting, he said smite, smite: by which example many were slain.  
15. Item, when he had condemned a certain noble man, he forbade the Sacrament to be given him at the point of death, desiring it and being penitent: saying, that the Sacrament of penance was not necessary to salvation.  
16. Item, he compelled certain Priests to show unto him the confessions of men, and he published them openly afterward contrary to the will of them, that were confessed to their shame & confusion, and compelled them to redeem their sins. In so much that once he deposed a certain bishop of Spain, for the faults that he confessed to a certain Cardinal, confessing unto him a certain privy horrible fault under Benedicite, and compelled the Cardinal against his will to declare his confession: and yet afterward he restored the same Bishop again to his place for a little money. Wherefore he is thought to play the heretic in the Sacrament of penance.  
15. Item, he fasteth not on the fasting days, nor Lent, but eateth flesh indifferently, & without cause suffereth his household and friends to eat, saying it is no sin. Doing in this thing against the general state of the holy church.  
16. Item, he oppressed the order of the Cardinals, and hath oppressed the order of black & white monks, of grey Friars & preachers: and said oft, that the world was destroyed by them, & that they were false hypocrites, and that never good could chance to any that would be confessed to them, or would be familiar with them, or would keep them in their house, and he never said good word of any prelate, religious man, or clerk: but ever rebuketh and slandereth them, taking away their good name, and to compel them to redeem their faults, he is glad of their accusations: and this is the common voice and report of him.  
17. Item, of old time he going about to destroy the faith, conceived a hate against the French king, even to the abhorring of the faith: because of the light of faith which is there, and because of the great witness and example of christianity, is & hath been there. And before he had this seat he is proved to have said, that if he were Pope: he would rather overthrow all christendom, but he would overthrow and destroy the nation, which he calleth the pride of French.  
18. Also he is reported, that when the Ambassadors of the king of England, in the name of the said king did require and entreat for the tenth of the realm of England to be given him: he answered, that he would not give them the tenth, but on this condition, that he would make war with them against the French king. And beside this, he is reported to have given great sums of money to certain persons, to hinder that peace should not be betwixt the said kings. He himself also withal his might hath letted it, by messengers, letters, and otherways that he could, yea by giving bribes.  
19 Item, he is reported also to have commanded Fridericke which keepeth the isle of Sicily, that if he would betray Charles the king and break the peace which he made, and swear that he would keep with him, and would stir against the king, and kill the Frenchmen: that then he would give him aid, help, and counsel, & for so doing he would give and grant him the said kingdoms.  
20. He confirmed also the king of Almain to be Emperor, 
Pope Boniface enemy to the French men.  and said openly that he did it to destroy the nation, which he calleth the pride of the French men: which say, that they are subject to none in temporal things. Wherein sayeth he, they lied on their heads, declaring moreover, that whosoever (yea if it were an Angel from heaven) would say that all kings of the world were not subject to the same king of Almain, he were accursed.  
21. Further, he broke the agreements of peace betwixt the king of Alamine and the French king: 
Pope Boniface an enemy to peace.  in which, either of them should have their own saved. And what encroching so ever had been on either side, should be brought to a due state, and under an oath orderly given and taken: he is reported to have commanded the same king of Almain, that he should not keep these conditions of peace, but be an enemy and go about to sow debate among christian men.  
22. Iten, he is openly reported, that the holy land was betrayed through his fault, and came to the enemies of God and of faith: and that he suffered this for the noust, & denied to give aid to the Christians which defended it: spending the treasures and money of the church, (which should have been bestowed on that use as the patrimony of Christ) in persecuting of faithful christians and friends of the church, and therewith would enrich his friends.  
23. Item, he is openly reported to use simony, not only in bestowing of benefices, but in giving of orders, & making dispensations. He hath set to sale all benefices of the church, and would bestow the church commonly on him that would offer most: and he made his servants Prelates of the Church, not for wealth of the faith, nor to thrust down infidels, but to oppress the faithful, and to enrich his kindred by the church goods and of the patrimony of him that was crucified: and presumed to make them Marquesses, Earls, and Barons, and was not afraid to build them strong holds, rooting out & oppressing many noble men & other.  
24. Item, it is commonly reported, that he hath divorced many marriages lawfully made, to the contempt, hurt, and slander of many: and he did promote his nephew to a cardinalship, being married, unlearned, and all together unworthy to live: and openly married one that was divorced & compelled him to make a vow of chastity: and after that he is reported to have had two bastards by her, and so goeth the common bruit of him.  
25. Item, he is commonly reported, that he handled ungently his predecessor Celestinus of holy memory, leading a holy life (peradventure knowing in conscience that he could not forsake his Popedom, 
Pope Boniface a murderer of his predecessor  & therefore Boniface himself had no lawful entrance to the sea) and prisoned him, & there quickly and privily caused him to die. And of this the common brute and report is through at the world, that he caused many and great learned men living a regular life (which disputed of this, whether he might renounce the Popedom or not) to be set in prison and there to die.  
26. Iten, he is reported to have railed at religious persons leading a regular life without a reasonable cause to the world, to the slander of many.  
27. Item, he is rep●rted to have said that he would within short time make all the Frenchmen either Martyrs or forsakers of their faith.  
28. Item, he is commonly reported, that he seeketh not the health of the souls, but the destruction of them.  
These things being propounded and red, the same William protested, said, declared, appealed, and added these words, reading them in writing.  
I William of Plesiano knight, protest that I do not propound nor speak the foresaid things for any special hate of Boniface himself (for I hate not him, 
The protestation of W. Plesiano.  but his foresaid evil deeds) nor I seek not his injury nor slander, nor any man's else: But I speak it for the zeal of the faith, and for the devotion that I have to the holy church of God, and the holy Romish see, aswell for those things that I have seen and heard of credible men of his doings, and by likely presumptions gathered of the foresaid things, and many divers other things to be declared in his due place & time. And I swear by the holy Gospel of God (which I touch with my hand) that I believe him to be a rank heretic, 
Pope Boni●●ce proved i● heretic.  & that I also believe that the foresaid things and such other may prove against him such things as shall be sufficient to prove him an heretic, according to the state of the holy fathers. I swear also that I will pursue against him by the laws, the foresaid things in the general counsel that shall be assembled, in a place that shallbe safe & sure for me, to the honour of God, & increase of the Christian faith, saving the right honour & state of the holy Apostolical see, in all things. Wherefore, earnestly and with reverence I require you my Lord the king (to whom belongeth the defence of the holy mother the church, and the Catholic faith, for of that ye shall make account in the last judgement) and you my lords the Prelates which be the pillars of the faith, and which ought to be judges of the foresaid things together, with other reverent fathers, the Catholic Prelates of the holy church, in the general council to be assembled: that ye would procure and take diligent pain that a general council may be gathered in a fit and safe place, and convenient time, afore which the foresaid things may be propounded, brought forth, & proved against the said Boniface, as is premised. And I earnestly also require you my Lord king, that ye would require the same prelate's present & absent, in what country so ever they be, or to whom it belongeth: and that ye would effectually induce them manfully to labour, and to require other faithfully, that the foresaid counsel by the foresaid matters might be gathered in such sort as is aforesaid. And because so long as this is deferred to prove, I suspect Boniface himself, le●t he being angry and moved for the foresaid things against me and my partakers, procurers and helpers, my friends and familiars, should go about by some means, whereby to stay and stop my good purpose and theirs for going forward. Therefore, by these writings afore you my lord the king, and divers prelate's, and afore your common notaries here present: I provoke and appeal to the said holy general counsel Apostolical and Catholic that shallbe, and to the holy Apostolical see, and to him and them to whom of right I may or aught: and I earnestly require, once, twice, and thrice, that testimonial letters may be given me from you: supposing myself, my followers, favourers, familiares, friends, my procurers, and all them that will hereafter follow me, my goods and theirs to be under the protection & keeping of S. Peter and Paul, and the said holy Council to be assembled by the holy Romish see, & the catholic Apostolical Pope that shall be: sticking nevertheless and willing to stick to the appellation and appellations, process and processes made hereupon, by the noble man M. William of Nagareta knight, in as much as they shallbe found & made lawful, and yet not forsaking this present appellation.  
When these things were thus red and done, the foresaid king answered and required the foresaid Prelates, provoking and appealing and making request, provocation and appellation, as is contained in the paper underwritten, both there and then with other Prelates: which things all are more fully contained in these writings following, and were red to them that heard it, whose tenor is such.  

The kings answer. The appeal of Philip the French king from the Pope.  We Philip by the grace of God, hearing and understanding the objections propounded by our beloved faithful knight, W. of Nagareta, against Boniface now having the regiment of the Romish Church: although we would gladly cover with our own cloak, the filthy parts of such a father: yet for the love of the Catholic faith and great devotion that we bear to the holy Romish and universal Church our mother, and all faithful men and spouse of Christ, following the steps of our ancestors, which doubted not to shed their own blood for the increase and defence of the Church's liberty and the faith: and coveting to provide for the purity of faith and the state of the Church, as also to avoid the hurt of the general slander, being not able to pass over any longer the premises with winking and dissembling, and my conscience driving to the same, seeing this estimate & opinion of him in these matters, is not rashly of us conceived, but vehemently and plainly increased by many and continual cryings of credible men, and great authority oft and oftentimes beaten unto us, fearing moreover the destruction of the faith, both of us and of all other subjects, and specially of kings and princes of the world, which ought to reprove negligence, which acknowledge that we have received power given us from the Lord, to the promoting and increasement of it, we agree to your requests in this behalf; and to the calling and assembling a council for the glory of God (saving the honour and reverence that is due to the holy Romish church in all things) whereby the truth may appear in the premises and all error avoided: that the state of the universal Church and all Christianity and the matters of faith, and the holy land may be provided for, & the slanders & jeopardies hanging over us may be withstanded: we be ready & offer ourselves gladly, as much as in us is, to bestow our labour and diligent pain thereabouts. Earnestly requiring and beseeching in the merciful bowels of jesus Christ, you Archbishops and other Prelates here present, as children of the Church and pillars of faith, called of the Lord to the promoting, increase and preserving thereof, to care for the same: that with all diligence ye would give heed, as becometh you, and effectually you would labour by all ways and fit means, to the calling and assembling of this council, in which we intent to be personally present. And left the said Boniface, which hath boldly and wrongfully many times threatened to proceed against us, stopping and hindering our purposes and intent: ●●ast any of his works of darkness (if there be any) should come to light, directly or indirectly hindering the calling and gathering of this council: or lest any state being in the same realm that will in deed proceed against us, or our state, churches, Prelates, Barons, & other faithful vassals, our subjects, our lands, or our realm, and the state of the realm: by abusing any spiritual sword, in excommunicating, suspending, or otherwais by any means for us and our well-willers, and them that will follow us: we provoke & appeal in writing to the foresaid general council (which we instantly desire to be called) and to one lawful chief Bishop that shall be, or to any other to whom we should appeal: and yet not going from the appellation made by M. William of Nagareta, to whom we sticked then, and also yet stick: requiring earnestly, a witness of our appellation of you Prelates & Notaries, expressedly to renew such provocation and appellation when and afore whom it shallbe thought meet to you.  
Then the Archbishops within written, bishops, Abbots, and Priors, answered the premises (as it is found in the acts) provoked and appealed, agreed to, and protested, and made provocation, and appellation, agreement, and protestation, as is contained more fully in a certain paper there openly and plainly red, whose tenor followeth with these words.  
We archbishops of Nicosen, 
The protestation of Prelates.  Remen, Senoren, Narbonen, Turonen, and bishops of Landuiren, Belnacen, Catolacen, Antisiodorem, Meldimen, Nurmen, Carnotem, Aurelianen, Ambiaven, Morinen, Silanen, Andeganen, Abricen, Constant, Ebroicen Lexonicen, Sagien, Caloromont, Lemonicen, Avicen, Masticoren. And we Abbots of Cluniac, promostraten of the greater monastery of the court of S. Dionise in France, Camped S. Victors, S. Genoveue, S. Marten, Landmoen, Figiacem & Bellicem in Lemocivio, and Friar Hugh, visitor of the houses of the order of knights of S. john in jerusalem in France, and the father Prior of S. Martin in the fields, hearing these things which were said, propounded, and objected yesterday, & to day, by you the Lords, Earls, and William aforesaid, against the Lord Boniface the 8. and Pope, being moved with such sayings, purposes, assertations, and your oaths, your request and other lawful causes: and were compelled by need, considering that the matter of our faith which is Christ's, is handled in the premises. We that be called to part of this care, to the defence and maintenance of the faith of souls of the realm, although unworthy, yet coveting to with stand the jeopardies that hang over us by reason of the premises and other causes, thinking the calling & gathering of the said Council profitable & necessary, that the innocency of the Lord Boniface himself may clearly be discussed, as we desire (our consciences bearing witness) that it may be determined on him by the Council, touching such things as are laid against him, and that may be done which they decree according to the Canons. We answer you our Lord king, and you our Lords, Earls, and William, that (the honour & reverence of the holy Romish church salved in all points) we agree to your due requests in this behalf for the calling of the Council, and are ready to give help and diligent labour to the calling and gathering of the said Council, according to the decrees of the holy fathers, and to the lawful orders of the Canons: not intending by any means, to make parties of this matter, nor to stick to any that maketh parties. Yet lest the said Boniface being moved or provoked by these things, as we fear by likely conjectures and threatenings made, against us for the foresaid things, that he will proceed against our parish Churches and our subjects by some means, or cause to proceed against us by some authority of his own or others by excommunication, suspension, interditing, deposing, depriving, or by some other means and colour sought to some impeachment or trouble of the said Council; 
The bishops of France appeal from P. Boniface to a general council.  and that we may sit in the same Council to judge and do all other things, that belong to the office of Prelates: that our friends that stick to us & would stick to us in all things may remain safe, for ourselves, our parish Churches, our subjects and them that stick to us, or would stick to us, in this behalf: we provoke and appeal in writing to the foresaid Council, that is to be gathered, and to him that shall be the true and lawful highest Bishop, and to him or them to whom of right we should appeal too, and earnestly require our appellations, committing us, our parish churches, our subjects, friends, and them that stick to us, our state and theirs, our right goods, to the godly defence of the foresaid council, and of him that shall be the true and lawful highest bishop: and we protest to renew this appellation, where, when, and afore whom, it shallbe thought meet.  
This was done at Paris at Lupara in the chamber of the said Lord our king. Indictione prima, the 9 year of his popedom, the days of thursday and friday aforesaid these noble men being present, the Lords of Auia and Bolone, the Lords martin's and other Earls named afore, matthew Dotera, Peter the Lord chamberlain, Philip the Lord of Wirtmos, and Henry of Bolone knight, and also M. Philip Archdeacon of Bengem, Nicholas archdeacon of Remem, William treasurer of Anjoy, Philip Beaspere. Rainolde of Bourbon and john Montagre, and many more both clerk and other specially required and called to be witness to this.  
After these things thus in the Parliament decreed and agreed, the Prelates of the clergy consulting with themselves what was to be done in so doubtful a matter: and dreading the Pope's displeasure, for this which was done already, to clear themselves in the matter contrived among themselves a letter to the Pope partly to certify him, what there was done, and partly also to abmonish him what he should do: the tenor of which their letter contained these words following.  
The form of a Letter, which the Prelates of France, as well secular as religious sent to Boniface, that he should cease his enterprise, wherein he proceeded against the King.  
¶ To the most holy Father and their dearest beloved Lord, the Lord Boniface the chief Bishop of the holy Romish church and the universal Church: his humble and devout Archbyshops, Abbots, Priors, Conuentuals, Deans, Provosts, Chapters, Covents and Colleges of the Cathedral and collegiate churches, regular and secular of all the Realm of France, being gathered together, do offer most devout kissinge of your blessed feet.  

The letter of the French prelate's to Pope Boniface.  WE are compelled, not without sorrow of heart and bitter tears to signify unto your holiness, that the most famous Prince our most dear Lord Philip, by the grace of God, the noble king of France: when he heard and saw the Apostolical letters sealed, which were sent to him of late, from your behalf by the worshipful man the Cardinal of Narbo your Notary & messenger, and were presented by the same Cardinal to him, & certain other of his barons Upon the sight and perusing of which so bloody letters being read and declared to them sitting by him: both our Lord the king and the barons themselves were highly moved with great marveling and great trouble. In so much that the said our Lord the king by the advice of his barons, commanded to be called afore him the other barons then absent, and us also: that is to weet: all Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, conventuals, deans, provosts, chapters, convents and Colleges, as well of Cathedral or collegiate churches, regular and secular, & also all the universities and commonalties of the towns of his Realm: that we Prelates, Barons, Deans, provosts, and two of the learnedst of every Collegiate and Cathedral Church, should appear personally, and should procure the rest likewise to appear, by their Steward, Officers and sufficient proctors, with full and sufficient Commission at the appointed place and term. Further, when we and the other Ecclesiastical persons aforesaid, and also the barons, stewards, officers, and proctors, and other of the commonalty of the towns that were thus called: and when according to the form of the foresaid calling by the king's commandment, we stood afore the king this wednesday, the tenth of this present of April, in S. Mary's Church in Paris: Our Lord the king caused to be propounded openly and plainly to all men, that it was signified to him, from you among other things by the foresaid Cardinal & letters: that for his kingdom (which he and his ancestors hitherto do acknowledge they hold of God only (now aught in temporalties to be subject to you and hold of you, and that ye were not content with these so marvelous and strange words, and not heard of from the beginning of the world of any dwellers within the same realm, but that ye went about to put them in practice. And that ye called to appear afore you, the prelate's of the said realm, and doctors of divinity, and such prosessours of both laws, as were borne with in the said realm, for the correcting and amending of such excesses, faults, arrogancies, wrongs, and harms, as ye pretend to be done to the ecclesiastical Prelates and persons ecclesiastical both regular and secular, abiding within the Realm & else where, by our lord the king himself and his officers or bailiffs, by his peers, Earls, Barons and other nobles, with the commonalty & people of the said realm: To the intent by this means, the foresaid realm might be made strong, with precious rewels and durable treasures, which are to be preferred before the bucklers or any armour of strong men, that is to say, by the wisdom of Prelates, and wise men, & others: through whose ripe faithful counsel, and circumspect foresight, the realm might be ruled and governed, the faith might be established, the ecclesiastical Sacraments might be ministered, justice might be executed: which by them being rob of their goods and richesses and utterly spoiled, is in a doubtful case, and in ioepardie of miserable decay & for ever to be destroyed.  
Among these and divers other griefs which were done by you and the Romish church, to him, to his realm and the French church, both in reserving and wilful ordering of Archbishopprickes, bishoprics, and bestowing of great benefices of the Realm upon strange and unknown persons, yea and oft upon suspect persons, never being at the churches or benefices aforesaid. By reason whereof the decay of God's worship ensued, the godly wills of the founders and givers are defrauded of their godly purpose: the accustomed alms giving is withdrawn from the poor of the said Realm, the poverishing of the Realm followeth, and churches run in danger to be defaced, while they remain destitute of service: the Prophets being taken away, & the fruits of them that serve them, be appointed to the commodity of strangers. And while prelate's have not to give, yea to reward men for their deserts: noble men (whose ancestors founded the Churches) and other learned men, cannot have servants: and that for these causes, devotion began to be cold, there was none at these days that would stretch out a liberal hand towards the Churches, and furthermore by the premises an evil example was given. Also he complained of new taxes of pensions, newly laid on the Churches, of immeasurable bondages, exactions, & divers extortions with other prejudicial & hurtful novelties, by which the general state of the Church is changed, in giving suffragans, as helpers to the higher prelate's, whereby neither the Bishops themselves nor the suffragans can do their duties, but for them they might run with gifts to the Apostolical see. He complained also of divers causes and some articles long since, but true in the time that they were presented, that were done and be done continually: and also not purposing to suffer so great a disheriting of him and his successors from the realm, and so manifest a grief, they could not suffer any longer the evident loss of the honour of him and the realm, and said: that he was certain, that it was known to the whole world, and that he did maintain in this matter a just cause as he had learned by the agreeable sentence of doctors in Divinity and masters of both Laws, that were borne within his Realm and others, which among the Doctors and cunning men of the world were counted of the learned sort and more famous. Therefore he required us, all and every one, both Prelates and Barons, and other, earnestly as our Lord: he prayed and gently begged as a friend: to consult and take diligent pain, that he might ordain wholesome things, both for the keeping of their old liberty, the honour and state of the realm and of the inhabitants thereof, for the easing of the griefs aforesaid, for redressing of the realm and the French Church, by our counsel and his Barons to the praise of God's name, the increase of the Catholic faith, the honour of the universal church, and promoting of God's religion: specially seeing such griefs were done by his officers & others of the Realm, to the Churches and churchmen, for the which he purposed a remedy of wholesome correction, afore the coming of the foresaid Cardinal, & would now have put it in execution effectually, but that he might be thought to have done that for fear, or at your commandment, which thing ye cannot ascribe to yourself. Furthermore, he would spend not only his goods but also his realm, yea his children if the case required: and therefore we should regard to be ready with counsel and help in season as we are bound by the duty of fidelity in these things: wherein it is manifest, that as all and every man's case is handled, generally and particularly their cause is promoted, and every man's own interest is touched And then he demanded by and by to be answered plainly and finally in these things, of all and every one.  
Then the Barons sitting aside with the officers and Proctors aforesaid, at the length after they had taken counsel coming to our foresaid Lord the king, and praising greatly, and heartily thanking him for his laudable purpose and good will, answered with one voice: that for those things they were ready, not only to spend their goods, but offered the same goods, riches, & also their persons to death, and not to flee any kind of torment. And said further with one voice, that if our foresaid Lord the king would (as God forbidden) suffer, or else willingly pass over those, they themselves would in no case suffer it.  
Then when answer was asked of us afterward, although we desired longer respite of deliberation of the king himself our Lord, and of the greatest of the foresaid Barons, and that for this intent: that in the mean while the Pope's letters might have comen to our Lord the king, we answered that we would not offend against the liberty of the realm, or by some means to innovate things contrary to the king's honour in this behalf.  
We went about also to inform him with many godly words, with earnest persuasions, and with many kinds of help, and by sundry ways, to bring him to keep the special band of unity, which is known to have continued to these present days, betwixt the holy Romish church, and his predecessors. But when we were denied any longer delay, and it was plainly and openly told to all men, that if any man were of a contrary mind, from thenceforth he should be manifestly counted for an enemy of the king & the realm. We considering warily, & seeing plainly, that except our lord the king, and the Barons aforesaid were content with our answer, beside other dangers & great offences (whereof there could neither be number nor end) and that the devotion both of the Romish and French church, and also the whole obedience of the laity and all the people from thence forth should be, taken away without recovery, not without great fear & doubt, we thought good to answer thus.  
That we would help our Lord the king with due counsel and convenient help for the preserving of his person, and of his earthly honour, and the liberty and laws of the said realm, like as we were (certain of us) by the duty of allegiance bound to him, which hold of him Dukedoms, Earldoms, Baronies, fees, and other noble parts of the said Realm, by the form of the oath, as all other do: yet we made humble suit to the same our Lord the king, that seeing we were bound to obey the Pope's holiness and your holy feet, he would suffer us to go according to the tenor of your foresaid calling.  
Then on the Kings and Baron's behalf followeth answer, that in no case they would suffer us to go out of the Realm: and that by no means they would bear to be handled so dangerously, yea rather to be altogether wasted.  
Then we considering so great an anger, & trouble so jeopardous, & so great that none could be greater, both of the King, the Barons & other lay people of the realm: & now knowing plainly, that the old enemy of peace, which goeth about from the beginning of his fall, with sowing of Darnel, to break the unity of the Church, by troubling of peace: would break charity, and infect the sweetness of good works, with the poison of bitter envy, and would overthrow mankind utterly, and would trouble with wickedness the band of lovely unity, & singular friendship, which hitherto have had a happy increase betwixt the Romish Church and our Lord the King, and his predecessors, and the realm: to the praise of the highest God, the increase of Christian faith, and the setting forth the honour of the Church, of the king and the realm. But now (alas) a door was open to the lamentable breaking and pitiful separating of great offences to rise on every side, dangers are attempted against Churches and Churchmen, to spoil their goods and richesses, with jeopardy of life, seeing that the laity now do abhor and utterly flee the obedience of clerk, utterly banishing them from their counsels and doings, and have taken courage to condemn the Ecclesiastical censure and process. All which jeopardies with other sundry and divers dangers (which neither tongue is able to tell, nor writing can declare) we seeing at hand●: thought good in this point of greatest necessity to run with weeping voice, & lamentable sighs to the circumspect wisdom of your holiness. Beseeching your fatherly mildness, and humbly praying you: that some wholesome remedy may be provided in the premises. By which, the sound profitable agreement and mutual love, which hath continued so long time betwixt the church, the king, and the realm, might be maintained in that old sweet concord: the state of the French church might continue in godly and quiet peace: that ye would vouchsafe to foresee how to withstand the dangers and offences aforesaid: that we and our states may be provided for, by the foresaid commandment of your calling, by the study of your Apostolical wisdom, and fatherly love. The almighty preserve your holiness to his holy church a long time.  

Anno. 1304.  These things thus discoursed and done, then followed the year of our Lord 1304. In the which year about the nativity of our lady, 
Pope Boniface besieged.  came a garrison of harnessed soldiers well appointed, sent partly by the French king, partly by the Cardinals of Columpua, whom the Pope before had deposed, unto the gates of Anragun, where the Pope did hide himself, because he was borne in the town. The captains of which army was one Shaira, brother to the foresaid Cardinals: And an other William de Longarero, high steward to the French king. Who invading the pope's town, and finding the gates open, gave assault to the pope's frontier: where the Pope with his nephew a Marquis, and 3. other Cardinals were immured. The towns men seeing all their intent & strength to be bend against the Pope: caused the common bell to be rung, & so assembling themselves in a common counsel, ordained Adulphus one of the chiefest rulers of the town for their captain, who (unknowing to them) was a great adversary to the Pope. This Adulphus bringing with him Reginaldus de Supine a great lord in Campania, & the 2. sons of john Chitan a noble man, whose father the pope had then in prison: at length joined him with the French company against the Pope, and so beset his palace on every side. And first, setting upon the palaces of the 3. Cardinals which were then chief about the pope, rifled & spoiled all their goods. The Cardinals by a backdoor hardly avoided their hands: but the Pope's palace, through munition & strength of the Marquis was something better defended. At length, the Pope perceiving himself not able to make his party good, desired truce with Schaira & his company, which was to him granted, from one till nine. During which time of truce, the Pope privily sendeth to the townsmen of Aruagium, desiring them to save his life: which if they would do, he promised so to enrich them, that they should all have cause never to forget or repent their benefit bestowed. 
Pope Boniface brought to a strait.  To this they made answer again, excusing themselves, that it lay not in their ability to do him any good, for that the whole power of the town was with the captain. 
Three conditions put to the Pope.  Then the Pope all destitute & desolate, sendeth unto Schaira, beseeching him to draw out in articles, wherein he had wronged him, and he would make him amends to the uttermost. Shaira to this maketh a plain answer, signifying to him again: that he should in no wise escape with his life, except upon these 3. conditions. First to restore again the 2. Cardinals of Columpna his brethren whom he had before deprived, with all other of their stock and kindred: secondly, that after their restitution, he should renounce his papacy, thirdly, his body to remain in his power & custody. These articles seemed to the pope so hard, that in no case he would agree unto them: wherefore the time of truce expired, the captains & soldiers in all forcible means bending themselves against the bishop, 
Here may all kings by the French king learn how to handle the pope Boniface chooseth rather to die then to give over his popedom.  first fired the gates of the palace, whereby the army having a full entrance, fell to rifle & spoil the house. The Marquis upon hope to have his life, & the life of his children, yieldeth him to the hands of Schaira & the other captain: which when the Pope heard, he wept and made great lamentation. After this through windows and doors, at length with much a do they braced into the pope, whom they entreated with words & threats accordingly. Upon this he was put to his choice, whether he would presently leave his life, or give over his Papacy. But that he denied stiffly to do, to die for it: saying to them in his vulgar tongue. Eccle col, eccle cape. That is, lo here my neck, lo here my head: protesting, that he would never while he lived renounce his Popedom. Then Schaira went about, and was ready to slay him, but by certain that were about him he was staid: whereby it happened that the pope received no harm, although divers of his ministers and servants were slain. The soldiers which ranged in the mean time through all the corners of the Pope's house, 
Ex R. Aaesb. The excessive treasures of the Pope's house noted.  did lad themselves with such treasure of gold, silver, plate, and ornaments: that the words of my author (whom I follow) do thus express it. Quod omnes reges mundi non possent tantum de thesauro reddere infia unum annum, quantum fuit de papali palatio asportatum, & de palatijs trium Cardinalium, & Marchionis. That is, that all the kings of the earth together were not able to disburse so much out of their treasury in a whole year: 
A pretty handling of the pope  as then was taken & carried out of the pope's palace, and of the palace of the three Cardinals, and the Marquis. Thus Boniface bereaved of all his goods, remained in their custody 3. days. During the which space, they had set him on a wild and unbroken colt, his fate turned to the horse tail, causing the horse to run and course, while the Pope was almost breathless. Moreover, 
The Pope delivered o●t of prison.  they kept him so without meat, that he was thereby near famished to death. After the 3. day: the Aruagians and people of the town mustering themselves together (to the number of x. M.) secretly braced into the house where the Pope was kept, and so slaying the keepers, delivered the Pope by strong hand. Who then being brought into the middle of the town, gave thanks with weeping tears to the people for his life saved: promising moreover, that for so much as he was out of all his goods, having neither bread nor drink to put in his mouth, god's blessing and his, to all them, that now would relieve him with any thing, 
What poverty and affliction can do in plucking down the pride of man.  either to eat or drink. And here now to see what poverty and affliction can work in a man. The Pope before, in all his pomp & most ruffling wealth was never so proud, but now was as humble & lowly: that every poor simple man (as mine author testifieth) might have a bold and free access to his person. To make the story short, the Pope in that great distress of famine was not so greedy of their victuals, as they were greedy of his blessing. Whereupon, the women & people of the town came so thick, some with bread, some with wine, some with water, some with meat, some with one thing, some with an other: that the Pope's chamber was too little to receive the offering, in so much that when there lacked cups to receive the wine, they poured it down on that chamber flore, not regarding the loss of wine, to win the pope's holy blessing. Thus Pope Boniface being refreshed by the town of Aruagum, took his journey from thence accompanied with a great multitude of harnessed soldiers to Rome: where he shortly upon the same, partly for fear which he was in, partly for famine, partly for sorrow of so inestimable treasure lost, died. After whom succeeded Benedictus the 11. of whom these verses are written. 
Pope Benedictus. 11.  A re nomen habe, benedic, benefac, benedict. Aut rem pervert maledic, malefac, maledicte. etc. And thus have ye the whole story of Pope Boniface the 8. author of the decretals. Which story I thought the more diligently to set forth, that all the Latin Church might see, what an author he was, whose laws and decretals so devoutly they follow.  
Now after the long debating of this matter between the French king and pope Boniface, let us proceed in our English story. About this time, in the days of king Edward, the Church of Rome began daily more and more to rise up and swell so high in pride and worldly dominion: that no king almost in his own country could do any thing, but as pleased the Pope: who both had and ruled all, in all countries, but chief here in England: as partly by his intolerable tallage and pillage before signified may appear, partly by his injunctions and commandments sent down, also by his donations and reservations of benefices and church livings: also in deposing and disposing such as him listed, 
The kings election in his own realm frustrated.  in place and office to bear rule. In so much, that when the king and the church of Cant. in their election had chosen one Robert Burnell bishop of Bathe, to be Archbishop of Canterbury: Pope Boniface of his own singular presumptuous authority, ruling the matter after his pleasure, 
john Peckham Archb. of Cant.  frustrated their election, and thrust in an other named john Pecham. For among all other, this hath always been one practice of the court of Rome: ever to have the Archbishop of their own setting, or such one as they might be sure of on their side, 
A point of practice in the court of Rome.  to weigh against the K. and other, whatsoever need should happen. To this john Peckham, Pope Boniface directed down a solemn Bul from Rome, as also unto all other quarters of the universal church. In the which Bul was contained & decreed, directly against the rule of Scripture and Christian obedience: 
Ecclesiastical persons exempted by the pope, for not paying tribute to the king.  that no church, nor ecclesiastical person should henceforth yield to his king or temporal Magistrate, either any giving or lending, or promising of tribute or subsidy, or portion whatsoever, of the goods and possessions to him belonging: but should be clearly exempted and discharged from all such subjection of tallage or subvention to be exacted of them in the behoof of the Prince and his affairs. Which decree manifestly rebelleth against the commanded ordinance of God, and the Apostolical canon of S. Peter and all other examples of holy Scripture. 
The Pope proceedeth against the manifest word, in setting the Clergy free from the kings tributes.  For as there is no word in the Scripture that excludeth spiritual men more than temporal from obedience and subjection of princes: so if it chance the Prince in his exacting to be too rigorous or cruel in oppression: that is no cause for the clergy to be exempted: but to bear the common burden of obedience, and to pray to God to turn and move the Prince's mind, and so (with prayer & patience, not with pride and disobedience) to help & amend that which is amiss. Concerning the Bull of Boniface, if any there be that either do not credit the same, so to contain, or would for his mind see and read the same, the words thereof here follow.  

The copy of the Pope's Bull, wherein the Clergy is exempted from giving tribute to Kings and Princes.  

Ex Chron. Rob. Gisburnensis.  BOnifacius, etc. Ad sempiternam rei memoriam. Clericis, laicos infestos oppidò tradidit antiquitas. Quod & presentium experimenta temporum manifestè declarant, dum suis finibus non contenti nituntur in vetitum & ad illicita sua frena relaxant, nec prudentèr attendunt quomodo sit eis in clericos ecclesiastic sáue personas, & bona interdicta potestas. Quinimo ecclesiarum praelatis, ecclesijs ecclesiasticisque personis regularibus & secularibus imponuntur onera gravia, ipsos talliant, & eye collectas imponunt, & ab ipsius suorumque proventuum, vel bonorum dimidiam, decimam, seu vicesimam, vel quamuis aliam portionem, quo tam exigunt & extorquent eosque moliuntur multiphariè subijcere seruituti, suaeque subdedere ditioni. Et quod dolenrer referimus, nonnulli ecclesiarum praelati, ecclesiasticaeque personae trepidantes, ubi trepidandum non est, transitoriam pacem quaerentes: plus timentes maiestatem temporalem offendere, quàm aeternam, talium abusibus non tam temerariè, quàm improuide acquiescunt sedis apostolicae authoritate non obtenta. Nos igitur talibus actibus obuiare volentes, de fratrum nostrorum consilio 
* Apostolica autorita● frustra obtendit●●● bi Apos●●● ca scriptura contem●●●  Apostolica authoritate statuimus: quòd quicunque praelati, ecclesiasticaeve personae, vel seculares quorumcunque ordinum conditionis, seu status, collectas vel tallias, dimidiam, decimam, vicesimam, seu centesimam suorum & ecclesiarum suarum proventuum vel bonorum laicis soluerint, vel promiserint, vel se soluturos exceslerint, aut quamuis aliam quantitatem, porcionem, aut quicquam ipsorum proventuum vel bonorum aestimationem vel valorem ipsorum subventionis, subsidij, vel doni nomine, seu quovis alio timore, vel modo, vel quaesito colore absque autoritate sedis eiusdem: Nec non imperatores, reges, seu principes, duces, leu comites, vel barones, potestates, capitaneas, officiales vel rectores quocunque nomine censeantur, civitatum, castrorum, seu quorumque locorum constitutorum ubilibet, & 
* Quia●●● quisquss, barbarismus Apostolicu●.  quis alius cuiuscunque praeeminentiae, conditionis & status, qui talia imposuerint & exegerint, vel receperint, aut apud aedes sacras deposita ecclesiarum vel ecclesiasticarum personarum ubilibet 
* Flores Attics e● ipso helicone desumpts.  arestaverint saysierint seu occupare praesumpserint, vel arestari, saysiri, aut occupari mandaverint, aut 
* 〈◊〉, rhetorica.  occupata, saysita, seu arestata receperint: nec non omnes qui scienter in praedictis dederint consilium, auxilium, vel favorem, publicè vel occultè, eo ipso sententiam excommunicationis 
* Taurscernu. Ware the bulls home  incurrunt. Vniversitates quoque quae in his culpabiles suerint ecclesiastico supponimus interdicto: praelatis, & personis ecclesiasticis supradictis in virtute obedientiae & sub poena depositionis districtè mandantes, ut talibus absque licentia expressa dictae sedis nullatenus acquiescant. A supradictis autem excommunicationis & interdicti sententijs nullus absolui valeat, praeterquam in mortis articulo absque sedis Apostolicae autoritate & licentia speciali. etc.   
This Bull being directed (as is said) from Rome to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
The Clergy denieth to give tribute to the king.  and likewise through the whole universal Church, under the Pope's authority: It chanced not long after, the king held his Parliament at S. Edmund's bury, where was granted to him of all cities and boroughs an right, and of the commons a twelf of their goods. Only the Clergy by virtue of this Bull, stood stout: denying to pay any thing to the king. This answer not well pleasing the king, he willeth them to deliberate better with themselves upon the matter: and after long advisement so to give him answer thereof against the next Parliament, which should be holden the next hilary term at London.  
In conclusion, 
The Clergy secluded from the kings protection. The Archb. of Cant. for his stubbornness had his goods confiscate to the king.  the Parliament came: the Clergy persisteth still in denial of their subsidy, alleging the pope's bull for their warrant and discharge. Whereupon the king likewise secludeth them from under his protection & sa●egard of his laws. And as concerning the Archb. of Cant. above mentioned, because he was found more stubborn than the rest, and was the inciter to the other: he seized upon all his goods, & caused an inventory of the same to be enroled in the exchequer. Notwithstanding, divers of the other bishops relented soon after to the king, and contributed the fift of their goods unto him, and were received again to favour.  
In the life of this king's father, 
The variance between K. Edward and his Barons & commons.  it was declared before how the said king Henry the third, father to this king, after divers wars and commotions had with his barons, had granted certain liberties and freedoms written and contained in Magna charta, and in Charta de foresta. Concerning which matter, much business happened in this king's days also in the realm, between the king & his Barons and commons. The occasion was this. A pack of wool which before paid but a mark to the king, was now by this king raised up to xl.s. After this the King having a journey to make unto Flanders, sent to his Barons and divers other, to give their attendance and service in the same, which they refused and denied to do. Notwithstanding (the king persisting in his purpose) with such a power as he had, prepareth toward his journey. To whom being in his way at Winchelsey, 
Petitions of the Barons and commons to the king.  the foresaid Earls and Barons and commons sent certain petitions contained in writing under the name of the Archbishops, Bishops, abbots and Priors, Earls and Barons, with the commonalty of the realm. In which writing first lamenting and complaining of their afflicted state and misery, after humble manner they desired their Lord the king to redress and amend certain grievances among them. And first declared in the name of the whole commons, that the premonition or writs directed to them for their attendance upon his grace into Flaunders, was not sufficient: for that there was no certain place in the said writs specified unto them whether to come for making their provision, and preparing money & other things according to the same. And if the place had been to them signified, yet because none of their ancestors ever served the king over into Flaunders before, the commons therefore thought themselves not bound to any service in that country. And albeit they had been so bound thereunto, yet they were not able to do it, being so heavyly oppressed with so many tallages, taxes, tolls, customs, & prices of corn Oars, Tin, Wood, Leather, Oxen, Ryne, Flesh Fish. etc. And besides all this, having no penny of wages given them to relieve their charges: Over and besides the lack of the kings wages not paid them, their own poverty like an heavy burden did so miserably lie upon them, that some of them had no sustentation, some of them were not able to till their own ground. The alleged moreover, that they were not now handled after the old laws and customs of the land, as their ancestors were wont. Many also found themselves grieved in that they were not used according to the Articles contained in Charta magna, 
Magna Charta. Charta de foresta.  nor again that the Charta de foresta, was not observed nor kept as was wont to be. Wherefore, most humbly they beseeched the king both for his own honour and for the wealth of his people, that of these things they might find redress. For the custom moreover of will, 
Custom for Wolle.  the whole commons bewailed to the king their grief: in that for every pack of will was sinned to the king xl. ●. and for every sack of tosed wool, 7. marks. The which wool of England, as it doth rise up to the value of half the realm: so the tollage of the same surmounteth to the fift part of the valuation of the whole land. And because therefore the commons wished the honour & preservation of their king (as they were bound to do) they thought it not good for his grace to sail over to Flaunders, unless he had better assurance of their fidelity, especially at this time the Scots being so busy: Who if they began to rebel he being at home in his land, much more were they like to stir, he being abroad out of the land. And that not only for the Scots: but also for that the like peril was to be doubted of other foreign nations and kingdoms, which as yet were in no firm peace with England. etc.  

The kings answer to the petitions of the Barons & the commons.  To these petitions, the king said that he could as yet make no resolute answer, for that his counsel, some was gone over already to Flaunders, some were yet at London. Notwithstanding, at his return again from Flaunders (which he trusted should be speedily) they should then hear his answer and know more of his mind concerning the same. In the mean time this he required of them, to keep good rule at home while he was forth. What answer the king had minded to make them at his return, it is uncertain, which peradventure had turned to a bloody answer: but occasion served otherwise, and turned all to agreement. For the Scots with their captain William Waleys above specified, in the time the king being absent, invaded the Realm with such violence: that Prince Edward the king's son, who was left to rule in his father's stead, was forced to assemble a Parliament, and to call for the Earl of Hereford, the Earl of Norfolk, high Marshal of England, 
Humphrey Bonne. Roger Bigot.  Earl of Essex high Constable, with other Earls, Barons, Knights, and Esquirs, to entreat peace and concord between his father and them. Who coming up to London with 1500. Well armed soldiers, and obtaining the gates of the City with their own men, fell at length to agreement with the Prince, upon composition to have the Articles of magna Charta and of Charta de foresta, confirmed, and that by his means & mediation they might be assured of the kings displeasure to be removed from them. The which foresaid articles of Magna Charta with the other articles adjoined withal, here follow under written.  

The articles contained in Magna Charta.  First, no tollage or subsidy by the king or his heirs to be imposed or levied hereafter within the realm of England, without the common assent of the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots & other prelates, Earls, Barons, Knights, burgesses, and Commons of the realm.  
Item, no taker or serviture of the king or of his heirs henceforth within this realm, to take grain, wool, leather or any goods of any man, without the will and consent of him which is the owner.  
No taking to be hereafter, in name of tribute, for any pack of will.  
Item, to be granted by the king and his heirs after him, both to the clergy and laity of this foresaid Realm: to have and to enjoy their laws, liberties & customs, ●● as ample manner as they were went at any time heretofore.  
Item, if any decrees or statutes shall hereafter be made and set forth contrary to these foresaid articles: the same to stand void and of no effect for ever.  
Besides these articles also in the same composition was contained: 

Agreement concluded and sealed between the K. and his Barons.  
The moderate and good nature of K. Edward noted.   that all grudge and displeasure between the king and the Barons for not going to Flaunders ceasing: the Earls and Barons might be assured to be received again into the king's favour.  
These things thus agreed upon, and by mediation of the Prince also confirmed and sealed with the kings seal his father: so was all the variance pacified, to the great comfort of the people, and no less strength of the Realm against their enemies: And most chief to the commendation of the gentle and wise nature of the king: Who as he was gentle in promising his reconcilement with his subjects, so no less constant was he in keeping that which he had promised.  
After the death of john Peckham Archb. of Canterbury above mentioned, 
Rob. Winchelsey Archb. of Cant.  who in the Parliament had resisted the king in the right of certain liberties perteing to the crown, touching patronages and such Church matters: succeeded Robert Winchelsei, with whom also the king had like variance: and accused him to the Pope for breaking the peace, and took part with them that rebelled against the king about usages and liberties of the Realm. Wherefore, 
K. Edward was troubled with two Archb. of Cant.  the king being cited up to the court of Rome, was there suspended, by the means of the said Archb. directed his letters again to the Pope taken out of the parliament rolls where I find divers letters of the king to P. Clement against the said Robert Archbishop of Canterbury the contents whereof here followeth videlicet qualiter idem. And as this king was troubled in his time with both the archbishops, john Peckham, and also Rober Winchelsey, so it happened to all other kings for the most part, from the time of Lancfrancus (that is from Pope Hildebrand) that every king in his time had some business or other with that see. As William Rufus, and Henry the first were troubled with Anselmus: 
The church of Rome, and Romish prelate's set against kings and rulers.  Henry the second with Thomas Becket: King Richard and all England, with William Bishop of Elye the Pope's Legate: King john with Stephen Langthon: King Henry the third with Edmund Archbishop, called S. Edmund. Polic. lib. 7. Likewise this king Edward the first, with john Peckham & Robert Winchelsey aforesaid. And so other kings after him, with some Prelate or other: 
Kings of England commonly troubled with Archb. of Cant.  whereby ye have to understand, how & about what time the church of Rome, which before time was subject to kings and Princes, began first to take head above, and against kings and rulers, and so have kept it ever since.  
By this john Peckam afore mentioned, was ordained: that no spiritual minister should have any more benefices than one, 
priests to have but one benefice  which also was decreed by the constitutions of Octo and Octobonus, the pope's Legates the same time in England.  
About the beginning of this kings reign, 
Varlaun●e between the Archb. of York and the clergy of Duresme.  after the decease of of Walter Archbishop of York: William Wicewanger succeeding in that sea, minding to go on visitation: came to Duresme to visit the Church and Chapter there. But the clergy and the people of the City, shoot the gates against him, and kept him out, whereupon rose no small disturbance. The Archb. let fly his curse of excommunication and interdiction against them. The Bishop of Duresme again with his clergy, despised all his cursings, grounding themselves upon the constitution of Innocentius the fourth, De censibus & ex actionibus. And so they appealed to Rome, saying: that he ought not to be received there, before he had first begun to visit his own Chapter & diocese, which he had not done. For to say the words of the constitutions: We ordain and decree that every Archbishop, that will visit his province, first must procure to visit his own Church, City, and Diocese. etc.  
Among other things in this king to be noted, 
Inquisition made against ill rulers and false officers Traibastoun.  that is not to be passed over: that where complaint was made to him of his officers, as justices, Majors, sheriffs, Bailiffs, Excheters, and such other: who in their offices abusing themselves, extortioned and oppressed the kings liege people, otherwise then was according to the right & conscience: the said king not suffering such misorder to be unpunished, did appoint certain officers or inquisitors to the number of 12. which inquisition was called Traibaston, or Trailbastoun: by mean of which inquisition, divers false officers were accused, & such as were offenders were either removed from their place, or forced to buy again their office at the kings hand: to their no small loss, and great gain to the king, and much profit to the common wealth.  
In the Chronicle of Robert Amesbury it is recorded of the said king, 
Ex Chron. Tho. Walsinghams'.  that he being at Amesbury to see his mother (who was then in that monastery professed) there was a certain man that feigned himself blind a long time, brought to the presence of the said Alinore the kings mother: saying, 
A false miracle well spied out of the king.  how that he had his sight again restored at the tomb of king Henry her late husband, in so much that she was easily persuaded in the miracle to be very true. But king Edward her son, knowing the man a long time to be a vile dissembler, and a wicked person, used to lying and crafty deceiving: dissuaded his mother not to give credit to the vile vagabon, declaring that he knew so well of the justice of his father, that if he were alive, he would twice rather pluck out both his eyes: then once restore him one, Notwithstanding, the Queen the mother remaining still in the former fond persuasion, would hear or believe nothing to the contrary, but was so in anger with her son, that she bid him departed his chamber, and so he did. By the example whereof may easily be conceived, how and after what sort these blind miracles in those days and since have come up among the blind & superstitious people. For had not the king here been wiser than the mother, no doubt but this would have been rung a miracle, & percase king Henry been made a Saint.  

Ex codem Chron.  But as this was feigned a miracle and false no doubt so in the same author we read of an other manner of miracle, sounding more near the truth, and so much the more likely, 
A true miracle.  for that it served to the conversion unto Christian faith: to which use properly, all true miracles do appertain. The miracle was this. In the reign of this king, and the latter year of his reign, Cassanus king of the Tartarians (of whom cometh these whom now we call Turks) which fight against the soldan king of the Saracens, 
Victory against the Saracens.  in the plain of Damascus, slew of them 100000. of Saracens: and again at Babylon fight with the said Souldain: slew him in the field, & 200000. of his Saracens, calling upon the help of Christ, and thereupon became Christian. This Cassanus I say, had a brother a pagan, who being in love with the daughter of the king of Armenia a Christian woman, desired of her father to marry with her. Whereunto the king her father would not agree, unless he promised to be a Christian. Notwithstanding, the other being stronger in power and threatening to get her by war: the king at length was forced to agree. In conclusion, it happened that the child being borne betwixt them was overgrown & all rough with hair, like the skin of a Bear. Which child being brought to the father, he commanded it to be thrown in the fire & burned. But the mother desiring first to have the child baptized, caused all things thereunto to be prepared. The infant being 3. times in water plunged, after the Sacrament of holy baptism received: incontinent was altered and turned from all his hairy roughness, and seen as fair and smooth skinned, as any other. The which thing after the Father saw and beheld, was Christened himself and all his house. etc.  

Merton college builded in Oxford. I. Scot●●, duns.  In the reign of this king, Walter Merton Bishop of Rochester, builded Merton college in Oxford. In whose reign also lived, Henricus de Gaudano, Arnoldus de villa nova, Dantes, and other more. And Scotus called Duns. Who in his 4. book of Sent Dist. 18. complaineth of the abuse of excommunication & of the Pope's keys. Where as before, excommunication was not used, but upon great and just causes, & therefore was feared: now saith he, it is brought forth for every trifling matter, as for not paying the priests wages. etc. & therefore saith he, it groweth in contempt. Under the same king about the beginning of his raygn, was the year so hot and so dry: that from the month of May until the month near of September fell no rain, in so much that many died for heat, & the vulgar people in their reckoning of years, did count the time from the said dry year long after.  


Pope Clement 5 The Pope's court translated to France.  
A slaughter of nobles at the pomp of the pope's coronation.  
A Carbuncle in the pope's mitre valued at 6000. Florence.  
Emperor no Emperor except he were confirmed by the pope.   After P. Benedictus above mentioned, succeeded Pope Clement the 5. who translated the Pope's court to Auinion in France, where it remained the term of 74. years after. At the coronation of this Clement, was present Philip king of France. Charles his son and Duke john Duke of Britain, with a great number of other men of state and Nobility. At which coronation they being in the middle of the pomp or procession, a great wall broke down and fell upon them: by the fall whereof, Duke john with 12. other were slain, king Philip hurt & wounded, the Pope strooken from his horse, & lost out from his mitre upon his head a Carbuncle, esteemed to the value of 6000. florence Plat. de vit. Pont. By this Clement was ordained, that the Emperor, though he might be called king of the Romans before, yet he might not enjoy the title & right of the Emperor, before he was by him confirmed. And that the Emperor's seat being vacant, 
The Templaries put down. The feast of Corpus Christi.  the Pope should reign as Emperor, till a new Emperor was choose. By him the orders of the Templaries (who at that time were too abominable) was put down at the Counsel of Uienne, as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared. He also ordained and confirmed the feast of Corpus Christi, assigning indulgences to such as heard the service thereof. And as pope Bonifacius afore heaped up the book of Decretals. 
Septimus decretalium, called the Clementines. Henricus ●. Emperor poisoned in the host.  called Sextus Decretalium, so this Clement compiled the 7. book of the decretals, called of the same Clement the Clementines. In the time of this Pope Henricus the 6. of that name Emperor. was poisoned in receiving the Sacrament by a false dissembling Monk called Bernard, that feigned himself to be his familiar friend, which was thought to be done not without the consent of the Pope's legate. The Emperor perceiving himself poisoned, warned him to flee & escape away, for else the Germans would sure have slain him, who although he escaped himself, yet divers of his order after that with fire and sword were slain.  
As this Pope Clement the 5. 
Paleologe● Emp. of Constantinople excommunicated with all his adherents by pope Clement, for not suffering the Grecians to appeal to Rome.  had well provided now (as he have heard) against the Empire of Rome to bring it under his girdle: insomuch that without the Pope's benediction, no Emperor might take the state upon him. etc. Now he proceedeth farther to intermeddle with the Empire of Constantinople. Where he first exerciseth his tyranny & power of excommunication, against Andronicus Palcologus Emperor of Constantinople, an. 1327. declaring him as a schismatic, and heretic, because he neither would nor durst suffer the Grecians to make their appeal from the Greeke Church to the Pope, 
Anno. 1327.  neither would acknowledge him for his superior. etc. Whereby it may appear that the Greek Church did not admit the Pope's superiority, as yet nor at any time before. 
Note the practice of the Romish prelate's.  Save only about the time of Pope Innocent the 3. an. 1202. at what time the French men with their Captain Baldwinus Earl of Flaunders, joined together with the Venetians: were set against the Grecians, 
Platina in vit. Innocent●●.  to place Alexius to the right of the Empire of Constantinople, upon condition (as writeth Platina) to subdue the Greek church, under the church of Rome. Which Alexius being restored, and shortly after slain: the empire came to the Frenchmen, with whom it remained the space of 58. years, till the coming of Michael Paleologus in the days of Pope Gregory the 9 
When and how long the Greek church was subject to Rome.  Who restored the Empire from the Frenchmen, unto his pristine state again. During all which time of the French Emperors, the Greek church was subject to Rome, as by the decretals of Pope Gregory the 9 may appear. Then followed after this, that the foresaid Michael Emperor of Constantinople being called up to a council at Lions by Pope Gregory the 10. about the controversy of proceeding of the holy Ghost (as is above specified) and obedience to the Church of Rome: there, 
Ex Baptist. Egnat. Rom. prime. li. 7.  because the said Michael the Emperor did submit himself & the Grecians, to the subjection of Rome (as testifieth Baptist Egnat.) He thereby procured to himself such grudge and hatred among the Greek Monks and Priests: that after his death they denied him the due honour & place of burial. The son of this Andronicus was Michael Paleologus above mentioned: who, as ye have heard before, because he was constrained by the Grecians not to admit any apellation to the Bishop of Rome: was accursed by the pope's censures for an heretic. Whereby appeareth, that the Grecians recovering their state again, refused all subjection at this time unto the church of Rome, 
The Greek church deemeth subjection to the Church of Rome.  which was the year of our Lord. 1327. etc. After this Clement the 5. followed Pope john the 22. with whom Ludovic the Emperor had much trouble. After whom next in course succeeded Pope Benedict the 12. Which Benedict upon a time being desired to make certain new Cardinals to this answereth again: that he would gladly so do, if he also could make a new world. For this world (said he) is for these Cardinals that be made already. Ex scripto Engethusensis. And thus much of the Popes, now to return alitle back to the kings story again.  
In the year of our Lord 1307. Which was 34. of the reign of this king, in the beginning of hilary term: the king kept a Parliament at Carliel, 
Ex Chron. Nic. Tri●●l.  where great complaints were brought in by the nobles and ancients of the Realm, concerning the manifold and intolerable oppressions of churches and Monasteries, 
The pope's exactions complained of in the parliament.  and exactions of money by the Pope's Legate William Testa (otherwise termed Mala Testa) lately brought into the realm of England. The coming of which William Testa was upon this occasion, as followeth. Pope Clement, who as ye heard before, had translated his Court from Rome into France, where he had been Archbishop before, 
Ex hist. qus incipis a● Henrico se●●●●.  because he contained to come & remain at his own sea: the Princes of Rome thought him therefore unworthy to enjoy Peter's patrimony. And so by that means falling in bareness & poverty, lived only of such money of Bishops, as came to him to be confirmed, and with such other shifts and gifts. So that by this means, partly of Bishops & other religious men & persons, partly under the name of courtesy and benevolence, partly under the pretence of borrowing: he had within the first year 9500. 
The Pope's getting in one year. W. Testa the pope's Legate sent into England.  marks of silver, all his other charges and expenses, which he largely that year bestowed, clearly borne. Besides this, he sent moreover the foresaid Legate William Testa into England with his Bulls: in the which he reserved the first fruits of the first year of all Churches being vacant, at any time, or by any man within the realm of England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, and also the fruits of abbeys and Priories within the said ●●ealmes. 
First fruits first brought in by the Pope.  etc. Whereupon, the king with his nobles seeing the inconvenience and harm thereof ensuing to the whole realm: In the foresaid Parliament holden at carliel withstood the said Legate, charging and commanding him by the assent of the Earls & Barons, 
King Edw. with standeth the Pope & his Legate.  that henceforth he should abstain from all such exactions. And as concerning his Lord the Pope, he would direct certain his messengers unto him, purposely for the same matter appointed: by the which Ambassadors, 
First fruits of Abbeys denied to the Pope.  the king wrote unto the foresaid Pope declaring, & monishing the Pope, as right and reason was: that he should not exact the first fruits of Churches and abbeys, by his predecessors & noble men of the land founded, for the honour & maintenance of God's service, for alms & hospitality: which otherwise in so doing, should all be overthrown. And so by this means the Pope at that time changed his purpose as concerning abbeys. 
First fruits for 2. years granted to the king.  But after that, the fruit of English churches was granted to the king for 2. years: In which space he obtained the fruits of the foresaid Churches. etc.  
During the which Parliament afore specified, as men were talking many things of the pope's oppressions, which he began in the English Church, in the full of the Parliament: suddenly fell down, as sent from heaven, among them a certain paper, with this superscription.  
An Epistle of Cossiodorus to the Church of England, concerning the abuses of the Romish Church.  
TO the noble church of England serving in clay and brick as the jews did in times passed under the tyranny of the Egyptians: 
Ex vetusto Chronico Albanensi.  Peter the son of Cassadore a Catholic soldier and devout champion of Christ, sendeth greeting and wishing to cast of the yoke of bondage, and to receive the reward of liberty.  
To whom shall I compare thee, or to whom shall I liken thee O daughter jerusalem: to whom shall I match thee, O daughter of Zion? Great is thy perturbatíon, like unto the sea. Thou sittest alone without comfort all the day long, thou art confounded & consumed with heaviness. Thou art given up into the hands of him from whence thou canst not rise without help of one to lift thee up: for the Scribes and pharisees sitting upon the chair of Moses, the enemies of the Romans are as thy heads and rulers: enlarging their guarded philecteries, and seeking to be enriched with the marrow of thy bones, laying heavy burdens, and not able to be borne, upon thy shoulders and of thy ministers, and they set thee under tribute (which of old time hast been free) beyond all honesty or measure. But marvel not thereat, for thy mother, which is the Lady of people, like a widow having married and coupled herself to her subject, hath appointed him to be thy father, that is to say, the bishop of Rome, who showeth no point of any fatherly love towards thee. He magnifieth and extendeth to the uttermost his authority over thee: And by experience he declareth himself to be the husband of thy mother. He remembreth oft with himself the Prophetical saying of the Prophet, and well digested the same in the inward part of his breast. Take to thee a great book, and write therein quickly with the pen of a man, take the spoil, rob quickly: But is this it, which the Apostle saith, that he was appointed for, where he writeth thus? Every Bishop taken from among men, is appointed for men in those things that belong to the Lord: not to spoil, not to lay on them yearly taxes, not to kill men, but to offer gifts and sacrifices for sins: and to sorrow with them, that be ignorant and do err. And so we read of Peter the Fisher (whose successor he boasteth himself to be) that after the resurrection of Christ he returned with other Apostles, to the office of fishing: who when he could take nothing of the left side of the ship, at the bidding of Christ, turned to the right side, and drew to the land a net full of fishes. Wherefore the profitable ministry of the Church is to be exercised on the right side, by the which the Devil is overcome, and plenty of souls be lucrified and won to Christ. But certainly, the Labourer on the left side of the ship, is far otherwise: for in it the faith stumbleth, heaviness beareth rule, when that thing that is desired by seeking, is not found. For who is so foolish to thinkee that he can both at one time serve God and man, and to satisfy his own will, or to stick to the revelations of flesh and blood, and to offer worthy gifts to Christ? And doubtless, that shepherd that watcheth not for the edifying of the flock, prepareth an other way to the roaring Lion, and seeking whom he may devour. And now behold, I say; O daughter, the needs of him that is called thy father, such as have not been heard of before: he driveth away the good shepherds from the sheepfold, and placeth in their stead bishops, to rule, but not to profit (his Nephews, Cousins, and Parents) some that know no letters, and other some dumb and deaf, which understand not the plain voice of the sheep, nor curing their wounds that be hurt of the Wolves: but like hirelings plucking of the flieses apase, and reaping that which other men have sown, whose handes-moreover be always ready in their baskets and pouches, but their backs are turned from their burdens. By which things it is manifest, that the Priesthood is clean changed at these days, the service of God decayed, alms diminished and brought to nought, the whole devotion of kings, princes, & christians is banished. May not this be thought wonderful in the eyes of all men, that where as Christ commanded tribute to be paid too kings for him and for Peter, he now goeth about dominion of his stile, to subdue to him, both Realms and princes of realms (against his will, whose Vicar he saith he is, and who refused the Realms and judgements of the world) which this Bishop contrary wise challengeth, claiming all that which he in his stile writeth to be his. Alack, O daughter, what doth he yetmore against thee mark, he draweth from thee what soever pleaseth him, and yet he thinketh not himself content, to have the tenth part only of thy goods from thee: except he have also the first fruits of the benefices of the Ministers, whereby he may get a new patrimony aswell for himself as for his kindred, contrary to the godly wills of the first founders. Over & beside all this, he inferreth other execrable taxes and stipends for his Legates and messengers, whom he sendeth into England, which not only take away the feeding and clothing of thee and thine, but also tear in pieces like dogs your flesh and skins. May not this prince be compared to king Nabuchodonoser, which destroyed the temple of the Lord, and rob away the silver and golden vessels thereof? The very same doth this man also he rob the ministers of God his house, and left destitute of due help. In like manner doth he: Truly they be better that are killed with the sword, then they which be pined with hunger: for they are dead strait, but these are wasted with the bareness of the earth. O daughter, all they that pass by the way, let them have pity & concompassion on thee, for there is no sorrow like thy sorrow. For now thy face is blacker than coals through much sorrow and weeping, and thou art no more known in the streets: thy foresaid ruler hath placed thee in darkness, and hath given the worm wood and gall to drink. O Lord hear the sorrow and sighings of thy people behold Lord, and descend, for the hart of this foresaid man is more indurate than the hart of Pharaoh. For he will not suffer the people to departed, except in the fortitude only of thy hand. For he scourgeth them not only miserably upon the earth, but also after their death he intendeth to encroach the goods of all Christians under the name and title to die intestate or making no will. Therefore let the chivalry of England well remember, how the Frenchmen in times past, directing their greedy eyes on the Realm of England, laboured with all their power how to bring the same under their subjection But it is to be feared lest the new devices and practice of this new enemy, supply that which hitherto hath been lacking in them. For in diminishing of the treasure of the Realm, and spoiling of the Church's goods: the Realm shall be brought into such inability, that it shall not be able to help itself against the enemy. Therefore O daughter and you the ministers thereof, suffer not yourselves to be lead any more into such miserable bondage. Better it is for the wealth of thee and thine, that the Christian king and the powers of the Realm which have endued thee with great benefits, and you also which are endued with their benefits, do labour with all your power how to resist the devices, conspiracies, arrogancy, presumption, and pride of the foresaid person: who not for any zeal of God, but for the enriching of his Parents and for his own kindred (exalting himself like an Eagle) by these and such other exactions goeth about after a new kind of extortion to scrape up and devour all the money and treasure of England. Now lest the dissembled simplicity of the Realm in this behalf do bring utter subversion, and afterward be compelled to seek remedy when it is to late: I beseech the Lord God of hosts to turn away the vale from the hart of that man, and to give him a contrite and an humble mind, in such sort as he may acknowledge the ways of the true God, whereby he may be brought out of darkness, and be enforced to relinquish his old sinister attempts: and that the vineyard which the lords hand hath planted, may be replenished continually with the preachers of the word. Let the words of the Lord prophesied by the mouth of jeremy, stir up your minds to withstand & resist the subtle practices of this man, by the which words the Lord speaketh: O thou Pastor which hast scattered my people, and hast cast them out of their habitations, behold I will come and visit upon thee, and upon the malice of thy studies: neither shall there be any of thy seed which shall sit upon the seat of David, neither which shall have power any more in juda. So that thy ●east shall become barren, and utterly subverted like Sodom and Gomer.  
And if he being terrified by these words do not leave of from this which he beginneth, and doth not make restitution of those things which he hath received, then let all and singular persons sing for him being indurat, to him that seethe all things, the Psalm 108. Deus laudem. etc. For truly as favour, grace and benevolence, remitteth and neglecteth many things: so again the gentle benignity of man being too much oppressed and grieved, seeking to be delivered and freed from the same, striveth and searcheth to have the truth known, and casteth off that yoke by all means possible that giveth him.  
etc. Haec Cassiodorus.  
¶ What effect this letter wrought in them, to whom it was directed, 
A parliament in France assembled, wherein is discussed, the jurisdiction ecclesiastical, how far it extendeth.  is not in story expressed. This by the sequel may be conjectured, that no reason or persuasion could prevail, but that the Pope retained here still his exactions, whatsoever was said or written to the contrary notwithstanding.  
And thus much being written hitherto of these acts and doings here in England, now to slip a little into the matters happening the same time in France, 
Anno. 1329.  under the reign of the foresaid king Philip above mentioned: forsomuch as about this time, an. 1329. was commenced a parliament, by the said king of France, against the Pope, touching the jurisdiction both temporal pertaining to princes, and ecclesiastical belonging to the church: I thought it not unprofitable for the reader, to hear & learn the full discourse and tractation hereof, according as we have caused it to be excerpt faithfully out of the true copy and records of Peter Bertrand Bishop of Eduenen, and chief doer & prolocutor in the said parliament upon the Pope's side, against the king and state temporal.  
For so much as the high Prelate of Rome, otherwise called Antichrist, being then in his chief ruff, extolling himself above all princes and potestates of the world, as in other countries, so also in France extended his usurped jurisdiction above the princely authority of the king, claiming to himself full government of both the states, as well secular as also ecclesiastical The king therefore not suffering the excessive proceedings of Pope Clement the 5. above specified, directeth his letters mandatory to the Prelates and Barons of the realm of France, to connent & assemble themselves together at Paris, about the beginning of December, the year above prefixed. The tenor of which letters of the king directed to the Prelates, followeth in this form and manner.  
¶ The Summons of a Parliament by Philip the French king.  

The letter of Philip king of France, to the bishops & prelate's.  PHilip by the grace of God king of France, to our well-beloved Bishop of Eduens, greeting and salutation. Reverend Father in God, right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well.  
The more sight and knowledge you have in divinity and the holy Scriptures of God, with the practice and experience of other good qualities and virtues: you know the better a great deal, how that the Clergy and laity of this our Realm (as members of one body) ought to cleave and stick together: and how by their helping hand, unity and peace should be maynetayned of all, and the contrary eschewed and avoided, every state contenting itself, & not encroaching one upon another. And because we are advertised, how that our Barons and officers (as well in time passed as of late) have diversly in divers points injuried you, as semblably you and yours in many causes have wrongfully damaged them: by occasion whereof, the knot of unity and concord which ought to have flourished among you, is quite loosed and undone. To the end therefore by God's grace some good reformation and redress may be had herein: We most studious of unity and concord reqire you, and by these our letters command you, to appear personally before us at Paris the 15. day of December next ensuing the dare hereof: and there before us to make relation of such wrong as ye have received at the laities hands. And we likewise straightly charge and command you our Barons, Bailiffs and officers not to fail, but to make your personal appearances before us, the day and place above written, & there to exhibit before us a bill, of such complaints wherewith you burden our Prelates and Clergy with their officials: that we with our counsel consulting thereupon, with due regard may see redress therein: whereby perpetual love and charity may ever hereafter reign and remain among them for ever:  
Given at Paris the first day of September an. 1329.  
At the day in the letters above specified, 
The Parliament convented.  the Prelates and Clergy assembled themselves before the King at his palace in Paris, that is to wit. The L. Baturicen, the L. of Auxitan, the L. Turonen, the L. Rothom, and the L. Senon, all Archbishops: The L. Beluaren, the L. Cathalan, the L. Laudun, the L. of Paris, the L. Nousonon, the L. Carnoten, the L. Constan, the L. Andegaven, the L. Pictaven, the L. Melden, the L. of Cameracen, the L. of S. Feri, the L. Brioce, the L. of Cabition, & the L. of Eduen, all Bishops. Where after due reverence done unto the kings grace, there sitting in his own person, with his Barons and counsel about him: 
Lord Peter speaks in the Parliament. The thea●e of his oration.  a certain noble and wise person Lord Peter de Cugnerijs, (being one of the kings counsel) rose up and openly in the Parliament house spoke in the kings behalf on this wise, taking for his Theme. Reddite quae sunt Caesaris, Caesari, & quae sunt Dei, Deo: which is to say: give and render unto Cesar, which is his, and unto God which is Gods: which he very artificially prosecuted and applied, 
The oration divided in two parts. Obedience to the king.  dividing it into 2. parts. First that obedience and reverence is due unto the king, Secondly that there ought to be a difference between the jurisdiction of the clergy and laity, so that spiritual matters should be defined and ordered by the Prelates and spiritual men: and temporal causes ruled and determined by the king, 
Difference between the jurisdiction of the state temporal and ecclesiastical.  his Barons, and temporal men. Which all he proved by many reasons both of fact and law, as more fully appeareth beneath in the answer of the Bishop of Eduen: finally he concluded, that the Clergy ought only to deal and have to do with spiritual matters: in defence whereof, the king's highness would stand their good Lord and maintainer. His Oration being ended, he repeated certain words in the French tongue which imported that the kings will and pleasure was in some points to renew the temporal state and jurisdiction: & therewith exhibited a certain bill in French, whereof also he gave a copy to the Prelates, containing certain points and articles under written, the contents whereof he affirmed not to appertain to the order & jurisdiction of the spiritualty, but only to the temporalty: complaining that the Clergy had wrongfully proceeded in the same. But notwithstanding the premises, & for all this his complaint, he said that the Prelates should have time to consult and deliberate thereupon with the king. The copy of which articles, with answers ensuing upon the same, and the grievaunces of the kingdom of France, wrought by the clergy, and exhibited to the king, hereafter followeth.  
1. First the cognition of causes real, whether they touch possession or their propriety or not, 
Articles in the Parliament propounded, containing the just complaints of the laity against the clergy. Causes real.  by common law appertaineth to the jurisdiction temporal. But the Prelates with their officials to the end to infringe the temporal jurisdiction, take upon them the determination of such causes real, especially concerning possession and all other interdictes.  
2. Item, when a temporal man is sued by any Clerk or spiritual man, for the possession of his land, obtaining an adiornament of the secular power, in the cause of novite or otherwise: The prelate's officials stopping hereby the temporal jurisdiction, at the instance of the Clerk calleth by process before them, both the secular judge and the party: inhibiting them to proceed any farther in the cause, under pain of excommunication and forfeiture of a certain sum.  
3. Item, although the secular judge have the cognition of all lay men's matters (except in spiritual causes) yet will the Bishop's Officials at the instance of any party, call such before them. And if the temporal men do except against their jurisdiction, alleging the incompitency of the judge, or else if they require the cause to be remitted to them (under whom they are) as the right judges, 
Prelates intermeddle in temporal men's matters.  yet doth the Officials refuse this to do, yea and by excommunication compel the parties to proceed before them.  
4. Item, the bishops Officials at the instance of the clerks, alleging that they are injuried in matters of inheritance by a lay man, call by process the laity. And if it be alleged that those causes stand upon reality, being so indeed, & for that consideration the cause to be remitted to the temporal law: This notwithstanding the Officials prohibit them under pain of excommunication or some great forfeit, not to proceed but before them.  
5. Item, the Bishop's Officials take upon them to hear the plea of such contracts as either be conceived in writings or made by word of mouth in the temporal law, sending out their monition of excommunication against them that stand bound concerning the same contracts.  
6. Item, the bishops and Prelates decree provincial counsels and Sinodall Statutes, enacting & ordering therein many things to the high & great prejudice of the temporal jurisdiction, wherein they ought to have no cognition at all neither to intermeddle themselves therewith.  
7. Item, the foresaid Officials take upon them, before Notaries to swear persons for performance of contracts & bargains (made by them in places under the jurisdiction temporal) concerning the sale of inheritance or otherwise: encroaching thereby upon their jurisdiction, when verily they have nothing to do with any contracts and obligations, but with such as are made and agreed upon within the compass of their own seat and jurisdiction.  

Ex Officio.  8. Item, the said Officials of their mere office, call before them the laity, to answer to such matters of correction as shallbe laid to their charge; the cognition where of as they say doth appertain unto them. And when the said people do appear before them, & deny the crime objected against them: the Officials detain them and put them in prison, although in such cases, 
Imprisonment pertaineth not to the Clergy.  they are to be released: and that imprisonment appertaineth only to the temporal power, & not to them.  
9 Item, in the cases aforesaid, although by making of their purgations and other the process therein, they be found clear of that which is laid to their charge and are acquitted: these yet the said officials will in no wise discharge and dismiss them before they have to the uttermost paid for the writings and process in that behalf, a good piece of money: when by law it ought to be done gratis and for nothing.  
10. Item, it must not be forgotten to talk of the sentence of excommunication, which is decreed by virtue of one only citation, so often times as a man saileth in his appearance.  
11. Item, mention is to be made of those kind of obligations De nisi. whereby a man is excommunicated by and by, if he make not payment at the day prefixed, although he be not able so to do.  
12. Item, whosoever by virtue of excommunication in the Bishop's court is excommunicate, and he ●● excommunicate do not satisfy the sum due about the excommunication: by & by the sum is doubled: And the secular power charged by the bishops or their officials, that they under pain of excommmunication compel the excommunicate by attaching their goods to pay the said sum, and not to miss a jot: which monition if the layry refuseth to put in execution, they themselves are then excommunicate & in no wise to be absolved before they disburse that money the which the principal excommunicate person should have paid.  
13. Item, if the Bailiffs, Hedborowes, or other the king's officers and judges of the temporalty, receiving the foresaid monitions do put the same in execution, & find those that be excommunicate to be beggarly and nothing worth: the said officers are bound at their own proper costs and charges, to resort to the Bishop's sea or consistory, where soever it is, & there to take a corporal oath, that the parties excommunicate are nothing worth. This if they fail, those officers are sure to be excommunicate and thereby enforced to disburse the due of the first excommunicate persons.  

Action real personal.  14. Iten, if two lay men be in suit together before a temporal judge about an action either real or personal, & one of them after contestation of law and great process therein, do appeal unto an ecclesiastical judge: he will presume then to detain before him the plea of such cases & actions, both real & personal, 
No man may appeal from a spiritual judge to the temporal law by the Pope's divinity.  causing by virtue of his monitions & authority, the temporal judge to cease & leave of from meddling therein: which if the secular judge obeyeth not, he is pronounced excommunicate & compelled to make satisfaction: by occasions whereof, the temporal jurisdiction is much annoyed and clean loseth the prerogative thereof: because by law no man may appeal from a spiritual judge to the temporal law.  
15. Item, if a lay man inhabiter of any the kings towns, procureth his debtor, being also a lay man, to be arrested by virtue of secular justice in that place: & he which is so arrested appealeth, & causeth also his creditor to be arrested, the officials will take upon them to hear this matter: And if any thing be attempted concerning the appeal, they miss not to demand cost and satisfaction both of the justice, and also of him to whom the arrest was made. And if any of the Princes retinne compelleth them to resist this injury, they are strait ways pronounced excommunicate.  

Deans of the Clergy.  16. Item, if the said Bishops have a number of Officials under them, whom they term Deans of the clergy, which usually causeth all sorts of people through the kings dominions only by word of mouth to come afore them, & that sometime without commission: when that in every Diocese there ought only to be but one seat or Consistory, wher●● matters should be heard and decided. And hereby it happeneth divers times, that many are wrongfully & without cause cited, & to the end: that they may pay money enough, to rid themselves thereof: which is to the no small prejudice of the kings majesties subjects and the temporal jurisdiction.  
17. Item, the said rulers of the clerks, sealeth up the houses of their clergy, which are situate in the kings towns and other of his noble men's villagyes, to the preindice of the kings majesties jurisdiction, & other of his nobility: for that in such kind of places the Bishops have no such kind of jurisdiction.  
18. Item, the said Prelates or their officials, do presume to seal up the movable goods of married Clerks, and of merchants, 
Married clear.  where in such cases, the order thereof appertaineth to the temporal law.  
19 Item, they compel the laity to put in surety to answer clerks before them in the spiritual court, yea and chief the kings own servitures.  
20. Item, they presume to hear and have the cognition of actions: which are real or at leastwise mixed, that is both real and personal.  
21. Item, the said prelate's go about to have cognition of such temporal men's matters as dwell in hospitals, alms houses, & the king's peculiars, and in villages of his subjects, although the plea thereof appertaineth to the King himself, and his subjects: forbidding under pain of excommunication & great forfeits, no man so hardy to commence any suit against any of them, but before themselves in pain of a great sum of money.  
22. Item, to the end the clergy and Ecclesiastical rule should be multiplied, they confer a number of Tonsures to children under age, some of them being sons of bondmen, other some bastards borne, yea and to many more married folks insufficient, unable and unlearned.  
23. Item, they do cause by the governors of their clerks, widow women to be enforced & defiled, and will have the discussing thereof: as in like manner, they will determine the matters of pupils, applying their goods when they died, as they do the goods of them which die intestate to their own use, the cognition whereof belongeth to the king himself: because those kind of persons with their goods are ward to the kind and under his tuition.  
24. Item, they procure through the said Deans of the clergy of malice, 
gins to g●● money.  temporal men of the king's dominions or other where (without all order of law) to be apprehended: objecting against them that they have strayed from some article of christian faith, & therewith shut them up: when that their imprisonment appertaineth to the king, while they be convicted thereof.  
25. Item, they exercise their jurisdiction in all places, having no regard, neither to the kings peculiar towns nor yet to his subjects: but runneth in every hole, when by law they ought to have no jurisdiction, without their own limits and precinct.  
26. Item, when these Prelates or their officials by virtue of their monitions do charge the kings officers & his justices to execute any thing: if they do not perform that, which is prescribed unto them, the forfeit (which the monition containeth) is taken: yea and excommunication denounced. And this is a new invention sprung up of late amongst them, much to the prejudice of the King and his subjects.  
27. Item, when the Bishops or their o●●rals do prosecute a matter of office before themselves against any temporal man, and have no proof thereof: They compel many of the laity to be deposed therein what they know, having no respect whether they be the kings burgesses, or no, or what they be, and yet will they not allow any charges & expenses for their pains taken in that behalf. But if they appear not at their day, they are sure to be excommunicate.  
28. Item, if malefactors be apprehended by any of the kings justices, and indicted of thest, and he (whose goods they were which were stolen) cometh before the kings Sheriffs and proveth them to be his, and therefore the matter to be ordered by them: if afterward the Bishops or their official affirm the said selon or malefactor to be a Clerk, they will by virtue of their decrees or monitions compel the kings Sheriffs to restore and bring in the stolen goods and if they do it not, they are pronounced excommunicated.  
29. Item, if it hap the king's Sheriff or Bailiff to take an offender for his defence, and he affirmeth himself to be a clerk: although he never took any kind of tonsures or orders, wearing no habit apertaining thereunto. Yet the Bishops or their Officials will cause the detayners of them by their censures to deliver unto them the said malefactor as their clerk.  
30. Item, if it happen the kings Sheriff or other his justices to take a thief or murderer which beareth a clerks mark and tonsure, and therefore delivereth him to the clergy to be ordered: It shall not be long before he be acquitted by them, although he afterward recognise his fact: yea & notwithstanding his fellows and partners of that offence being mere temporal, received justice for the same, and appeacheth him thereof. And so the like malefactors to be encouraged thereby to commit after the like.  
31. Item, if any complaineth and saith that he is spoiled, by and by the Officials will decree a monition against the spoiler: by virtue whereof. some one of the Deans of the clergy shall monish him, to restore the things comprised in the monition & also minister to him an oath whether he hath not spoiled the plaintiff of such things, as he saith he was spoiled of. But if he refuse to take an oath before him, than the Dean will straightways seal up the monition, & excommunicate him: and by no means shallbe absolved before he restore and satisfy the contents in the monition, whereof the playntif said first he was spoiled of.  
32. Item, if any for his offence be cast into prison by the secular power, although at the time of his taking he were temporal habit, and was in no orders, but all the days of his life lived like a temporal man: yet if he shall avouch & vow himself to be a clerk, to the intent to have more expedition at the clergyes hands, and to escape unpunished: The clergy will incontinent, give to the laity in commandment to restore unto them the malefactor, or else suspension to be denounced throughout the whole township where the said malefactor shallbe so imprisoned. And for avoiding the jeopardy which might arise of the said seasement: the secular judge of necessity is compelled to deliver them the offender, to the great prejudice of the kings temporal jurisdiction, to whom the cognition thereof might appertain, in case of resort and prerogative.  
33. Item, when any offender is delivered by the temporal Magistrates to the clergy, as their clerk: his friends will make suit to the Bishop's Officials for him, and compound with them: by reason whereof, they demisse them unpunished and so do worse and worse, 
Resortum.  although their fact was never so notorious.  
34. Iten, so soon as any married clerk being a merchant, or of whatsoever other science he be of, for any his offence by him committed, is called before he secular judge: The said clerk obtaineth of the Officials a monition, bringing with them some priest, who doth inhibit the secular judge under pain of 100 or 200. Marks, yea and of excommunication to, not to proceed farther, nor to meddle in such causes, and not to molest such parties neither in body, nor in goods. But if the judges obey not, they shall be suspended from hearing of Mass in that place, although the matter concerneth the fact of merchandise.  
35. Item, the said Officials grant citations without number against the laity in cases of warranties personally to ascite before them persons unknown. But if they be known it is contained in the citation that in no wise, and that under a great pain, he cause his adversary to be called before a secular judge, during the return of the citation.  
36. Item, when one is excommunicated in any place: the Officials grant out personal citations against them, which do perticipate and are conversant with the excommunicate: causing a whole country by the space of 8. miles about to be cited together. And further the friends and acquaintance of the party so excommunicate (sometime by 40. sometime 60. yea and sometime by 100 at once) are compelled to make their purgation before them: that they do not participate nor keep company with their friends the excommunicates. Whereby ensueth that many honest old and ancient men for avoiding of troubles and expenses do pay some 12. d. some 2. s. By occasion whereof many vines are unlooked to, much ground untilled: yea and many good men constrained to lay the key under the door, and run away.  
37. Item, the said Officials do burden many persons of good name and fame, to be usurers: whereby they are constrained to agree with them, for avoiding the infamy, that thereby might ensue.  
38. Item, the foresaid Officials call by Citation afore them, the honest wedded (aswell man as woman) charging them, that they have committed adultery to the perpetual infamy of their husbands and wives. And for nothing else but by extortion to wring money from them.  
39 Item, mention must be made of the multitude & number of Proctors, which eat and devour up all the world with their citations: catching up clientes, and keeping abroad in the countries, courts and Assizes, who for money return not the citations, which by extortion they receive of them which are cited.  
40. Item, there be many other griefs and enormities, which the chapters, Abbots, Priors, provosts and other ecclesiastical persons in the Realm of France, practise against the people. As when they cause to be cited before them, many of the kings burgesies, & other in divers places being privileged: that is to say, Baiocenses, Manmectans in Britain, Lugdons, Masticous, with other more. But specially the Provos▪ of hospitals, use more commonly this trick, than any other do: whereby the people is much endamaged, and willbe every day more and more, if remedy be not had therein.  
41. Item, ecclesiastical magistrates labour to have cognition of causes of injury, in whatsoever cause it be: whether the injury be committed by word or fact. Likewise, they take upon them to hear the causes of married clerks, and of their wives although they both use merchandise. And if at any time such couples be taken by the secular Magistrates, the Official causeth a suspension to be denounced in that Parish, by force of the council Siluanecten.  
42. Item, they challenge to have cognition concerning widows goods, both movable and unmovable. And if it happeneth at any time that a Merchant widow, in any the king's peculiars by way of rest, procureth any temporal man to be convented before the secular judge: and the matter so far travised, that he should have been condemned by the sentence of the secular judge, & then come to the ear of the ecclesiastical magistrates, how & before whom the widow did convent him: The said temporal judge shall be constrained, to withdraw the same. And by their monitions and censures to correct the same and this often times happeneth.  
43. Item, many of the tenants & inhabitors of the Bishop's lands, calleth one an other to the court of the Officials by a kind of appellation: By virtue whereof, the Officials take upon them, to proceed in the same and to have cognition thereof: to the prejudice of the temporal jurisdiction of our sovereign Lord the king.  
44. Item, if any man be apprehended by secular justice in shedding of blood: by them if he be Lay, he is to be ordered: If he be a Clerk he is to be restored to the Ecclesiastical judge. 
The clergy prejudicial to common justice.  But whether he be a temporal man or clerk that is so taken, and appealeth to the Officials court: They will be so bold to have cognition thereof, requiring herewith amends of the secular court, which enterprised the foresaid apprehension. If this be suffered, the malefactor shall never be punished: For by and by they will appeal, and immediately after the appellation fly and avoid away.  
45. Item, 
Ex Officio.  when they cause many of Office, to be cited before them, they will admit them to have no Proctors: To whom when they come at the day of appearance, they object the crime of usury. And except they answer as the promoters will themselves, they are trodden under feet (although they be mere lay) and shall not be dismissed, before they fine even as the Officials list themselves although they be no usurers. 
Usury craftily objected by the clergy against lay men.  But if any be usurers, they take of them satisfaction and bribes: and so be permitted to use their usury, no less than before. So that, they may have their old fees and bribes.  
46. Item, they procure their officers to apprehend clerks in whatsoever soil they be found: albeit by justice, they may appeal therefrom. But if by any they be let of their will, here in they do forthwith by sentence of excommunication, cause them to desist therefore.  
47. Item, as often times as any temporal Magistrate, doth apprehended any person, which afterward being required of the clergy, 
The prelate's make the church a den of thieves.  is quietly delivered unto them: yet for all that, the Officials causeth those Magistrates to be denounced excommunicate by law.  
48. Item, the Prelates give order of Tonsures aswell to men of 30. years as upward, as also to married men, when they come unto them: for fear of imprisonment & punishment due unto them for their criminal offences, before committed: And this is often times put in practice.  
49. Item, if it happen any of the king's servants or any other to be excommunicate, & would fain be absolved, being glad to pay reasonably for the same: The Clergy will not receive but such satisfaction, as shall please them whereby many of them remain still excommunicate.  
50. Item, when two persons have been at strife and law together for the possession of land, and the matter contentious be put into the hands of the king by some servant or officer of the king, for the taking up of the matter: then do the Prelates admonish the one part, not to trouble the other which is in possession. Otherwise if he do, they do excommunicate him.  
51. Item, the foresaid Prelates, Deans. Chaplains, and other the rout of the Clergy, putteth the kings officers to so much travail and expenses in trying out the kings usurped jurisdiction, as they term it: that often times many of them spend and consume in the travaell of the right and title thereof, all that they have and more to.  
52. Item, if any secular justicer in a true and just cause, at the request of the party, putteth in his helping hand concerning the inheritance of Clerks: the Ecclesiastical judges and their Ministers, sendeth out monitions in writing against the said justicer: yea under pain of excommunication & forfeiture, to take away his hand and leave of: Enjoining him further to suffer the other party quietly to enjoy the said things. Otherwise they denounce him excommunicate, & shall not be absolved before he have well paid for it, even as pleaseth master Official, to the high prejudice of the authority of our sovereign Lord the king.  
53. Item, the Ecclesiastical magistrates, so soon as they hear any rich or fat Cob to die, or think that he will not live long: send out forthwith letters under seal to their chaplain, 
Note the practice of officials to get money.  commanding him in any wise not to presume to bury him, although he made his Testament, and received the rites of the Church. And when afterward, the friends and kinsfolks of the dead resort unto them to know the cause of their inhibition: they declare unto them that he was an usurer, and that he kept not the commandments of holy Church: And so long keep they the corpses of the dead unburied, while the friends of him buy it out with good store of money, heaping & hording by these means abundance of riches.  
54. Item, if there be any violent shedding of blood in any churchyard, whereby the interdict taketh place: the Clergy causeth a certain imposition to be levied of the parishioners there, for the salary towards the restoring thereof. Although some of the parishioners be of an exempt jurisdiction: yea & although he which shed the blood be able to pay the whole tax which they levied and more to.  
55. Item, certain Chaplains affirm to have certain Apostolical privileges, by virtue whereof they may appoint what judges they will (yea and oftentimes of their own house) & so be judges in their own cause, which is plain against the law. whereby often times it happeneth, that after great process & expenses had & made in any great cause of inquest (more often about reality then otherwise) when they have notice by the Proctors and Advocates that they shall have the foil therein: they revoke forthwith those named judges, and so the king's subjects are damaged, and can have no justice nor redress at their hands.  
56. Iten, if any temporal man call a Clerk before a secular judge in a case of inheritance: the ecclesiastical judge procureth a stop to be made therein, attributing to themselves the cognition thereof: and so by adiourning & removing, the lay man is constrained to make satisfaction.  
57 Item, the clergy challengeth the cognition of such causes as married Clerks being merchants and artificers do commence: when by law it doth appertain to the temralty, especially about the trade of Merchandise.  
58. Item, they oftentimes make interdictions in many of the king's towns and holds, and cause the divine service to cease: against the privileges granted by many of the high Bishops of Rome to our sovereign Lord and master the King.  
59 Item, to and for the maintenance & keeping of their temporalties, they appoint Bailiffs & other officers: who if they do offend, may not condignly be punished according to law and justice.  
60. Item, the Ecclesiastical judges have promoters belonging unto them: who when any man is excommunicated (be it right, or be it wrong) they cause to be made, that no man shall work or do anything for him that is excommunicate: whereby the lands and vines are often times unlooked to and untilled, to the no small prejudice of the king and his common people.  
61. Item, the foresaid Promoters cause Citation to be made out, by virtue whereof they call in one citation, 20.30.  
40. persons to appear, for participating with such Interdicted persons: taking of some 10. of other some, 20. s. as much as they be able to make: whereby, the common people are much oppressed.  
62. Item, the Ecclesiastical judges cause all the Advocates of their courts to be sworn, that none shall retain them of their Counsel against any of them, without their licence, whereby oftentimes, the poor man quite loseth his right, and the kings cause is delayed: Because, his Solicitors cannot freely retain counsel, without special licence.  
63. Item, they will make Inuentories of their goods which die intestate, or without making of will: And will have the possession of thenir goods, as well movable as unmovable in their own hands to distribute to the hetres, or to whom they list.  
64. Item, the execution also of Testaments they take to their own hands, taking inventories of dead men's goods, and keeping and disposing them to the heirs after their pleasure. And have officials properly deputed for the execution thereof.  
65. Item, they will not give credit (sometimes) to testaments made before witness, unless they be first by their own Officials approved.  
After he had thus spoken, the prelates required to have time to answer thereunto. whereupon was appointed for the same the Friday next ensuing. On the which day, the Bishop Eduen, 
B. Eduen and Archb. of Se●●● elect Prolocutor for prelate's.  & Archbishop or Senon elect in the name of the whole clergy answered for them all before the king, holding his Parliament as that day at Uicenas, and thus he there proposided. For somuch as the Lord Peter Cugner of late propounding against the Church of France, took to his Theme that is written in the 22. of Matthew: Render unto Cesar, that which is Caesar's, and unto God, that which is Gods: by which words he said, two points were to be noted: First, the reverence and subjection of the Prelates, 
Repetition of the L. Peter's oration above touched. page 358.  that they ought to have to the king their sovereign: Secondly, the division of the temporal jurisdiction from the spiritual. The which first part he proved out of the first Epistle of Peter in the second Chapter, where it is written. Submit yourselves unto every creature, for the lords sake, whether it be unto the king, as unto the superior: or unto governors, as unto them that are sent of him: for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well. The second point he proved by the words of our Saviour Christ in the 22. Chap. of Luke where the Apostle saith: 
Luke. 22.  Lord behold, here are 2. swords: And he said unto them it is enough, signifying by the two sword the two jurisdictions. And in likewise out of the 17. of Math. where Christ would pay tribute for him and Peter. 
Math. 17.  giving hereby an example, how that Ecclesiastical persons were bound to pay and yield to the temporal power the temporalities, which also is proved in the 11. quest. prim. cap Si tributum, & cap magnum.  
And further, 
Two gifts give. Priesthood, Empire.  because this is proved by man's law, where it is said, 2. great gifts are bestowed, Priesthood and Empire: The priesthood to rule over matters divine: the Empire to bear domination over humane matters. whereby he concluded, that when these jurisdictions are distincted of God: The one being given and limited to the church, and the other to the temporalty: That in no wise the Church ought to intermeddle, or to have any thing to do with the temporal jurisdiction. For it is written in the 22. of the Proverb. 
Proverb. 22.  You ought not to pass the old limits & bounds, which the forefathers have set. And well by the way be bringeth in this word, old & ancient: Because customs brought in to the contrary, be of no force, but rather are counted abuses & corruptions. Neither can prescription take place, for that ius fisci is inprescriptible: neither can the king abrogate from himself such law, nor renounce his right: proving the same by many chapters contained in the 10. 
Dif. 10.  Dift. Wherefore seeing the king at what time he was crowned, swore not only not to alienate or infringe the laws of his realm, but also to call in such laws as were alienated & usurped either by the Church or by any other: the king was bound by his oath to revoke the same abuses:  
In especial he did exhibit many articles in writing wherein (as he said) the Church did usurp upon the jurisdiction temporal. To answer these premises which conciling of the places (under protestation whatsoever I say or shall say) it is not to ground or make any final judgement or determination herein: but only to inform the conscience of our sovereign Lord the king and his assistaunts here assembled, alleging the first Epistle of Peter the 2. chapter, 
1. Peter 2.  where he saith: Fear God & honour the king. By which words, the holy Apostle S. Peter teacheth us 2. things. First that love, fear, & obedience, is due unto God for the mightiness and puissance of his Majesty: saying, Fear God. Secondly, how special honour & reverence is due to the King, for the excellency of his dignity: saying, Honour the King. But note you by the way, how the Apostle placeth his words: First he saith, that fear is due unto God: because principally and in chief we ought to fear GOD: For if the King or any other should command things contrary to God, we ought to have no regard there of: but to contemn the King & fear God For it is written in the 5. of the Acts of the Apostles. 
Acts. 5. 2. Mach 7.  we ought rather to obey God then men: and also in the 7. chap. of Macchabees the 2. book: where it is said: I will not obey the commandments of the king but the law.  
The reason whereof, S. Augustine giveth both in the gloze upon the Romans, & also in the 11. quaest. 1. He that resisteth the superior power, 
11. quast. 1.  resisteth the will and ordinance of God. But put case thou art commanded to do that which thou mayst not do, or to do not that which thou oughtest to do. Doubtless, thou must neglect the lesser power, and fear the higher, learning the degrees of worldly things.  
As for example be it so, that a Proctor commandeth thee any thing, which (if the same be against the Proconsul:) thou oughtest not to follow it. Yea and further, put case the Proconsul commandeth one thing, the Emperor an other, and God willeth the third: Thou must not care for them, but obey God, for God is the greater power: For they may threaten thee with prison, but GOD may threaten thee with hell fire: they may slay and kill thy body, but God may send thee body and soul to perpetual hell fire. And therefore worthily it is put first, Fear God. And here the place in the last of Ecclesiasticus is to be adjoined: where it is written: Fear God and keep his commandments.  

Fear of God standeth in three points.  And me thinketh that man is bound to fear God chief in three sorts. That is to say: First in the bountiful bestowing of his gifts and benefits. Secondly, in the evident promoting of his servants. And lastly, in the full rendering and restoring unto man that is his.  
First, I say in the bountiful. etc. and for this cause the Emperor justinian writeth: although there is nothing to be accounted good which doth exceed and is to great, yet for a prince to be stow accordingly upon the church, it is very good. For why, the king and Emperor is bound to bestow so much the more substance, how much the more God hath given to him: & to bestow the same both frankly, and especially to famous Churches, wherein the best & greatest measure is of the lords gifts, that is a great gift. And to this end Gregory enacteth a law, cap. i extra. de donationibus, that nobility ought in manner to prescribe this law to himself: to think himself bound to give, when he giveth freely: & unless he increase in giving still, to think that he hath given nothing.  
Wherefore, Abel, as appeareth in the 4. chapter of Genesis, who offered of the best to the Lord, was blessed of God. And therefore other Kings, the more they offered to God, the more they were both spiritually and temporally blessed of him: As we read of josua, David, Solomon & other in the book of the Kings: and therefore it is so written in the 18. of Numbers. 
Num. 18.  And ye shall separate unto the lords treasury, things that be chiefest and most principal. As likewise David saith in the first of Paralipomenon last chapter. 
1. Paral. cap. vlt.  I have given all this with a glad hart, even with a good will, and now have I had joy to see thy people which here are present, offer with a free will unto thee. And no marvel, for David saith in that place: For of thy hand we have received all, and to thee we give. And therefore it seemeth to me, that because the Kings of France and Barons of the same, 
What benefit cometh by giving to the church.  more than any other hath given to GOD and his Church: therefore they were happy and blessed above all other kings, and the more they did give to God, the more they received at his hands.  
Examples whereof, we have of Clodove, Charles, and S. jews: 
Luke. 6.  the more one giveth to God, the more he receiveth of him: For he in the 6. of Luke hath promised, give and it shall be given unto you. wherefore, a gift that a Prince bestoweth upon the Church is rendered again with triple increase, 
Time of war.  and that no less in time of war then in time of peace. I say in war time: because victory proceedeth of no other but only of God, for it is written in the 1. Machabecs' the 3. Chapter. 
1. Mach. 3.  The victory of the battle standeth not in the multitude of the boast, but the strength cometh from heaven. 
Exod. 17.  And likewise, in the 17. Chapter of Exodus it is declared, that when Moses held up his hands Israel had the victory: 
2. Mach.  but when he let down his hands Amalec had the victory. To this end also serveth the last chapter Macchabees. 2. where judas being at the point to have the victory, thought he saw Amon and jeremy (which had been high Priests and very virtuous men) holding up their hands toward heaven, 
Time of peace.  and praying for their people and all the whole City. etc. Likewise in peace time now, the long days of the king and of his sons: their peace, prosperity, & obedience (by the prayer of the Church) is maintained & supported in the realm. 
Proverb. 16.  For as long as Solomon was bend and given in building the house of God so long he had peace: who thus in the 16. chap. of the proverbs teacheth us. when a man's ways pleaseth the Lord, 
1. Esdras. 6.  he maketh his very enemies to be his friends: And also in 1. Esdras 6. chapter, where it is read, how the Priests were commanded to offer sweet favours to the God of heaven, and pray for the kings life and his children. And well therefore may it be called a gift both favourable & irrevocable, whereby victory is given, life granted, and peace with security conserved. To serve therefore God, & liberally to give toward the worshipping of him: is the chiefest sign and token of divine fear & love. 
Eccle. 2.  Eccl. cap. 2. O ye that fear the Lord believe him, & your reward shall not be empty.  
Secondly, 
The 2. part of fearing God. Hebr. 12.  concerning the fear of God, I do you to understand, that among the precepts of the Lord, the first and chiefest commandment of the second table is, To honour thy father. which precept is very well expounded to the hebrews in the 12. chapter. where it is not only meant of the fathers of our bodies, 
Honouring of spiritu●●● fathers.  but also of the father of spirits. For as spiritual things far exceedeth temporal matters: so much more a great deal the spiritual son is bound to reverence the spiritual father, & to be in subjection unto him that he may live. And that the Priests and Prelates be the spiritual fathers, it is proved in the fourth book of the kings the 6. chapter. 
4. Keg. 6.  where the king of Israel called Elizeus father, saying: my father, shall I finite them? Unto this effect serveth the 10. of Luke, 
Luke. 10.  where our saviour said to the Apostles (whose successors the Bishops are) he that heareth you heareth me, & he that despiseth you, despiseth me. Also in the first to the Thessalonians 4. chapter. 
1. Thess. 4.  He that despiseth you, despiseth not men, but God. wherefore, justinian the Emperor in an other place saith: we have great care to the Church of God, that therein may be true doctrine and integrity of priests life. which having we trust that for our great gifts we shall receive such rewards at God's hands, both as be durable, and shall remain: yea and also that hitherto hath not happened. Blessed S, Jerome in his Register writing to a certain Emperor, which is also to be scene in the decrees. decr. 11. q. 1. saith: Let not the Emperor disdain priests, 
11. q. cap. ●. Sacerd●●●bus.  but have special regard on them for his sake whose servants they be: and so let him rule over them, that due and condign reverence be given unto them. For they in divine Scriptures are sometime termed Gods, 
Exod. 22. Malach. 2.  sometimes named Angels Exodus. 22. Then shall both their causes come before the Gods. Also Malachy the second, the Priests lips should be sure of knowledge, that men may seek the law at his mouth: For he is a Messenger of the Lord of hosts And therefore is it no marvel, if we should vouchsafe to honour them, 
Honour to be given to priests.  when God himself in his speech attributing to them honour, termeth them Gods and Angels. And here is to be noted, how Constantine the Emperor, when certain of his subjects presented unto him libels accusatory against the Bishops, received them at their hands. But calling before him those Bishops which were accused therein, cast in their sight those libels into the fire, saying: depart you hence and discuss these matters within yourselves: For it is not convenient and meet that we judge Gods, because it is written: God stood in the synagogue of Gods, and in the midst of them he did judge Gods: in which chap. it is declared, how that the Pagans who worshipped golden & wooden Gods, attributed great honour to the Priests. what marvel is it then, if the godly & great and christian Emperors do honour & reverence the priests of the true God? And doubtless, it is their duty so to do. And it is reason which the Lord Peter the last day said, 
Two powers temporal and spiritual, and what difference between them both.  in this point. That there are two powers, priesthood and dominion, the one spiritual, the other temporal which no less differeth one from the other, than the sun from that moon, the heaven from the earth, and gold from lead. And therefore if honour is due to be given to the lesser power, by them that be underneath him: he the is chief of the higher power, of right good duty is to be honoured, and reverenced of all under him as expressly is declared Cap. Solit, Dema. & ob. 
De mai. & obed. cap. Solit.  In which chap. answer is fully made to the allegation of the L. Peter (alleged by him to make for his purpose) that is to say: Beye subject to all creatures for God's sake. etc. There he speaketh of the subjection which standeth upon the merit of virtue, 
Double subjection upon merit of virtue, and upon duty of necessity. The authority of a bishop and a king compared.  & not upon the duty of necessity. For else if he should speak of the subjection which is by duty of necessity, them must it needs follow, that every bishop ought to be subject to every beggarly rascal in the city of Paris. For that text is, be ye subject to all human creatures: but a rascal is a human creature: ergo, bishops must be subject to a rascal. Of the dignity of a B. Ambrose talketh in his pastoral: The honour saith he, & the majesty of a B. is without all comparison: If you compare it to the royalty of a king, it is even as you would compare metal or lead to the beauty of gold. For the is to be seen, that kings & princes stooping under the knees of priests, 
The pride of the prelacy.  & kissing their right hand: think themselves to be defended by their prayer. And because the kings of France have more than other, honoured & reverenced the Prelates: they have above all other flourished & prospered. 
Si●upekings Eccle. 4.  It is said in Eccle. 4. he that honoureth his father, shall rejoice in his sons. And it followeth there, he that honoureth his father, shall live a long life. This is therefore the sign of the fear of God. And as it is written in Eccl. 4. He that feareth God, honoureth his parents. 
Eccle. 4.   
Thirdly I say, that a man ought to fear God, in the full reverencing & restoring unto man that is his: For he that doth not give to another that is his, 
The third part of fearing God. Eccle. 18. A thing made mine divers ways  but goeth about to usurp, doubtless he feareth not God. Contrary, he that restoreth all again, he is said to love & fear God. Ecclesiast. 18. He that feareth God will do good things. And in the Psalm, I have been afeard of thy judgements, and have done judgement and justice. For as the Lawyers say which is true: A thing may be made mine divers ways, as by succession, commutation, prescription, or any other acquisition, either by law or custom. And so of the rest. And where as the Lord Peter the last day, by distinction of jurisdiction temporal & spiritual, endeavoured to prove that he which had spiritual jurisdiction, ought not to have temporal: Otherwise there were no distinction thereof, but rather a confusion of jurisdictions. I will therefore prove the contrary, that these jurisdictions are compatible both in one person, especially in an ecclesiastical man. And this I will prove by the law of God, 
6. Proofs. 

1. Divine law.  
2. by the law of nature.  
3. by canon law.  
4. by civil law.  
5. by custom.  
6. by privilege.   Forms being dislike & not contrary, may be compatible in one subject.  by the law of nature, canon law, civil law, by custom, and privilege. But first I allege, that accidental forms some of them are so distincted, that they are not clean contrary, but disalike: as whiteness and sweetness. Other forms there be which are so distincted, the they are clean contrary one to the other, & are not compatible in one subject. For one contrary expels another, and emporteth the negative of the other. wherefore those things be contrary, which one from another are most of all distant and disagreeing, and in one susceptible may come one after the other, but not together, as the Philosopher teacheth in the predicaments. But those forms which are so distincted, that they be not contrary but disalike: are compatible in one subject, as quantity and quality, which being distincted in respect of their Genus generalissimum, yet may be in one person. And fortitude and temperance being under one kind of moral virtue, are found to be in one man, as Logic and Grammar, which are also species & kinds in one genus, viz. of intellectus. Therefore it is no good argument: These forms be distincted, ergo, they be not compatible in one subject. And therefore that the jurisdictions temporal & spiritual are so distincted, that they are not contrary but compatible it is evident hereby, because things contrary be so that the one cannot be ordained to concur with the other, but rather confoundeth & destroyeth the other: but in this case jurisdiction temporal is ordained for the spiritual: & contrary, the spiritual for the temporal. Or rather, the one so dependeth of the other, as the clearness of the moon doth of the brightness of the Sun: Also the one jurisdiction so helpeth & tomforteth the other, that there is no contrartety in them. And therefore it is no good consequence, because they are distincted. Ergo, they are not compatible in one person: This also is to be proved de facto. For the earth is the Lords, and the plenty of the whole universal world, and all that dwell therein. It is proved in likewise by this reason. For if the jurisdictions were not compatible: it should follow, that no ecclesiastical person should have any jot of temporal jurisdiction, neither land, tower, castle, Lordship, or any thing else, which is most absurd: & so by this means it should follow, the no ecclesiastical person should be in subjection unto the king, which were to the great derogation of the king's majesties crown and dignity. It must needs be therefore that these jurisdictions be compatible, notwithstanding the distinction of them one from an other. And thus for answer to all these reasons, by the which Lord Peter proved the distinction of these jurisdictions.  
These things premised this I proceed further to prove that a person Ecclesiastical, 
Proofs out of the old Testament.  which hath jurisdiction spiritual, may also have temporal jurisdiction: and that the jurisdiction temporal may be in an Ecclesiastical person, I will prove it by the Scriptures: and first out of the old testament, to the evident probation whereof, it is to be understand: That God, after the creation of the world & man, even unto noah's time, would govern the world himself as K. by the ministry of angels. 
Melchisedech was both king and Priest, Ergo the P. may have both jurisdictions.  By reason whereof, he gave and pronounced sentence himself against Cain. Gen. 4. Noah also, which offered burnt offerings unto the Lord & built an altar, as teacheth the 8. of Gene. (which thing appertained only unto the priests) had the government and rule of all things, as well spiritual as temporal, which were in the Ark of Noe. Melchisedech in likewise, the which was the priest of the most high God, and also king of Salem, 
Gene. 14.  as appeareth in the 14. of Gene. & had both the jurisdictions in his own hands. For Magister Historiarsi, in the said 14. of Gene. declareth, that all the first begot of Noah, even to Aaron's time were priests: which at meals and offerings blessed the people, & which only had the Ius primogeniturae, whereby the regiment of others was due unto them. Moses in like manner (of whom it is said in the Psalm, Moses etc. Aaron in sácerdotibus eius) consecrated Aaron and his children to be priests, which Aaron did judge the whole people in temporal matters, yea & in that causes of inheritance and mere real, as appeareth in the 27. chap. of Num. and many other places. To which purpose serveth the 17. chap. of Deut. where it is said, 
Deut. 17.  if a matter be to hard for thee in judgement betwixt blood and blood, betwixt plea and plea, betwixt plague & plague: then shalt thou rise and go up to that place, that the Lord thy God hath chosen. And shalt come to the priests, the levites and to the judge them being, and shalt ask who shall show unto us the truth of the judgement: and follow their sentence. And if any man presumptuously shall refuse to obey the priests commandments and decree of the judge, the same shall die. Behold how manifestly it doth appear, how not only the judgement appertaineth to a priest, between plague and plague, concerning the circumstances and irregularity of the law: but also betwixt blood and blood, in matters criminal: yea and betwixt plea and plea in civil matters: which thing doth appear to be in many judges out of the book of judges. 
Samuel was judge in temporal matters. Ergo, the Pope may have both jurisdictions.  For Samuel, which was both a prophet & priest, was appointed judge of long time over the people in matters temporal: And when the people desired a king, the Lord was highly offended with them, and said unto Samuel: they have not refused thee but me, that I should not be king over them. Furthermore, as long as kings amongst the people of God, used the advise & counsel of priests and bishops: it was well with them and their kingdom: But when they forsook and left the counsel of bishops and priests, than was their kingdom divided, and finally they brought into captivity. In which captivity, the people were altogether governed and ruled by the priests & prophets, as by Esdras and Neemias: And last of all by the means of the Maccabees, the kingdom and government was devoluted and brought into the priests hands, who were the kings and captains over the people: & had the government as well of spiritual matters as of temporal, as is read in the first book of Machab. 2. cha. 
1. Mach. ●.  Of Mathatia and his sons videlicet of juda, Machaby, jonatha, Simon, and john the son of Simon: which in all spiritual and temporal matters, were governors over the people of God. 
jerem. 1.  Moreover the 1. chap. of jer. declareth which was one of the priests, after this manner. I have set thee over the people and kingdoms, that thou may●● root out, break, destroy, and make waste, and that thou mayst build up and plant. jere. capite primo. Besides this, in time of judge Eliach: a priest in like manner had the judgement of temporal matters. And so much concerning the poofe hereof, out of the old Testament.  
Secondly, I prove my former proposition by authorities taken out of the new Testament. 
Proofs taken out of the new Testament.  For Christ had not only by divine nature both the powe●●, whereby he created all things of nothing, and by consequence was God of all, but also by his humanity had both powers. For he was the priest, 
Apoc. 19 Christ by his humane nature had both powers.  secundum ordinem Melchisedech (as it is said in the Psalms, and also is alleged to the Hebr.) which had both in his vesture and thigh written, king of kings, and Lord of Lords. By this vestiment or thigh was meant his humanity, which was joined to his divinity, as the garment is to him that weareth it. He said of himself in the last of Matthew: Given is unto me all power both in heaven and earth. As also to the hebrews the first chap. whom he made and constitute, heir of all universal things. And likewise in the 2. chap. to the Hebr. He hath made him not much inferior to the Angels: 
Psal. 8. Hebr. 2.  he hath crowned him with glory and honour, and hath set him above the works of his hands: Thou hast put all things in subjection under his feet, sheep and oxen, and all the whole cattle of the field. When therefore it is said, he made all things subject to him: He excludeth nothing as the Apostle there saith. whereby it is apparent, that as concerning his human nature, in the which he was made less than the Angels, all things were subject to him. 
Phil. 2.  Also this appeareth in the 2. chap. to the philippians, he humbleth himself, wherefore God exalteth him. etc. And it followeth, that in the name of jesus should every knee bow, both of things in heaven and of things in earth, and of things under the earth. Behold here that by nature by which he did humble himself, he was exalted: because every knee should bow down to him. 
Act. 10.  This in like manner hath S. Peter in the 10. chapter of the Acts where he saith, he was constituted of God the judge over the quick and the dead: And he speaketh of that nature which God raised up the third day, as the whole Scripture proveth. And likewise S. Peter had this power given him whom Christ constituted and made his vicar, who also condemned by sentence judicially Ananias and Saphira for lying and stealing. Act cap. ●. Paul also condemned a fornicator convicted, 
Acts. 5.  1. Cor. 5. And that Christ would the correction and judgement of ●●he matters to appertain to his Church, 
Math. 8.  a text in the ●● of Matthew expressly declareth where it is said. If thy brother trespass against thee, go and tell him his fault between him and thee: if he hear thee, thou hast won thy brother. But if he heareth not, them take with thee one or two, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all things may be established: if he hear not then, tell unto the congregation: if he hear not the congregation, take him as an heathen man and a Publican. verily, I say unto you● whatsoever you bind on earth, the same shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever you lose on earth, the same shall be loosed in heaven. Behold how expressly it is commanded, that when soever in any matter one offendeth the other, he being first charitably admonished, the matter must be published and referred to the order of the Church and congregation. But if the offender do not obey and hear the admonition, he is to be taken as an heathen & a Publican: Which is as much to say, like one that is excommunicate by the Church & congregation, so that he may have no communion or participation with it. And that this was the intention of Christ, this seemeth much to prove it, where in giving the reason hereof he immediately addeth. verily I say unto you. Whatsoever. etc. (where note this term distributive) whatsoever so as the Apostle argueth to the Hebrews the 2. chapter, that if he ordained all things to be subject unto him, he excludeth nothing unsubiected. 
Omnia terminus distributiws.  Wherefore thus I may argue: If all things that the church and congregation doth lose be loosed and every thing that the Church bindeth is bound. There is nothing that the church may not lose & bind: Or by Logic thus, I may reason: There is nothing bound by the Church, that is not bound in heaven, which argument is good by a certain rule of Logic which sayeth: that contraries if the negation be put after, are equivalant. For every thing & nothing, what soever thing, and no manner of thin be contrary one to the other. And so nothing not, is as much to say, as all things. Secondly, I do prove it out of an other text of S. Luke cap. 22. 
Luke. 22.  Which place alleged to make for his purpose, I will strike him with his own weapon. For where he said, that by the two sword the two powers temporal & spiritual were to be understood, it was so in deed but to whose hands would he (I pray you) have these two swords committed? Truly to the hands of Peter & other the Apostles. etc. But the holy Father the Pope succeeded Peter, and the other Apostles, the Bishop's disciples, curates, persons as in the gloze appeareth, Luke 10. whereby thus I argue, that by the 2. swords the 2. powers are meant. But Christ willed those two sword to be put into the church's hands, ergo he would likewise the two powers. But you may reply and say, that Christ did reprehend Peter because he strake with a temporal sword and cut of an care, saying unto him put up thy sword. etc. whithe reason is of no force. For Christ did not will Peter to cast away quite from him the sword, but to put it into the scabbard & to keep it, giving to understand thereby, that such power although it be in the church's hands: yet the execution thereof (as much as appertaineth to blood shedding in the new law) he would have to appertain to the secular judge: notwithstanding yet perhaps, according to the discretion and will of the Clergy.  

1. Cor. 6.  Thirdly, I prove this by the intent of S. Paul in the 1. Cor. 6. where he saith: that they which have secular business, and contend one against another, aught to be judged by the saints. And that they should judge therein, therefore he made this argument: know you not that the saints shall judge the world? and if the world be judged by you, are ye not good enough to judge small trifles? As though ye would say, do ye not know how that ye shall judge the Angels? How much more than may you judge things secular. And it followeth: If you have judgement of secular & worldly matters, take them which are despised in the Church and congregations, & make them judges: neither doth it make any thing against, because the Apostle in the same place inferreth. Adverecundian vestram dico. I say it to your shame. For that is to be referred to those, where he saith, appoint those which are despised. Wherefore the Apostle speaketh ironiously in this matter as meaning thus: Sooner & the rather you ought to run to the judgement of the despised which be in the church, them to the judgement of those which be out of the Church.  
Ergo, the rather to resort to the judgement of the wise, who remain in the Church and congregation. Wherefore the Apostle by and by added when he said, I speak to your shame: What not one wise man amongst you that can judge between brother and brother? Meaning thereby that there was some. By these therefore and many other like reasons it appeareth (which for brevity I omit) that both the powers may be in an ecclesiastical man's hand: And that an ecclesiastical man is Capax both of the temporal and spiritual jurisdiction. Nor is it any matter if it be objected, that Peter and other Apostles & Christ himself, used little this temporal power. For in them was not the like reason as now is in us, as is proved in the 22. q. 1. ca and in many other places of the law. 
22. q. 1. cap. futuram.  The Apostles at the first beginning took no receipt of lands & possessions, but the price only thereof, which now the church with very good reason doth receive. And that to the great merit both of the giver and offerer, as it appeareth of Constantine and others: In the which foresaid 1. cap. the reason of diversity is well proved For that the Apostles did foresee, that the Church should be among Gentiles, and not only to be in juda. etc. And further at the beginning Christ and his Apostles were wholly bend and given, to our health, salvation & crudition: little sticking or standing upon the exercise of every church's jurisdiction, having regard to that which is written in the 6. chapter to the Corinthians. All things are lawful unto men, but all things are not expedient. And likewise in the 8. chapter of Ecclesiastes it is read, that every thing hath his time. But now (through the grace of God) the whole people of the realm of France have submitted themselves to the christian faith, worthily therefore the Church is occupied about ministering of justice and punishing of vice: 
Esay. 13.  For peace shallbe the work of justice, Esay the 33. chap. And in these judgements this only is to be considered, that the life of man be reform. etc. Thus you see, 
Probation by civil law and reason. 1. Peter. 2.  how this our conclusion somewhat is confirmed by the Scriptures. Now will I prove it by natural law & reason, & first after this manner. He seemeth most fittest to play a good judges part, which followeth nearest God: For properly God is the ruler and director of all judgements, who saith Proverb. capite octavo. By me the law maker shall decree justice and just things: But Ecclesiastical persons, follow next to God, and be nearest him. For that they be elected of God into a peculiar people: Whereof it is said 1. Peter. 2. you are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, and a peculiar people, that you should show the virtues of him that called you etc. Ergo it is most fittest that persons Ecclesiastical, and churchmen, should judge of such matters. Moreover none doubteth, but that the correction and punishment of sin, belongeth to ecclesiastical persons: wherefore, when such things be not committed without sin & offence of the one party, it is evident that the Church may have cognition thereof. Also who so hath power to judge of the end, hath also power to judge of things ordained to the end: for the consideration of the things ordained to the end riseth of the end. When therefore the body is ordained for the life and soul, and temporal things for spiritual, as to the end: The Church which doth judge of spiritual things, may in like manner lawfully judge of temporal things. All which is sufficiently confirmed. In extra. c. judicijs. Where it is said that the accessary followeth the nature of the principal, which appeareth sufficiently by example. For so much therefore as these two jurisdictions be compared to two lights, that is to say, to the Sun, and to the Moon: and all the whole clearness and brightness of the Moon both in form and virtue, dependeth of the Sun, & in the Sun. And that the brightness of the Sun is not of the Moon or in the Moon, it is plain: that spiritual jurisdiction which is compared to the Sun, hath it both in form & virtue, the jurisdiction temporal: and not contrary. Many other like reasons might be brought in. But for that the time waxeth short, I will omit them.  
Thirdly, I prove by the civil law, Auth. Diffe. jud. ¶ Si tamen ix. col. where it is said: If a secular judge be suspected, let the Bishop of the City be joined unto him. But if he be negligent, then let the whole judgement be referred to the bishop. In like sort Theodosius the Emperor enacted such a law, that whosoever suitor being plaintiff in any kind of matter, whether at the beginning thereof, or after contestation of law, or when the matter came to confirmation, or to sentence: If the plaintiff had once chosen the court & jurisdiction the holy sec: there without all doubt, though the defendant resisted and dissented, the matter before the bishops & other ecclesiastical judges should be determined and ended. Which law afteward Carolus the great, who was king of France, confirmed in these words: We will & command that all our subjects, as well Romans and Frenchmen, as others under our dominion whatsoever, be by law and custom henceforth bound and charged to keep this for a perpetual and prescript law: That whosoever began or commenced a suit. etc. as is above mentioned. etc. 11. q. i Quicunque. etc. 2. But that you may object and say that this law is abrogated, as the gloze seemeth there to touch. But all will not serve: For although this law is not redacted into the body of the law, yet for all that it is not abrogated. But surely it is a privilege honourably granted to the whole universal church which the Emperor cannot take away no more than any other liberty of the Church. By the canon law also this privilege is confirmed. 
Probation by the Canon law.  extra. de iud. c. timor Novil. and moreover seemeth to be confirmed by the civil law, C. de sacros. Si eccl. privilegium: although it be not expressly, but generally named. And so it is clear by the civil law, that such iurisdictium doth pertain to Ecclesiastical people. By canon law in like manner in places infinite. Dist. 22. cap. Omnes Patriarchae. 2. quest. 5. ca Si quis praesbyter. 11. quae 1. cap relatum. 25. distinct. cap. ecce. Extra de judicijs. Novit. De competenti foro. cap. licet. With many other places infinite: yea & further the canon law so far proceedeth that whosoever goeth about by custom to interrupt or hinder any having such jurisdiction, incurreth sentence (ipso facto) of excommunication, as is proved cap. quoniam intelleximus de immunitate eccl. li. sext. 
Custom.  Which is most plain by the notorious custom, time out of mind, in the days of the good & christian Princes, where to violate such custom, it is plain sacrilege. 11. quest. 1. tit. 1. etc. 2. For by law, custom winneth and gaineth jurisdiction, especially to him that is Capax thereof: yea and further, custom (time out of mind) is amongst all persons in place of written & confirmed law. Now seeing the church of France, hath in common used with the temporalty to judge & decree both of actions personal and real touching the Church: it is plain, that such custom winneth jurisdiction to it. Ergo. etc. But the Lord Peter avouched, that the custom could not prevail in this case, because here lacked true dealing. Besides, the said law is called inprescriptible: for that it is Ius fisci: But this maketh nothing against us. For the Church of France rather challengeth this law by custom, then by prescription. Which custom seemeth rather to be brought in of the free will and election of the people, frequenting more the ecclesiastical Consistories, than the secular courts. Besides this, custom in that it hath been oftentimes decided in judgement contradictory, (many of the Barons dissenting, & not consenting thereunto) is much thereby confirmed. 
judicium contradictorium.  This custom I say of the church, hath been fast established by the consent and assent of the Prelates, and then confirmed by the kings of France your predecessors, and so peaceably observed of the Church.  

Three things pertaining to prescription. 

1. Titulus.  
2. bonafides.  
3. Temporins' continuatio.    And yet may the church challenge this by prescription: For that there are but 3. things which are required in prescription: that is to say, title, true dealing, and continuance of time. And it is without doubt that the Churches both purely hath and in time past had a good title, as appeareth by thy privilege granted of Theodosius the Emperor, & confirmed by Charles: Who gave in commandment, to keep the same inviolably, which title it hath both by divine natural, and humane law, as before is mentioned. Wherefore it must needs have true dealing, when so many great and clear titles are known to condescend thereunto. Also concurreth such continuance of time, 
Ius fisci.  that even against Ius fisci, it is prescriptible. For it hath not only continued by the space of 100 years, but also more than 600. years last passed. 
The church not subject to the king.  Neither is this always true, that this law is imprescriptible, especially of the church: the which in as much as it appertaineth to the spiritualty, is not subject to the king, but is much more noble, and far excelleth: Even no less than the Sun doth the Moon, gold, lead, and heaven, the earth. And this is certain, and no less reason, that the higher & equal may duly prescribe law against him, that is either equal or lower in degree. As one king may do to another. Wherefore, it appeareth, that the church may prescribe this, although it were Ius fisci, as in deed it is not.  
Finally, this is proved by privilege granted by Carolus the great king of France, as before, & by Ludovick the second, and by Philipp your uncle, and Ludovike and Philip your kinsmen, 
Objection.  which privileges we have here ready to show. But perhaps you will say, that these things cannot agree: that the Church hath this jurisdiction, both by law, custom, & privilege, which all cannot well hang together. For if the church have it by one of these, it should follow that the church lacketh it by another. 
Answer.  But this may I answer two manner of ways. First, that the privilege may be double, one as a bringer in of a new law, & thus it cannot be reconciled: The other as a confirmatiu● and declarative of the old law: and this way it may well be agreed, which distinction may also take place in custom. Wherefore it may thus be answered: that although this incudiction is due unto the Church by law, it appertaineth also unto the same by privilege and custom: but yet not by such kind of custom and privilege, which induceth new law: but which declareth and confirmeth the old law. And ●any will reply, demanding wherefore the church of France should more challenge this, 
The French 〈◊〉 more blessed than other in 3 things. 

1. Faith to God.  
2 Honour to the Church.  
3. justice to the people.    than any other churches in other realms, which have no such prerogative, I can soon answer them. If the kings of France (whom God with singular grace, honour, and privilege, far above all other Princes, hath blessed and endued them for 3. special causes, to wit, for their great faith & devotion unto God, for their honour & reverence to the Church, and for their good justice showed unto the people) hath granted to the church special liberties, or have permitted those which before were granted, peaceably to be kept and observed. Why then they should have them, it is no marvel. Yea and further, their devotion unto the Church hath been such, that the nearer the Churches were unto them, the more liberties they enjoyed: and yet had these princes nevertheless therefore, but rather the more: which is evident and redoundeth to the great honour and nobility both of the king, and his realm.  
I have oftentimes heard of other, 
5. things doth nobilate the realm of France.  how that 4. or 5. things doth especially habilitate and adorn this realm.  
First, their sincere and inviolable faith: for it was at no time red, that the kings of France (since the receiving of the faith) did ever serve from the same.  
Secondly, 
The blood of France came out of Priamus king of Troy.  the nobility of blood which descended from Priamus the king of the Trojans, and successively, from Carolus and other royal kings.  
Thirdly, the unity and peace of concord, which especially above all other reigned and flourished in the Realm of France.  
Fourthly, the solemnity and pomp of the prelate's and Clergy.  
Fiftly, the good disposed readiness of the Barons and subjects to obey.  
If therefore, the prelate's of this realm sh●●ld not have this law and privilege, but should be deprived thereof: then should the king & his realm lose one of his noble estates, whereby they are highly magnified (I mean the bravery, solemnity, & royalty of the prelate's) For then, they should not only be neither pompous nor royal, but more beggarly & miserable than any other, the most part of their living consisting herein. I do conclude therefore, to be proved both by divine law, natural law, canon law, civil law, custom and privilege: that the right of determining such temporal matters of the Church, may of right appertain to the Church of France, and so●● return the Lord Peter's theme against himself. Besides this, will I propound that which is most plain and manifest: that what so ever things be offered up to the Church, and are converted to the dominion and property of the same, be Gods & appertaineth to him: For so much as they are said, to be dedicacated & sanctified by him, as sufficiently throughout the levites may appear: as is declared in the 21. cap. 1. Regum, concerning the bread offered to God, 
1. Reg. 2.1.  where it is said: I have no common bread under my hands to eat, but holy bread. Wherefore, it was not lawful for the Laity to eat of the same bread, but in time of great neccesity: which is also proved in Daniel 5. chapter, where it is read. Because king Balthasar and his Lords with his Queen, 
Daniel. 5.  ●ronke in the golden and silver vessels, which his father Nabuchodonoser had taken out of the temple of jerusalem: In the same very hour, there appeared fingers as it had been of a man's hand, writing right over the candle stick upon the plain wall in the kings palace: And the King saw the palm of the hand that wrote, and that which was written was Mane, Thetel, Phares. the interpretation whereof is this, as there it appeareth: Mane, God hath numbered this kingdom and brought it to a●end: Thetel, thou art weighed in a balance and art found to light: Phares, thy kingdom is dealt in parts, and given to the Medes and Perses. The very self same night was Balthasar the king of the Cards slain, and Darius succeeded in the kingdom of the Medes: the Monarchy of the Assyrians being then translated unto the Medes. Whereby it appeareth, that these things which are offered up to the church, belong to God, & so dedicated to him, that no lay man may use then which if they do, they must look to receive vengeance at God's hand, as Balthazar did. These things now ●uded, I will argue out the L. Peter's theme (which was) give unto the Emperor, that is the Emperors, and unto God, that is Gods. But this jurisdiction, which (as I proved before) is diversly converted to the dominion and property of the French Church, is now Gods: and therefore, to be reserved to and by him. Wherefore, whensoever any goeth about to take away the same: the good & godly aught to answer as Ambrose did to the Gothen soldiers sent to him by the Emperor, which was to this effect. If the Emperor (quoth he) had requested that which had been mine, 
Ambrose in case denieth to obey the Emperor.  I would not have denied him, albeit that whatsoever I have, all is the poors: But because he demandeth those things which belong to God (wherein he hath no right or interest) I had rather he should imprison me, yea & cut off my head, then to condescend to his request therein: alluding to the history of Nabaoth, which is to be seen in the 21. chap. 3. Reg. 
3. Reg. 21.  How Nabaoth the holy man, possessor of his vineyard, was requested by the king to give up his vineyard: who made answer, I will not give unto thee the inheritance of my fathers: at which answer the king was marvelously offended: 
Nabaoth denieth to the king his Vineyard.  wherefore (quoth Ambrose) if Nabaoth would not deliver his vineyard, shall we deliver to you the Church of Christ? No, God forbidden that I should deliver you Christ's heritage. Nabaoth did not deliver the vineyard, nor surely will I deliver Christ's Church. And further he addeth a good saying: I can neither diminish, nor add any thing to the Church of God, for that I took not upon me the charge of keeping of it: besides this, it is my duty and office to consult with the high Emperor of salvation, in this matter what is to be done: And doubtless, I may not deliver any thing to him, nor yet he receive any thing of me, as is proved, 24. quaestione ultimo capite convenior. qui. Wherefore, by these and the like reasons it appeareth, that not only jurisdiction spiritual (as the Lord Peter falsely hath suggested) doth belong to God: but also, all other kind of jurisdiction whatsoever touching the church: whether it be by law, custom, or privilege: in so much that neither may we surrender the same to any, nor yet may the king at our hands take the same. Further the Lord Peter affirmed, that Christ for example sake did pay tribute, which is untrue as appeareth in Gene. 48. chap. For the land of Priests were free from paying of all kind of toll and tribute. 
Gene. 48.  And if the Lord Peter well considered the 17. of Math. 
Math. 17.  he should have found there, how that Christ did not only pay tribute for example sake: but rather proved, how he was not bound to pay any at all. To conclude therefore, the children be free: but ye pay, to avoid slander and offence: wherefore the text saith. Lest we should offend them go to the sea. 
Offence how it ought to be avoided.  etc. But peradventure it may be answered, that by the example of Christ (to avoid offence) ought to pay. But this is untrue, because there is double offence of the weaklings & of the Pharises: for as concerning the offence of the weaklings, which cometh of ignorance & not of malice, some things are to be omitted for a time, while they be better instructed: as the Apostle saith to the Romans in the xiv. chap. 
Rom. 14.  But for the offence of the Pharises, which commit and offend of a pretenced malice: there is nothing to be omitted, 
Math. 16.  as Christ saith in Math, 16 Where to his disciples saying: Do you not know how that the Pharises hearing this word are offended? answered. Behold, suffer them, they are blind, and leaders of the blind: For that in the time of Christ, the offence then was of little ones. But now is the offence of the Pharises: Wherefore, then it was not to be paid for avoiding of offence: but now not so. 
The 3. note of the fear of God.  Now therefore it is apparent that the third took n of the fear of God consisteth in the whole true restoring of goods: And of him, which hath such fear, whereby he restored to God his own, it is spoken of in Eccle. 15. cha. The seed of the man that feareth God shall be brought to honour: 
Eccle. 15.  but the seed which transgresseth the commandment of the Lord shall be shamed. And thus it fully appeareth, how loving fear and obedience is due unto God, for the excellency of his majesty: because the words be: fear God.  

Honour of the king.  Secondly I do say, that especial honour and reverence is due unto the king, for his dignity sake: which followeth in the theme. Now it is said honour the king: I will allege the 10 of Eccle. 
Eccle. 10.  where it is specified: In the mids of the brethren, the ruler is holden in honour among them. Wherefore it seemeth to me, that there are 2. kind of honours: one which proceedeth from the lips, 
Two kind of honour. Math. 17. Double honour with lips and with heart.  & that is named flattery, whereof it is spoken in Math. the 17. chap. This people doth honour me with their lips, but their hearts are far from me. There is on other kind of honour which is real, and cometh from the hart. And this is the very true honour in deed, wherewith the king ought to be honoured. But me thinketh that he doth really, and de facto in very deed honour the king: which wisheth and counseleth him, to keep and do those things, whereby his dominion is beloved, his royalty not diminished, his honour and fame preserved, & his conscience not burdened: And he that persuadeth him contrary to these, I think doth not honour the king. To proceed therefore further. I say first, that he doth de facto honour the king, who persuadeth him those things, whereby he may be beloved of his subjects. For a Prince ought to study rather to be beloved, then feared. And what more greater treasure can a Prince wish: 
A prince ●●ther to be beloved 〈◊〉 feared. Seneca de clementia ad Ger●●●●. A sentence.  then to have the hearts of his subjects? According to the saying of Seneca. The love of the Citizens, is a fortress invincible, and a bulwark not sautable. What thing is more to be wished for? what better than to live and reign, every man willing and rejoicing thereof? And in my opinion, there is nothing which causeth more a Prince to be beloved, then if he keep and maintain his ancient liberties, and bring in no alterations▪ Wherefore it is said in the 22. chapter of Prou. 
Proverb. 22  Thou shalt not remove the land marks, which thy fore elders have set. This place the Lord Peter alleged to make for himself: which I will prove to make against him, and that by his reason, ye ought not to transgress the old limits and bounds which the fathers have set: For novity and alteration doth engender discord. 
In alteration what is to be considered  And for this cause in making of new alterations there ought to be both evident utility, and urgent necessity. If therefore the Prince will abrogate and take away the liberties granted by his forefathers and predecessors: he shall not be of his Realm beloved, as it appeareth by Roboam in the 11 chap. of the 3. Reg. 
3. Reg. 11.  All which likewise is to be seen in the Chronicles, how that by these means many kingdoms and dominions were translated from nation to nation, and from their own native regiment to the rule of strange people. And now for this time certain it is, that your grand predecessors Charles the great, S. Ludowick, Philip the fair, Ludowick and Philip his sons, with many others, have sealed and confirmed this liberty of the Church. Wherefore for a man to council & persuade your highness to spoil the Church of any thing: it is even the next way to spoil and undo yourself, and to bereave you of that, by which your dominion is beloved. And for this cause I thought good to put your grace in remembrance of the 20. of Math. 
Math. 20.  where it is written: Remember the works of your forefathers●, which they have done in their generations, and you shall receive great glory and renown for ever. Note here your highness by the way, how that king Philip grandfather to S. Lewis: fostered and kept in his Realm S. Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury: who for that he stoutly defended the liberties of his Church, was banished out of England. How much more therefore are you bound to defend and maintain your own Prelates, in their liberties ratified and confirmed by your grace's predecessors, according to the saying of Gregory in 25. quaest. cap Si. 
25. Quaest●●● cap. Si.  If I should destroy and put down those things which my predecessors have built and ordained: I should not be called a builder and maker, but justly acompted a ●●roy good and puller down as the voice as the Lord saith: Every kingdom divided within itself shall be confounded: All knowledge and learning divided one against the other, shall be destroyed. In an other place he saith: It is over sharp, and against all good manner and civility (upon what reason and excuse so ever) to break and subvert those things which are well ordained: or by his example, to teach other at their pleasures to dissolve old constitutions. 
Mark here a fable.  Mark here a story about a Castle which was given to Saint Romige, to the Church's use: by Clodovi the King, which afterward King Pipine desired to have by exchange and recovery. 
A dreaming fable.  To whom the said saint Remige appeared in his dream, and highly blamed him therefore, saying: a better man than thou gave it me, and yet wilt thou take it away from me? And with that he smote him, who the next day was found all black. Since which time, no King of France durst ever lie in that Castle. verily therefore, he doth not honour the King, which giveth him counsel to pass the old limits that his old Fathers did set. Yea rather the kings Majesty ought to say unto them, 
john. 8.  which is written in Saint john 8. chapter I do honour and glorify my Father, that is, in keeping the liberties of the Church, as they did which granted them: but you have dishonoured me, 
Eccle. 4.  in counseling me that, which seemeth best to please yourselves, as it is written in Ecclesiast. 4. The worship of a man's father is his own worship, and where the father is without honour, it is the dishonour of the fo●ne.  
Secondarily I say, that he truly doth honour the king, who counseleth him: whereby his power and dignity is not diminished. For as it is great honour to the Kings highness to increase and augment his power: so is it as much dishonour for him to diminish any jot thereof. And therefore, the Emperors were wont to call themselves victorious, of augmenting and increasing their common wealth. And to say that you and your predecessors could not grant these things to the Church, it were to too absurd, and to the too much derogation of your majesties most honourable estate. And therefore you (most sovereign Lord) who hold and possess so ample right and title in the realm of France, both by election and inheritance: not to grant and leave this to your posterity, it were to the great debasing of your majesties honour, crown and dignity. Yea if it were (as God forbidden) it would follow, that your predecessors lived continually in sin: yea and further, it were as much to say (which were too vile) that blessed S. jews, by whom all France is beautified, could not be justly canonised.  
For as the Lord speaker declared, if he took his oath at his coronation both to alienate nothing, and also to call in that which was before alienated, which is inseparable from the Crown: it should follow that he was forsworn, and consequently committed deadly sin, and so could never be canonised, which is to to absurd to be talked of. And if reply be made, that he might have repent: It is soon to be answered: That his sin is read of, but of his repentance it is not found, as is said of Solomon. But put case it be true that the Lord Peter said, than it must needs follow, that your grace could bestow nothing, neither country, town, nor tower. And yet there be few, which willingly would not receive them, notwithstanding their allegiance and homage, which they pretend to your highness: Keep therefore & confirm (most renowned Prince) that which was granted by your noble progenitors: otherwise, your royal honour shall decrease, that it may be verified in you which is read of, in the 11. to the Rom. I will honour my ministery. 
Rom. 11.   
Thirdly I do affirm, that he rightfully honoureth the king, 
Who honoureth the K.  which persuadeth him that, whereby his honour and renown is preserved. For in matters of weight, and of great importance, next after conscience we must have regard to name and fame, 
prover. 22.  as it is written the 22. of Prou. It is better to have a good name, than riches. A good name far passeth all things, 
Conscience and good name.  and is above silver & gold. And S. Augustine sayeth two things are necessary for thee, conscience & name: Conscience for God, and name for thy neighbour. And therefore it is written in the 4. chapped. of Eccles. Labour to get a good name, 
Eccle. 4.  for that will continue surer by thee then a M. great treasures of gold. A good life hath a number of days. Which renown & name, the Lord (who anointed your grace with the oil of gladness) hath in so little time more abundantly blessed you withal, than any other Prince, wherefore you ought to be more vigilant and careful, how to keep and enjoy the same still: For it is no less virtue, to seek and get, then to keep that which is gotten: whereby not only while you live, but also when you are dead, your glorious renown may live for ever: yea and farther, that by you nothing be done, whereby any blot or foil should creep into that your so great renown: alluding that to your grace, which is said in the tenth of the proverbs. etc. The memorial of the just shall have good report. etc. Beware therefore most noble Prince, and take heed that in your days and time, the liberties of the church be not taken away (which God forbidden) or diminished in any jot: For if your glorious name should be blotted therewith, there be thousands, which would chronicle the same to perpetual memory. Wherefore most Christian Prince, if such (as trusted after their death for no other life, but only for fame & renown) lived a life most godly & virtuous: how much more ought we Christians, which look after another life, by our well doings here, to win us a perpetual name & memory after our death. And you besides, if you should dishonour your name, and fame: what a matter were it, considering how the kings of France, were ever counted the most christian princes, and most bountiful towards the church, giving examples to other princes, how to enrich their churches & liberties thereof. And now especially, if your grace, the church in some places being in great persecution (which God forbidden) should show light to other to pull and take away that which was given by your forefathers to the church. What might the world say? For then by the like reason, might the Emperor deprive the Church of all, which was given to it by Constantine the Emperor. Also other kings would do the like in their Realm. God forbidden that your highness should give such example. And for my part, I would rather wish myself to be dead, then give you such counsel, that in so pernicious and naughty a matter, you should be example to other: Especially, when the kings of France your predecessors, were defenders always against such that went about to take away the liberties from the church: which is the office of a king, jeronymus saith upon jeremy, 
24. q. 5 cap. Regnum.  which is found also in the 24. quaest. 5. cap. Regnum & C. Princeps. After this manner let the princes of the world know and understand, how they are bound to make an account to God, for the Church which they take upon them to keep. Note you also, & read some examples out of stories & commentaries, what regard the kings of France had in observing those things, and see you by the●r example, to follow and do the like: And then shall it be verified in your grace, which is written in the 37. chapter of Eccle. 
Eccle. 37. Eccle. 3.  A wise man shall obtain honour amongst his people: As also in the 3. of the same. He that honoureth his mother, is like one that gathereth treasure together.  
Fourthly I say, 
The 4. honouring of the king.  that he in deed doth honour the King, which persuadeth him to do that whereby his conscience is not hurt. For above all things, a Christian man ought to beware how to do that thing, which should be a grudge unto his conscience, because the life is more than is meat. Mat. the 6. chap. 
Mat. 6.  And assuredly I believe, that your grace would not commit that thing willingly, wherewith your conscience should be burdened, for all the world's good: and that justly. For the more miraculously God hath called your highness to the state of a King, and hath endued you with his grace: So much the more you ought to have and take heed that you offend him not. For it is to be doubted, whether in doing the contrary, he will not be the more grievously displeased with you, 
1. Reg. 15.  as he was with Saul. 1. Reg. chap. 15. Consider therefore most sovereign Lord, that at what time you were crowned, you swore only these things following & no other. First, that you would defend and maintain the canonical law, 
The oath of the French kings.  privilege, and justice, granted to the Bishops and the church: and as much as in you did lie, to enlarge and amplify the same. Also that by your arbitre●●t, all christian people at all times should keep the true peace of God & his church. Also that you should forbid to all nations, all kind of sacrileges, spoilings, and iniquities. Also that in all kind of judgements, you should will and command equity and mercy. Also that throughout your whole territory and jurisdiction, you should sincerely withal your endeavour, study to exterminate & cut off from the Church, the noted heretics: which all, and no other your Majesty swore to fulfil, at the time of your Coronation: under the leave & correction of the Lord Peter, which affirmed you were sworn to none other thing besides. Now therefore, seeing it is a canonical privilege of the church, & in the heart of the whole Cano. 6. qu. 1. Quicunque litem habens, incorporate: when also by custom which is canonical, it came in ● that the Church and spirituality, may have cognition in a number of cases, against which divers articles have been here laid in: If this amongst the laity should not be observed in the Church, your grace's conscience thereby might somewhat be burdened. In like manner if you be bound with all your whole might and power to procure, that all whole Christendom should keep the true peace of God and his church: much more have you to procure the same amongst your own Barons & people, who evermore were all one with the Church. And always where any church was in honour and estimation, there were belonging to it 20. sho●t Barons & knights: whose office, as it was to defend the Church, so was it the part of the Church to pray for them & to offer sacrifice for them unto God. And to this end, that blessed S. jews so much laboured in his time: who when the greatest Barons of his realm had confederate to suppress these liberties of the Church, & had consulted to give him (to that end) the hundredth part of their goods, would never condescend thereunto, but always dissuaded them therefro: and finally by his authority, sealed and confirmed these liberties of the Church. Consider here your majesty, how that pope Innocentius at that time proceeded against those Barons. etc. I dare be bold to say, that if there should be now dissension between the Prelates and Barons: it would not be long before the commonalty would usurp to rule and bear domination. As by experience it hath been seen in many places, & likewise by practice, we of late might have seen: at what time the people stomaking the spirituality in the parties of Campania and Burgundy, at last rose and made in every town a king: and therewithal caused the officers which brought citations & absolutions from the pope and other, to be well banged: and not long after, made insurrection against the Lords temporal, and served them with the like sauce: until that by the kings power they were suppressed, & many of them hanged. And this doubtless was in the days of Lewis last king of that name. 
A●g. by the possessions of the church many brethren and kinsmen of the nobles be maintained.  Truly the noble men ought not to be grieved with that that the Church is possessed withal. For that there be few of them, who have not their brothers and kinsfolks, which liveth and are maintained by the goods and revenues of the Church. Amongst whom if they should divide their inheritance, perhaps they would bring a little to nothing at all. 

Ergo, such possessions are not to be grudged at.  
To believe in the Church, is not in our faith.   Let the Barons also consider how that there is but few which believe not in the church. For the church is one, as in the 6. of Canticum: My Dove & darling is one. Wherefore without great peril of trasgression can they not persuade and counsel such liberties of the church to be abrogated and taken away.  
That therefore your majesties conscience may remain pure and immaculate: pleaseth it your highness by your authority, to seal & confirm this good ancient & canonical privilege. and contrary attempts (if any be made by way of proclamation or otherwise) to revoke and call them in. And further, to keep your mother the church of France in her ancient frank choice, liberty, and customs. And then by you in all things God shallbe glorified and honoured, to whom be honour and glory for ever and ever. Amen. Who then will honour you as is said. 
1. Reg. 21.  1. Reg. 21. whosoever shall honour me. I will crown him with that glory, in which consisteth the true honour, and is granted to none unworthy. Whereunto also none is admitted but worthy, as blessed S. Austen saith: which honour, grant he unto you & us who is blessed world without end. Amen. And because a bill of many articles was exhibited, 
To the bill of articles exhibited.  whereof part did infringe the whole ecclesiastical jurisdiction: to the defence thereof, we will according to the 4. cha. of Ecclesiasticus stand even to the death, where it is said: for the truth strive thou unto the death, and God shall fight for thee against thine enemies. Some other of them contain only abuse, which we believe none such to be. But if there be we will see redress therein. Therefore for the honour of God, for the unburdening of our consciences, for the king's majesties reverence, & for the people's profit and peace: All we here assembled, have concluded to see remedy, that the aforesaid abuses, if any such be, shall be left, to the quietness of the people, and praise of almighty God. To whom be honour and glory world without end. Amen.   

* Another sitting in the Parliament.  

another days sitting in the parliament.  The next Friday following, being the 29. of December: the prelate's assembled themselves again together at the king's palace in Paris, Where, the reverend father the L. Peter Bertrand, by God's permission bishop of Eduen spoke openly there before the king, sitting with his Counsellors and Barons about him: taking to his theme the which is written in the 18. of Genesis, O Lord be not angry, that I speak yet more. 
Bishop of Eduen again speaketh.  etc. The which he applied to this end: that for the majesty of the king, the prudency of his counsel, and insufficiency of himself (considering the weightiness of the cause) he trembled and was afraid to speak: yet nevertheless, trusting upon his accustomed clemency, took to him audacity, & presumed that which was appointed to him by the prelate's. Beginning with the 89 psalm: Lord thou art our refuge. etc. Which he prosecuted in extolling the king his person, and his miraculous attaining to the crown of France: preaching further, how he ought to be the champion & defender of the faith: all which he proved in few words by many reasons and authorities. Afterward, he touched those propositions which were propounded by the foresaid Lord Peter of Cugner, and for no other only cause as he protested, but to inform the conscience of his sovereign Lord and king, & to advise his grace concerning the same: Not going about to make any final judgement, determination, or answer, whereby either sentence, Order, Statute, right to any man, or other process, might thereof ensue or be grounded. And namely he first beginning with the Theme of the Lord Peter: first affirmed (render unto the Emperor, which is the Emperors, and unto God which is his: Mark 12.) By which words was signified the obedience and subjection to the king, 
Math. 12. Mark 12.  with the difference of the spiritualty from the temporalty, whereof the first member is proved by the 1. Pet. 2. Where is said: be ye subject to every humane creature, etc. Also by the Cap. solite, extra de maio. & ob. And by the c. novit extra. de judicijs cap. de sacerdotibus 10. q. 1. with the notes about the same. Moreover, as touching the distinction of both jurisdictions: whereof the Lord Peter proved the temporal jurisdiction to pertain to seculare men, the spiritual to the clergy, by the words of our Saviour Christ. Luke. 22. where he said: Behold two sword. Also for that Christ did pay tribute: Teaching thereby, how that the temporalties were to be reserved to the temporal men. Math. 17. 11. q. ca Si tribute. ca Magnum.  
In like manner by the law of justinian: where it is written, that 2. great gifts were ordained & granted of God: a bishopric, and a kingdom: The first to bear rule over God's matters, the other over worldly things. etc. And said moreover, that these 2. be the cases which in no wise could be altered or changed. Prou. 20. the Tion. more. lib. 1. & vlt. And affirmed also that o● such Princely right, the King could not abrogate and deprive himself. For that it was unprescriptible, appertaining to the crown and his regal seat, (considering how he took his oath at time of his coronation) not only not to break or alienate the laws of his realm, but also to restore and revoke such as were broken and alienated. To which these his reasons it was answered, that the jurisdiction and determination of civil causes (whereabout the controversy now standeth) belongeth to the Church, both by God's law and man's law. By God's law it proved was, even from Adam's time to Christ's coming: per Innoc. ca licet extra de foro, compe. And from Christ's coming, to Peter's time and his successors. 22. di c●omnes patriarchae. Math. cap. 16. But how the Church in the Realms of Catholic Princes, attained unto this right and interest which at this presence it doth enjoy, the law proveth. 2. q. ca 5. Si quis. Praesbyter. 11. q. 1. Relatum 25. dist. Ecce. Which also is confirmed by the Emperors in the body of the law. ff. 3. ¶ Si causam. col. 9 23. q. vlt c. his & a quibus. The Canon furthermore teacheth, how that S. Peter commanded all the Princes of the earth and others, to obey and give place to the Bishops. c omnes, extra de maior. & ob. 16. dist. duo sunt: Wherefore it was concluded, that in no wise this right is to be separated and taken away from the Church. And albeit in the realms of tyrannous Princes, this state of the Church is violated and not kept: yet in this blessed realm of France, it hath been always even to these days duly observed: c. novit. extra. de judicijs. This jurisdiction, the laws of Theodosius the Emperor and Carolus the great, hath also confirmed. extra. de judicijs. c. nun. all. 11. q. 1. quaecunque. etc. fe iurisdictio. c. express: Where it is mentioned, that the same Carolus King of France (and Emperor) especially constituted the said law. And likewise to speak of custom, it hath been known, from time out of mind, the same to have belonged to the church of France: He therefore which shall go about to violate this law, 
11. q. 1. cap. 1. & 2.  committeth sacrilege. 11. q. 1. ca 1. & 2. And let not the king's majesty marvel, if that in this most noble Realm of France this prerogative be due unto the Church: As when hereby, his power and nobility is beautified. Anth. ut iud. sine quoquo suffra. fi. in principio Col 2. Besides this: our sovereign Lord and King, at what time he was crowned, was sworn by the Evangelists to keep and observe this Canonical privilege of the Church. Further, the Barons who in a manner are all sworn to the Church, swore fidelity to the same: by which oath of fidelity, they are bound to keep these liberties and rights of the Church. When therefore every oath which tendeth not to the perdition of the soul, is to be kept: a fortiori that oath which is taken in the favour of the church, is much more to be observed. c. 
22. q. 4. cap. Si vero.  Si vero extra. de iure iurando. 22. quaest. 4. c vlt. Besides this, blessed Ludovick, Philip of Arragon, Philip the fair, Ludovick, Carolus the great, & Philip: confirmed these privileges, customs, and liberties of the Church, which all were sworn at their coronations as before. etc. These things considered, who can advise the king's majesty with out damning of his own soul, contrary to these liberties granted and so confirmed to the Church? To whom belongeth great reward, whosoever bestoweth any thing upon the Church: Antho. de non alley. at permut. re. ecc. §. si minis col. 3. neither maketh it against us where it is said, that there are two sword. etc. Neither yet the distinction between the bishopric and kingdom. 
Math. 26.  Because it is true that there are two sword, the power whereof is left to the church's hand, although the execution of the material sword is committed to the temporal and secular men. Matth. 26. where Christ saith to Peter: convert and put up thy sword into the place. But as touching the distinction betwixt the Bishopric and kingdom, in deed it is true: as much as appertaineth to the end & to the execution of blood, 
Why Christ paid tribute.  but not concerning the beginning & subject: for that in one subject, both the powers are, may be, and aught to be, as is before proved. To that point where it is said that Christ paid tribute: it is answered, that not therefore he paid it, because he ought or was bound thereunto: because it is certainly true, that the sons of the king (as he was ought not to pay) but this he did to avoid offence: yea also the Clergy is not bound hereunto Esdrae 1. & vlt. Wherefore, such things do not infer a consequence. Neither yet maketh that against us where it is said: that the king our sovereign Lord & master can not abdicate from himself this right, especially for that he was sworn thereunto at the time of his coronation, etc. for it is answered, that he may well abdicate the same. And how doth he abdicate the same from himself, which be giveth and bestoweth to God & the Church? The land is the Lords. And doubtless, to give is nothing else, but to tender to God and the church their own: for then by that reason, the gift given to the church by Constantine is nought and nothing worth, which is false, and this is proved xvi. dist. ca Const. Whereby it appeareth, that an Emperor and king may alienate things of the empire. 
16. Dist. cap. Constanti●●●.  ff. de legatis i. l. apud julianum §. vlt. nor yet hereby the Empire or kingdom is damaged: for that the thing returneth to the pristinat state ff. 
35. Dist. cap. ab exordio.  de pactis l. unus § pactus. 35. dist. ab exordio. Furthermore, by this reason propounded: all the kings of France which ever were (and especially blessed Ludovic) should be spotted: for if that were true (as God forbidden) then all they were persured and died in mortal sin, which is to too absurd. Last of all, it hurteth not where it is said: that such things are inprescriptible: It is true in deed, they cannot of subjects, or otherwise then of the Church be prescribed: but in this cause we talk not of subjects. Also, seeing they may be alievated, they may be prescribed, especially (the kings thus consenting who confirmed the same so long a time) which excludeth all right both fiscal and ecclesiastical. The prelate's therefore all with one consent, agreeth & affirmeth to the same as a verity to be maintained and defended. Beseeching the king's majesty their Lord, both for his soul health, and peace of the Church, to maintain the same, and keeping the liberties of the Church. Desiring him to consider what commodity daily he receiveth by the Church, and that his Church never failed him yet, when he had need of the laity, showing the dangers and examples of them who did to the contrary. Further, he beseeched his highness to way how entirely his Lord the Pope doth and hath loved his person and realm: Affirming, that never any placed in the seat of Peter, loved better his realm, than he doth. Alleging the text of Eccl. 6. where it is said: Stand in the multitude of the Priests, 
Eccle. 6.  and believe them with thy heart.  
After this in the said Session: The foresaid Bishop of Eduen prolocutor inferred many things beside, 
Special answers to the articles premised by B. Eduen.  & answered particularly to the articles above specified, and exhibited by the Lord Peter in writing to the king and parliament. Which, because they touch more the subtlety of the law and styles of the courts, then are necessary to this our history, and because we would not burden the volume with all, containing no great profit in them: we have here of purpose for brevities sake omitted them, passing to the next sitting, which was the next friday next after following the same, as ensueth.  
The next Friday after this, the Prelates assembled at Uicenas before the King, to hear their answer: where, the foresaid Lord Peter of Lugner) being prolocutor for the king) spoke on this wise, 
another days sitting in the Parliament.  taking for his theme. I am peace unto you, do not fear. etc. which he prosecuted, monished that they should not be troubled in any thing that there had been spoken. For that the intent and mind of the sovereign Lord their king was, to keep the rites of the Church and Prelates, which they had by law, and by good and reasonable custom: Where, between the first and second conclusion, he went about to prove: that the cognition of civil causes ought not to appertain to the Church. For that such things were temporal and aught to pertain to the temporalty, 

●●. Dist. cap. sum ad vetum.  
Shaving of priests crowns wherefore. 11. quest. 2.   as spiritual things to the spirituality. And besides his other reasons he alleged the 86 dist. declaring for a truth, that for this intent first the clarks crowns were shaven: in sign that they should be free from all worldliness, and forsake all temporal things. Alleging to that end the 12. q. 2. Furthermore he declared, that the Bishops had cognition in certain cases expressed by law. Wherefore, these said cases ministered a certain rule against them, alleging for the proof thereof De reg. juris. ff. de lega. 1. L. ticie text oris. Also he affirmed that by reason of sin, the decretal Novit. could not make for them. For the same did speak of the king of France his state, which hath no superior: but in other persons it was (he said) otherwise. And these things thus being proved, then said he, and concluded: That nevertheless, their Lord and King was ready to hear the information of them, which would instruct him of any custom: and those customs which were good and reasonable he would observe. Which answer, because it did not seem to please and suffice the Prelates, incontineutly the Bishop Eduen answered for them all in manner following. First, commending the good and general answer, he spoke in this wise: The Prince of the people (said he) shallbe praised, for the prudence of his talk, commending therewith as touching the former good general answer of the King, his purpose and talk propounded. But as concerning the words of the Lord Peter, which engendered and brought darkness and obscurity, and might give occasion to other temporal Lords, to break and infringe the rites and customs of the Church. Wherefore his answer seemed not full and plain to the prelate's. Speaking moreover to the said Peter, he alluded to the words of the virgin speaking in the Scripture thus to her son: Son why did you so to us: And so prosecuted that same, both marveling with himself, and yet covertly complaining of his answer. afterward answering to these things which the Lord Peter affirmed, and first to the Chapter. Ad verum he said, that it was before answered: touching the division of the two jurisdictions, that they may be in one subject as before is proved. Neither doth it let which the Lord Peter said, these two jurisdictions could not be in one subject, because that things which be in themselves divers, & be under one Genus, as a man & an ass cannot be in one subject. But if they were under divers kinds, as whiteness and sweetness in milk, they might be well in one subject. It was answered that this rule was not true: because justice and temperance are two divers virtues, and under one kind, and yet be in one subject. Besides these differing species, a man & an ass be not compatible in one subject. Also to that which was spoken concerning the shaving of the crown, it was answered that the crown did betoken rule & excellency: and the shaving did signify: that they ought not to heap up store of temporal things, so to apply their hearts thereunto. But that the temporal things ought to be subject to them, and not they to the temporalty, as is proved in the said chapter duo sunt genera. Also as concerning the thing, which was talked or de regula: he answereth, that this maketh for the church, as before was proved. Yea, also, the custom doth make the rule for the Church. Also laws in all kind offence doth always except the custom. And therefore, his saying makes nothing against it. And now to that place which the Lord Peter spoke about the Decretal Novit. That the case was only in the kings person, yet for all that it is expressly said in the same text of every Christian man. And although their law doth speak only of the Pope, yet the same is applied to all Bishops in their Diocese. 
The B. findeth fault with the king's answer.  Wherefore the said bishop concluded and beseeched the king that it would please his grace to give unto them a more plainer and comfortable answer: and that they might not departed from his presence all pensive & sad, whereby occasion might be given to the laity to impugn the rites and liberties of the Church. And that they doubted nothing hereof in the good nature & conscience of their sovereign Lord and King: In the end it was answered to them in the behalf of the king, that his mind & intent was not to unpugne the customs of the church.  
The Sunday following the bishops assembled themselves again before the king at Uicenas, where the Lord Bishop of Eduen repealed their last supposition, with the last answer made unto them in the behalf by the King, when the Bishop of Byturien, 
The gentle answer of the king to Bishope.  had given them to understand how the king willed them not to fear. For that they should suffer no hindrance or damage in his time, yea and would defend them to their rights and customs because it should not be said that he would give ensample to other to impugn the Church, assuring them that even the kings grace him willed so to declare unto them. The said Lord Bishop of Senon in the name of the whole prelate's gave humble thanks to the King therefore, and the said B. of Senon beseeched that such proclamations which were made to the preindice of the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction might be repealed, & called in. Hereunto the king himself answered with his own mouth that they were not published at his commandment, neither did he know of them, nor ratify them. Thirdly, the Bishop proposed that those abuses which the temporalty complained of, should be so ordered & reform: that every man should be well contented therewith Last of all, he beseeched the king's highness, that he would of his gracious goodness give them a more comfortable & fuller answer. 
The final answer of the king to the Prelates.  Then answered the lord Peter in the name of the king: That if the prelate's and bishop's would see reformation of those things which were to be amended (wheraboutes he would take respect between this and Christmas next following) his grace would innovate nothing in the mean season. And if in the foresaid space they would not correct & reform that which was amiss, his majesty would appoint such order and remedy that should be acceptable both to God and his subjects. After this, the Prelates had leave of the king to departed and went home.   

¶ A brief recapitulation of the bishops answer, with certain notes answering to his Popish reasons unto the Reader.  
THe answer of bishop Eduen in the name of the other Prelates, 
Notes upon the bishops answers Pag. 36●. col. 2.  to the Oration and Articles before objected by the Lord Peter consisteth in two parts. first, in declaring the seat due to God. Secondly, the honour due to the king. Whereof the first is, 

Fear of God consisting in three things. 

1. In giving.  
2. In honouring.  
3. In restoring.    
Honour to the king, double. In word flattering, in deed effectual.  
Honour effectual standeth in four points. 

1. in maintaining the king's love.  
2. in maintaining his dignity.  
3. in maintaining his good name.  
4. in maintaining his conscience.    
Pag. 361. col. 2.   the fear of God (he sayeth) consisteth in three things. 1. In giving to God. 2. In honouring his ministers. 3. In restoring that, which hath been taken away. etc. The 2. which is, the honouring of the king, he sayeth, consisteth in a double sort, that is. In words only, wherein is flattery: And in deed: which again he divideth in 4. members: First, when a man cousaileth a king to that, whereby his dominion is loved. 2. When the king is counseled to that whereby his honour and excellency is not diminihed. 3. Thirdly, when the king is counseled to that, whereby his fame and renown is maintained. 4. Fourthly, when a king is counseled to that, whereby his conscience is not wounded. etc. And this is the order of his whole tractation. Now remaineth with like brevity to recite the reasons and arguments in order, whereby he proveth the premises, with the subdivision of every member and part thereof. Wherein the studious reader, may note both the subtle proceed of these popish prelate's, and also the feeble and impotent ground whereupon they build. Whose building (as by this discourse and many other may appear) wholly & finally tendeth to this, to maintain their liberties, pomp, and estimation above all other secular princes and persons.  
First, as concerning fear to be given to God, which he divideth in 3. parts, in giving, in honouring and restoring: for the first, he proveth that princes ought to give largely and without measure to the Church by these arguments.  
By the testimony of justinian: although nothing is good which is too much, 
Pag. 361. col. 2.  yet. etc. pag. 361. col. 2. I answer that in the time of justinian, goods then given to the Church, were the goods of the poor. Wherein was used faithful distribution, voluntary giving, and necessary charity. But now in our Popish Churches, revenues and lands given, neither are distributed to the poor: and yet are men compelled against their will to give still. And again, so little necessity is now to give to such, that the most wealths of Realms almost is in their hands and houses: in so much that they flowing in such wealth, are now waxed so proud, that kings can scarce bear any rule for them, as was proved before, pag. 3 30. col. 2. that the Pope's revenues here in England, mounted to more than three times double the stint of the king's crown. Wherefore by the counsel of justinian, it was so then, and then might stand, quòd Religio peperit divitias: But now as the time is altered, so that counsel holdeth not, postquam nunc filia deuor avit matrem. 
Religio peperit divitias, nunc filia devoravit matrem. 4. incommodities that come in giving to the church.  That is, after that the daughter hath devoured the mother. Finally concerning men's giving to the Church in these our popish days, four faults I note.  
First, that they give superfluously more than sufficient is to necessity of life.  
Secondly, that they give to such as abuse it wickedly.  
Thirdly, that in giving to them that need not, noble men in mean time defraud their poor neighbours, which need in deed, and yet do not complain.  
Fourthly, because of this title of giving, men have used, and yet do use to put great hope of salvation therein, contrary to the Testament of God in Christ's death, whereof examples are before.  

Pag. 361. col. 2.  Pag. 361. col. 2. Abel offered of the best to the Lord, and was blessed of God. Ergo, every great man, that would be blessed of God, must offer of the best he hath unto the Church. Answer. This argument as it is far fet: so it is soon answered, wherein 3. notes are to be observed.  

3. Things to be noted, in offering to God and to the church.  First, that he which offereth unto the church of God, doth not therein offer unto God immediately as Abel did.  
Secondly, neither is this to be granted, that he which offereth to all Churchmen, offereth by and by to the Church of God. For many times the Churchmen are one: and the Church of God is an other. Laurence the Martyr showing forth the church of god, brought out the poor of the Parish, and not of the priests of the Church. Pag. 72. col. 1.  
The third note is this: that if noble persons should offer unto God (by the example of Abel) that which is the best and fattest of the flock: then should they offer unto the Lord, of their flock only, and not of their lands. Yea, and to note the very truth, they are taught thereby to offer to God, neither cattle nor lands, but that which is the very best, that is, their own bodies for a lively sacrifice to God. 
Rom. 12.  He that offered up to God a proud heart, and killed it with the axe of humility, giveth unto him the best and fattest bullock he hath in all his flock. With like reason I answer also the place of Numeri. 18. and of Paral. cap. vlt. that to offer up, 
Pag. 361. col. 1.  or to separate unto the lords treasury, is not now to give to Priests and Chaplains of the Church, which peradventure have more than they do well occupy: but to give liberally to the communion of Saints, which are needy, and are the true treasury of the Church in deed, as Laurence the true treasurer said, supra, pag. 72,  

Pag. 362. col. 1.  Pag. 362 col. 1. By God's commandment we are bound of duty to honour our temporal fathers. Ergo, by the same duty we are bound much rather to honour our spiritual fathers, that is Priests and Prelates. Answer. A father in common speech is diversly taken, as by age, by nature, by office. And to all these we of duty, are bound to yield honour, reverence, obedience submission, all be it not all after one sort, nor in like degree. For as we are bound to honour our father and mothers: so aged men & elders have also their honour and name of fathers So Magistrates and spiritual teachers in their kind, have their honour and reverence. And S. Paul sayeth, 
1. Tim. 5. 2. Things ●● be noted ● giving honour, wherein consi●●● honour giving to Priests.  that such are worthy of double honour, qui benè praesunt, & qui laborant in sermone. But in this two things are to be noted, wherein this honour consisteth, and how far it extendeth. These spiritual fathers of the Church, think they be not honoured enough, unless Kings and Emperors give and surrender unto them all the temporal rule & government, to do what they list, and none to control them. And unless noble men and subjects endue them with temporal lands and possessions, so much as they would have. And this they call honour, which they define only by giving temporally: where in deed it rather consisteth in giving spiritually, as to have a reverent opinion of their ministration, to yield a prompt obedience to their doctrine, to reverence them as the ministers of God, and not to despise, 
1. Tim. 5. Titus. 2.  defame, or molest their persons, whereof S. Paul also about the same place speaketh, writing to Timothe. Let no man despise thy youth. etc. Also to Titus 2. Let no man despise thee. etc. And this is to honour our spiritual fathers.  
Secondly, 
Qui benè praesunt.  to consider how far this honour extendeth: as no man doth deny, but these pastors are worthy their double honour, which rule well: so if they administer not their office well, they are under the oversight of the king, 
How far honour given to priests extendeth.  bearing the Temporal sword, worthy of double punishment. And yet to consider this double honour in them that rule well, how far it doth extend: if it be compared to the honour due to our parents, case of necessity will soon decide it. For be it, that our parents, on the one side, and pastor of the other, stand in extreme need of the sons supportation, wherein he can help but the one: nature, I suppose, will and ought sooner run, and the word of Christ will sooner drive us to our father, 
Mark. 7.  then to the Priests Corban. Marc. 7. So that this distinction here may have place: that as the one standeth upon merit of virtue, so the other standeth upon mere duty of necessity.  
Pag. 362. col. 1. 
Pag. 362. col. 1.  These jurisdictions temporal and spiritual are compatible in one person. Answer. I grant pro ratione subjects. That is, in the subject itself there is no cause to the contrary, but these vocations may be exercised both of one person, as they have been of the Pope, one after the other (and so may contrary forms also) and yet the Pope's person hath been able to sustain them both. But now here is to be considered, not what the nature of the subject is able to bear by Logic, but what order is taken herein by the will of God, whose order is this: That they, which with Peter, are called to the feeding of the flock, should leave their fishing nets, and fish for men: and that they which labour in the warfare of the Lord, should not entangle themselves with the business of this life, whereby they may be more free to please him, 
Tit. 2.  whose soldiers they are. Tit. 2, etc.  
Pag. 362. col. 1. The jurisdictions temporal and spiritual, are so distincted that they are not contrary. 
Pag. 362. col. 1. 2. forms not contrary maybe compatible in one subject.  etc. Answer. And what let is there then, but our Queen now, and other kings hereafter may have the government of both states, as well Ecclesiastical as temporal? Seeing both the forms being compatible, may concur both in one subject: why not as well in the person of the King, within the Realm, as in the person of the Pope without the Realm?  
Pag. 363 col. 1. God after the creation of the world, 
Pag. 363. col. 1.  etc. unto noah's time: etc. Answer. If God unto noah's time governing the world as king, gave sentence himself against Cain (as ye say) how then did he that by the ministery of angels? If he did it by the angels his ministers: 
Rom. 13.  Whether is more like than that to make for the Pope, or rather for kings and princes, whom the Scripture thrice in one chapter, calleth the ministers of God to execute punishment to him, that doth evil. Rom. 13.  
Pag. 363. Noah also which offered. etc. Answer. If offering of burnt sacrifices to God do make a priest, 
Pag. 363. col. 1. Noah was a priest, and had both jurisdiction in the Ark.  than was Cain also, Abel, Abraham, Isaac, and all patriarchs priests. If he had both temporal and spiritual jurisdiction upon them, which were in his Ark: I marvel why he did not curse ●hen the disobedient crow that returned not to him again.  
Pag. 363. col. 1, Melchisedech likewise. etc. Answer. Melchisedech properly did bear a figure of Christ, both king and priest, and of none other.  
Pag. 363. col. 2. A. I have given to me. 
Pag. 363. col. 1. A.  etc. Answer. That Christ hath all power given him, no man doubteth: but yet the same Christ saith, that his kingdom is not of this world. Neither would he be made a king in this world. etc. Non eripit mortalia, qui regna dat caelestia, him.  
Pag. 363. col. 1. B. Whom Christ made his vicar. etc. Answer. Here in one line be two lies. 
Pag. 363. col. B.  For neither had Peter the very same power in heaven and earth as Christ had, neither was he the vicar of Christ.  
Pag. 363. col. 1. C. 
Page. 363. col. 1. C.  As the offence of Ananias and Saphira was not temporal but spiritual: so did Peter kill them not judicially, that is, as a temporal judge, but spiritually, that is, by the power of the spirit, which spirit wrought by him, not as by a judge, but as a minister. And although this act of Peter was extraordinary for a singular example: yet notwithstanding let any prelate with the like power of spirit, so do, & none will blame him.  

Pag. 363. col. 1. D.  Pag 363 col. 1. D. And so likewise the condemnation of Paul against the Corinthian, was only spiritual and not temporal.  
Pag. 363. 1. E. must be referred to the order. etc. Answer. Christ would these causes to be referred to the hearing of the Church, 
E.  for spiritual admonition, but not for temporal jurisdiction of the prelate's.  
Pag 363. col. 1. F. All things that the true Church doth truly bind are bound. I grant: but first let the Pope prove his Church to be the true Church, and himself to be the universal head thereof, and then let him claim the keys.  
Ibid. The two swords do as much signify the two regiments: as do the two fishes wherewith Christ did feed four thousand persons. 
Pag. 363. col. 1.   
Ibid. Christ bad Peter put up his sword and not to cast it away. Ergo, the Church may have the temporal sword. Answer. God give you good morrow, I have brought you a capon.  
Pag. 364. col. 1. I. Know ye not the Saints. etc. Answer. S. Paul here willing the Corinthians to plead their matters not before the heathen, but before the Saints: meaneth the faithful of the congregation, not only prelate's.  

Pag. 364. col. 1.  K. In them was not the like reason. etc. Answer. I grant, for Christ and true Christians is one thing: Antechrist and his Church is an other thing.  
Ibid. As ye say, the Apostles had no laisure to take lands and possessions, for preaching: but now, for Lordly loitering you have laisure enough.  

Pag. 364. col. 1.  Pag. 364. col. 1. M. They are most fittest to bear temporal rule, which follow nearest to God. Prelates of the clergy follow nearest to God. Ergo, Prelates of the Clergy are more meetest to bear temporal rule.  
Resp. If God here be taken for that God, which is called the belly. I grant they seem to follow nearer. But if it be taken for the true God, not I, but their own fruits, life, and doctrine, and Esay also would deny their minor, and say, that this people draweth near to me with their lips, but their heart is far from me.  

Pag. 364. col. 1.  Pag. 364. col. 1. You are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood. etc. Answer. This place of Peter was written not only to persons Ecclesiastical, but to the whole congregation of the Saints dispersed, as the words following may declare. Qui eratis quondam non populus. etc.  
And thus much concerning French matters, which because they be Ecclesiastical, and bear with them some utility to the diligent reader (such as list to search, note and observe the acts of men, and course of religion) I thought therefore here to place and adjoin next after, the other contention before proceeding between Philip the French king and Pope Boniface. Albeit as touching the perfect keeping of years and time, I am not ignorant that this foresaid Parliament thus summoned and commenced against the French prelate's falling in the year of our Lord. 1329. was to be referred rather to the reign of king Edward the i●. Of whom now remaineth (by the grace of Christ) in order of history to prosecute, declaring first the instructions and informations of his father given to him in the time of his departing. 
Anno. 1307. The sickness and death of K Edward,  The year of our Lord 1307. and the last year of the king, the foresaid king Edward in his journey marching toward Scotland: in the North fell sick of the flux, which increased so fervently upon him, that he despaired of life. Wherefore, calling before him his Earls and Barons, caused them to be sworn, that they should crown his son Edward in such convenient time after his death as they might, & keep the land to his use, till he were crowned. That done, 
Godly lessons and precepts given to the young prince.  he called before him his son Edward, informing and lessoning him with wholesome precepts, & charged him also with divers points upon his blessing: first that he should be courteous, gentle, upright in judgement, fair spoken to all men, constant in deed and word, familiar with the good: and especially to the miserable to be merciful. After this, he gave him also in charge, not to be to hasty in taking his crown, before he had revenged his father's injuries stoutly against the Scots: but that he should remain in those parties to take with him his father's bones, 
The king commandeth his bones to be carried in the field against the Scots.  being well boiled from the flesh, and so enclosed in some fit vessel, should carry them with him till he conquered all the Scots: saying, that so long as he had his father's bones with him, none should overcome him. Moreover, he willed and required him, to love his brother Thomas, and Edmund: also to cherish & tender his mother Margaret the Queen. Over & besides, he straightly charged him upon his blessing (as he would avoid his curse) that he should in no case call to him again, 
The fatherly care of king Edward in excluding wicked company from his son.  or send for Peter Gaveston: which Peter Gaveston the king before had banished the realm, for his naughty and wicked familiarity with his son Edward, and for his seducing of him with sinister counsel. For the which cause, he banished both Peter Gaveston utterly out of the realm, and also put the said Edward his son in prison. And therefore so straightly charged his son, in no wise to send for this Gaveston, or to have him in any case about him. 
A rash vow of king Edward. The kings heart to be car●ed to the holy land.  And finally, because he had conceived in himself a vow to have returned his own person to the holy land (which for his manifold wars with the Scots, he could not perform) therefore he had prepared 32000. pounds of silver, for the sending of certain soldiers with his hart unto the holy land. Which thing he required of his son to see accomplished. So that the foresaid money, under his curse & malediction, be not employed to other uses. But these injunctions and precepts, the disobedient son did nothing observe or keep after the decease of his father. Who forsaking and leaving of the war with the Scots, with all speed hasted him to his coronation. Also, contrary to the mind of his nobles, & against the precept of his father he sent for the foresaid Peter Gaveston, & prodigally bestowed upon him all that treasure which his father had bequested to the holy land. He was moreover a proud despiser of his peers & nobles. And therefore reigned infortunately, as by the sequel of the story here following, by the grace of Christ shallbe declared. Thus king Edward first of that name, leaving behind him 3. sons, Thomas and Edmund by his third wife, and Edward by his first wife, whom he had sufficiently thus with precepts instructed, departed this mortal life. An. 1307. after he had reigned near 39 years. Of whom this Epitaph was written.  
Dum viguit rex, 
The Epitaph of king Edward  & valuit tua magna potestas:  
Fraus latuit, pax magna fuit, regnavit honestas.  
In the time and reign of this king, many other things happened, which here I omit to speak of: as the long discord and strife between the Prior of Cant. and the Prior of Dover, which continued above 4. years together: with much wrangling & unquietness between them. Likewise an other like contention growing between john Romain Archb. of York, and the Archb. of Cant. upon the occasion, that when john Archb. of York after his consecration returned from the Pope, and coming to Dover, contrary to the inhibition of Cant. passed through the middle of Kent, with his cross borne up: although the story reporteth, that he had the kings consent thereunto. An. 1286.  
Item, between Thomas Bishop of Hereford, & john Pecham Archb. of Cant. fell an other wrangling matter, in the time of this king. Which Bishop of Hereforde appealing from the Archb. to the Pope, went up to Rome, and in his journey died. Who with less cost might have tarried at home. 1282.   

King Edward the second.  
EDwarde the second of that name, 
King Edward the second.  and son of Edward the first, borne as is aforesaid at Carnarvan in Wales, after the departure of his father, entered the government of the land. An. 1307. But was crowned not before the year next following. 
Anno. 1308.  An. 1308. by reason of the absence of Rob. Winchelsey, who was banished by king Edward the first. Whereupon the king this present year writeth to the pope for the restitution of the said Archb. for that by an ancient law of the realm, the coronation of the king could not otherwise proceed without the Archb. of Cant. Which Edward as he was personable in body and outward shape, so in conditions and evil disposition much deformed. As unsteadfast of word, and light to disclose secrets of great counsel: Also refusing the company of his Lords & men of honour: he much haunted among villains and vile personages: Given moreover, to overmuch drinking, and such vices as thereupon be wont to ensue. And as of his own nature he was to the said vices disposed, so was he much worse by the counsel and familiarity of certain evil disposed persons, 
King Edward led by wicked counsel.  as first of Peter or Pierce Gaveston before touched. Then after him of the two Spensers and other, whose wanton counsel he following, gave himself to the appetite and pleasure of his body: nothing ordering his common weal by sadness, discretion and justice: which thing caused first great variance between him and his nobles, so that shortly he became to them audible, and in end was deprived of his kingdom. In the first year, he took to wife Isabel daughter of Phillippe king of France: with whom (the year after) he was crowned at Westminster, by the bishop of Winchester: for that, Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury, was yet in exile not returned home. Notwithstanding, the Barons and Lords made first their request to the king to put Peter Gaveston from him, or else they would not consent to his coronation. 
Peter Gaveston or Gaverston a wicked doer about the king.  Whereupon he was enforced to grant them at the next parliament, to have their requests accomplished, and so was crowned. In the mean season, the foresaid Peter or Pierce bearing himself of the kings favour bold: continued triumphing and setting at light all other states and nobles of the Realm, so that he ruled both the King and the Realm, and all things went as he would. Neither had the king any delight else, or kept company with any, but with him: with him only he broke all his mind, & conferred all his counsels. This as it seemed strange unto the Lords and Earls, so it inflamed their indignation so much against this Peter, that through the exciting of the Nobles, the bishops of the land did proceed in excommunication against the said Gaverston, unless he departed the land. Upon the occasion whereof, the King the same first year of his reign, being grieved with the bishops, writeth to the Pope, complaining that they had proceeded to excommunication of the said Peter, unless he departed the realm within a time certain. The which letter of the king, what answer again the king had from the pope, I find not set down in story. Over and besides, it befell in the said first year of the king, that the bishopric of York being vacant, the king gave the office of the treasure to one of his own clerk: whereof the pope having intelligence writeth to the King, commanding him to call back the same gift, and with all citeth up to Rome the said clerk, there to answer the matter to a nephew of one of his Cardinals, upon whom he had bestowed the said dignity whereunto the king maketh answer. Quod citationes huiusmodi & illorum executio & c i That if such citations and the execution of the same should proceed to the impeachement of our kingly jurisdiction, and to the prejudice of our lawful inheritance and the honour of our crown (especially of the deciding of such matters which principally concern our estate, should be prosecuted in any other place then within this our Realm by any manner of ways. etc.) Certes, although we ourselves would wink thereat, or through sufferance permit matters so to pass our hands: yet the states and nobles of our kingdom, who upon allegiance are obliged and sworn to the protection and defence of the dignity of the crown of England, will in no wise suffer our right and the laws of the land so to be violated.  
Besides this, the foresaid pope wrote to the king, complaining that by certain councillors of king Edward his father lying sick, utterly ignorant thereof, a certain restraint was given out, charging his nuncios and Legates (whom he had sent for the gathering of the first fruits of the benefices vacant within the realm) not hereafter to intermeddle therewith. etc. whereunto the king maketh answer. Gidelicet. Pater Sanctis. Datum fuit vobis intelligi. etc.  
In English thus.  
Most holy Father, it hath been given you to understand otherwise then the truth of the matter is: for most true it is in deed that the foresaid inhibition was ratified by good act of Parliament holden at Karlin, upon certain causes concerning the execution of such collections (the said our father not only being not ignorant, but also witting, willing, and of his own mere knowledge agreeing to the same) in the presence not only of his own Earls, Barons, and states, and commons of the Realm, but also your legates and leigers being called thereunto.  
Item, upon other letters brought from the Pope to the king, for the installing of one Peter de Subaudia his kinsman into the Bishopric of Worcester being then vacant, and withal requiring that if the said Peter would not accept thereof, the election should be referred to the Prior and Covent of the same place. The king therewith grieved, maketh answer by his letters to the Pope and sundry his Cardinals. Quod cum electiones de futuris prelatis in ecclesiis Cathedral. etc. That for so much as elections of prelate's to be placed in cathedral churches within his kingdom, are not to be attempted without his licence first had and obtained. etc. Therefore he could not abide that any such strange and unaccustomed reservations should or could take place in his Realm without manifest prejudice of his kingly estate, requiring further that he would not cause any such novelties to be brought in into his kingdom, contrary to that which his ancestors before him have accustomed to do.  

Anno. 1310.  Thus the time proceeded, & at length the Parliament appointed came. An. 1310. which was the fourth of this king's reign. The articles were drawn by the nobles to be exhibited to the king, which articles were the same contained In magna charta, and de foresta above specified: with such other articles as his father had charged him with before: to wit, that he should remove from him and his Court, all aliens and perverse counsellors. And that all the matters of the common wealth should be debated by common counsel of the Lords both temporal and spiritual: and that he should stir no war out of England in any other foreign realm, without the common assent of the same. etc. The king perceiving their intent to be, as it was in deed, to sunder Peter Gaveston from his company: and seeing no other remedy: but needs must yield and grant his consent, agreed that the said Gaveston should be banished into Ireland. And so the Parliament breaking up, the Lords returned to their own, well appeased: although of the other articles they could not speed, yet that they had driven Peter Gaveston out of the Realm, at this time, it did suffice them.  
This Peter Gaveston was a certain Gentleman's son of Wasconie: 
Peter Gaveston.  whom being young, king Edward the first (for the good service, his father had done him in his wars) received to his Court, and placed him with his son Edward now reigning. Who, in process of time growing up with him, incensed and provoked him to much outrage and wantonness. By whose occasion first he began in his father's days, to break the park of Walter bishop of Chester, than Chancellor of England, and after executor to the king. For the which so doing, the king (as is partly touched before) imprisoned his son, and condemned this Peter to perpetual banishment. Notwithstanding the young king, after the death of his father (as ye have heard) sent for this Gaveston again. And with all, so persecuted this foresaid Bishop, that he clapped him in the tower, and seized upon all his goods. Moreover, caused most straight inquisition to be made upon him for guiding his office, wherein if the least crime might have been found, it would have cost him his life. And thus much of Peter Gaveston, and of his origine. Now to the matter.  
The king thus separated from his old compeer (that is from the company of Peter Gaveston, 
The unordinate affection of the king to Peter Gaveston.  now exiled into Ireland) continued in great mourning and pensiveness, seeking by all means possible, how to call him home again, and conferring with such as were about him upon the same. Who did insinuate to the king, that for somuch as the Earl of Gloucester was a man well loved and favoured in all the realm, if a marriage might be wrought betwixt his sister and Peter Gaveston: It might be a mean both for him to obtain more friendship, and for the king to have his desire. To make short, Peter Gaveston in all haste was sent for, & the marriage through the kings procuring, proceeded between the Earl's sister, and the foresaid Peter, albeit sore against the Earl's mind. 
The pride of Peter Gaveston.  Gaveston thus restored and dignified, was so surprised in pride and exaltation, more than ever before: that he disdained & derided all other, whose rule & power more & more increased. In somuch, that he having the guiding of all the king's jewels & treasure, conveyed out of the kings jewel house at Westminster a table & a pair of trestles of gold, unto certain merchants beyond the sea, with other jewels ●o to his behoof: to the great impoverishing both of the king & Queen, and of the land. And over all that, brought the king (by mean of his wanton conditions) to manifold vices, 
Peter Gaveston spoileth the kings treasure.  as adultery, and such other like. Wherefore, the Lords seeing the mischief that daily increased by occasion of this unhappy man: took their counsel together at Lyncolne, and there concluded to void him again out of England, so that shortly after he was exiled again, 
The queen complaineth to the french king her Father of Peter Gaveston.  and went into Flaunders: for in France or his own country he durst not appear, for fear of Philip the French king, to whom the Queen of England his daughter had sent over great complaints, of the said Gaveston: who had so impoverished her & the whole Court, that she had not wherewith to maintain her state. Upon which complaint, the French king through all his dominions laid straight watch to apprehend the said Gaveston: but he not unwarned thereof, 
Gaveston again excluded out of the land.  secretly coasted into Flaunders, from whence it was not long, but he was fet again by the king, as in further process followeth: so much was the kings hart infatuated by this wicked person.  
About this year, or the next before came in first the crouched Friars. 
The crouched Friars. The knights of S. john, called the knights of the Rhodes.  And also began first the knights of the order of S. john Baptist, otherwise called the knights of Rhodes: for that they, by manly knighthood put out the Turks from the Isle of Rhodes.  
In the history of king Edward this kings father before precedent, mention was made of Pope Clement the 5. who succeeded after Benedict: also of putting down of the templaries, which in this year happened by the means of the French king: 
Templaries burned at Paris, to the number of ●●. The order of the Templarie put down. The horrible sect of the Templaries.  who as he caused to be burned in the City of Paris this year, 54. Templaries, with the great master of the same order: so by his procurement the foresaid Pope Clement called a Council at Uienna, where the whole order and sect of Templaries being condemned, was shortly after by the consent of all Christian kings deposed all in one day. After whom, the French king thought to make his son king of jerusalem, and to convert to him all the lands of the said Templaries: But Clement the Pope would thereto not agree transferring all their lands to the order of hospitulers, for the great sum of money given for the same. The cause why these impious Templaries were put down was so abominable and filthy that for the reverence of chaste ears it were better not told if it be true that some write.  
another matter worthy to be noted of like abomination I thought here to inserte touching a certain Noonery in France called Provines, within the which at the cleansing and casting of a fishpond were found many bones of young children and the bodies also of some infants as yet whole vnconsumed: upon occasion whereof divers of the Nuns of the said Nunnery to the number of 27. were had to Paris, and there imprisoned, what became of them afterward I find not in mine author. Arpontacus Burdegalensis.  
In the the same Counsel also was decreed by the said Clement, that all religious orders exempted, should be subject under the common laws as other were. 
Cistercian Monks for money redeem their exemptions of the pope.  But Cistercian Monks with money and great gifts, redeemed their privileges and exemption of the pope, and so had them granted Tho. Wals. These Cistercians sped better herein, then did the Minorites of Franciscans in their suit. Of the which Franciscans, when certain of them had offered unto the said Pope Clement 40. thousand florences of gold, beside other silver, 
The friars minorites deceived of Pope Clement. Ex Chron. Th●. Wals. One thief be guileth mother.  that the Pope would dispense with them to have lands and possessions against their rule: the Pope asked them where was that money? They answered, in the merchant men's hands. So the space of three days being given them to bring forth these merchants: the P. absolved the merchants of their bond made to the Friars, and commanded all that money to be employed and reverted to his use. Declaring to the Friars, that he would not infringe or violate the rule of S. Francis lately canonised: neither ought he to do it for any money. And thus the beggarly rich Friars lost both their money and their indulgence. Ex eodem autore. 
Pope Clement excommunicateth the Venetians for making a duke.   
Concerning this pope Clement the 5. Sabellicus writeth that he excommunicated the Venetians, for aiding and preferring of Azoda, unto the estate of Ferrary: and wrote his letters throughout all Europe, condemning them as enemies of the Church, and giving their goods as a lawful pray unto all men, which caused them to sustain great harm. But Francis Dandulus a Noble man of Venice being Ambassador from the Venetians to the said Clement, for the obtaining of their absolution and safeguard of their City and country, 
The pride and tyranny of Pope Clement. 5. Francis Dádulus humbleth himself for his country. Out of Sabellie and is alleged in the book named the Image of tyranny. The piety of Dandulus to his country. Piety thankfully rewarded. Rob. Winchelsey returned home from banishment. Anno. 1311. The counting of the year was in the old time from Michaelmas to the same day again.  and for the pacifying of the pope's fury toward them, was fain so to humble himself before this proud tyrannical Prelate, that he suffered a chain of iron to be tied about his neck, and so he lie down flat before his table, and so to catch the bones & fragments that fell from his table, as it had been a dog, till the Pope's fury was toward them assuaged: So that after that, he in reproach (because he so humbled himself for the behalf and helping of his country) was of some called a dog. But the City of Venice showed themselves not unkind again to Dandulus for his gentle good will declared to his country. For as he had abased himself before the vile and ignominious condition of a dog for his Country's sake: so they extolled him with as much glory again being returned home, decking and adourning him after the best array, with the chief princely ornaments of the City, to make him amends for his former reproach received. Sabel Ennead. 9 li. 7  
Concerning the Constitutions of this pope Clement, and of his decretals and Clementines: and how Henricus the Emperor in his days was poisoned in receiving of the Sacrament, ye have heard before. About this time Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury (whom this kings father had banished before) was released and returned home from Rome.  
Those things thus declared, let us proceed (by the lords grace) to the next year, which is of the Lord. 1311. & the fifth year after this king's reign. In the which year counting the year from Michelmasse, to the same feast again, as then the usage of the Realm was: Peter Gaveston, who had wandered the countries about, & could find no safe resting place (notwithstanding he was utterly banished, upon forfeiting life and goods out of the realm, yet trusting upon the kings favour, and the good will of the Earl of Gloucester, whose sister he had married) secretly returning into England with a certain company of strangers: presented himself to the kings sight. At the beholding of whom, the king for joy ran to him, and imbracinge him, 
Ex Chron. The. Wals.  did not only retain him: but also for his sake undid all such acts as had been in the Parliament before, enacted. The Queen and the whole Court seeing this doting of the king, made an heavy Christenmas. After this return of Gaveston was noised among the commons, the Pieres and Nobles of the Realm were not a little stirred, casting with themselves, what way were best to take. If he were suffered still they saw not only themselves rejected, but also that the Queen could not enjoy the love of the King, neither could there be any quietness in the Realm. Again, to stir up war in the land, it were not the best: to vex or disquiet the king, also they were afraid. But for as much as they could not abide, all the nobility so to be thrust out and vilepended for the love of one stranger, & also the realm so to be spoiled and impoverished by the same: This way they took, that Thomas Earl of Lancaster, should be elected among them the chieftayn and chief doer in that business: to whom all other Earls and Barons, and prelates also did concordly condescend & consent, 
The Archb. of Cant excommunicateth the Bish. of Coventry for holding with Peter Gaveston.  except only walter Bishop of Coventry, whom Robert the Archbishop therefore afterward did excommunicate. which Thomas of Lancaster by the public assent of the rest, sent to the King (lying then at York) humble petions, in the name aswell of the whole Nobility, as of the commons: Desiring his grace to give the foresaid Gaveston unto them, or else according to the ordinance of the Realm, that the land might be avoided of him. But the tyrannious king, who set more by the amour of one stranger than by his whole realm beside: neither would hearken to their counsel, nor give place to their supplications: But in all hasty fury, removed from York to Newcastle, where he remained almost till midsummer.  
In the mean season, the Barons had gathered an host of sufficient and able soldiers, coming toward Newcastle: not intending any molestation against the king, but only the execution of the laws upon wicked Gaveston. The king not having wherewith to resist their power: removeth in all speedy manner to Thinmouth, where the Queen lay. And hearing there that Newcastle was taken: taketh shipping and saileth from thence (notwithstanding the Queen there being great with child, with weeping tears and all instance, desireth him to tarry with her as safely he might) but he nothing relenting to her, took Peter his compiere with him, and coasted over to the Castle of Scarbrough, 
Peter Gaveston taken of the nobles.  where he leaving Peter Gaveston to the safe keeping of his men, himself iournieth toward the coast beside warwike. The Lords hearing where Peter was, bendeth thither all their power: so that at length Gaveston seeing no remedy but he must needs come into their hands yieldeth and submitteth himself: 
The king entreateth for Gaveston.  requiring none other condition, but only that he might talk but a few words with the king in his presence. Thus Gaveston being apprehended, the king hearing thereof, sendeth unto the Lords, requiring his life to be spared: and that he might be brought to his speech, and so promised, that in so doing he would satisfy their minds and requests, whatsoever. About this, advisement was taken: but then the Earl of Penbroke hearing the kings promise, persuaded the Barons to grant unto his petition: promising himself, upon losing all his lands to take their charge upon him to be brought unto the kings speech, and so to be recommitted to them again. Which when he had obtained, he taketh Peter Gaveston with him, to bring him where the king lay. And so coming to Dedington, not far from Warwick, leaveth him in the keeping of his soldiers, 
Guy of Warwick.  while he that night went to his wife, being from thence not far of.  
The same night it chanced, Guido the Earl of Warwick to come to the same place where Gaveston was left: who taking him out of the hands of his keepers, carrieth him to the Castle of Warwick, 
Peter Gaveston again apprehended by Gwy of Warwick.  where incontinent they would have put him to death: but doubting and fearing the king's displeasure, a little they stayed. At what time one of the company (a man of sage and wise counsel as mine author writeth) standing up among them with his grave Oration declareth the nature of the man, the wickedness of his own condition, the realm by him so greatly endamaged, the nobles despised and rejected, the pride and ambition of the man intolerable, the ruin of things like to ensue by him, and the great charges and expenses they had been at in so long pu●●●ing and getting of him. And now being gotten and in their hands, he exhorteth them so to use and take the occasion now present: that hereafter being out of their hands, they afterward might seek, and should not find it.  

Peter Gaveston beheaded.  Briefly, in such sort he persuaded the hearers, that forthwith he was brought out, and by common agreement beheaded in a place called Blakelow, which place in other stories I find to be called Gaveshed, 
The corpses of Peter Gaveston buried in the kings Manor of Langley.  but that name (as I think was derived upon this occasion, afterward. And thus he, that before had called the Earl of Warwick the black dog of Ardeine, was thus by the said dog worowed as ye have heard. etc. His carcase, the Dominicke Friars of Oxford had in their Monastery interred the space of two years: but after that, the king caused the said carcase to be taken up and buried within his own Manor of Langley.  
After this, great disturbance began to rise between the king and the Lords: who having their power lying about Dunstable, sent stout messenge unto the king at London, to have their former acts confirmed. Gilbert Earl of Gloucester the kings nephew (who neither did hold against the king nor yet against the Nobles) with the Bishops and Prelates of the Realm: went between both parties with great diligence, to make unity. At which time also came 2. Cardinals from Rome, with letters sent unto them from the Pope. The Nobles answered to the message of the Cardinals, lying then at Saint Albans: that as touching themselves they should be at all times welcome to them: But as touching their letters (forasmuch as they were men vulettered, 
The Nobles of England cared not for the pope's letters.  and only brought up in war and feats of arms) therefore they cared not for seeing the same. Then message was sent again, that they would grant at least but to speak with the pope's legates, which purposely came for the intent to set quiet and unity in the Realm. They answered again, 
The Pope's Legates not admitted of the Nobles of England.  that they had bishops both godly and learned, by whose counsel they would be led only and not by any strangers, who knew not the true cause of their commotion. And therefore they said precisely, that they would no foreigners or aliens to be doers in their business, and affairs pertaining the realm. Yet notwithkanding, through the mediation of the Archbishop, and of the Earl of Gloucester: the matter at length was so taken up, that the Barons should restore to the king, or his attourny of S. Albans, all the treasure, horses, and jewels of the foresaid Gaveston taken at Newcastle, and so there requests should be granted. And so was the matter at time composed.  
Shortly upon the same, Isabella the Queen was delivered of a fair child at Windsor, whom jews the French kings son (the Queen's brother, with other Frenchmen there present) would to be called by the name of the French king: but the English Lords were contrary, willing him to be called by the name of Edward his father. At the birth of which Edward, great rejoicing was through all the land, and especially the king his father so much joyed thereat: that he begon daily more and more to forget the sorrow and remembrance of Gavestons' death, and was after that more agreeable to the will of his Nobles.  
Thus peace and concord between them began to be in a good toward ones: which more and more might have been confirmed in wearing out of time, had not Satan the author and sour of discord, 
Anno. 1312. The king ruled by foreign counsel.  stirred up his instruments (certain Frenchmen, Titinyllars, and makebates about the king) which ceased not in carping and depraving the Nobles, to inflame the kings hatred & grudge against them. By the exciting of whom, the old quarrels being renewed a fresh, the king in his Parliament called upon the same: began to charge the foresaid Barons and Nobles with sedion and rebellion, & for slaying Peter Gaveston. Neither were the nobles less stout again in defending their cause declaring that they in so doing had deserved rather thank and favour with the king than any displeasure, in vanquishing such a public enemy of the Realm, who not only had spoiled and wasted the kings substance, but also raised much disturbance in the realm. And for as much as they had begun with the matter to their so great labours & expenses: they would proceed further, they said, not ceasing till they saw an end thereof. To be short, great threats there were on both parts, and a fowl matter like to have followed. But again through the diligent mediation of the Queen, 
Makebates about the king. Mediation for making peace.  the Prelates, and the foresaid Earl of Gloucester: the matter was taken up and brought to reconcilement upon these conditions, that the Lords and Barons openly in Westminster hall should humble themselves before the king, 
The king reconciled again with his nobles.  and ask pardon there of their doings, and every man there to receive a letter of the king's pardon, for their indemnity, and assurance. And so passed over that year, within the which year died Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury. In whose room, Thomas Cobham was elected by the king and church of Canterbury to succeed: but the Pope, cassating that election, placed Walter Reynald Bishop of Worceter.  
In the mean time, the Scots hearing this civil discord in the Realm, began to be busy, and to rebel of new through the means of Robert Brius: who being chased out of Scotland, 
Anno. 1313. What discord doth in a common weal. The Scot● rebel against the realm of England.  by king Edward the first, as is above premised, into Norway, was now returned again into Scotland: where he demeaned him in such sort to that Lords there: that in short process he was again made king of the Realm: And warred so strongly upon them that took the kings part: that he wan from them many Castles and strong holds, and invaded the borders of England. The K. hearing this, assembleth a great power, and by water entereth the Realm of Scotland. Against whom he encountered Robert de Bruys with his Scots at Estrivallin, where was fought a strong battle: in the end whereof, the Englishmen were discomfited, & so eagerly pursued by the Scots, that many of the Noble men were slay ne, as the Earl of Gloucester, Sir Robert Clifford, Sir Edmund Maule with other Lords to the number of 4.2. 
English men overcome by the Scottses.  & knights and Barons 227. besides men of name, which were taken prisoners: of common soldiers 10. thousand, or after the Scotish story 50. thousand slain. After which time, sir Robert Bruis reigned as king of Scotland.  
About which time and in which year, 
Pope Clement never late in the sea of Rome  died Pope Clement, who keeping in the realm of France, never came to the sea of Rome: after whose death the Papacy stood void two years.  
The Scots after this exalted with pride and fierceness invaded the realm of England so ●ore killing & destroying man, 
Ann. 1314.  and woman, and child: that they came wyning & wasting the Northpartes as far as to York. Besides this, such dearth of victuals, and penury of all things so oppressed the whole land, 
Miserable death and famine in England.  such murrain of sheep and Oxen: as men were fain to eat horseflesh, dogs, cats, mice, and what else they could get. Moreover, such a price of corn followed withal, that the king hardly had bread, for the sustentation of his own household. Moreover some there were that stall children and did eat them, and many for lack of virtual died. And yet all this amended not the king of his evil living.  
The cause and origen of this great dearth was, 
A description of an horrible famine in the realm of England.  partly the wars and dissension between them and the Scots: whereby a great part of the land was wasted. But the chiefest cause was, the untemperate season of the year, which contrary to the common course, was so moist with abundance of rain: that the grain laid in the earth could have no riping by heat of the sun, nor grow to any nourishment. Whereby, they that had to eat, could not be satisfied with saturity, but eftsoons were as hungry again. They that had nothing, 
Ex Chron. Tho. Wals. in vita Edward●. 2.  weve driven to steal and rob: the rich were constrained to avoid and diminish their households: the poor for famine died. And not so much the want of victual which could not be gotten, as the unwholesomnes of the same when it was taken, so consumed the people: that the quick were not suficient to bury the dead. For the corruption of the meats, by reason of unseasonableness of the ground, was so infectious: that many died of the frixe, many of hot fevers, divers of the pestilence. And not only the bodies of men thereby were infected, but also the bea●es by the putrefaction of the herbs and grass fell in as great a morain: so farforth, as the eating of flesh was suspect & thought contagious. A quarter of corn and salt, from the month of june to September grew from 30. s. unto 40. s. The flesh of horses was then precious to the poor. Many were driven to steal fat dogs and to eat them: some were said in secret corners to eat their own children. Some would steal other men's children to kill them and eat them privily. The prisoners and thieves that were in bands, such as newly were brought in unto them, for hunger fell upon them, and tearing them in pecces did eat them half alive Briefly, this extreme pemiry had extincted and consumed (as it was thought) the greatest part of the people of the land: ha d not the king by the statute of the Londoners given forth commandment through all his land, that no corn should at that time be turned to the making of drink. Such a Lord is God, thus able to do where he is disposed to strike. And yet we miserable creatures, in our wealth and abundance will not surcease daily to provoke his terrible majesty.  
But let us return to the order again of our story. 
The Scots driven out of Ireland.  After the Scots had thus plagued miserably (as ye have heard) the Realm of England: they invaded also Ireland where they kept and continued war the space of 4. years. But in fine, the Irishmen (by aid sent to them from England) quit themselves so well: that they banquished the Scots, and slew Edward Bruys, and many of the Nobles of Scotland with many other, and drove the residue out of the country.  

Anno. 1317.  The king about the 12. year of his reign, assembled a new host and went into Scotland, where he laid siege to Barwike. But in the mean time, the Scots by an other way, invaded the marches of yorkshire, robbing and harieng the country, that they slew much people. Wherefore, the Archbishop of of York, and other abbots, Pryors, Clerks, with husbandmen: assembled a great company, and gave them battle at a place called Mytton, 
The white battle of the spiritual men in York●●ire.  where the Englishmen were discomfited and many of them slain: but the Archbishop, and the Abbot of Selby, and divers other there escaped. But because there were so many spiritual men there slain, it was called therefore the white battle. By reason whereof, the king hearing of this, and partly because winter did approach, was constrained to break up his siege, and so returned not without great danger.  

The two Spensers.  At this time the two Spensers (Sir Hugh Spenser the father, and Hugh Spenser the son) were of great power in England, and by the favour of the King practised such cruelty, and bore themselves so haughtely and proud: that no Lord of this land might gainsay them in any thing that they thought good, whereby they were in great hatred and indignation both with the nobles, and the commons, no less than Peter Gaveston was before.  
Soon upon this, came two Legates from Rome, sent by pope john the 22. 
Two legates seat from Rome. The Pope's pillage. The Pope's legates spoiled of all their ill gotten treasure. The Pope's curse contemned of the Scots. The Clergy of England denieth to contribute to the pope's legates.  under the pretence to set agreement between England and Scotland: who for their charges and expenses, required of every spiritual person iiij. d. in every mark. But all their labour nothing availed: For the Legates as they were in the North parts (about Derlinghton) with their whole family and train: were rob and despoiled of their horses, treasure apparel, and what else they had, and with an evil favoured handling, retired back again to Duresine, where they said a while waiting for an answer from the Scots. But when neither the pope's Legacy nor his curse would take any place with the Scots: they returned again to London, where they first excommunicated and cursed as black a s soot, all those arrogant and presumptuous robbars of Northumberland. Secondly, for supplying of the losses received, they exacted of the Clergy to be given and paid unto them viij. d. in every mark. But the clergy thereunto would not agree, seeing it was their own covetovines (as they say) that made them venture farther than they needed. Only they were contented to relieve them after iiij. d. in a mark as they promised before, further they would not grant. whereof the king being advertised, and taking part with his clergy, directeth his letters to the said Legates in form as followeth Rex Magistro Rigando. etc.  
REX Magistro rigando de Asterio (canonico Aurelian. Salutem etc. In English thus.  

A prohibition against strange taxes & impositions.  The king to master Rigand of Asserio (Canon of Aurelia greeting. We have taken notice of the clamours and lamentable petitions of the subjects of our Realm, perceiving by the same that you practise many and sundry inconveniences very strange: never heretofore accustomed nor heard of in this our realm, aswell against the Clergy and ecclesiastical persons as against the layrie even to the utter oppression and impoverishing of many our liege people which if should be winked at (as God forbidden) may in process of time be occasion of greater perils to ensue whereat we are (not without cause) moved, and not a little grieved. We forbidden you therefore that from henceforth you practise not, ne presume in any case to attempt any thing within this our Realm either against our Clergy or laity, that may any manner of way tend to the prejudice of our Royal person or of our Crown and dignity Regal, witness the king at wyndsoure the vi. day of February in the xi. year of his reign. Per Concilium.  
Likewise in the same year the said king writeth to the same effect to the Archbishop of Caunterbury as followeth Rex venerabili in Christo Patri. W. eadem gra. Archiepiscopo Cant. In English thus.  
The king to the reverend father in God. W. by the same grace Archbishop of Canterbury 1. primate of England greeting. We are credibly informed by many our subjects that certain strange impositions never heard of before within any our dominions upon lands & tenements, goods and cattles concerning testaments and cases of matrimony are brought into our Realm to be executed upon our subjects by you or some others which if should proceed to execution, would manifestly tend to the disherison of our Crown, impeachment of our Crown and dignity Regal and the intolerable damage of the subjects of our realm (and to the due preservation of the which you are bound by solemn oath of allegiance) we therefore command and straightly charge you, that you proceed not in any case to the execution of any such letters either in your own person nor by any other, nor yet presume by colour of the same to attempt any thing that may be prejudicial or hurtful to our Crown or dignity Regal. And if you or any other in your name have done or attempted any thing by colour of the same, that ye call back and revoke the same forthwith without delay. Witness the King at Shene the xvii. of February the xi. year of his reign.  
Peripsum Regem.  
The like letters in effect were directed to the Archbishop of York, and to every other Bishop through England. By force of which letters the greedy Legates being restrained of their ravening purpose taking what they could get, and setting a peace (such as it was) between the king and the Earl of Lancaster were fain to pack. Besides the restraint above mentioned for strange impositions there followeth moreover the same year the king's prohibition for the gathering of Peter Pence directed to the foresaid Legate the Tenor whereof followeth.  

A prohibition of Peter Pence.  
Rex magistro Rigando etc. In English thus. The king to master Rigand of Asserio Canon of Aurelia greeting. 
A prohibition for paying the Pope's Peter pence.  We are given to understand that you do demand and purpose to levy the Peter Penny within our Realm otherwise then the said Peter Peny hath been heretofore accustomed to be levied in the time of any our progenitors exercising herein grievous censures ecclesiastical to the great annoyance and damnifying of the subjects of our Realm for present remedy whereof our loving subjects have made their humble supplication unto us. And for as much as the said Peter Peny hath been hitherto accustomed to be gathered and levied upon lands and tenements within our Realm after a dew manner and form We not willing that any such unaccustomed Impositions shall in any wise be made upon the lands and Tenements of any our subjects within our dominions: Prohibit you upon grievous pain strai ghtly charging that in no wise you presume to exact gather or levy the said Peter Penny in any other form or manner than hath been heretofore accustomed to be gathered and levied in the time of our progenitors or since the beginning of our reign: until further order be taken in our high Court of Parliament by the advise of the Nobles and Peers of our realm, such as may well be taken without prejudice of our Crown and damage of subjects. Witness the king at Westminster the first day of march.  
Per ipsum Regem & Consilium.   
To the same effect letters were directed to the Archbishops, Deans, Archdeacon's and the rest of the clergy. Touching the first original of which Peter pence though mention be made before in the life of king Offa and others: yet to make a brief recapitulation of the same according to the Rolls as they come, to our hands thus it followeth. De Denarijs beati petri sic scriptum. etc. That is to say: It is thus found recorded in ancient Chronicles touching the Peter pence of S, Peter, 
Read before so the lives of king Offa, and king Adelwulfe.  an. 187. Offa king of Mercia traveled up to Rome in the time of the Pope Adrian the first to obtain the Canonizing of S. Albone. And having performed his vow, visiting the College of English Students which then flourished in Rome, did give to the maintenance of the scholars of England Students in Rome, one penny out of every Tenement within this Realm that had land belonging to the same, amounting to the yearly value of 30 pence. And for this his munificence he obtained of Pope Adrian that no person within his dominions public repenting him for not performing enjoined penance should therefore be banished.  
Anno Domini. 857. Adewulfus Rex Westsaxonium tempore Leonis Papae quarti Rome, singulis annis 300. Mancusas portari precepit, taliter dividendas ibidem Viz. 100 Mancusas' in honoré scilicet petri specialiter ad emendum oleum, quo impletétur omnia Luminaria ecclesiae Apostolicae in vespera paschae & in galli cantu: & 100 mancusas in honorem scilicet Pauli eisdem de causis. 100 preterea mancusas precepit exhiberi universali Pape ad suas Eleemosinas ampliandas. Et sciendum quod secundum antiquorum Anglorum interpretationem differunt mancusa, & mancaiquia mancusa idem erat apud eos quod marca argentes: Mancha vero erat moneta aria quadra, & valebat communiter 30. denarios argenteos.  
Of which Peter Pence is found a transcript of the original Rescript Apostolical, the Tenor whereof is this. Gregorius Episcopus servus servorum Dei venerabilibus fratribus Cantuar, & Ebor. Archiepiscopis & eorum suffraganeis & dilectis filijs Abbatibus, prioribus, Archidiaconis eorumque officialibus per regnum Angliae constitutis, ad quos literae istae pervenerint salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem. Qualiter denarij beati petri, qui debentur Camere nostrae colligantur in Anglia, & in quibus Episcopatibus & dioces debeantur, ne super hoc dubitari contingat, & presentibus fecimus annotari, sicut in Registro sedis Apostlicae continetur, De Cantuar. diocese. 7. l. 1●. 5. sterlingorum. De London diocese 16. l. 10. s de Rossens. diocese. u.l. 12. s De Norwicens. diocese 21. l. 10.5. De Elienum v. l. De Lincol. 42. l. De Cistrens. 8. l. De Winton. 17. l. 6. s. 8. d. De Exon. 9 l. 5. s. De Wigorne 10. l. 5. s. De Hereforde 6. l. De Bathon. diocese 12. l. 5. s. De Saref burr 17. l. De Coventre. 10. l. 5. s. De Eboram. 11. l. 10. s. Datum apud Vrbem Veterem. 10. Kal. Maij. Pontificatus nostri. Anno secundo.   

Summa. 30. marce & dimidi.  
Concerning which Peter Pence it is touched in the laws of king Edward the Saint chap. 10. when where of whom under what pain this Peter Pence must be gathered being but the kings mere alms as is aforesaid. And thus much touching Peter Pennies. Now for other letters written by the k. to the Pope, the same year for other matters as craning the pope's help in compounding the variance betwixt the 2. Archibishaps of Cant. and York for bearing the cross from the one province to the other, thus it followeth that the king grievously complaineth quod tantae dissentiones. 1. that such hurly burly and uproar arose thereof that they could not meet together in one place through the great multitude of armed men assistants on both parts in the very bearing of the cross to the great disturbance of the people.  
Now after this long digression to turn to our English matters again mention was made before of the variance between the king and the Earl of Lancaster and of a peace concluded between them. But this peace did not long endure: which the king by his own default did break sending to the Scots a privy messenger) which was taken in the way) to have the foresaid Earl of Lancaster by their means, made away, etc.  

The pride of the Spensers.  In the mean time, the Lords and nobles of England detesting the outrageous pride of the Spensers, whereby they wrought daily both great dishonour to the king and hindrance to the common weal: in such wise conspired against them, that gathering their power together, they made are quest to the king, that he should remove the Spensers from his person. For the which, there was a Parliament called at London, & the Barons came together with a great company. At which Parliament both the Spensers were banished the land for term of their lives: and they took shipping at Dover and so voided the land. But it was not long after, but the king (contrary to that ordinance made in the Parliament) sent for the Spensers again, and set them in high authority, & ruled all things after their sensual appetites, nothing regarding justice nor the cominon wealth. Wherefore, the Barons intending again to reform this mischief, assembled their powers: but the king (making so hasty speed, and gathering his people so soon) was stronger than they, & pursued them so in divers places: that the Barons not fully joined together (some flying, & some departing to the king, some slain by the way) in the end were chased so eagerly: that in short space, the foresaid Thomas Earl of Lancaster was taken & put to death in the rest of the nobility, to the number of 22. of the greatest men, and chicfest Captains of this realm. Of whom only, Thomas Earl of Lancaster for the nobility of his blood, 
Anno. 1321. That Thomas Earl of Lancaster came of Edmund, younger son of K. Henry. 3.22. of the greatest nobility of the realm, put to death by the king.  was beheaded: All the other Lords and Barons, were hanged drawn & quartered. etc. which bloody unmercifulness of the king toward his natural subjects, not only to him procured great dishonour within the realm, but also turned afterward to his much more greater harm & hindrance, in his foreign wars against the Scots: And finally wrought his utter confusion and overthrow of his seat royal, as in the sequel of his end appeared, and worthily.  
After the ruin of these noble personages: the king as though he had gotten a great conquest (who then in deed began first to be overcomen and conquer himself, when he so oppressed and cut of the strength and sinews of his chivalry) began to triumph not a little with his Spensers: And to count himself sure as though he were in heaven, 
Anno. 1322. The cruel rejoicing of the king.  to exercise more sharp severity upon his subjects, trusting and committing all to the counsel only of the foresaid Spensers: in so much, that both the Queen and the residue of that other nobles could little be regarded. Who as they grew ever in more contempt with the king: so they increased in more hatred against the Spensers: but strength & ability lacked, to work there will.  
The next year, the king being at York, after he had made Sir Hugh Spencer earl, and Sir john Baldock a man of evil same to be Chancellor of England: 
Anno. 1323.  he then areared a mighty host against the Scots. But for lack of skilful guiding, 
The king distressed again in Scot land.  expert Captains, and for want specially of due provision of victuals necessary for such an army: the great multitude, to the number reckoned of an hundredth thousand (wandering through Scotland, from whence the Scots, had conveyed all their goods and cattle into moutaynes, and marches) were so pinched and starved with famine, that a great part of the army, there presently perished: and they that returned home, as soon as they tasted of in eats, escaped not. The king neither having resistance of his enemies, and seeing such a destruction of his subjects: was forced without any act done to retire. But in his retiring, Sir james Douglas and the Scots having knowledge thereof, pursued him in such wise: that they clue many English men, and had well near taken the king himself. After which distress, the king thus beaten and wearied with the Scots, would fain have joined in ●ruce with the Scots: but because they stood excommunicate by the pope he standing in fear thereof desireth licence to entreat with them of peace, the said excommunication notwithstanding which licence being obtained, a treaty was appointed by commissioners on both parts at Newcastle at the feast of Saint Nicholas next ensuing and so truce was taken for 12. years whereupon this is to be noted by the way (gentle reader) not unworthy of observation that whereas in former times and especially of the late king Edward the first, so long as the Scots were under the pope's blessing, and we in displeasure with his holiness for dealing with them, so long we prevailed mightily against them, even to the utter subversion in manor of their whole estate. But now so soon as the Pope took our part, & the Scots were under his curse and excommunication. Then got they greater victories against us then any time either before or sithence, in somuch as being before not able to defend themselves against us, they now pursued us into the bowels of our own country.  
The king purposing to erect a house of Friars Augustine's within the town of Boston in Lincolneshyre first prayed the pope's licence in that behalf.  
Polidorius Virgilius among other histories of our English nation which he intermeddleth withal, 
Polydoru Virgilius, an Itallan writer of our English stories.  prosecuting also the acts and life of this present King, and coming to write of the Queen's going over into France: inferreth much variety and diversity of authors and story writers, concerning the cause thereof. Otherwise, be giveth himself no true certainty of that matter, neither yet toucheth he the which was the cause in deed. By reason partly, that he being an Italian and a foreigner, could not understand our English tongue. And partly again being but one man neither could he alone come to the sight of all our Latin authors. One I am sure came not to his perusing, an old ancient Latin history fair written in patchment (but without name) belonging to the library of William carry Citizen of London. In which story, the truth of this matter rout all ambiguity is there fully and with all circumstances expressed, as here briefly is excerpted.  
The king of England had been divers & sundry times cited up to the Court of France, 
Anno. 1324.  to do homage to the French king, for the Dukedom of Aquitane & other lands which the king than held of France. Which homage because the king of England refused to tender: the French K. began to enter at such possessions as the king than did hold in France, Whereupon, great contention and confirtes there were on both sides. At length in this year now present, a Parliament was called at London. Where (after much altercation) at last it was determined: that certain should be sent over, to wit the Bishops of Winchester, and Norwich, and the Earl of Richmond, to make agreement betwixt the two kings. For the better help and fortification of which agreement, it was thought good afterward: that Queen Isabella, 
The queen put to her pension.  sister to Charles then the French king should be sent over. Where is to be noted first that the Queen's lands, possessions and castles a little before upon the breach between the French king and the King of England, were seized into the kings hands, and the Queen put to her pension. 
The queen sent to F. Sir Prince E●.  etc. Thus the Queen being sent over with a few, to attend upon her, only Sir john Cromwell Baron, and 4. knights, took their passage into France: by whose mediation, it was there concluded that the king of England (if he would not himself come to do his homage) he should give to his son Edward, the Dukedom of Aquitanie, and the Earldom of Pontine and so he to come to make his homage to the king, and to podesle the same. 
Prince Edward made duke of Aqutaine, and Earl of Pō●at.  This being in France concluded, was sent over by message to the king of England, with the kings letters patents adjoined for the sat conduct of him or of his son. Upon this, deliberation was taken in the counsel of England. But the two Spensers fearing to take the Seas either with the king, or else without the king to remain behind for scare of the nobles: so appointed, that Prince Edward the king's son was sent, which happened after to their utter desolation, as it followed. For all things being quieted & ordered according to the agreement in France, K. Edward of England soon after Michaelmas, sendeth for his wife and his son again out of France. 
The queen & the prince resuse to return into England.  But the sending home most part of her family, reinseth she to return. For what cause it is not fully certain, whether for indignation that her possessions and lands were seized to the King, as is afore premised: or whether for fear and hatred of the Spensers, as is likely: or else for love and familiarity of Sir Roger Mortimer. For here is to be noted, that the said Sir Roger Mortimer, with divers other of the Baron's part, which had broken prison in England, were fled before into France, and now resorted unto the Queen. 
The queen & the prince proclaimed ●●● tours in England.  The king seeing this, giveth forth in proclamation, and limitteth a certain day to the Queen and his son to return: or else to be proclaimed traitors to the King and to the Realm. Notwithstanding, the Queen persisting in her purpose, denieth to return, unless the other Nobles which were fled, might be permitted safely also to return with her. Whereupon, the king immediately caused them both to be proclaimed traitors; and all them that took their parts.  
Here then began great hatred between king & king, between the king & the Queen, much preparation of war great spoiling on the sea, much sending between the pope & them, but that would not serve. Then the K. (by the counsel of the Spensers) sendeth privily to procure the death of the Queen and of his son: 
The King conspired privily the death of the Queen and of his son.  which should be wrought by the execution of the Earl of Richmond, the Queens familiar. But as the Lord would, that imagination was prevented and utterly frustrate. Albeit, the Queen yet notwithstanding, whether misdoubting and fearing what corruption of ●ony might do in the court of France: or whether the French king being threatened by the king of England, and by the Pope, durst not detain her: she removed from thence, & was received with Edward her son joyously and honourably, in the Court or country of the Earl of Denawde, Where by means of such as were about her a marriage was concluded between the said Edward her son being of the age of 14. year, 
Anno. 1325.  and Philip the foresaid Earls daughter. When this was noised in Eng. divers men of honour & name came over to the Queen. 
Prince Edward betrothed to the Earl of Heynawdes' daughter.  And soon after the Earl of Daynawde prepared a crew of 5. hundred men of arms to set over the young Prince in his mother into England. Of this, the same sprang shortly through the realm. Wherefore, the K. in all defensable ways made proiusion to have the havens and ports of his land surely kept, for to resist the landing of his enemies. On the contrary side, the Queen with no less preparation provideth all things to her expedition necessary. Who when she saw her time, speeding herself to the Sea coast with Prince Edward her son, Lord Edmund Earl of Kent the King's brother, Sir Roger Mortimer, the Lord Hygmore and other exiles of England, accompanied also with the foresaid Hainawders, 
The queen returneth to England.  of whom Sir john Henawd the Earl's brother was Captain of Englishmen & strangers having with her, the nuumber of 2757. soldiers she took shipping in those parts, & had the wind so favourable, that they landed in England at a port called Orwel beside Harwich in Suffolk, 
The landing of the queen  in the Dominion of the Earl Marshal the month of September. To whom after her landing resorted Earl Martial, the Earl of Leicester, with other Baron's Knights, and Bishops also: namely of Lincoln, Hereforde, 
Anno. 1326.  Duresine, and Ely: The Archbishop of Caunterbury though he came not himself, yet sent his aid and money. Thus the Queen well furnished with plenty both of men and victual, setteth forward toward London: so that the further she came the more her number daily increased, and the kings power contrary, decreased, insomuch that as mine author affirmeth, 
The k. destitute of help and soldiers.  not one almost in all the Realm could be hyzed with any wages to fight on the kings behalf against the Queen. Neither did the Queen's army hurt any man or child, either in goods or any other thing, by the way.  

The answer of the Londiner to the king.  At the arriving of the Queen, the King was then in London, which first would not believe it to be true. Afterward (seeing and perceiving how it was) he asketh help of the Londoners. Who after mature abvisement; rendered this answer to the king again: that as touching the King, the Queen, and their son (the lawful heir of the kingdom) they were ready withal duty and service to honour and obey. As for strangers and traitors to the realm, they would receive none such within their City gates. Furthermore to go out of the City to fight, that they said they would not, 
The liberties of the city of London in going out to war.  unless it were so, that according to the liberties of their city, they might return home again before son set. The king hearing this answer (which liked him not well) fortifieth the Tower of London with men & victual: commieting the custody thereof to john Ealtham his younger son, and to the wife of Hugh Spenser his niece. And leaving Walter Stapleton Bysh. of Excter behind him to have the rule of the city of London: he himself hearing daily the great recourse of the people that drew to the Queen: For more safeguard to himself, fled with a small company Westward toward Wales. 
The king's proclamation.  But before his departing from London, he caused a proclamation to be made: wherein, all & singular persons were charged upon forteite of life & goods: every man with all his power to rile & muade the rebels & destroy them all, only the life of the Queen his son, and his brother reserved. Also that no man, upon pain pretaxate, should help, rescue, or relieve the said rebels, with goods, victuals, or any otherwise. Item, it was also proclaimed, 
The Queen's proclamation.  that whosoever would bring to the King the head and body either dead or alive of Sir Roger Mortimer: should have out of the kings coffers, W. pound.  
In contrariwise, the Queen setteth forth an other proclamation, wherein it was forbidden, to take spoil violently the value of any man's goods against the will of the owner, under pain of losing his finger, if it were 3. d. Of his hand, if it were 6. d. Of his head, if it were 12. d. Moreover who soever would bring to the Queen the head of Hugh Spencer the younger chopped off from his body: should receive for so doing of the Queen 2. thounsand pounds. This done, the Queen sendeth her letters to the City of London for aid and succont to subdue the oppressor of the Realm, to the which letters first no answer was made. Again, she wrote the second letter, which was then tacked upon the cross in Cheap, which was then called the new cross. The copy and tenor of which letter was this.  
The copy of a letter that the Queen sent unto the Mayor and Citizens of London.  
ISabell by the grace of God, 
The Queen's letter.  Queen of England, Lady of Ireland, and Countess of Pountif. And we Edward the first son of the King of England, Duke of Guyan, Earl of Chester, of pontiff, and of Mounstrell, to the Mayor and all the commonalty of London sendeth greeting.  
For as much as we have before this time sent to you by our letters, and how we come into this land in good array and good manner, for the profit of holy Church and of our right dear Lord and king, and all the Realm with all our might and strength, to keep and maintain the Realm as all good people ought for to do. Upon that we pray you and desire you that ye would be helping to us for the health and profit of the Realm, and we have had none answer of you, nor know not your will in that part. Wherefore we send to you again and pray you, & charge you, that ye beat you so against us, that ye have nor make no cause us to grieve, but that ye be to us helping in all the ways that you may. And were ye well in certain that we and also those that cometh with us into this realm, nothing for to done, but that shall be pleasing to God, and common profit to all the Realm. Not else, but for to destroy the Spensers, enemies to the Realm as ye well know. Wherefore we pray and charge you, in the faith that ye own to our Lord the king to the Crown and to us, and upon all that ye may forfeit, that if Hugh Spenser both the father and the son our enemies come within your power, that ye do them hastily to be take, & fastly kept, till we have ordained for them our will. And as ye desire profit and honour of us, and of the Realm. Understanding well if it be so that ye do our desire and prayer, we shall the more be beholden to you. And also we shall do you profit and worship if that ye send us hastily word again of our will. 
The Bishop of Exeter beheaded of the common at the staderd in Che●p●. The 〈◊〉 builded in Oxford 2. Colleges, Exeter Colleague, and Hart hall, whose name was Gu●lter Staplet●●.   
Given at Baldock the sixth day of October.  
These foresaid letters being published and perused, the Bishop of Exeter, to whom (as ye heard) was committed the rule of the City: sent to the Mayor for their keys of the gates, using so sharp words in the kings name: the variance began to kindle between him and the Citizens, so far forth that the commons in their rage took the foresaid Bishop and beheaded him and two of his household at that Standard in Cheap. Then the king went to Bristol, and ordained sir Hugh Spenser the father there to keep the Castle and the town: and the king with Hugh Spencer the son, and Sir Robert Baldock Chancellor, & the Earl of Arundel went into Wales. 
Hugh Spenser the father, taken and hanged in chain.  And the Queen so pursued them, that first they took the town yielded up to her: Then they took sir Hugh Spenser the father, whom being drawn, and torn, they at last hanged up at Bristol in chains of iron. As the king was thus flying, the queen caused to be proclaimed through her army, that the King should come and appear, and so to receive his kingdom again if he would be conformable to his liege subjects. Who when he did not appear, Prince Edward his son was proclaimed high keeper of the Realm.  

The king taken in Wales. Hugh Spenser the son taken and executed.  In the mean time Henry Earl of Lancaster, & brother to the good Earl Thomas which before was beheaded, also Lord William Souch, and M. Upphowell were sent by the Queen into Wales to pursue the king: & there took him, and sent him to the Castle of Kenelworth: And took Hugh Spenser the son, and Sir Robert Baldock Chancellor, and sir john Earl of Arundel, & brought them all to the town of Hereford, And anon after, Hugh Spenser the son was drawn and hanged on a gallows fifty foot high, and after beheaded, and quartered, whose quarters were sent into 4. quarters of the Realm. Sir john of Arundel was beheaded, sir Robert Baldock was put in Newgate at London, where shortly after he pined away and died among the thieves. This done, a Parliament was assembled at London, from whence message was sent to the King, that if he would resign up his Crown, his son should have it after him: If not, an other should take it to whom the lot would give it. Whereupon, the king being constrained to yield up his Crown to his son was kept in prison and after had to Barkley: 
A bill exhibited in the parliament house against king Edward the second.  where he is said to take great repentance. After this message being sent, and the king half condescending thereunto (the Parliament notwithstanding prosecuting and going forward) there was a bill exhibited and put up containing certain articles against the said King, then in prison in the Castle of Barkley, touching his misbehaviour and imprudent governing of the realm: which bill, openly before all the Lords and commons by the speaker of the Parliament house was read. 
King Edward deposed by consent of the parliament house, and his son Edw. chosen king.  After long consultation thereof amongst themselves touching those articles, and also for the better and more circumspect government of the Realm from that time forth: it was consulted and agreed upon by the Lords spiritual and temporal, and commons there assembled: that they said Edward was a man not meet to be their King, nor from that time forth any more to bear the Crown royal or title of a King. But that Edward his eldest son, who there in the same court of high Parliament was present, as he was rightful heir and inheritor thereunto: so should he be crowned king thereof in his father's stead, with these conditions thereunto annexed: That he should take wise, sage, and true Counsellors unto him. That the Realm might be better and more circumspectly governed: then before in the time of Edward his father it was: That the old King his Father should be honourably provided for and kept, so long as he lived, according as unto his estate it appertained. etc. These and other things thus finished and ended, the Parliament breaketh up, and all things necessary to the coronation of a Prince appertaining were in speedy wise prepared, whereof more hereafter (Christ willing) shallbe specified.  
In the mean time as touching the king which was yet in prison, it is thought by some writers: that the next year following by the means of sir Roger Mortimer, he was miserably slain, with a spit (as is said) being thrust up into his body, and was buried at Gloucester, after he had reigned nineteen. years.  

Michael house in Cambridge founded, Henry Staunton founder of Michael house in Cambridge. Nicolicus de Lyrd. Guilielmus Ocham.  In the time and reign of this King, the College of Cambridge called Michael house was founded and builded by Sir Henry Stanton Knight, to the use and increase of learning: a thing in a common wealth very profitable And necessary to be had, the want and need whereof, many sundry times, is sooner felt in this realm of ours, and other Realms abroad, then is the discommodity thereof, of most men commonly understood.  
About the same time also, was Nicholaus de Lyra, which wrote the ordinary gloze of the Bible. Also Gulielmus Oceham, a worthy divine, and of a right sincere judgement, as the times than would either give or suffer.  
In the tractation of this king's history, before was declared what grudge did kindle in the hearts of the Barons against the king, for revoking such acts and customs, as had been before in the Parliament established, both for Peter Gaueston, 
Tyranny odious to the people.  & for that two Spensers. Also what severe punishment the king did execute upon them for the same, in such cruel and rigorous sort, that as he spared none of them, whom he could there find: so he never ceased all his life after to inquire out and to be revenged of all such, as had been in any part or consenting to that matter. 
A spiritual Bul., called and arrested before a leculat judge.  For the which his extreme and implacable tyranny, he was in such hatred of all the people: that as he said, he could not find one of all the commons to take his part, when need required. Among all other which were for that matter troubled was one Adam Bishop of Hereford: who being unpeached of treason with other more, 
Ex Tho. Walsing.  was at length arrested in the Parliament, to appear and answer to that should be to him objected. Many things there were laid against him, for taking part with them that rose against the King with matters more and heinous rebukes etc. Whereunto, the Bishop a great while answered nothing.  
At length, 
The ●orm● of words, when any Bish doth challenge the privilege of the church against a secular judge.  the Bishop claiming the liberties and privileges of the Church, answered to the king in this form. The due reverence of your Princely majesty ever saved, Ego Sanctae Ecclesiae Dei minister humilis, membrum eius, & Episcopus consecratus licèt indignus ad tam ardua nequeo respódere nee debeo, absque D. Cant. Archiepiscopi post summum pontificem mei directi judicis, cuius etiam sum suffraganeus, autoritate, & aliorum parium meorum Episcoporum consensu. That is I an humble minister and member of the holy Church of God, and Bishop consecrate (albeit unworthy) cannot, neither aught to answer to these so high matters without the authority of the Archbishop of Caunterbury my direct judge, next under the high Bishop of Rome, whose suffragan also I am, and the consent likewise of the other my fellow Bishops. After which words by him pronounced, the Archbishop and other Bishops with him were ready to make humble intercession for him to the king, 
The Bishop rescued by the Clergy.  and did. But when the king would not be won nor turned with any supplication: the said Bishops together to the Archbishop and the Clergy, coming with their crosses: took him away, challenging him for the Church, without any more answer making: charging moreover, under the censures of the Church and excommunication, none to presume to lay any further hands upon him. 
The K. proceedeth in judgement against the B. the privileges of the church notwithstanding to the contrary.  The king moved with this boldness and stoutness of the clergy: commandeth notwithstanding to proceed in judgement, and the jury of 12. men to go upon the inquiry of his cause: who finding and pronouncing the Bishop to be guilty, the king caused immediately all his goods & possessions to be confiscate unto himself: moreover, made his plate and all his household provision to be thrown out of his house into the street, but yet he remained so still under the protection and defence of the Archbishop. etc. 
Simon Mepham archb. of Cant.   
This Archb. was Walter Winchelsey, after whom succeeded Simon Mepham in the same see of Caunterbury. an. 1327. Ex Thom. Walsingham.  
After pope Clement the 5. 
Pope john 22. a Mon●● Ciderc●an. A new solid heresy. Heresy with the Pope to say that Christ & the Apostles had no proper po●●e●sions here.  by whose decease the Romish see stood vacant (as ye heard) two years and 3. months next was elected Pope john 22. a Cistercian monk, who far in that papacy 18. years. He was stout and inflexible, given so much to the heaping of riches: that he proclaimed them heretics, which taught that Christ and his Apostles had no possessions of their own in this world.  
At this time was Emperor Ludonicus Bavarus, a worthy man: who with this Pope and other that followed him, had no less contention, than had Fredericus before mentioned in the time of king Henry the third. Insomuch that this contention and variance continued the space of 24. years. The cause and first origen of this tragical conflict, rose upon the constitution of Clement the 5. predecessor to this pope, by whom it was ordained as is afore mentioned, that Emperors by the German Princes elected, might be called kings of the Romans, but might not enjoy the title or right of the Empire to be nominated Emperor, 
Strife between the pope & the Emperor.  without their confirmation given by the Pope. Wherefore, this foresaid Emperor because he used the imperial dignity in Italy, before he was authorised by the pope: the said Pope therefore excommunicated the Emperor. And notwithstanding, the Emperor oftentimes did proffer himself to make entreaty of peace and concord, yet the Pope inflexible would not bend. The writings of both parts yet be extant, wherein the said Bishop doth make his avaunt: that he had full power to treat and depose kings and Emperors at his pleasure. In the same time were divers learned men, which seeing the matter: did greatly disallow the Bishop of Rome's doings, among whom was Guillerne Ocham, whose tractations were afterward condemned by the Pope, for writing against the temporal jurisdiction of their see. And an other named Marselius Patavius, which wrote the book entitled Defensor pacis, given up to the hands of the said Emperor, wherein the controversy of the Pope's unlawful iviurisdiction in things temporal is largely disputed & the usurped authority of that see set forth to the uttermost. It is found in some writers, that a great cause of this variance first began, for that one of the emperors secretaries, unknowing to the Emperor: in certain of his letters, had likened the Papal see to the beast rising out of the sea in the apocalypse. 
T●e Empe●●●r crowned against the will of the pope. Pope Bene●●tus 12. a Monk of Benedictes order. Ludovicus the Emperor deprivel and deposed by Pope Benedict. 12. A council at Frankford. The emperors protestation to the council of Germany.  At length, when the Emperor after much suit made to the pope at Auinion, could not obtain his coronation: coming to Rome, was there received with great honour, where he with his wife were both crowned by the full consent of all the Lords and Cardinals there, and moreover, an other pope there set up, called Nicholas the fift. After which things done, the Pope not long after departed at Auinion in France, after whom succeeded than Benedictus 12. a monk of benedict's order, and rained 7. years. Who by the counsel of Philip the French king confirmed and prosecuted the censures and cursings that john his predecessor had published against jews the Emperor: Moreover deprived him of his Imperial Crown, and also of his Dukedom of Bavaria. The Emperor upon this cometh to Germany, and assembling the Prince's electors, Dukes, Bishops, Nobles, and the learned in a council at Francford: there declared before them out of the ancient laws and customs of the Empire, how it standeth only in the Prince's electors, and in none other to elect the k. or the Emperors of the Romans (for in both these names was no difference) so that the same Electors in choosing the king of the Romans, did also elect and choose the Emperor, which Emperor so by them constitute had lawful right, without any information of the Apostolical see, to exercise the administration of the Empire. And if he were lawfully elect, aught to be anointed of the Roman Bishop: which if he do refuse, than might he be anointed and declared Emperor and Augustus by any other Catholic Bishop thereunto appointed (as by the old manner and custom hath been) especially seeing these injunctions, are but certain solennities added and invented by the bishops, only for a token of unity between the church & Empire, to govern and defend the faith together. Wherefore in that the Emperor sweareth to the bish. 
Ex Hiero●. Mario. Elex Crā●●●.  of Rome: in that is to be understand no homage or fealty made to the Bishop, but only is a Sacrament & a promise given to defend the faith. The which oath or sacrament so given, giveth no majority to the Pope in any temporal rule, but only bindeth the Emperor to be priest and ready to defend the faith & church of Christ, when need shall require obedience. Wherefore, where as the Pope leaneth only to the electors authority to make the k. of Romans, and taketh upon himself alone to make the Emperor that as it is newly brought in & devised a late by pope Clement the 5. so is it contrary both to all ancient order, and also derogatory to the liberty & majesty of the sacrate Empire. Again, neither is that also less absurd and contrary to all right and reason: that the pope in time of the imperial seat being vacant, taketh upon him to have the whole & full doings of the Empire, as lawful Emperor for the time. Which prerogative and function, by ancient orders of our forcelders, should properly & only appertain to the Palatine of Rhine, the Constitution Clementine of the foresaid Pope Clement to the contrary notwithstanding. Then in the end for his own excuse, he in the presence of them all reciteth the public confession of his faith, to answer & purge himself of those objections laid to him by the pope. This did the meek Emperor Ludovick in that Council: yet all this not withstanding, the said Emperor remained still excommunicate, till time variance fell between this pope Benedict and Philip the French king. Wherefore to make his party good, at least to have some friends to flee to: he began to pretend favour & absolution, rather for necessity, then for any good will to the Emperor. But not long after, this Pope died: of who this Epitaph was made.  

E● Chron. de ● mundi ●lalibus, in●i●ul●s: R●dimentum ●●●itiorum. Pope Clement. 6. The trouble of Ludovick ●he Emp.  Hic situs est Nero laicis mors, vipera clero,  
Devius a vero, cupa repleta mero.  
After whom followed Pope Clement the sixth, a man most furious and cruel. Who renning again the former excommunications of his former predecessors, caused his letters to be set up on Church doors, wherein he threatened & denounced most terrible thunderbolts against the said jews the Emperor, unless within three day's he should satisfy to God and the Church, and renounce the Imperial possession of the crown. The Emperor upon this, cometh to Francford, and there ready to stand in all things to the ordinance of the pope: sendeth his Orators to the court of Rome, to ent●eat the pope of his favour and good will towards him. To the which messengers the Pope answered again, that he would never pardon the Emperor, before he gave over and confessed his errors & heresies and resigning up his Empire to his hands, woinde submit himself, his children, and all his goods to the will and pleasure of the bishop, promising that he should not receive again any part of the same, but upon his good grace; as his will should be to restore them.  
The heresy here mentioned, which was to this Emperor objected by the pope was this: 
Heresy of the Pope's making objected against the Emperor.  because (as is above touched) he used and executed the Imperial dignity after his election, before he was of the pope confirmed. Over & besides the Pope sendeth to the Emperor by the said Orators, a certain form of a bill contained in writing with certain conditions, which he commanded to be given to the hands of the Emperor. Here if the Emperor Lewis had had as much mind to set upon the Pope with dint of sword, as he lacked neither occasion nor power so to do: what blood might here have been spilled? But the good Emperor sparing the effusion of blood, receiveth gently the bill: and not only with his seal doth confirm it, but also sweareth to observe all the conditions thereof. 
The proud heart of the Pope.  Which the pope hearing of, doth greatly marvel. But yet all this would nothing help to mollity the modest heart of this Pharaoh.  
The Princes and electors seeing the bill of the articles and conditions, whereof some sounded to malicious defacing and destruction of the Empire, abhorring the wickedness thereof: desired the Emperor to stand to the defence of the Imperial Dominion, as he had begoni promising that their assistance & aid, to the uttermost thereunto should not lack. Upon that other Orators were sent to P. Clement from the Princes, desiring him to abstain from such manner of articles conceived against the state and majesty of the Empire. The pope surmising all this to spring from jews the Emperor, 
jews the Emperor accused by the Pope for an heretic. A good & faithful Archbish. of Mentz.  to the utter subversion of him and all his posterity: on Maundy thursday blustereth out most black curses against him, also reneweth all the former processes of his predecessor against him, as against both an heretic & a schismatic, commanding moreover the Prince's electors to proceed in choosing a new Emperor. The Archbishop of Mentz seeing the innocency of the emperor, would not consent to the violating of his majesty, wherefore was deprived by the Pope of all his dignities. Wherefore was deprived by the Pope of all his dignity, 
Bribers corrupted with money.  The other bishop's electors, as the Archb. of Cholen, which took 8. thousand marks, with the Duke of Saronye which took 2. thousand marks, being corrupted with money by john king of Boheme: elected Charles the son of the said john, whom Pope Clement eftsoons in his consistory did approve. Who seethe not here what matter was ministered by the P, of war and bloodshed between these 2. Emperors, 
The pope sowet of discord and bloodshed.  if the patience of Ludovick had not been more prudent to quench the fire, than the pope was to kindle it▪ Charles then the new Emperor elect, sped him to Aquisgrave, according to the custom, there to be crowned. But by the Citizens there, and the Empress (Ludovicus wise keeping there about) was repelled. All this happened in the time and reign of Edward the 3. King of England, 
The pope again stirreth up war.  with whom the said Charles, with the French k. and king of Boheme, set on by the P. encountered in war where the king of England, had against them a noble victory, and ●ue a great number of the Frenchmen and Almains, 
Charles the new Emperor put to flight by the Englishmen.  and put Charles the new Emperor to flight. In the mean time, among the Princes and Cities of Germany what sorrow and what complaints were against pope Clement and those electors, it cannot be expressed. For as they were altogether at Spires congregated in a general assembly, so there was none among them all: that allowed the election of Charles, or that cared for the pope's process, promising all to adhere & continue faithful subjects to Ludovick their lawful Emperor. 
Ludovike the right Emperor resigneth up his Empire.  But Ludovick remembering his oath made before to the pope's bill, voluntary and willingly gave over his Imperial dignity, and went to Burgravia, where shortly after, through the procured practise of pope Clement (as Hieronimus Marius doth write) poison was given him to drink. 
Ludovike the Emperor empoisoned.  After the which being drunk, when he would have vomited out, and could not: took his horse & went to hun● the bear, whereby through the chasing & heat of his body to expel the venom. And there the good & gentle Emperor wickedly persecuted & murdered of the P. fell down dead, whom I may well recount among the innocent and blessed martyrs of Christ. For if the cause being righteous doth make a Martyr, what Papist can justly disprove his cause or faith? 
1 judovicus Emperor & martyr.  if persecution joined thereunto causeth martyrdom, what martyr could be more persecuted than he? Who having 3. pope's, like 3. baddogs upon him, at length was devoured by the same. The princes then hearing of his death, assembled themselves to a new election: who refusing Charles aforesaid, elected an other for Emperor, 
Gunterus de Monte Nigro made Emp.  named Gunterus de Monte Nigro. Who shortly after falling sick at Frankford through his physicians servant was likewise poisoned, whom the foresaid Charles had hired with money to work that feat. Gunterus tasting of the poison, although he did partly cast it up again, yet so much remained within him, as made him unable afterward to serve that place. Wherefore for concords sake being counseled thereto by the germans, 
Gunterus the right Emperor poisoned.  gave over his Empire to Charles. For else, great bloodshed was like to ensue. This Charles thus ambitiously aspiring to the Imperial seat contrary to the minds of the states, and peers of the Empire, as he did wickedly & unlawfully come by it: so was he by his ambitious guiding, the first and principal mean of the utter ruin of that monarchy. For that he to have his son set up Emperor after him, convented and granted to the Prince's electors of Germany, all the public taxes & tributes of the Empire. Which covenant being once made between the Emperor & them, they afterward held so fast, that they caused the Emperor to swear never to revoke or call back again the same. By reason whereof, the tribute of the countries of Germany, 
The ruin of the german Empire, and the first cause thereof.  which then belonged only to the Emperor, for the sustentation of his wars: ever since to this day is dispersed diversly into the hands of the Princes, and free cities within the said monarchy. So that both the Empire being disfornished and left desolate, & the Emperors weakened thereby: having neither been able sufficiently since to defend themselves, nor yet to resist the Turk, or other foreign enemies. Whereof a great part, as ye have heard, may be imputed unto the pope's. etc. Hieronimus Marius.  

The year of jubilei reduced to the L. year.  This Pope Clement first reduced the year of jubilee to every 50. year, which before was kept but on the hundredth year. And so he being absent at Auinion (which he then purchased withhies money to the sea of Rome) caused it to be celebrated at Rome, an. 1350. In the which year were numbered of peregrines going in, and coming out every day at Rome, 
Pilgrims in the year of jubilei at Rome.  to the estimation of five thousand. Praemonstrat. The bull of pope Clement given out for this present year of Jubilee, proceedeth in these words as followeth. What person or persons soever for devotion sake: shall take their peregrination unto the holy City, 
The abominable & blasphemous bull of pope Clement.  the same day when he setteth forth out of his house, he may choose unto him what confessor or confessors either in the way, or where else he listeth: unto the which confessors, we grant, by our authority plenary power to absolve all cases papal, as fully as if we were in our proper person there present. Item, we grant that whosoever being truly confessed, shall chance by the way to die, he shall be quite and absolved of all his sins. Moreover, we command the Angels of Paradise, 
The pope commandeth the Angels.  to take his soul out of his body being absolved, and to carry it into the glory of Paradise. etc. And in an other Bull, we will (sayeth he) that no pain of hell shall touch him, granting moreover to all and singular person & persons signed with the holy cross, 
O blasphemy of the Pope.  power and authority to deliver and release iij. or iiij. souls, whom they list themselves, out of the pains of purgatory. etc.  
This Clement (as mine author affirmeth) took upon him so prodigally in his Popedom, 
Ex bulla Clementis. Ex Chron. Wals. in vit. Edu. 3.  that he gave to his Cardinals of Rome, bishoprics and benefices, which then were vacant in England: and begun to give them new titles for the same livings he gave them in England. Wherewith the king (as good cause he had) was offended, and undid all the provisions of the pope within his realm: Commanding under pain of prisonment and life, 
The king resist●th the pope.  no man to be so hardy, as to induce & bring in any such provisions of the pope, any more within his land. And under the same punishment charged the two Cardinals to void that realm. 
The tenths of Church goods given to the king.  An. 1343. In the same year all the tenths as well of the templaries as of other spiritual men, were given & paid to the king through the whole realm. An. 1343. And thus much concerning good Ludovick Emperor and martyr, & Pope Clement the 6. his enemy. Wherein, because we have a little exceeded the course of years, whereat we left, let us return some what back again, 
Anno. 1326.  and take such things in order as belong to the church of the England and Scotland, setting forth the reign of king Edward the 3. and the doings of the Church, which in his time have happened, as the grace of Christ our Lord▪ will assist and able us thereunto.  

Oriall college and S. Marry hall in Oxford builded by K. Ed 2. A story of the commotion between the town and Abbey of Bury.  This foresaid king Edward the second, in his time builded 2. houses in Oxford for good letters: to wit, Oriall college and S. Mary Halle.  
Here I omit also by the way the furious outrage and conflict which happened in the time of this king, a little before his death, an. 1326. between the townsmen and the Abbey of Bury, wherein the townsmen gathering themselves together in a great multitude (for what cause or old grudge between them, the Register doth not declare) invaded and sacked the monastery. And after they had imprisoned the monks, they rifted the goods and treasure of the whole house, spoiling and carrying away their plate, money, copes, vestiments, senters, crosses, chalises, basins, jewels, cups, masers, books, with other ornaments and implements of the house, 
Ex lati●● quodam ●sgis●r●.  to the value unestimable. In the which conflict certain also on both sides were slain. Such was the madness then of that people, that when they had gathered unto them a great concourse of servants & light persons of that country to the number of 20. thousand, to whom they promised liberty & freedom: by virtue of such writs which they had out of that house, first they got into their hands all their evidences, copies & instruments, that they could find: then they took of the lead, that done, setting fire to the Abbey gates they brent up near the whole house. After that they proceeded further to the farms and granges belonging to the said Abbey, whereof they wasted spoiled and brent to the number of 22. manor places in one week: transporting away the corn, horses, cartel, and other movables belonging to the same, the price whereof is registered to come to 922. li. 5, s. 11. d. besides the valuation of other riches and treasure within the Abbey, which cannot be esteemed.  
The Abbot all this space was at London in the parliament, by whose procurement at length such rescue was sent down, that 24. of the chief of the town (submitting themselves) were committed to ward: 30. carts full of the townsmen were carried to Norwiche, of whom 19 were there hanged, divers were put to convict prison. The whole tounship was condemned in seven score thousand pound, to be paid for damages of the house. john Berton Aldermen, W. Herlng w●i 32. priests, 13. women & 138. other of the said town were outlawd. Of whom divers, after grudging at the Abbot for breaking promise with them at London, did confederate themselves together, 
The Abnet rob.  & privily in the night coming to the manor of Cheninton, where the Abbot did lie: braced open the gates, who then entering in, first bound all his family: & after they had rob all his plate, jewels and money, they took the Abbot and shaved him, & secretly with them conveyed him away to London: where they removing him from street to street unknown, 
The Abbot stolen away to Brabante.  from thence had him over Thames into Kent, at length over the sea they serried over to Dist in Brabante: where they a sufficient time kept him in much penury, misery and thraldom, till at length the matter being searched, they were all excommunicate, first by the archb. of Cant. then by the pope. And at last being known where he was by his friends, was delivered and rescued out of the thieves hands, and finally brought home with procession, 
The Abbot restored again.  and restored to his house again. And thus was that abbey with the Abbot of the same (for what demerits I know not) thus vexed and afflicted about this time, as more largely I have seen in their latin register. But thus much briefly, touching the rest I omit here, about the latter end of this Edward the 2. ceaseth the history of Nic. Trivet, and of Flor. Hist passing over to the reign of the next king.   

King Edward the 3.  
COncerning the acts & story of K. Edward the 2. his deposing, & cruel death, wrought by the false and counterfeit letter of sir Roger Mortimer, sent in the king's name to the keeper's (for the which he was after charged, drawn, & quartered.) I have written sufficiently before, and more peradventure than the profession of this Ecclesiastical history will well admit. Notwithstanding for certain respects & causes, I thought somewhat to extend my lunittes herein the more, whereby both kings & such as clune to be about them may take the better example by the same, the one to have the love of his subjects, the other to learn to flee ambition, & not to bear themselves to brag of their fortune and state, how high so ever it be. Considering with themselves nothing to be in this worldo so firm and sure, that may promise itself any certain continuance, & is not in perpetual danger of mutation unless it be fastened by God his protection.  
After the suppression of this king, 
King Edward the 3. Anno. 1327.  as is above expressed Edward his soon was crowned king of England, being about the year of 15. & reigned the space of 50. years, who was a prince of much and great temperance. In fears of arms very expert, and no less fortunate and lucky in all his wars, as his father was infortunate before him. In liberality also and clemency worthily commended, briefly in all princely virtues, famous and excellent. Concerning the memorable acts of which prince, dove both in wars and peace, as how he subdued the Scots, had great victories by the sea, how he conquered France. an. 1332. wan Calais, an. 1348. and translated the staple thither, took the French king prisoner, & how the French arms first by him was brought in, & conjoined with the English arms, also how the order o● the Garter first by the said k. was invented and ordayved, an. 1356. also an. 1357. How the king in his parliament at Nottingham, decreed, that all such in Flaunders or other where, that had skill in making cloth, should peaceably inhabit the land and be welcome. For 3. years before y●, it was enacted, that no wool should be transported over the sea. Which was to bridle the pride of that flemings who then loved better the sacks of wool, than the nation of Englishmen. All these with other noble acts of this worthy Prince, although in other chronicles be fully entreated of: yet according to that order I have begun (saying somewhat of each kings reign, although not pertinent to our ecclesiastical history) I have here inserted the same, making haste to other matters, shortly & compendiously abridging them out of divers & sundry authors together compacted, mentioned in this wise.  
The coronation and solemnity of K. Edward the third and all the pomp thereof was no sooner ended: but Robert of Bruse K. of Scotland, understanding the state and government of the realm to be (as it was in deed) in the queen, the young king, the Earl of Kent, and sir Roger Mortimer And that the Lords and Barons, as he was informed, did scarcely well agree amongst themselves (although he grew now in age, 
The defiance of the king of Scots.  and was troubled with the falling disease) Yet thought he this a meet time for his purpose, to make invasion. Hooping for as good success & like victory now, as but lately before he had at the castle of Eustrivelin. Whereupon about the feast of Easter, he sent his Ambassadors with Heralds and letters of defiance to the young king Edward the 3. the Queen, & counsel: declaring that his purpose was with fire and sword to enter and invade the Realm of England. etc. The K. Queen, and counsel hearing this bold defiance, commanded in all speedy preparation musters to be made throughout all the realm: appointing to every band captains convenient, & at the city of York by a day assigned them, commanding every man to be with all their necessary furniture ready and thoroughly provided They directed their letters also with all speed to sir john of Heynault, requiring him with such soldiers and men at arms as he might conveniently provide in Flaunders, Heynalt, and Grabant, to meet the king and Queen upon the Ascension day next ensuing at their City of York.  

The K. and Queen at York, with an army of ●000. men, ready to meet the K. of Scots entering the realm.  The king & Queen made speedy preparation for this expedition: The noble men provided themselves of all things necessary thereunto: the English captains and soldiers (their bands thoroughly furnished) were ready at their appointed time and place: Sir john of Heynalt, Lord Bedmount mustering his men as fast, was ready to take shipping: where at Wysant (in English Bothoms there lying for him ready) he went aboard, and with a merry wind landed at Dover, travailing from thence by small journeys daily, till he came within 3. days after the feast of Pentecost to the City of York: where the king and Queen with a great power of 6000. men (within and about the City of York) expected his coming: Before whom, in courteous wise he presented himself, and mustered his troop, wherein he had to the number of 500 good men at arms well appointed & mounted. His coming and furniture was well liked both of the king & Queen, & was by the Harbinger, appointed to be lodged with his household retinue in the Abbey of white monks. To be brief, such grudge and variance fell between some of the king's soldiers and his, within the suburbs of the town being together lodged: That from the little to the more, whiles the king & Queen with divers other of the nobles, (strangers & others) were at dinner: the said fray so greatly increased, that the whole army as many as were in the town then lodged, stood to their defence: so that there was slain of the english archers in short space by the strangers to the number of 300. men. 
The great fray in York.  Whereupon grew (after the fray was with much difficulty both of the king & Queen ended) such hartburning between the parties: as that the number of 6000. conspired together against them: thinking to have burnt them in their lodgings, had they not been by the great grace of God & discrete handling, otherwise prevented & let. Whereupon the Heynolders were fain to take & keep the field, using as diligent watch and ward, as though they had been among their hostile enemies. 
Carlisle and new Castle then the keys of England. Northward ●ept with Garrisons.  After this, the king set forward his army toward Durham, & encamped himself near about the same: who also sent the Lord Ufford & the Lord Mounbry to Carlell with a sufficient company to keep that entrance: and also the Lord marshal of England to keep the town of Newcastle with a sufficient company to defend the same, and the country adjoining. For well knew the king, that by one of these two entries, the Scots must pass into England, standing both of them upon the river of Tyne, 24. miles distant.  
But the Scots privily with their army passed the river betwixt the two towns into England, 
The Scots privily pass over the river of Tine, burning and spoiling the country all about.  few understanding thereof, till that the great fierce which the Scots had kindled and made in England bewrayed them: who came burning and destroying the country all about as far as Stamnop park. This thing being declared to the king, he commandeth his host with all speed to march towards them, which so long travailed that they came in sight each of other. The K. also commanded the passages of the river to be so straightly & narrowly guarded, that by no means the Scots could retire and have escaped back again into Scotland, without battle given them of the K. But the Scots understanding the great power of the king was of, kept always the advantage of the hills retiring in the nights from one to an other: that without great odds & advantage in the one side & hazard to the other, the king could not set upon them.  
Thus in the day time the Scots keeping the advantage of the hills, 
The king's army and the Scots are so near that each seethe other.  and in the night times retiring to the advantage of such other like came near against that river where they first passed over, where they made a show to offer battle to the K. upon the morrow. Whereupon the king being busied in putting his men and battles in a readiness to fight the next morning, being almost forweried in pursuing the Scots from place to place: the Scots in the mean season got over the river and escaped the danger of the K. Which thing as it could not be done: without great treason of some near about the king: so sir Roger Mortimer was grievously suspected thereof, and after was laid unto his charge. 
The Scots through treason escape out of England unfought withal.  But to be short, by this means the Scots escaped the river, after whom it should have prevailed the King very little to have made pursuit as the wily Scots knew full well. For the joy whereof, the L. William Douglas one of the Scots Generals, with 200. horses gave a alarm in the king's camp: & came so near, that he cut certain of the lines of the king's tent in sunder with his sword, and retired to his company without great loss of any of his men. 
The provision left in the Scots camp.  Then on the morrow the king perceiving the Scots to be gone, came to the place where over night they lodged, where was found 500 great Oxen and kine ready killed: five hundred Caudrens' made of beasts skins full of flesh, over the fire seething: a thousands speetes full of flesh ready to be roasted, and more than 10000 shoes of raw leather (the hear still upon the same) which the Scots had left behind them: and five poor English prisoners tied to trees & their legs broken. All which seeing the king, returned with his army (and left any further pursuing the Scots) to Durham: where he dismissed his army, and came again to London sending with Sir john of Heynalt two hundred men at arms for their better safeguard against the english archers (with whom at York as you heard they frayed) till they had taken shipping, and so returned home.  
The king then being at London, 
The king returneth to London.  confirmed the liberties of the Citizens, and ordained that the Mayor should sit in all places as chief justice within the liberties of the same. And that what Alderman soever had been Mayor before, should be a justice of peace within his own ward.  
Then the king, the Queen, and the counsel sent over to the Earl of Heynault certain Ambassadors, touching the solemnisation of the marriage between the king and the Lady Philip his daughter: who in such sort sped their message, that she was soon after conveyed over to England very honourably, and at Dover arrived. And from thence came to London (some Chronicles affirm to York) where upon the day of the conversion of S. Paul, 
The marriage of K. Edward solemnised.  the year above specified, the marriage and coronation of the Queen was with much triumph during the space of 3. weeks solemnised.  
After which coronation and marriage, the king let summon his Parliament to be kept at Northampton: 
A parliament at Northampton.  whereat by the means of sir Roger Mortimer and the old queen, a peace was purchased for the Scots (who had for that purpose sent their Ambassadors) for four years to endure. Also the king (then being within age) granted to release the Scots of all their homage and fealty which unto the realm of England by their charter ensealed they were bound: 
The Ragman role delivered up to the Scot●.  as also their indenture which was called the Ragman Role, wherein was specified the foresaid homage and fealty to the king and crown of England, by the said king of Scots, nobles and prelate's to be made: having all their seals annexed to the same. 
The black cross of Scotland. The B●r●●, give up their titles in Scotland  Also there was then delivered unto them, the black cross of Scotland, which king Edward before for a rich jewel and relic had conquered & brought from Scone Abbey: with all such rites and titles as any the Barons else, had enjoyed in the said Realm of Scotland: with many other things more: to the great prejudice both of the Realm & discontentation of all the nobles and Barons for the most part more than the old queen, sir Roger Mortimer, and the Bysh. of Ely. Who in such force ruled the roast, that all the rest of the nobles & barons, cast with themselves how best they might redress & remedy the great inconveniences, that unto the realm by means of them grew and happened. Whereupon the king & Queen and sir Roger Mortimer, 
A parliament at Salisbury.  caused an other Parliament to be called at Salisbury, where the said sir Roger Mortimer was made Earl of March against all the barons wills, to prevent & disappoint the foresaid purpose of them, but the Earl Henry of Lancaster with others, would not be at the same: wherefore it was said unto their charges, 
E●rle Henry of Lancaster refuseth to come to the parliament.  that they went about to conspire the kings death.  
And further, for that the king was as well under the government of the Earl of Kent his uncle, as the Queen his mother, and the Earl of March: & for that, they could not do in all things as they lifted for the said Earl the k●nges uncle, who loved the king and the Realm: Envy began to rise between the Earl Mortim●r and him, and by Isabella the Queen's practice, he found, the means to persuade the king: that the Earl of Kent (to enjoy the Crown as next heir unto the king) went about to poison him. 
The Earl of Kent put to death guiltless.  Whereupon the king giving light credit, caused his said uncle to be apprehended: & without answer making to his accusation & accusers, to be beheaded at Winchester, the third of October and 3. year of his reign. But the just judgement of God not permitting such odious crimes in him to be unpunished nor vndetected, so in five fell forth: that Isabella the old Queen the king's mother, was found and understood to be with child by the said Mortimer. Complaint hereof was made to the K. as also the kill of king Edward his father, 
The Queen with child by sir Roger Mortimer. Sir Roger Mortimer Earl of March. arraigned, condemned and put to execution. The queen put in prison and so kept a long time The birth of prince Edward.  and of the conspiracy of him against the Earl of Kent the kings uncle before put to death: Whereupon divers other articles laid against him and manifestly read in the court, he was arraigned and indited, and by verdict found guilty: having his judgement as in cases of high treason, and suffered death accordingly at London, where upon London bridge next unto Spensers, his head obtained a place. The Queen his mother also (by good advise of his counsel) was restrained of her liberty, and within a certain castle not permitted once to come abroad: Unto whom the king her son, once or twice a year would resort and visit.  
This year, Prince Edward was borne at Woodstock who in process of time and years grew, to be a most valiant prince, and was before he died, accounted throughout the world the follower of chivalry.  
After this, the king prepared an other army into Scotland in the year prefixed. 
The expedition of king Edward into Scotland.  But first he summoned king David of Scotland, who had (in the last truce 4. years to continued as you heard, his father then living) married the Lady jane, sister to the king: termed jane make peace, to do his homage to the king but that he refused. Whereupon, not forgetting there withal the scoffing times, which daily from that time of truce the Scots had in their mouths: he did somuch that with an army well furnished, he entered Scotland by the river of tweed, for the Scots had then the possession of that town of Barwick: 
The Scottish times.  the Scottish Gigges & runes were these. Long beards heartless, Painted hoods witless, Gay coats graceless, Makes England thristles, To be short, 
K. Edward was●●●h and destroyeth the realm of scotland.  the king wasted the land, burnt, destroyed, & took towns and castles with small resistance or none: and the space of 6. months together did in that land what him listed without any battle offered to him. For the king of Scots was but a child & not above they age of 15. years and wanted good captains that should have defended the realm: in so much that they were all fain saving those that kept in holds for their defence to take the forest of Godworth, & there kept to themselves so long as the king remained in Scotland: 
Berwick besieged and yielded up to the king.  Who at length when he had sufficiently wasted, and spoiled, & brent the same, returned toward Berwick, about the which he bent his siege, vowing not to remove the same, till he had gotten the town.  
The Scots that kept the same, after a certain time and many assaults made, were contented upon certain conditions to have delivered up the town: But that the king refused, unless that all conditions set apart, they would with bag and baggage departed. Whereupon they condescended to the king, that if by a certain time they were not by the king of Scots rescued, they would render up the town and with bag and baggage departed: & and so the time expired frustrate of all hope & rescue, 
The K. entereth the town of Berwick & appointeth the captain thereof.  at the day appointed they did. The king than entered the town and tarried there the space of 12. days: who after he had appointed sir Edward Baillew Captain over the town and leaving also behind him other knights, Squires, and Soldiers as well to keep the same as other holds the king had conquered in Scotland and fronters thereof: He returned with his people towards London, permitting every man to departed and go what way them liked.  
Then sir Robert de Artoys, 
Sir Rob●. de A●tois a ●●ble ma●●● Fra●●● inciteth the ● to prolec●● his title in France. The king delibe●●●● with his council secerning the title of France.  a Noble man of France, and which descended of the blood royal, being in England with the king: ceased not oftentimes to advertise the king and put him in memory of his good & right title to the inheritance of the crown of France. This sir Robert, for a certain displeasure that Philip the French king took against him for a certain plea which by him was moved before the king: was fain for the safeguard of his life to flee the Realm of France, and so came to the kings Court. King Edward was not unwilling at all to hear thereof, but took delight oftentimes to reason and debate that matter with him concerning his right, title, and inheritance to the crown of France. But yet notwithstanding, he thought it not good to make any attempt thereunto without advised and circumspect counsel, for that it contained matter of no small, but most difficult importance: neither yet he took it to deserve the fame either of wisdom or prows to let so good a title die, or so fit opportunity to pass. Wherefore he calling together certain of his counsel, used their deliberate advises touching the seriousness of this matter. In fine, it was by them thought good, that the king should send certain Ambassadors over to the Earl of Reynault, 
Ambassadors are ●● to the 〈◊〉 of Heyna● concerning the title.  whose daughter he had married, as well to hear his advise and counsel herein: as also of what friends and aid, by him & his means in this so great an expedition to be begun in the Empire, to him might be procured. The king hereunto condescendeth, & appointeth for this Embassage the bishop of Lincoln with 2. other Barenets, and 2. Doctors: who in such speedy wise made their voyage, that in short space they returned again to the king with this answer That not only the Earl his counsel & advise, 
The Ambassadors return with answer Ed the Earl 〈◊〉 pleaseth the king.  should be herein priest to the king of England their master, but also the whole country of Heynault. And further for that to such an expedition as appertained he said, the province of Reynault was but a small matter to make account of: he would procure for the king greater aid & friendship in the Empire, as the Duke of Brabant his cousin germane, and a puissant Prince, the Duke of Guerles, the Archbishop of Colayne, the Marquis of juliers. etc. which are all good men of war, and able to make 10. thousand fight men saith he. 
K. Philip of France heareth of the king's purpose, and stayeth his voyage of the Croisie.  Which answer well liked the king, and made him joyous thereof. But this counsel of the king as secret as it was, came to Philip the French kings cares: whereupon, he stayd the voyage of the Cross which then he had in hand, sending forth countermaundes to stay the same, till he knew farther the purpose of the king of England.  
The king hereupon himself taketh shipping accompanied as to a king appertained, and when he had consulted with all the foresaid Lords of the Empire in this matter and understood their fidelity: he made his repair to the Emperor at whose hands he was well entertained & honourable received, whom the Emp. appointed to be his Lie●etenant general, 
K. Edward assigned lieutenant General of the Empire.  having thereby more authority both to will & command such as for this his expedition he trusted unto, and had made convention with. This hearing Philip, prepared his army and rigged his navy, that so soon as the K should enter into the dominion of France, they also might enter into England, requiting like for like.  
The king of England, after the feast of S. john Baptist, according to his purpose, prepared all things ready to such an expedition, 
The first voyage of k●●● Edward i●●● France.  conducting his army & gathering a greater strength in the Empire, as before to him was promised using the emperors authority therein, as his lieutenant general, howbeit at the charge altogether of the K. of England. The French king as soon as king Edward, had landed his army at Mackline in Flaunders, and hearing of the defiance, which the king and other Noble men of the Empire had sent unto him: Sent certain ships lying ready thereunto, and waiting for such opportunity upon the cost of England, did so much that upon a Sunday, whilst the towns men were at the Church little looking for any such matter, entered the haven of Southampton, took the town and spoiled the same, 
Southampton bu●●● of the French men.  deflowered maidens, enforced wives, brent, killed, took captives, and carried away rich Ipoyles and great booties to their ships, and so again departed into France. Further, as the king of England had allied himself with the noble men of the Empire, and had the friendly favour of the Emperor also thereunto: so the French king made the like league and alliance with David the king of Scots, whom the king had so hardly dealt with all in Scotland (as partly before you had) and kept the most part of Scotland under his subjection: Binding the said David is well by writing, as oath & pledge, that without his consent he should make no peace nor conclude any truce with the king of England, who again assured him of aid, and rescue, and help, and to recover his kingdom & dominion to his use! 
The Scots stirred up against England by the French K.  and forth with sent certain garrisons & bands into Scotland to keep play with the Englishmen and there to fortify divers places till further opportunity served. He also fortified with men, money, victual, and munition, the town of Cambrey: which he suspected would be besieged, lying so near upon that Empire as in deed it came to pass. For, King Edward departing from Macheline, set forward his host towards Heynault, and by the way assembled such power, as in the Empirie he looked for, marching forward still till that they came to Cambrey & it besieged with 40000. men: while that with an other company, the flemings, Brabanters, and Holenders, went to S. Quentin. But in effect, neither there, nor at Cambrey nor else where: any thing notorious was achieved, but the summer being well spent and little prevailing in the siege of Cambrey, being of situation strong & well defenced therwall with men & munition: broke up the siege, & marched further into the hart of France towards Mutterell. Which thing the French king having understanding of, prepared himself to give battle to the king of England, who with an other great army came to Uironfosse, where days were appointed to meet in battle: but in the end, nothing was done nor attempted between the princes. 
The Pope cause of the kings removing out of France.  And the king of England (without any battle either giving or taking) returned with his army from thence to Gaunt. Concerning the cause of the sudden removing of the K. out of France, seemeth most specially to rise of the pope: which at the same time sent down his Legates, for the order of a peace to be taken between the kings. At Gaunt was gathered by the king's appointment all the nobles as well of England, as of the Empire in counsel together what was best to be done. Where plain answer was made to the king of England, that unless he would take upon him the claim and title of France, as his lawful inheritance and as King thereof prosecute his wars: 
Anno. 1340.  It might not be lawful for them any further, to aid the king of England, or to fight with him against the French king: for that the Pope had bound them in two millions of Florence's of gold, and under pain of excommunication, that they should not fight against the lawful king of France. 
The king of England taketh the title of France.  Whereupon, the king thought good therefore presently to make open challenge to the Realm and Crown of France: and further, to quarter & intermingle the arms of France, with the arms of England in one Scootchen. Whereupon eftsoons K. Edward made answer unto the Pope again, directing unto him his letters wherein he declareth at large his right & title unto the Crown of France, purging thereby himself and his cause unto the Bishop. The copy and tenor of which letter, because it is to long to express, it is to be found in the story of Thom. Walsingham remaining in the Library of I. Stephenson Citizen of London, who so hath lift or leisure to peruse the same. Besides this letter to the pope he directed an other to the Peers and Prelates of France, (he remaining yet at Gaunt) in tenure as followeth.  
* The letter of king Edward to the Nobles and commons of France.  
EDward by the grace of God king of France and of England, Lord of Ireland. 
K. Edward to the nobles and commons of France.  Unto all Prelates and the Ecclesiastical persons, to the Peers, Dukes, Earls, Barons, and to the commons of France, greeting:  
The high Lord and king above, to whom although his will be in his own power, yet would that power should be subject unto law: commanding every thing to be given unto him which is his, declaring thereby that justice and judgement ought to be the preparation of the kings seat. Wherefore seeing the kingdom of France through the providence of God by the death of Charles last king of France of famous memory, brother germane to our Lady mother, is fallen unto us by plain and manifest law: And for somuch that Lord Philip de Valois, being the son of the Uncle of the foresaid king, 
The title of France how it came to K. Edward.  and so being far from the crown by a farther degree of consanguinity: through force and usurpation hath intruded himself in the foresaid kingdom (whilst we were yet in our Minority) & so contrary both to God and to justice doth detain and occupy the same: And lest we should seem to neglect our own right and the gift given us of God, or not to submit our will to God's divine ordinance: We have thought good to acknowledge the title of France, and by supportation of the almighty king have taken upon us the defence and regiment of the said kingdom: Firmly purposing with ourselves (as every good man ought to do) graciously to minister justice to every one, according to the rites and laudable custom of the foresaid kingdom. Also to renew the good laws and customs which have been in the time of Ludovick our progenitor, adding to moreover, that which shall seem expedient according to the condition and qualiitie of the time. As by any change of coin or any other inordinate exactions, we intent not to seek our profits by your detrimentes: when as (the almighty be praised therefore) we abound and have enough. And as concerning the affairs of the Realm, our purpose is not to proceed rashly or by our own will, but by the discreet advise and Counsel of the Peers, Prelates, Nobles, and other our faithful subjects of the kingdom so far forth as shall make for the honour of God, the defence and advancement of the Church (which in all fullness of devotion we do reverence) and to the profit both public and private of all the subjects thereof, with full execution of justice by the grace of God to be executed upon all and singular persons, being earnestly careful for the honour, profit, and tranquility of you all. For as the Lord knoweth, nothing shall be more grateful to us, then that by our careful solicitude peace may be engendered, specially betwixt us and universally among all Christian men: 
Note the grossness of this time when the blaud of Christ was thought but only dedicated to the holy land.  so that by our concord the force and strength of all Christian Princes may be joined together for the recovery of the holy land: which our Saviour and redeemer hath dedicated with his own proper blood, whereunto we will endeavour ourselves through the grace of the holy ghost. And for as much as we have offered to the foresaid Lord Philip divers friendly and reasonable conditions of peace, whereunto he would neither condescend, neither agree to any conformation: yea rather moveth against us unjust war, to the utter subversion of our state: we are enforced of necessity to the uttermost of our power (for the defence both of us, and recovery of our right) to defend ourselves by force of battle: not seeking any slaughter of good and humble subjects, but desiring their safeguard and profit. For the which cause, all and singular such subjects of the kingdom of France, which shall submit themselves to us as the true king of France, within the feast of Easter next ensuing: professing unto us their fealty, and doing to us as to the King of France, by duty appertaineth, so as our beloved subjects of Flaunders have done already, or be ready to offer themselves so to do: all such we willingly admit and receive to our peace & grace under our protection to be defended, them to maintain as is convenient, from all molestation and disquietness whatsoever, in person or goods hereafter to be enforced either by us or by our officers, upon what soever occasion of rebellion afore passed. And for as much as the premises, cannot easily be intimated to all and singular persons: we have provided the same to be fixed upon Church doors and other public places, whereby the manifest notice thereof may come to all men, to the comfort of you that be to us devout, and to the true information of them, which through sinister surmises of our enemies otherwise informed of us.  
Dated at Gaunt the 8. day of February the year of our kingdom of France the first, of England the 14.  
This done, for that the winter than drew on, neither was there any hope as the time served, of farther doing good: the king thought best for a season to return again to England with his company, giving over the wars until the next spring and so did, taking shipping and so arrived at Dover. 
Southampton burnt & spoiled by the French men.  When he came to London, it was declared unto him, of the great spoil the Frenchmen had made at Southampton: who answered again that within one year, he doubted not the same to be well paid for & recompensed. And according to the same purpose of his, he lingered no time but calling a Parliament at Westminster: with much grudge & evil will of his subjects, was for the maintenance of his wars granted to him a great subsidy, which was the 5. every man's goods, and also the customs of his wools 2. years before hand, and the 9 these of every man's corn. At the spring the K. again prepared his army, & rigged his navy purposing to land in Flaunders. 
Counsel of the Archb. given to the king.  But the Archb. of Canterb. then Lord Chancellor having understanding of the French power upon the Sea lying for the k. gave him advertisement there of willing him more stronglier to go or else not to venture. But the king not crediting the Archbish. and being angry with him therefore, said that he would go forward: whereupon the bishop resigned the Chauncellorship, & removed himself from his Counsel: then the k. consulting hereupon farther with the Lord Morley, his Admiral, and others (hearing also the same of them) furnished himself with stronger power, 
Battle upon the sea between king Edward and Frenchmen.  and committed him to his ship: and did so much, that a few days before midsummer, he was upon the Sea with a great fleet. Before the town of Sluse, the french king to stop his passage, had laid ready a great navy well near to that number of 20. score sail: and had made the Christopher of England (which before the French men took at Southampton) their Admiral: betwixt which two navies was a long and terrible fight. But in the end, the victory by God's grace fell to the king of England, in which fight he himself was personally. So that of the number of thirty thousand Frenchmen, 
The Frenchmen beaten upon the sea.  few or none were left & escaped alive, and two hundredth sail of ships taken: in one of the which, were found 400. dead bodies.  
After this great slaughter of the Frenchmen (of whom many for fear of the sword leapt into the sea) when no man durst bring tidings thereof to the French king: They which were next about the king, 
The words of the fool to the French king.  did suborn his fool, to insinuate the understanding thereof by subtlety of covert words, which was thus. As the foresaid fool being in the kings presence, and was talking of many things: among other talk, he suddenly braced out (being prompt by others) into a vehement railing of the Englishmen, calling them cowards & dastards, with many such approbrious words: tending to that effect. The king not knowing whereunto the words of the fool did appertain: asked the fool, why he called the Englishmen such weaklings and cowards, etc. why, saith the fool? Because the fearful and cowardly Englishmen had not the hearts to leap into the sea so lustily, as our Normands, & Gentlemen of France had. Whereby the French king began to understand the victory of his part to be lost, and the Englishmen to be victorers.  
This victory achieved, the fame thereof spreading abroad in England, first was not believed till letters thereof came from the king to Prince Edward his son, being then at Waltham, directed to the bishops & prelate's of the realm, the effect of which letters here followeth under written.  

The letters of K. Edward to the Bishops of England.  THe bountiful benignity of God's great clemency powered upon us of late, for your true certification, and rejoicing, we thought good to intimate unto you. It is not unknown (we suppose) to you, and to other our faithful subjects, which also have been partakers with us of the same, with what storms of boisterous wars of late we have been tossed and shaken, as in the great Ocean. But although the rising surgies of the sea be marvelous, yet more marvelous is the Lord above: who turning the tempest into calm, in so great dangers, so mercifully hath respected us. For where as we of late did ordain our passage upon urgent causes, into Flaunders the Lord Philip de Valois our bitter enemy understanding thereof, laid against us a mighty navy of ships, intending thereby either to take us, or at least to stop our voyage. Which voyage if it had been stayed, it had been the cutting of, of all the great enterprises by us intended and taken in hand, & moreover we ourselves brought to a great confusion. But the God of mercies seeing us so distressed in such perils and dangers hath graciously and beyond man's expectation sent to us great succour & strength of fight soldiers, and a prosperous wind after our own desires. By the means and help whereof, we set out of the haven into the seas, where we eftsoons perceived our enemies well appointed and prepared with a main multitude to set upon us, upon midsummer day last passed. Against whom notwithstansting, Christ our Lord and Saviour hath rendered to us the victory, through a strong and vehement conflict. In the which conflict, a mighty number of our enemies were destroyed, and well near all their whole Navy was taken: with some loss also of our part, but nothing like in comparison to theirs. By reason whereof, we doubt not but our passage by the seas hereafter shallbe more quiet and safe for our subjects, and also many other commodities shall ensue thereof, as we have good cause to hope well of the same. For which cause we devoutly considering the heavenly grace so mercifully wrought upon us, do render most humble thanks & praise to Christ our Lord and saviour. Beseeching him, that as he hath been and always is ready to prevent our necessities in time of opportunity, so he will continue his helping hand ever towards us, & so to direct us here temporally, that we may reign and joy with him in heaven eternally And in like sort we require your charity that you also with us rising up to the praise of God alone, who hath begun so favourably to work with us to our goodness, in your prayers and divine service do instantly recommend us unto the Lord, traveling here in these foreign countries and studying to recover not only our right here in France: but also to advance the whole Catholic Church of Christ and to rule our people in justice. And that also ye call upon the Clergy and people, every one through his diocese to do the same, invocating the name of our Saviour, that of his mercy he will give to us his humble servant a docible hart, so to judge and rule hereupon rightly doing that which he hath commanded: that at length we may attain to that which he hath promised. etc. Which letter was written to the Bishops and prelate's. an. 1340.  
After this foresaid victory upon the sea, & news thereof with due thanks to our Saviour sent into England: the King striking into Flaunders, came to Gaunt in Brabaute where he had left the Queen, who joyfully received him, being a little before purified or churched as we term it of her fourth son, whose name was john and commonly called john of Gaunt, and was earl of Richmonde, and Duke of Lancaster. 
A c●●nc●l at Villenorth.  At Uillenorth the king assembled his council, whereat the noble men of France Brabant and Hennalt conjoining together in most firm league the one to help and defend the other, with the king of England, 
Flaunders, Brabant and Hennalt take part with king Edward.  against the French king, purposing and determining from thence to march toward Turncy & it to besiege. But the French king understanding their counsel, fortified and victualled the same before their coming thither. Furthermore the said French king the same time to stop the sige of king Edward, sent with king David of Scotland a great power, to that intent to make invasion in England, thereby the sooner to cause the king to remove his siege. In the mean time while king Edward wrote his letters to Philip de Ualous, making unto him certain requests, as in the same his letters here following is to be seen: who for the he wrote not unto him as K. of France but by the name of Philip de Ualous, refused to answer him touching the same as by their letters here placed may be seen.  
* The letter of the king of England, to Philip de Valous the French king, going to the siege of Turney.  
Philip de Valous, 
The letter of king Edward to the French king.   
of long time we have gently requested you by our Ambassadors (by all the reasonable means we might) to that intent you should have rendered unto us our lawful right and inheritance to the crown of France which from us a long time you have by great wrong and force detained. And for that we well perceive you mean to persevere in the same your purpose and injurious detinue, without making any reasonable answer to our demand. We let you understand, that we are entered into the country of Flaunders, as the sovereign Lord of the same and so pass through the country: and further signify unto you, how that by the help of our Saviour jesus Christ and our righteous cause therein, and with the power of the said country, our people, and allies: we purpose to recover the right which we have to that inheritance you detain from us by your injurious force and therefore approach we towards you to make a short end of this our rightful challenge if you also will do the like. And for that so great an host assembled which we bring with us on our part (supposing you also on the other part to do the like) cannot long remain together without great destruction both to our people and country, which thing every good Christian ought to eschew: especially Princes and others which have the government of the same, avoiding by as short an end as may be, the mortality of christian men, according as the quarrel is apparent between you and me. For the which causes here touched, let the challenge (if you think meet) between our own persons and bodies discussed, that the great Nobility and prowess of each other, may of every one be seen. And if you refuse this way, then let there (to finish this challenge) be an hundredth of the best soldiers you can choose out of your part, matched with so many of our liege subjects to try the same. And if of these two ways you refuse both the one & the other, then that you will assign unto us a certain day before the town of Turnay, to fight with us power against power, which may be within ten days next ensuing after the date of these our letters, offering the said conditions unto you above specified (as we would all the world to know and understand) not upon any orgoile, presumption or pride we take therein, but for the causes before alleged, and to the end that (the will of our saviour jesus Christ betwixt us two herein declared and showed) rest and peace might grow amongst Christian men. The power and force of gods enemies abated: and in fine, the limits of Christianity enlarged and enfranchised. And therefore hereupon consider with yourself what way you will take concerning our foresaid offers, and by the bearers of these our letters send unto us herein quick and speedy answer.  
Given under our great seal at Chin in the plain of Leece the xxvii, day of this present month of July.  
* The answer of the Lord Philip de Valois unto the letter aforesaid.  
Philip by the grace of God king of France, to Edward king of England. 
The answer of the French K to K. Edward.   
We have seen the letters which you have sent unto our Court to Philip de Valois, wherein are contained certain requests which you make to the said Philip de Valois. But for that the said letters come not as directed unto us, neither yet the said requests seem to be made unto us (which thing clearly by the tenor of the said letters appeareth) we therefore write unto you no answer touching the same. Notwithstanding, this sufficeth that we understand by the said letters of yours, as also otherways, that you are entered into our Realm of France, to the great damage both unto us, our realm and people (more proceeding of will, than reason) & not regarding that which a liege man ought to do unto his Lord. For you are entered into our homage by you lieged unto us, acknowledging yourself as reason is a liege man unto the king of France: and have promised unto us such obeisance as men are wont to do unto their liege Lords (as more plainly by your letters patents appeareth, ensealed with your great seal, the which we have with us) for the which thing we will you to understand: that our purpose is (when it shall seem good unto us) to drive you out of our realm, to the honour both of us and our kingdom, and to the profité and commodity of our people. And this thing to do we have firm and assured hope in jesus Christ, from whom we have all our power and strength. For, by your unreasonable demand more wilful than reasonable, hath been hindered and staid the holy voyage to those parts of beyond the seas, where a great number of Christian men have been slain: the divine service diminished, and the service of the church less reverenced. And as touching that where you say, ye intend to have the obeisance of the Flemings, we think and believe that the good people and commons of that country will behave themselves in such sort toward our Cousin the Countess of Flaunders their Lady, as it be not their reproach, and to us their sovereign Lord, they will respect their honour and loyalty. And that thing wherein they have done otherwise then well hitherto, hath been by the evil counsel of such people, as neither regard the weal public, nor honour of their country, but their own only gain and commodity.  
Given in the field near adjoining to the Priory of S. Andrew under our privy Seal, in absence of our great Seal, the 30. day of july. An. 1340.  

The Scots ●●de Engl●●●.  Mention was made a little before of David King of Scots whom the French king had supported and stirred up against the king and realm of England: which David (with the aid of the Scots and Frenchmen) did so much prevail, that they recovered almost again all Scotland which before he had lost, and was constrained to live in the forest of Gedworth many years before. Then invaded they Enland, & came with their army, wasting and burning the country before them, till they came as far as Durham. & then returned again into Scotland, where they recovered all their holds again, saving the town of Barwike. Edinburgh they took by a stratagem or subtle devise practised by Douglas & certain other: who apparaising themselves in poor men's habits, as vitailers with corn and provender & other things, demanded the porter early in the morning what need they had thereof, who nothing mistrusting opened the outward gate, where they should tarry till the Captain rose: and perceiving the Porter to have the keys of the inward gate, 
Henborough recovered from the Englishmen by the Scots.  threw down their sacks in the outward gate, that it might not be shut again, & slew the Porter, taking from him the keys of the town. Then they blew their horn as a warning to the bands, which privily they had laid not far off: who in hasty wise coming, & finding the gates ready opened entered upon the sudden and killed as many as them resisted, and so obtained again the city of Edinburgh.  
The Scots thus being busy in England, the French king in the mean season gathered together a puissant power purposing to remove the siege from Turnay: and among other, sent for the king of Scots, who came to him with great force, besides divers other noble men of France: in so much that the French king had a great army, & thought himself able enough to raise the siege, and thither bend his host. But the French K. for all this his foresaid huge power & force, durst not yet so near approach the king, as either to give him battle, or else remove his siege: but kept himself with his army aloof, in a sure place for his better defence. And notwithstanding the king of England wasted, burned spoiled, and destroyed the country 20. miles in manner compass about Turnay, 
Tourney besieged.  and took divers and sundry strong towns and holds at Ortois, Urles, Greney, Archis, Odint, S. Amand, and the town of Lis●e, where he slew above 300. men of arms, and about S. Omers, he slew and killed of noble men, the Lord of Duskune, of Mauris●elou, of Rely, of chastilion, of mely, of Fenis, of Hamelar, of Mounfaucon, and other Barons to the number of 14. and also slew and killed above 130. Knights, being all men of great possessions and prowess, and took other small cities and towns to the number of 300. Yet for all this, Philip de Ualois the french king durst neither rescue his towns, nor relieve his own men: but of his great army he lost (which is to be marveled at, being in the midst of his own country) by famine & other inconveniences, & for want of water more than 20000. men without any battle by him given. Whereupon at the treaty of the said Philip by his ambassadors to the king sent, and by the mediation of the Lady jane, sister to the said Philip, & mother to the Earl of Henault, whose daughter king Edward as you heard had married: A truce containing the number of 15. articles for one year was concluded, the king of England being very unwilling and loath thereunto. Yet notwithstanding, partly by the instance of the foresaid Lady, but specially for that the king was greatly disappointed, through the negligence of his officers in England, which sent him not over such money as he needed, for the continuance of his wars and payment of his soldiers wages (the articles being somewhat reasonable) he agreeth to the truce thereof, the conditions of which truce there concluded, here follow under written.  

1. First, 
Articles of truce.  that during the said truce, no tales or mistrust of either part shall be a detriment or cause of breach of the same.  
2. Item, that during the said respite or truce, either of the Princes, their helpers, coadjutors, and allies whatsoever: shall remain and be in the quiet possession of all such possessions, holds, territories and lands, as at this pre●ent day, they keep and enjoy within the realm and dominion of France, in what manner so ever they have achieved the same, during the said truce.  
3. Item, that the said princes their aiders, coadjutors, and allies whatsoever: shall pass safely from one country to an other, and all merchants with their merchandise, as well by sea as by land as accustomably they have been wont: except such banished men as have been banished out of that said realms, or any of them for other causes, than the wars between the said princes.  
4. Item, that the said two princes shall not procure either by themselves or any other, any practice or other molestation to be made the one to the other, by the bishop of Rome or any other belonging to the holy church whatsoever: either for the wars begon, or any other cause, nor for the service of any of their allies, coadjutors, and aiders, or any of them. And that our holy father the Pope nor any other, shall disturb or molest either of the said two kings during the said time.  
5. Item, that immediately after the truce be proclaimed in both the hosts, that they may stand bound of either side, to keep and observe all and every such article as shallbe therein contained.  
6. Item, that within 20, days next and immediately ensuing, each of the Princes shall cause to be proclaimed in Gascoigne and Guienne, and other their lands these articles of truce, to the intent they may be the better observed, kept, and known.  
7. Item, if by any the said princes, their allies, people or coadiutours, any siege be laid in Gascoigne, or the Duchy of Guienne, or any other Isles of the sea Gierncley or Gersey, or any other: that the same sieges be raised, so soon as they shall hear of this truce.  
8. Item, that such as are thieves and fugitives out of the Country of Flaunders, shall not return during the truce: and if they do, that then such as apprehended them, shall see justice done upon them, and forfeit all the goods they have in Flaunders.  
9 Item, it is accorded, that the debts due to Arras, Tresponois, or other titles of France, shall neither be demanded, nor executed during the said truce.  
10. Item, that all such prisoners as have been taken during these wars, shallbe released out of prison & sent home upon their faith and oath to return, if they be not ransomed during the said truce. And if any shall refuse so to do, that then the Lord under whom he is, shall constrain him to return again to prison.  
11. Item, that all the bands whatsoever they be, which be made before this said truce in the time of war (whether they be of goods spiritual or temporal) be released without restitution, during the said truce.  
12. Also, that these conditions of truce immediately may take effect between the Englishmen & Scots, their Lords, aiders and allies: and the same to endure until the Nativity of S. john Baptist. And that certain persons be appointed by a certain day to be at the marches of England and Scotland to confirm the same truce, under such conditions as have been accustomed in those parts. And if the said Scots refuse so to do, that then they to have no aid out of France, during the said truce.  
13. Item, that this said truce be proclaimed in England, and in Scotland, within the 26. days after the date thereof.  
14. Item, it is accorded that within this truce be contained Espamels, Chatellon, Genevos, the Bishop and the town of Cambrey, and castles of the same, etc.   
In witness whereof, we john by the grace of God king of Bohemia, and Earl of Luxemburgh, Adulphe Bishop of Liege, Raoule Duke of Lorraine, Ayemes Earl of Savoy, & john Earl of Darminacke on the one party: And B. Duke of Brabante, C. Duke of Gelre, D. Marquis of juliers, sir john of Henault, and sir Beawmount on the other party, betwixt the high & puissant princes of France and England: Have scaled this instrument of truce and peace, and delivered the same accordingly in the church of Espleteline, on monday the 25. day of September, the year of grace. 1340.  

K. Edward returneth from Tourney.  This truce thus finished, king Edward broke up his camp, removing his siege from Tourney, & came again to Gaunt. From whence (very early in the morning) he with a small company took shipping, and by long seas came to the tower of London, very few or none having understanding thereof. And being greatly displeased with divers of his counsel and high officers (for that through their default he was constrained against his will, not having money to maintain his wars, 
The king deceived by his officers.  to condescend unto the foresaid truce) he commanded to be apprehended and brought unto him to the tower, the Lord john Stonhore chief justice of England, and sir john Poulteney with divers others. and the next morning, he sent for the Lord K. Bishop of Chichester and the Lord Wake, the Lord Treasurer & divers other such that were in authority and office, and commanded them all to be kept as prisoners in the said tower, 
No bishop must be imprisoned by the Pope's law.  only the said bishop excepted: whom for fear of the constitution of Pope Clement, which commanded that no Bishop should be by the king imprisoned, he set at liberty & suffered him to go his way, & in his place substituted sir Roger Bourcher knight, Lord chancellor of England.  
The history entreating of this matter, reporteth thus that the king had this time under him evil substitutes, and covetous officers: 
Covetous officers.  who attending more to their own gain, then to the public honour and commodity of the realm, left the king destitute and naked of money. With which crime, 
john Stratford Archb. of Cant.  also john Stratford Archbishop then of Caunterbury, was vehemently noted and suspected, whether of his true deserning, or by the setting on of other hereafter shall more appear. In so much that the king ardently incensed against him, charged him with great falsehood used against his person, as by these his letters written and directed to the Dean and Chapter of Paul's against the said Archbishop manifestly appeareth, the tenor of which letter here followeth under written.  
Edward by the grace of God king of England and France, and Lord of Ireland. To his well-beloved in Christ the Deane and Chapter of the Church of S. Paul in London, greeting in the Lord.  

The kings letter to the Dean and chapter of Paul's.  IT is manifest by ancient histories, but more plainly appeareth by those which daily are practised amongst us: that many men abusing (through pride) the favour of Princes, and honour bestowed upon them, have maliciously gone about to deprave the laudable endeavour of kings. And now that the words which we speak may be more manifest unto our subjects: we suppose that neither you nor they have forgotten, that we being established in our kingly throne in younger years, and coveting even then to guide this our regal charge taken upon us with wholesome counsels, have called unto us john the Bishop of Winchester, now Archb. of Cant. whom we supposed for his fidelity and discretion to exceed others: whose counsel in matters appertaining unto the health of our soul, as in matters also respecting the augmenting and conservation of our kingdom both spiritually & temporally, we used: he was received of us into all familiarity. We found in him also such humanity, that he was saluted by the name of father, and of all next unto the king had in honour. Now afterwards, when by right of succession the kingdom of France should have descended unto us, and was by violent injury by the Lord Philip of Valois holden from us: the said Archb. by his importune instancy, persuaded us to enter league of amity with the princes of Almanie, against the said Philip, and to commit ourself and ours unto the hazard of wars, promising and affirming that he would bring to pass, that the revenues of our lands and other helps by him devised, should suffice abundantly for the maintenance of our said wars. Adding moreover, that our only care should be for the furniture of strong and able soldiers, such as were fit for the purpose, and expert in warfare: for the rest, he himself would effectually procure, for money convenient to suffice our necessity, and the charges thereof. Whereupon (intending great exploits) we conveyed our army beyond the seas, and with marvelous great charges (as behoved) we set forward: we became also bound in great sums of money, making sure account of the aid aforesaid promised unto us. But alas, unhappy is that man that reposeth confidence in man's deceitful staff of brittle reed: whereunto (as saith the Prophet) if a man lean, it breaketh and pierceth the hand. Thus being defrauded of our long looked for subsidy, for very necessities sake, we were constrained to take upon us importable charges of debts by grievous usury. And so, our expedition being stayed, we were compelled to retire into England, desisting from our enterprises so valiantly begun. Now, when we were returned into England, we laid before our Archbishop our manifold calamities and misfortunes before rehearsed, and thereupon called a Parliament: wherein the Prelates, noble men and other the faithful subjects of our dominions, granted unto us a new subsidy of corn, lamb, wool. etc. besides the tenth granted by the Clergy: which subsidy (if it had been faithfully collected and obtained in due time) had greatly availed for the expedition of our said wars, the payment of our debts, and confusion of our enemies. Our said Archbishop promised diligently to do his endeavour, as well in collecting the same, as also in procuring other necessaries to serve to our purpose. Whereupon, trusting unto these fair promises, having all things in a readiness both men and furnished ships, we made sail towards Flaunders, and by the way upon the dangerous seas buckled with our enemies (sworn to the destruction of our English nation) of whom we triumphed and were victors, not by our merits (their multitude far exceeding ours) but by the merciful clemency of him that ruleth both wind and sea. Which being done, we passed from thence with a mighty power for the recovery of our right, & pitched our rents near unto the puissant city of Tornaye: whe●e being detained for a time in the siege thereof, wearied with continual toil, our charges still increasing, awaiting with silence our promised aid: day by day, we hooped from our archbishop to receive succour in these our so great necessities. At length being frustrate of all conceived hope, we signified unto our said Archbishop, and other his adherents, by divers messengers and sundry letters, our great necessity and perils which we were in for lack of the said subsidy, granted unto us. We added also the utility and honour, which we saw might be achieved if we had received money in time. All this notwithstanding, we received from them no succour at all, for that, preferring their private business and proper commodities, they cloaked their sloth, or rather (as I may call it) their fraud and malice with vain excuses: and painted glozing words, like unto the deceitful, which (as saith Esay) use to deride with these words: Manda remanda. etc.  
By means whereof (alas for sorrow) it came to pass, that whiles good hope of subduing our enemies graciously smiled upon us, we were constrained (penury prevailing against us) to take truce to our shame, the hindrance of our expedition, and no small rejoicing of our evil willers: and so we returned into Flaunders all void of money, oppressed with infinite debts, neither had we in our treasuries wherewith to discharge our necessities, nor yet to pay our soldiers wages: in so much, that we were compelled to enter into the devouring gulf of usury, and to sustain on our shoulders great burdens of debts, heap upon heap. This being done, our faithful friends, companions in wars, and partakers of our tribulations came unto us, with whom we consulted diligently by what means we might best deliver ourselves from this dangerous storm of evil fortune. 
Archbish. of Cant fal●e to the king.  They all agreed, affirming certainly, that the protracting of our wars, and cause of our manifold necessity happened unto us through the fault and negligence (or rather the malice) of the said Archb. (upon whose discretion the disposition of the whole kingdom seemed to depend) and other officers whom we had adjoined in counsel with him touching the affairs of our kingdom: vehemently swearing and murmuring amongst themselves (for that we had left so long uncorrected the insolency of the bishops and other officers) that if remedy in these cases were not had with speed: they would withdraw themselves from our allegiance, and the covenant which they had sworn unto: to the utter subversion of our kingdom, our perpetual ignominy, and the everlasting shame of our English nation (which God our most merciful father forbidden, should come to pass in our days, in whom is fixed immoveably the anchor of our hope.) 
Evil officers displaced by the king.  Whereupon intending the due correction of our officers, we removed from offices (as seemed good to our wisdom) divers persons, whom we suspected in causes evident of evil administration of justice, of subversion, and oppression of our subjects, of corruption, of bribes, and other heinous offences. Others also of inferior degree offending in the premises, we caused to be detained in safe custody, lest by their liberty, justice might be trodden under foot, and the inquisition of the truth concerning the premises not to come to light. Forasmuch therefore as the knowledge of the truth in these cases might of none more certainly be known, then from the secret breast of our said Archbishop, for that nothing pertaining to our information ought to lie hid from him, unto whom of so long a time had been committed the administration of our whole common weal, and sum of our business: We sent unto him our faithful subject Nicholas de Cantilupe with special commandment from us (all delays set a part) that he should forthwith make his personal appearance before us at our City of London. But he (as one always timorous as well in prosperity as in adversity, and fearing where no fear was) untruly allegeth that some of our assistants had threatened him, and laid wait for his life, if at any time he departed from the Church of Cant. which (God we take to witness and a pure conscience) we never meant nor any of our assistants.  
We suppose he touched thereby our Cousin, 
Archbish. of Cant. 〈◊〉 to all the clergy.  although to all other aswell of the clergy as commonalty through his malicious misdemeanours he was become odious.  
Wherefore, intending the safeguard of our subjects by letters or otherwise called before us, we appointed our trusty and well-beloved Rasse Stafforde our Harbynger, to offer unto him safeconduct: and moreover to present unto him our letters patents under our seal, willing and commanding him thereby again personally to come before us, that we might be informed what of so long a time he had done touching the affairs of the kingdom. Whereunto, 
The Archb. of Cant. de 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉  contemning our commandment & gentle request, he answereth, that neither he would in person appear, neither yet in any matter confer with us, except it were in a full Parliament which for divers reasonable causes could not then be called. Thus may you see this archb. (whom our royal benignity had amplified with large honours, admitted into all familiarity, received into the bond of unnimitie and friendship, upon whom as on a father our whole hope did consist: who, so long as we accomplished his will in all things, pretended towards, us a face of counterfeit love cloaked with dissembling benevolence, even as though he had been a loving father) how cruelly against reason he hath now forsaken us, requiting benefits with ingratitude, oppressing his benefactor with the arrogancy of fear: 
The Archb. 〈◊〉 with 〈…〉 & ingratitude.  and finally (according to the vulgar proverb) rewarded us as a horse in a satchel, a Snake in a man's bosom, and fire cherished next the skin rewardeth their receivers. When we were first exalted unto the throne of our kingdom, descended unto us by right of inheritance (Gods divine providence so working) we thought and always think it a detestable thing to abuse so high authority, but rather desire to govern with clemency, levity, and moderation of justice, that peace of all men desired might firmly take place.  

The Archb. 〈◊〉 of the ●yng.  Nevertheless, our said Archbishop hath gone about to defame our innocency, and the fidelity and diligence our faithful counsellors prosecutours of true justice: openly declaring in his letters patent, and publishing abroad in divers places, that he was oppressed by the king's power contrary, to justice, the Clergy and commonalty confounded, and the church over charged with divers grievous taxes & exactions. He subtly usurped the name of a good pastor, when in deed he was nothing less, but rather (as it should seem by his own confession, and the common opinion had of him) a very hireling. He cloaked his crafty subtleness with the zeal of defending the Church, although he himself in very deed was the only cause, by his evil counsel and crafty devices, of the tribulations of the same. He also feigned that not long ago, certain writings were brought unto him to be sealed, containing in effect the defence and excusation of all such in general that were violaters of the liberties of the Church: hoping thereby to defame the opinion had of us and our faithful counsellors, to stir up sedition amongst the people, and finally to withdraw from us the hearts of our nobility. He gave commandment by his letters, that these things should be proclaimed in all places of great resort by divers special articles contrary to his former order in his provincial Council. Wherefore, respecting the integrity of our fame, intending to prevent the malice of the said Archbishop, and also to decline from us the snares prepared for us and ours: we have thought good at this present (over & besides those which before are rehearsed) amongst so many which we omit, to declare unto you some of his perverse and wicked acts. When in our minority we were constituted over our dominions, he caused us through his unadvised counsel and rash persuasion (thereby to win excesive favour) to give away so many wasteful gifts, and so many unlawful alienations that now by means thereof our treasury is clean consumed, the revenues of our Exchequer without all order dimished, and he corrupted with bribes innumerable. Oftentimes also without cause why, when neither necessity nor utility so required, only through his persuasion we forgave divers men great sums of money due unto us, yea and the rents and revenues which ought to have been conserved for our necessity and profit we applied to the use of his friends largely bestowing upon such as evil deserved it. Moreover (accepting aswell persons as money) contrary to our mind, and his oath of fidelity made unto us: he admitted unto public offices throughout our dominions, persons unworthy, neglecting those that had well deserved. Many other things he rashly took in hand, to the detriment of our state, 
The Archb. ●●useth his office.  the hurt of our dignity royal, and no small damage of our subjects, by abusing his authority & office committed unto him. But if he persist in his proud obstinacy and stout rebellion, we shall hereafter in convenient time and place, cause it to be more openly known: willing and commanding you to publish and cause to be published, all and singular the premises openly and distinctly in places where you shall think it expedient, and to set forth (as shall seem best to your godly wisdoms) our good intent for the suppressing of incommodities, and furthering of the commodities of our subjects, that we may worthily commend your circumspect care herein.  
Teste meipso apud Westm. 10: die Februa. Anno regni nostri Angliae. 15. Regni verò Franciae secundo.  
By these foresaid objections & accusations of the king premised, and laid against the Archbishop of Canterbury: what is to be thought of the doings of the said Archbishop, I leave it to thy iudgevient gentle reader (as I said before) to be conjected: For so much as our histories somewhat bearing with the said Archbishop, seem either to be uncertain of the truth of the matter, or else covertly to dissemble some part of that they knew. And especially of Pol●dor Virgil. I marvel, who having so good occasion to touch the matter, doth so slightly pass it over without any word of mention. In which matter if probable conjecture (beside history) might here be heard, it is not vnlike● but that some old practice of prelate's hath herein been put in ure, through some crafty conspiracy between the Pope and the Archbishop. And the rather to be gathered, for that as the pope was enemy unto the king in this his challenge to the crown of France: So the Archbishop against his Prince (as for the most part always they have been) was a trend, as no man need to doubt thereof, 
〈…〉  unto the Pope. Which thing also more probable may be supposed, because of the coming down of the it. Cardinals the same time, from the pope to the king of England, about the matter of farther truce: whereof (Christ willing) more hereafter shall follow. Albeit, the Archbishop (this yet notwithstanding) subtely and featly excuseth himself to the king of the foresaid objections, and cunningly handleth the matter in words by his letter directed to the king, as followeth.  
The letter of the Archbishop of Caunterburie to the king.  
REdoubted Sir, 
The letter of the Archbishop to the king.   
may it please your majesty to understand: that the most chiefest and special thing that: keepeth kings and Princes in the favour of God, and best preserveth them in their estate: is sage, wise, and deliberate counsel. And therefore sayeth the wise man, concerning counsel in this wise: Good men have thereby their safety. And it is written in the book of kings, how Solomon which was the wisest Prince that ever was, took unto him the most ancient and sage men of his Realm to be his counsellors: By whose advisement and discretion, he always. Kept the land of Israel in quiet and in peace, and besides that had: all other kings and princes that bordered upon him at his will and commandment. After whose death reigned Roboh●m his, son, who neglecting the good counsel of his father, and good advise of his sage & discrete counsellors: 
Good counsellors necessary about a king.  hearkened to such counsel as lighter and younger men persuaded him unto, that sought rather how to please and flatter him, than the quiet state of his Realm: whereby he lost all the whole land of Israel, the 12. part only excepted. In like manner have many kings of Israel and other kingdoms beside, by rash and evil counsel come to great ruin and mischief. And Sir (saving your princely patience) you may call to remembrance your own time: for by the wicked and sinister counsel to our la●e sovereign Lord your father given (whom God forgive) which he took and followed: both against the law of his land, and grand Charter of the peers and other his people of the land: some he put to shameful death, from other some he took their goods, and such as fled, he put unto their ransom, and what enemies he purchased thereby, your grace well understandeth. And after this Sir, you know (enen in your own time) how by following and believing over light counsel: you yourself lost the hearts of many of your subjects, from the which God deliver you, if it be his will. And after that time again until now, by the good advisement of your Prelates, Peers, and sage counsellors of your land, your grace's business and affairs have been so demained and ordered: that you have had the hearts again of all your subjects, as well spiritual as temporal, as much or rather more, than any of your grace's predecessors, kings of England have had. So that, by means of the said good counsel, the good will and aid of your people, and special grace of God; you have had the victory of all your enemies, as well in scotland as in France, and all other places besides: That unto this day (God's name be blessed therefore) your grace hath been esteemed as one of the most noblest Princes in all Christendom. And now your grace (by the evil and perverse counsel of some such within the Realm, which are not so wise as they might be, and such also as consider and respect rather their own private commodity, than your grace's honour and safety of your Realm) beginneth to apprehend divers Clerks, Peers, and other people of the land, and to direct process against them, not beseeming: but contrary to the Law of the land, which to keep and maintain you are bound by the oath you took at your coronation: and contrary to the grand charter, whereof all the realm are witnesses, & all the prelate's of the same: and contrary to the sentence confirmed by the Bull of our holy father to the pope▪ which we have to show. All which things, as they are to the great peril and danger of your soul: so are they also to the utter debasing of your regal state and honour. And Sir, although such as be your grace's governors and counsellors (being a calling above their agree) do give your grace to understand that their enterprises and yours do please and content your subjects and commons: yet your grace shall know for certain, and prove it your own self to be far otherwise, then that they bear you in hand. And that unless God do remedy the same if you prosecute your purpose begun in this order: you will lose the hearts of all your subjects, as also your good and rightful enterprise, and shall see such discord about the same: that you shall not be able to perform that you have begun, but rather enforce your enemies to seek your destruction, to lose your noble and renowned fame, and in the end your kingdom itself, which God forbidden. Wherefore sovereign Lord and King, I beseech you: that for the safeguard of your honour and Realm, and enterprise begon, that you will take unto you the most discrete and wisest men, within your Realm, and work by their advise and counsel, as before this time you have been accustomed without the aid and counsel of whom you can neither maintain your enterprise, nor govern your realm. 
Excommunication in his own private cause abused.  And for that, some such as are about your grace falsely devise against us, treason and such like troubles (and therefore are of us excommunicate, and as persons excommunicate do so esteem of them) as your spiritual pastor, we also desire you so to esteem and think of them, which also, make like report of other that have been with your grace beyond the seas, that they have naughtily & falsely served you, whereby you have lost the town of Tourney, & much honour else, which you might have won & gotten there. May it please your grace to call before you, the Prelates and Peers of your Realm in some convenient place, where we and other more, may safely come and resort, and there also to make search and enquiry, in whose hands after the beginning of your wars, the money and what thing else so ever, which was granted unto you in aid of the same your wars, until this present day, doth remain and is not laid out again, as also by whose default you were so enforced to leave the said siege of Tourney: and those which shallbe found in any point faulty and guilty therein against you as a good justicer, your grace will cause to be punished according to the law: and in so much as appertaineth unto us therein, we ask judgement of our Peers (the state always of holy Church, of us, & of our order reserved inviolate) according as we have written unto you herein. And for God's sake Sir, believe not either of us or any other your true subjects else, more than that you shall understand the verity of: for if men should be punished without making answer to that, which is objected against them, there should be then no difference in judgement betwixt the good doer and the bad.  
And Sir, may it please you well to consider, of the great enterprise you have in hand, the great good will which you have need of for this cause, and of your great enemies the Scots, and the great jeopardy of your realm besides. For, if your Prelates, your nobles, & all the wisemen of your realm, were of one mind and will (without any discord or division amongst them) to dispose and set in order those things, which are needful in so great affairs and business: they should have all enough to beat their heads about, for the maintenance of your great enterprise begun, the honour of you, and safeguard of your Realm. And Sir, may it please your grace, not to be displeased that so rudely and grossly we declare unto you the verity: for why, the great love & affection which we bear unto you, & always have done the same: the preservation of your honour and safeguard of your realm, as also for that we are (although unworthy) the primate of the whole realm of England: which thing appertaining unto us by our office, & being your spiritual father, doth incite us the rather both to say and command that, which may turn to the benefit of your soul, and profit of your realm and kingly estate. Thus the holy spirit save you both body and soul, and give your grace both to hear and believe good counsel, and further give you victory over all your enemies.  
Written at Cant. the 1. day of january. By your grace's chaplain the Archbishop of the same.  

The return of the king's army from Tourney  And thus node the case between the king & the Archbishop of Caunterbury, who coming thus (as is said) in secret wise into England, from the siege of Tourney, his army in the mean while, by ships was conveyed to little Britain. Of whom a great number, through unseasonable and inconvenient meats and drinks, was there consumed. To whom also no less danger happened by the seas coming out of Britain into England, by tempest, thunder and lightening stirred up, as is thought by the Necromaucers of the French king.  

Anno. 1341.  About which season, approaching to the year of our Lord 1341. were sent from the Pope two other Cardinals to entreat with King Edward for three years truce to be concluded more with the French King, 
Truce taken for three years between K. Edward and the French king.  beside the former truce taken before for one year, and all by the pope's means. For here is to be understanded, that as it was not for the Pope's purpose to have the King of England to reign over so many countries, so his privy supportation lacked not by all means possible, both by Archbyshops & Cardinals, and also by the Emperor to maintain the state of the French king, and to 'stablish him in his possession. Ex Tho. Walsing. ex chron. Albanens.  
In the said histories where these things be mentioned it is also noted, that the same year such plenty there was here in the realm of victuals, that a quarter of wheat was sold for two. s. a fat ox for a noble, and as some say a sheep for iiii. d. And thus far endureth the history of Ranulphus Cestrensis called Polychronicon.  
The next year following, 
Anno. 1342.  which was 1342, Ludovicus Bavarus the Emperor, who before had showed great courtesy to king Edward as in his first voyage over, in so much that he made him his vicar or Vicegerent general, and offered him also aid against the French king: Now (●yther turned by inconstancy, or seduced by the pope) writeth to him contrary letters, wherein he revoketh again the Uicegerentship granted to him, and seeketh all means in the favour of the French king, against king Edward: as by his letters here under written may better appear.  
The letter of the Emperor unto the king of England.  
Lvdovicus by the grace of God Emperor of the Romans always Augustus, etc. To Edward king of England his beloved brother, greeting and unfeigned love.  
Although great and urgent business of our own do oppress us, & about the same our weighty affairs are daily encumbered, yet with the discord & variance between your kingly dignity and the renowned Philip the king of France our cousin, for your sake we are not a little troubled. And the rather the great charges which may hereafter grow both to you and to your kingdom, thereby considered both of men and money unless the same be taken up: doth more earnestly provoke us to give ourself to the careful study of your affairs. Wherefore we give you to understand that the foresaid Philip (at our request) hath given unto us by his letters, authority and power to entreat and conclude a peace between you, touching the variance begon: which peace (all the state diligently considered both of yourself, your kingdom and subjects) we take and believe to be right expedient for you: moving there withal your charity, and earnestly desiring you that to this also you will give your consent: whereby we may bring you both to concord and unity, and establish between you a firm peace to endure, whereunto with willing mind we would apply ourself and bestow our painful labour in prosecuting of the same. And herein if you will condescend and agree unto our counsel, as we trust you wil It may please you by your letters to give unto us the like authority as is above said, to entreat peace or ordering of a truce for one year or two at least to continue. Neither let it move you that between us and the said Philip of France a truce is taken. For seeing that you without our consent took truce with him: we by the advice of our Princes which know the bonds, deeds, and covenants betwixt us, who also thought no less but that saving your honour we might do the same, have also made a league with the said Philip king of France, and for certain causes do revoke and call back the Liefetenantship which we assigned unto you by our letters: Nevertheless giving you for a certain to understand, that in our said treaties and peace concluded, we have so brotherly considered you, that if you will agree & condescend unto our counsel: your cause (by our mean and help) shallbe brought to good pass and effect. About which things farther to confer with your brotherhood herein, we have sent a devout & religious man Eliarhardus, reader and brother of the hermits of S. Augustine, and Chaplain of our Court: whom about the premises we desire with speedy expedition to be sent to us again.  
Dated at Franckforde the 14 day of june in the 24. year of our reign, and 14. of our Empire.  
The answer of the King of England, to the Emperor.  
TO the high and mighty Prince Lord Ludovick, by the grace of God Emperor of the Romans, always Augustus, Edward by the same grace king of France, and England, and Lord of Ireland: salutation and prosperous success.  
We have reverently receined your highness letters, amongst other things containing, that the noble Philip de Valois (to the intent a peace and concord between us and him might be concluded) hath given unto you by his letters full power and authority thereunto at your highness request: And that if the same might content us to do in like sort, your highness would travail to bring the concord to pass: And that it would not move us any whit at all, that your highness and the said Philip are in league together: For in so much as we without your astent and consent (you say) took truce with the said Philip, you have also done the like with him (which thing you might well do saving your honour, by the counsel of all your Nobles and Princes) and for certain causes revoke again the Lieftenauntship which you committed unto us. Doubtless, the zeal and good will you have to make this concord and agreement, we much commend: letting you to understand, that we always have been desirous & still are, to have a reasonable peace with the said Philip: which peace, as much as to us (our honour saved) appertained, we have in justice and by law prosecuted: and in very deed, it should be to us acceptable, and as we would wish, if by such a Mediator as your Celsitude is, it might be brought to pass. But forasmuch as we: understand the same our right and title to the kingdom of France, to be manifest and clear enough: we purpose not to commit the same by any of our letters to doubtful arbitrement. But while we well consider and revolve with ourselves, how your highness upon circumspect consideration (manifestly beholding our just and rightful doing, and the strait dealing and obstinate purpose and injury of the said Philip) with us and in our behalf against the said Philip, your grace's highness made a special league: adopting us of your great and bountiful love towards our person, to be one of your sons: Wherefore thus again to alter and break the same, we cannot sufficiently marvel. Seeing your invincible highness being instituted of God to the laud and commendation of good men, and revenge of evil and wicked doers, hath made a league against us with the said Philip de Valois our notorious and injurious enemy. And as touching that which you say, without your assignment and consent we took a truce or days of respite with the said Philip which we ought not to have done: If your grace well consider the circumstance of the matter, we have done but as we might therein. For when we laid our siege to Tourney, it was requisite we followed their advise whose aid and society therein we had. Besides, the sudden and imminent necessity which we there stood in, & the distance of the place betwixt your highness and us furthermore was such, as by that no means we might attain the same, nor use your assent therein. Yea & further, if your grace well remember yourself, your grant unto us was such: that whensoever opportunity thereunto should serve, we might entreat of any peace, and grant what time we thought meet thereunto, without your consent therein: So that to conclude any final peace with the said Philip de Valois, without either your consent or otherwise making your highness privy thereunto, it might not be lawful for us: Which thing without your said counsel, consent and advise, we never minded or purposed to do. But have in all our doings done that which us beseemed, so far as by any means our power would stretch: hoping likewise, that your brotherly benevolence for a time would have more lovingly supported us. It is thought also by some, that the revoking back again, or restraint of your foresaid Liefetenantship, was prematurate or done all out of time: when as according to your promise made to us herein by your letters imperial, you ought not so to have done before the Realm and kingdom of France (or at the least the greatest part thereof) were of us obtained and quietly in peaceable wise enjoyed. These premised therefore we desire you, according to our nobility duly to consider, and hereafter to do that which shall be thought both meet and convenient: because that (God willing) we mea●e to recompense and gratify both you & yours, according to the measure of your benevolence bestowed upon us. The almighty grant unto your Celfitude so much felicity as your hart desireth.  
Dated at London the 18. day of july in the 2. year of the reign of our kingdom of France, and of England 15.  

Pope Clement. 6.  In this mean time died Pope Benedict the 12. mentioned a little before: after whom succeeded in that room Pope Clement the 6. Of whom it is reported in stories, that he was very liberal and bountiful to his Cardinals of Rome, in riching and heaping them with goods & possessions, not of his own, 
Ex Chron. Albanens.  but with the Ecclesiastical dignities and preferments of the Churches of England. For so recordeth the author, that he bestowed upon his Cardinals the liings and promotions, such as were or should be vacant in churches of England, and went about to set up new titles for his Cardinals, 
The king disannulleth the Pope's provision.  here within this realm. But the king being offended therewith made void and frustrate all those foresaid provisions of the pope, charging moreover and commanding no person whatsoever, to busy himself with any such provisions, under pain of prisonment & losing his life. Which law was made the next year following which was an. 1344.  
It followed then, that the said Pope Clement, again began to make new pronisions for two of his Cardinals of benefices and Churches that should be next vacant, beside Bishoprics and Abbotshyps, to the extent of two thousand Marks. Whereupon, the procurators of the said Cardinals were sent down for the same. But the king and nobility of the realm not suffering that, under pain of imprisonment caused the said procurators forthwith to departed the realm: 
The Poges procurators driven out of England.  whereupon, the nobles and commons shortly after, writeth a fruitful Epistle to the Pope, for the liberties and the maintenance of the English church: Whereunto, as saith the author, the pope and the Cardinals were not able to answer. The argument and tenor of which letter out of French, we have caused to be translated into English, as ensueth.  
The letter of the king of England and nobles of the same, to the Pope, against the reservations and provisions which he had in England.  
TO the most holy father in God, 
A letter of the Nobles & commons of England to the pope  Lord Clement by the grace of God of the holy church of Rome, and of the universal church, chief and high Bishop:  
His humble & devout children, the Princes, Dukes, Earls, Barons, Knights, Citizens, burgesses, and all the commonalty of the Realm of England, assembled at the Parliament holden at Westminster the 15. day of May last past: devout kissings of his holy feet, with all humble reverence and humility. Most holy father, the holy discretion, government & equity which appeareth to be in you and aught of duty so to be (being so high and holy a prelate, and head of the holy church) by whom the holy universal church and people of God ought to be, as by the sun beams enlightened: giveth us good hope and likelihood, that the just petitions (to the honour of jesus Christ & holy Church, and your holiness also) by us declared, shallbe of you graciously heard and considered. And that all errors and other iniquities quite taken away and removed: in stead thereof, fruitful exploits and necessary remedies (by the grace of the holy spirit; which you in so high an estate have received) may be by you likewise graciously ordained and disposed. Wherefore most holy father all we (upon great deliberation and common assent) come unto your holiness: showing and declaring that the noble kings of England our progenitors, our ancestors, and we (according to the grace of the holy spirit to them and us given, every one according to his devotion) have established, founded, and endowed with in the realm of England: Churches, Cathedrals, Colleges, Abbeys, Priories, and other divers houses of religion in the same ordained: and to the Prelates and governors of the same places, have given lands, possessions, patrimonies, franchesies, advowsons, and patronages of dignities, revenues, offices, churches, with many and divers other benefices unto them given: whereby the service of God and faith of Christ might have been honoured and had in reverence: that the hospitals & alms houses that are made, with all the churches & edifices, might be honestly kept & maintained: and that devout prayers might in those places be made for the founders, & the poor parishioners aided and comforted. And such only aught to have the cure thereof, as are able to hear confessions; and in their own natural tongue otherwise meet to inform & teach their parishioners. And for so much as (most holy father) that you cannot well come to the notice of divers such errors & defaults, neither yet understand the condition of the places being so far of, unless your holiness be informed & advertised. We having the perfect intelligence and understanding of the said errors and defaults, of the places abovesaid, within the said Realm, have thought meet to signify the same unto your holiness. That divers reservations, provisions and collations by your predecessors Apostolic of Rome, and by you most holy father in your time have been granted (and that more largely than they have been accustomed to be) unto divers persons, as well strangers and of sundry nations, as unto some such as are our enemies, having no understanding at all of the tongue and conditions of them, of whom they have the government & cure. Whereby, a great number of souls are in peril, a great many of their parishners in danger, the service of GOD destroyed, the alms and devotion of all men diminished, the hospitals perished, the churches with their appurtenances decayed, charity withdrawn, the good and honest persons of our realm unaduaunced, the charge and government of souls not regarded, the devotion of the people restrained, many poor scholars unpreferred and the treasure of the realm carried out against the minds and intentes of the founders. All which errors, defaults, and flanders most holy father we neither can nor aught to suffer nor endure. 
Decay of the Church of England by the Pope.  We therefore most humbly require your holiness, that the slanders errors and defaults, which we have declared unto you, may be through your great discretion considered and that it may, please you that such reservations, provisions, and collations may be utterly repelled, that from henceforth the same be no more amongst us used. But to take such order and remedy therein, that the said benefices, edifices, rights, with their apertinentes, may be to the honour of God by our own countrymen cured, defended and governed. And that it may further please your holiness, by your letters to signify unto us without delay and other detract of time, what your pleasure is touching this our lawful request & demand, and that we may do our endeavour with diligence herein for the remedy, correction, and amendment of those enormities above specified. In witness whereof, unto these letters patents we have set our seals.  
Given in the full Parliament at Westminster the 8. day of May, an 1343.  
After these things thus passed over, the King shortly after sent over his procurators, Earl of Lancaster and Derby, Hugh Spencer, L. Ralph Stafforde, with the Bishop of Ex●tor and divers other, to the pope's court to discuss and plead about the right of his title, before the pope. Unto whom the said Pope Clement the 6. not long after, sent down this message: 
The Pope's message to the king.  how that Ludovic duke of bavarie, the Emperor whom the pope had before deposed, had submitted himself to him in all things, and therefore deserved at his hands the benefit of absolution: And how the pope therefore had conferred and restored unto him justly and graciously the Empire, 
The king's answer to the Pope's message.  which he before unjustly did hold. etc. Which message when the King did hear, being therewith moved to anger, answered again, saying: That if he did agree and compound also with the French king, he was ready to fight with them both, etc. Ex chro. Albanen.  
Within the time of this year, pence, halfpences, and farthings began to be coined in the tower. 
Anno. 1344.  And the next year following, which was an. 1344. the castle of winsor (where the king was borne) began to be repaired: and in the same, the house called the round table was situate, 
The Castle in Windsor enlarged. The round table builded in Windsor.  the diameter whereof from the one side to the other, contained 200. feet, to the expenses of which house weekly was allowed an C. li. for the maintaining of the king's chivalry: till at length by the occasion of the French wars, it came down to ix. If a week. By the example whereof, the French king being provoked, began also the like round table in France, for the maintaining of the knighthood. At which tune the said French king moreover gave free liberty through his realm to fell down trees for making of ships & maintaining of his navy, whereby the Realm of England was not a little damnified.  

tenths granted to the king by the clergy for 3. years. Privileges granted by the king to the clergy.  During the same year, the Clergy of England granted to the king tenths for 3. years: for the which the king in recompense again granted to them his Charter containing these privileges: that no Archbishop nor Bishop should be arraigned before his justices, sive ad sectam suam, sive partis, if the said clerk do submit & claim his clergy, professing himself to be a member of holy Church, who so doing shall not be bound to come to his answer before the justices. 
By this it is like that priests had wives.  And if it shall be laid unto them to have married two wives, or to have married a widow: the justices shall have no power to proceed against them, to inquire for the matter: So that the cause shall be reserved to the spiritual court. etc.  

Prince Edward first prince of Wales.  About this present time at the setting up of the round table, the king made Prince Edward his eldest son the first prince of Wales. At this while yet continued the truce between the 2. kings. Albeit it is likely to be thought that the French king gave many attempts to infringe the same. Whereupon Henry earl of Lancaster with 600. men at arms, and as many archers as were sent over to Gascoin, the year after, 
Anno. 1345.  an. 1345. who there so valiantly is said to behave himself, that he subdued 55. towneships unto the king, 23. noble men, 
Henry earl, after made duke of Lancaster sent over to Gasconie.  he took prisoners, encountering with the French men at Attebroke. So courteously and liberally he dealt with his soldiers, that it was a joy to them and a preferment to fight underneath him. His manner was in winning any town, little or nothing to reserve to himself, but to sparie the whole spoil to his soldiers. One example in the author (whom I follow) is touched: 
A rare example of a liberal captain to his soldiers.  how the foresaid Earl at the winning of the town of briars, where he had granted to every soldior for his booty, the house with all the implements therein, which he by victory should obtain: among other his soldiers to one named Reh, fell a certain house with the implements thereof, wherein was contained the mint and money coined for that country, to the valour of a great substance: which when the soldior had found, in breaking up a house, where first the gross metal was not yet perfectly wrought, he came to the Earl declaring to him the treasure, to know what was his pleasure therein. To whom the Earl answered that the house was his, & whatsoever he found therein. afterward the soldier finding a whole mint of pure silver ready coined, signified the same to the earl, for somuch as he thought such treasure to be to great for his portion, to whom the said Earl again answering, declared that he had once given him the whole house, and that he had once given, 
The liberal heart and constant voice of a worthy captain.  he would not call back again as children use to play. And therefore had him enjoy that which was granted to him: And if the money were thrice as much it should be his own: Ex chron. Albanens. Which story whither it was true or otherwise in those days, I have not to affirm. But certes, if in these our covetous wretched days now present, any author should report the like act to be practised, 
The Scots partly a mean of breaking truce.  I would hardly believe it to be true.  
As the earl of Lancaster was thus occupied in Gascony the Scots were as busy here in England, wasting & spoiling without mercy, which were thought (& not unlike) to be set on by the French king. And therefore was judged both by that, & by other divers ways to have broken the coutnants of truce between him and the king of England.  
Wherefore the next year ensuing. 
Anno. 1346.  An. 1346. king Edward first sending his letters to the court of Rome, & therein complaining to the pope of Philip de Ualois, how he had transgressed, 
The 1. via●● of K. Edw. into France.  and broken the truce between them made, which by cuident probations he there made manifest: about the month of july made his voyage into Normandy in such secret wise, that no man well knew whether he intended. Where first he entered the town of Bogs, 
The battle at Ca●●●n.  from thence proceeded unto Cardone. Where, about the 27. of july by the river of Cardone he had a strong battle, with the Normands & other French men, which to stop his passage, defended the bridge. At the which battle were taken of the Lords of France, the earl of Ewe, the earl of tankerville. And of knights with other men of arms, to the number of an 100 of foot men 600. and the town and suburbs beaten down to the hard walls. And all that could be borne away transported to the ships.  
A little before mention was made how the French K. began first to infringe the truce taken, and how the Earl of Lancaster, upon the same was sent unto Gascony. Now for the more evidence of the matter concerning the falling of the French king from the league, and other his wrongs & untrue dealing: It shall better in the king's letter appear, who hearing word that the Lord Philip de Ualois (contrary to the form of truce taken at Uanes) had apprehended certain of his nobles of England, and had brought them to Paris to be imprisoned & put to death: beside other slaughters and spoilings made in Britain, Gascony, and other places more. He therefore seeing the truce to be broken of the French kings part, & being thereto of necessity compelled: In the year above prefixed, the 14. of the month of june, did publish and send abroad his letter of defiance, containing this effect.  
The king's letters of defiance against the French king.  
TO all and singular, 
The kinglet ters of defiance against the French king.  to whom these presents shall come, public greeting.  
We think it is not unknown unto you all, that after the decease of Charles late king of France of famous memory, brother to our redoubted Lady mother Queen Isabel, Queen of England. That the crown of France, by just inheritance hath fallen unto us, as to the next heir male now living after the said king. Now Philip de Valois, being son but only to the uncle of the foresaid king Charles, and therefore by degree of consanguinity being further of removed from the same (we being in the time of our minority) hath violently by force and power contrary to God and justice usurped, occupied, and yet doth occupy the same, invading further and spoiling our lands in the Dukedom of Aquitania, and joining himself with our rebellious enemies the Scots, seeking our subversion both by land and by sea, to the uttermost of his endeavour. And although we to prevent the damages which might rise by war, have offered to the said Philip divers friendly ways of peace: to the intent we might better intend our purposed voyage against Christ's enemies the Turks: Yet could nothing prevail with him in obtaining any peaceable way of reformation, driving us of by crafty dissimulation, through false pretenced words, but performing nothing with heart and deed. Whereupon, we not neglecting the grace and the gift of God, to defend the right of our inheritance, and to repulse the injuries of our enemy, have not refused by force of arms, coming down to Brittany to encounter with him in open field. And so we being occupied in our wars, there repaired unto us the reverend father bishop of Prevest, and of Tusculane Cardinals, and Legates from Pope Clement 6. to entreat some reformation of peace between us. At whose request we consented, agreeing to such forms and conditions of peace as then were taken between us, sending moreover our Ambassadors to the court of Rome, specially to entreat of the same matter. And thus while some hope of truce seemed between us to appear: News suddenly came unto us, which not a little astonished our mind, of the death of certain of our nobles and adherents, whom the said Philip unjustly, and cruelly at Paris commanded to be executed. Beside the wasting and spoiling our lands and subjects in Britain, Gascony and other places: with innumerable wrongs and injuries deceitfully intended against us both by sea and land. By reason whereof, the truce on his part being notoriously broken, it is most manifest to have been lawful for us, forthwith to have set upon him with open war. Yet notwithstanding to avoid those incommodities that come by war, we thought first to prove, if by any gentle means some reformation might be had touching the premises. And therefore sundry times, have sent Ambassadors to the Pope's presence for the treatise of peace, and reformation to be had in those aforesaid excesses: requiring also for the tractation thereof, certain terms of times to be appointed, always, reserving to ourselves notwithstanding free liberty to resume war at our pleasure, according as the doings of the said Philip shall constrain us thereunto. And now forasmuch as the foresaid terms be already expired, and yet no reasonable offer of peace appeareth, 
The Pope's legate surreth up war.  neither will the said Philip come to any conformity, being required and monished notwithstanding by the Pope's letters thereunto, (as the Pope by his letters hath written unto us) but always hath multiplied his conspiracy and obligations using extremities against us, to omit here to speak of the excessive enormity of the Pope's Legate, 
●●ke legate ●●ke Pope.  who being sent by the Bishop of Rome for the keeping of truce, and whose part had been rather to have quenched and stayed the discord: hath stirred up our enemy more eagerly against us. In the which doing neither hath the Bishop of Rome (saving his reverence) as yet provided any remedy, albeit he hath been divers times required of us so to do. Which things being so, we ought to be excused both before God and man, if for the defect of other remedy to be had, we shallbe constrained ourselves to find remedy against such wrongs and injuries: the case of justice and necessity constraining us to give out these our letters of defiance, against the violator of the truce, & the unjust invader of our kingdom. Protesting that this we do, not upon any displeasure to the Bishop of Rome, or to the Apostolic sea but only for the moderation of equity, standing upon the defence of our own right & lawful inheritance, intending always rather to have peace, if by any reasonable way it might be had. And thus much for the stopping of slanderous fame and the mouths of backbiters, We thought good to signify first to the high Bishop of Rome, etc. the foresaid Cardinals: that by them as persons indifferent, and mediators, the same may be insinuated to the contrary part, and also unto your whole university in general: recommending unto you all the innocency of my cause and the community of justice.  
Dated at Westminster the 14. of june, the 19 year of our reign in England, and of France the 6.  
And thus much for the kings letter. Now let us again return to his passage, from whence a little we have degressed. Concerning the which passage of the king, with the order of his acts achieved in the same, from the winning of Cadane or Cordoyne, unto the town of Pusiack, is sufficiently described by one of the Kings chaplains and his confessor, who being a Dominick Friar and accompanying the King through all his journey, writeth thereof as followeth.  

A letter of the king's cō●cllor touching his acts doing at Cardoyn.  Benedicere debemus Deum Coeli etc. Great cause we have to praise and laud the God of heaven, and most worthily to confess his holy name, who hath wrought so his mercy to us. For after the conflict had at Cadame, in the which many were slain, and the City taken and sacked even to the bare walls, the City of Baia immediately yielded itself of his own accord, fearing lest their counsels had been bewrayed. After this the Lord our king directed his progress toward Roan Who being at the town of Lexon, 
The Cardinal● again entreat for peace. The kings answer to the Cardinals.  there came certain Cardinals to him, greatly exhorting him to peace. Which Cardinals being courteously entertained of the K. for the reverence of the Pope's sea, it was thus answered to them again. That the king being much desirous of peace, had assayed by all ways and means reasonable how to maintain the same. And therefore hath offered conditions and manifold ways of peace to be had to the no small prejudice of his own cause. And yet is ready to admit any reasonable offer of peace, if by any means it may be fought etc. With this answer the Cardinals going to the french king the kings adversary, to persuade with him in like manner: 
The French king showeth no careful study of peace.  returned to King Edward again, offering to him in the French Kings name the Dukedom of Aquitania, in as full assurance as his father before him ever had it, besides further hope also of obtaining more, if entreaty of peace might be obtained. But for so much, that contented not enough the king's mind, neither did the Cardinals find the french king so tractable and propense to the study of peace as they looked for, the Cardinals returned, leaving the matter as they found it. And so the king speeding forward, by the way as his journey did lie, he subdued the country and the great towns without any resistance of the inhabitans, who did all fly and run away. Such fear God stroke into them, that it seemed they had lost their hearts. In the same voyage, as the king had gotten many towns and villages, so also he subdued Castles and Munitions, very strong, and that with little stress. His enemy being at the same time at Roan had reared a great army, who notwithstanding being well manned, yet ever kept on the other side of the river Scene, breaking down all the bridges that we should not come over to him. And although the country round about continually was spoiled, sacked, and with fire consumed by the circuit of 20. miles round about: yet the French king being distant scarce the space of one mile from us, either would not or else durst not (when he might easily have passed over the river) make any resistance for the defence of his country and people. 
The kings coming to Pusiacke.  And so our king journeying forward came to Pusiacke or Poisy, where the French king had likewise broke down the bridge: and keeping on the other side of the river, would rest in no place.  
After whose coming to Poisie, the foresaid chaplain and confessor to the king, named Michael Northburgh, describing the king's voyage and the acts of the Englishmen from the town of Poisie, to his coming to Calis, in his letters writeth in this wise.  
¶ A Letter of W. Northburghe the kings confessor, describing the king's voyage into France.  
SAlutations premised, we give you to understand, that our sovereign Lord the king came to the town of Poisye the day before the Assumption of our Lady, where was a certain bridge over the water of Scene broken down of the enemy, but the king tarried there so long till that the bridge was made again. And whiles the bridge was in repairing, there came a great number of men at arms and other soldiers were armed, to hinder the same. But the Earl of Northhampton issued out against them & flew of them more than one thousand: the rest fled away thanks be to God. And at an other time our men passed the water although with much travel, and flew a great number of the common soldiers of France, about the City of Paris, and country adjoining, being part of the French kings army, and thoroughly well appointed: so that our people have now, made other good bridges upon our enemies, God be thanked, without any great loss and damage to us. And on the morrow after the Assumption of our Lady, the king passed the water of Scene, and marched toward Posy, which is a town of great defence and strongly immured, and a marvelous strong Castle within the same, which our enemies kept. And when our vaundgard was passed the town, our reregarde gave an assault thereunto and took the same: where were slain more than 300. men at arms of our enemies part. And the next day following, the Earl of Suffolk and Sir Hugh Spenser marched forth upon the commons of the country assembled and well armed, and in fine discomfited them, and slew of them more than 200. and took 60. Gentlemen prisoners, besides others. And after that, the King marched toward Grand Villers, and while he was there encamped, the kings vaundgard was descried by the men of arms of the king Bename: whereupon, our men issued out in great haste and joined battle with them, but were enforced to retire. Notwithstanding, thanks be unto God, the Earl of Northhampton issued out and rescued the horsemen with other soldiers: so that few or none of them were either taken or slain saving only Thomas Talbot, but had again the enemy in chase within 2. leagues of Amians: of whom we took 8. and slew 12. of their best men at arms, the rest being well horsed, took the town of Amians. After this, the king of England marched toward Pountife upon Bartholomew day, and came unto the water of Some, where the French king had laid 500 men at arms, and three thousand foot men: purposing to have kept and stopped our passage: but thanks be to God, the king of England and his host entered the same water of Some, where never man passed before, without the loss of any of our men: and after that encountered with the enemy and slew of them more than two thousand, the rest fled to Abevyle, in which chase was taken many Knights, squires, and men at arms. The same day, Sir Hugh Spenser took the town of Croylay, where he and his soldiers flew four hundred men at arms, and kept the town, where they found great store of victuals. The same night, encamped the king of England in the Forest of Cressy upon the same water, for that the French kings host came on the other side of the town near unto our passage: But he would not take the water of us, and so marched toward Abevile. And upon the Friday next following, the King being still encamped in the said Forest, our Scuriers descried the french king, which marched toward us in four great battles: And having then understanding of our enemies (as Gods will was) a little before the evening tide we drew unto the plain field, and set our battles in array: and immediately the fight began, which was sore and cruel, and endured long, for our enemies behaved themselves right nobly. But thanks be given to God, the victory fell on our side, and the King our adversary was discomfited with all his host, and put to flight: Where also was slain the King of Bename, the Duke of Loren, the Earl of Dabeson, the Earl of Flaunders, the Earl of Blois, the Earl of Aarcot, with his two Sons, the Earl of Damerley, the Earl of Navers, and his Brother, the Lord of Tronard, the archbishop of Myemes, the Archbishop of Saundes, the high Prior of France, the Earl of Savoy, the Lord of Morles, the Lord de Guis, Segniour de S. Novant, Signior de Rosingburgh, with six Earls of almain, and divers other Earls, Barons, Knights, and Squyres, whose names are unknown. And Philippe de Valois himself, with an other Marquis which was called Lord elector among the Romans, escaped from the battle. The number of the men at arms which were found dead in the field, beside the common Soldiers and footmen, were 1542. And all that night the king of England with his host abode armed in the field where the battle was fought. On the next morrow before the Sun rose, there marched towards us an other great host, mighty and strong, of the Frenchmen. But the Earl of Northhampton, and the Earl of Norfolk issued out against them in 3 battles, and after long and terrible fight, them in likewise they discomfited by God's great help and grace (for otherwise it could never have been) where they took of Knights and Squires a great number, and flew above 2000 pursuing the chase three leagues from the place where the battle was fought. The same night also the king encamped himself again in the forest of Cressy, and on the morrow marched toward Boleyne, and by the way he took the town of Staples: and from thence he marched toward Calis where he intendeth to plant his siege and lay his battery to the same. And therefore our sovereign Lord the king willeth and commandeth you in all that ever you may, to send to the said siege victuals convenient. For after the time of our departing from Chaam, we have traveled through the country with great peril and danger of our people, but yet always had of victual plenty thanks be to God therefore. But now as the case standeth, we partly need your help to be refreshed with victuals.  
Thus far you well Written at the siege before the town of Calis the 14 day of September.  
After the siege and winning of Poisie, the third day of September an. 1346. 
Anno. 1346.  the king through the midst of France directed his passage unto Calis, as by the tenor of this letter you hear, 
Siege of Calys.  & besieged the same: which siege he continued from the third of September aforesaid, till the third day of August the year next ensuing, upon the which day it was rendered up unto the said king Edward the third, and subdued unto the crown of England, as after the Lord willing shall more appear.  

David king of Scots invadeth England.  In the mean time during the siege of Calis, David the Scottish king at the request of the French king with a great army braced into the North parts of England, and first besieging the town of Lidell, within six days obtained the greatest part of the town, & there taking all that he could find, with Sir Walter Salby a valiant knight which was the keeper of the hold, caused him uncourteously to be put to the sword, and so from thence proceeded further into England, till at length being met with all by William Surthe Archbish. of York, and the L. Percy, and the L. Nevell, with other nobles of those parties (calling & gathering their men together) in the plain near to Durham, 
The Scots overthrown.  the 17. day of October in the year abovesaid through the gracious hand of Christ, there were subdued & conquered. In the which conflict, the Earls of Murrise, and Stratheron, with the flower of all the chivalry and principal warriors of Scotland were slain. Also the foresaid king David, with the Earls of Mentiffe & Fiffes, and other Lords, and William Douglas Mas klime, 
David the Scottish K. taken prisoner.  fleming, and William Douglas, & other many more men of arms were taken prisoners, & so the mischief which they intended to other, fell upon their own heads.  
During moreover the said siege of Calis, the foresaid Pope Clement the 6. writing to the king of England, went about under the pretence of peace, to stop his proceed whose letters here follow nuder written.  
The letter of the Pope to the king of England, in the behalf of the Frenchmen.  
CLement the Bishop, servant of God's servants: To his well-beloved son in Christ, Edward the puissant king of England Salutation and Apostolical blessing.  
If you diligently consider dear son (as aught a catholic Prince to do) the slaughter of such an innumerable sort, bought with the precious blood of Christ our redeemer: the loss of their substance & souls, and the lamentable perils, which the dissensions and wars stirred up between you and our well-beloved son Philippe, the noble king of France have brought upon us, and yet daily do without intermission: And also the bewailing of so many poor people, crying out of Orphans and pupils, lamentation of widows, and other miserable people, which be rob and spoiled, and almost famished: what exclamation they make with tears running down their cheeks, yelling and crying unto God for help, as also the destruction of churches, monasteries, & holy places, holy vessels and other ornaments unto gods service dedicated: the sacrilegious robberies, takings, & imprisonings: the spoiling of holy churches & religious persons, with many other such innumerable, detestable, execrable mischiefs, offending the eyes of the divine majesty: All which, if your princely hart would consider and well remember with this also that Catholic saith (especially in the East parts) and the Christians there abiding by means of the same dissensions and wars, destitute of the helps of such catholic men as are in the West parties, are so afflicted of the Infidels seeing the other parts of Christendom so troubled, with cruel persecutions, yea and more crueler than ever it hath been (although in these times to amplify this our saith in the said East parts is cruel persecution showed more than hath been of many years past) doubtless we believe it would pity your hart. And to the end that such and so great evils should no further proceed, nor yet that so great good as might be done by delating of our foresaid faith in these times should be let & hindered, we desire you that ye would apply your mind to make some agreement and peace with the foresaid king. For if (my well-beloved son) God hath given unto you-prosperous success and fortune, ye ought rather to humble than to extol yourself: and so much the more readier to incline to his peace, and to endeavour yourself to please God which loveth peace, and delighteth in peaceable men, and to eschew the foresaid evils which without doubt do grievously offend him. Furthermore, we marvel greatly that unto our reverend brother Anibaldus Bishop of Tusculane, and our beloved son Stephen of the title of S, john, and Paul, priest and Cardinal of the apostolical sea, being sent as Legates by us and the same see Apostolical to entreat a peace, who diligently and faithfully labouring for the same as lovers of verity, justice and equity, and therewithal regarders of your honour: could not be suffered touching the entreaty of the same peace, to come unto your Grace's presence.  
Wherefore we desire your kingly highness more earnestly, & for the mercy of God with more vehemence require the same: that you taking up the foresaid horrible evils and preventing the sweetness of piety and compassion, may escape the vengeance of God's indignation, which were to be feared, if you should persever in your former evils as God forbidden. And as touching the entreaty for peace, for which our foresaid Cardinals were sent unto you (howbeit secretly lest it should be any derogation to your honour) we desire you to condescend thereunto, & with all your affection you will incline your mind to the same, so pleasant unto God, so desired of the world, as also to you the foresaid king, & unto the catholic saith profitable. And that the same peace by God's help & grace established & made perfect, you might assay your puissant strength about god's business in the foresaid east parts (so good occasion serving as before is said in these our times) being so apt advasicements of your honour, & happy increasing of your princely name: for seruently we have heard of you reported to behave yourself, in all your attempts. Thus we doubt not but that you will write unto us again touching the premises, and the purpose of your intention touching the same.  
Dated at Auinion the 18 of February, and 5 year of our Papacy.  
The answer of the king of England, to the foresayst letter of the Pope.  
MOst holy father, 
K. Edward answereth to the pope.   
we understand by the letters of the reverend fathers in God the Bishop of Tusculan, and Stephen of the title of S. john Priest, Cardinals & Legates of the Court of Rome, as also by the letters of your holiness sent unto us, that ye marvel greatly for that your said Legates were of purpose sent unto us, and commanded to entreat of a peace between our adversary of France and us, that we would not suffer them secretly to talk with us, for the safeguard of our honour: The intention of your hart to make the foresaid peace, complaining and bewailing therein the death of Christian men, the loss of their goods, the peril of their souls, the lamentable wailings of the poor, of orphans, the widows, and destruction of other pitiful persons, the pillage and robberies of Churches, and other mischiefs innumerable, and namely the diminishing of Christian saith in the East parts, which by the war between our adversary of France and us is sore decayed, as the said letters plainly do import: And that forasmuch as God hath given you triumphant fortune, that so much the more we ought to abase and humble our hart and to be the readier to make and incline to a peace. As touching these things holy Father, we give your holiness to understand that aswell unto your foresaid Legates as other messengers sent from you unto us, we have offered unto every of them reasonable ways of peace, and every day declare the same, and that not secretly but openly: For we doubt not to let our purpose be understood, for he that is the high judge both of him and us, in whose disposition all thing lieth, hath given unto us the crown of France to our right and proper heritage. The which right, our foresaid adversary hath by force, of long time detained from us we seeking to obtain the same in peaceable wise and yet do, if we might obtain the same in any good manner, rather for the benefit of christian men, and that the foresaid evils might cease, which by his wrongful means only have increased & grown. Yet notwithstanding as before this time you know we assented to a truce with certain Articles contained in the same writing, all this he hath infringed: Neither doth the wrong suffice him which he offereth us in our foresaid heritage, but endeavoureth himself during the said truce to invade our realm of England and other our lands; and further maintaineth the Scots, & aideth them to the utter destruction of us; our people, & lands aforesaid: whereby, we were enforced for the safeguard of our people and lands, by such lawful means we may, to defend ourselves and put him from his wicked purpose. And furthermore, for the same our quarrel being in the hands of God, have we comen against him to conquer our inheritance of France over whom God hath given us divers victories as we have trusted he would by his rightwise judgement and power, which thing he hath showed upon us, (all chance of fortune set a part) in respect of our rightful title therein, and without our deserts: Wherefore with all humility of hart we give him thanks always therefore, most devoutly night and day praising his holy name, for we acknowledge the same cometh not by our strength and force. Wherefore most holy Father we desire your holiness, and somuch, as in us lieth require the same, that you that supply the place of the son of God in earth, and hath the government of the souls of all Christian men and aught to be upright and equal, towards all men without exception of persons: that ye will receive good information and true, of the objections above said, and will put to your holy helping hand, as much as in you is, that our said adversary of France may acknowledge his wrong which he hath done to us herein, and may be by your aid redressed, and that he in this his wrong have no mainteynance and aid at your hand. For if it be so, we then appeal unto the judge of judges which suffereth for a time wrongs to be done for the sinful default of man, but in the end redresseth the same, leaving no good deed unrewarded, nor evil unpunished most humbly requiring him to be to us a true and upright judge of all our controversies, 
The king appealeth from the P. to God.  for his mercy's sake, as in the mean time we repose our full trust and confidence in him. The holy spirit of God etc.  
Moreover during yet the siege of Calis, the French king had sent certain offers to the men of Flaunders that if they would relinquish the king of England and adhere to him.  

First he would remit all their former transgressions.  
Secondly, he would unburden them of their interdict.  
Thirdly, he would send unto them such plenty of corn, that what was sold for 12.5. with them, should be sold for 4.5. and that for 6. years. 
Offers made to the men of Flaunders to forsake K. Edward.   
Fourthly, he would store them with plenty of French will, to make cloth for a small price, & that they might sell the said clothes both in Flaunders and in France: & that the French men should use the same cloth, for so much as all other manner of cloth should be forbid in France, so long as any of that (made of French will) might be found.  
Fiftly, he would restore them to these three Cities Insulam, Rowocum, and Betony.  
Sixtly, he would defend them from all their adversaries. And in pledge of the same, would sand them money before hand.  
seventhly, such as were able and forward men among them, he would retain and promote them. etc.   
But these offers seeming to proceed more of fair words to serve the present turn, then or any hearty truth, were not received. Then the L. john, Prince & heir to the French king, during the foresaid siege of Calis above mentioned, coming with a mighty army of French men, set upon the men of Flaunders and English men in the town of Cassels. In the which conflict during from morning to noon, 
The Dolphin with the French discomfited at Casseles.  the Frenchmen were vanquished and the young Dolphin driven back from whence he came. Of whose number divers were slain, and taken prisoners. Where on the other side (through the lords defence) not one is reported to be grievously wounded.  
As this passed on, not long after about the 7. day of june an. 1347, 
Anno. 1347.  king Edward continuing still his siege against Calis, Philip the French king came down with a mighty army purposing to remove the siege: where not far of from the English host, he encamped himself. Which done 2. Cardinals, Ambaldus, & Stephanus (procured for the same purpose) going between the two kings, gave to the king of England thus to understand: that if he would condescend to any reasonable way of peace, the French king was ready to offer such honest prosers unto him, as to reason & to his contentation should seem agreeable. But in conclusion when it came to talk, the nobles could not agree upon the conditions. Wherefore the french king seeing no other remedy, did it to be signified to king Edward: that between that present Teusday, & the next friday, if he would come forth into the field, he should have battle given him. Thus the place being viewed of four Captains of either host, 
The French king flieth before the battle.  for the battle to be fought: it so fell, that the French K. on Wednesday at night before the battle should join, secretly by night setting his pavilions on fire, returned back with his army, out of the sight of English men.  
Upon the Friday following, they which were besieged in the town of Calis, seeing the king to be retired (upon whose help they trusted, being also in great penury & famine for lack of victuals, 
The town of Calais won.  & otherwise in much misery vehemently distressed) surrendered the town to the kings hands: who like a merciful Prince only detaining certain of the chief, the rest with the whole commons he let go with bag & baggage, diminishing no part of their goods, showing therein more Princely favour to them, than they did of late in Queen Mary's days unto our men, in recovering the said town of Calis again.  
After the winning thus of Calis as hath been premised, king Edward remaining in the said town a certain space, 
Truce concluded between England & France.  was in consultation concerning his voyage & proceeding farther into France. But by means of the foresaid Cardinals, truce for a certain time was taken, and instruments made (so provided) that certain noble men as well for the french K. as for the king of England, should como to the Pope there to debate upon the Articles. Unto the which king Edward, for peacesake was not greatly disagreeing. Which was. an. 1347. Ex Tho. Walsingh.  
The next year following which was an. 1348. 
Anno. 1348.  fell a sore plague, which they call the first general pestilence in the realm of England, 
A vehement pestilence in England.  This plague (as they say) first springing from the East, & so spreading westward, did so mightily prevail here in this land, beginning first at Dorcester & the countries thereabout, that every day lightly 20. some days 40. some 60. & more dead corpses were brought & laid together in one pit. This beginning the first day of Angust: by the first of November it came to London. Whereas the vehement rage thereof was so hot, and did increase so much: that from the first day of February, till about the beginning of May in a Churchyard then newly made by smithfield, 
Now called the Charterhouse church yard.  above 200. dead corpses every day were buried, besides them which in other Churchyards of the City were laid also. At length by the grace of Christ ceasing there it proceeded from thence to the Northparts. Where also the next year after. an. 1349. it suaged.  
After this in the next year ensuing. an. 1350. 
Anno. 1350.  the town of Calis was by treason of the keeper of the Castle, almost betrayed and won from the English men. 
Calais almost lost by treason. The death of the French king.  Within the compass of which year, died Philip the French king. After whom king john his son succeeded in the crown. Who the next year after under false precence of friendship, caused the Constable of France earl of Ewe to be beheaded: who being taken prisoner before in war by English men, 
Anno. 1351. The town of Gwynes taken.  and long detained in prison in England, was licenced by king Edward to visit his country of France. In the same year the town of Gwines was taken by Englishmen, while the keepers of the hold were negligent and a sleep.  
The year next following, 
Anno. 1352.  the Marshal of France with a great army was put to flight, by Sir Roger Bentele Knight and Captain in Britain, 
Victory of Sir Roger Bentele.  having but only 600. Soldiers with him. In this battle were taken 9 Knights, Esquires, and Gentlemen. 140. The French men & Britain's, by this victory were exceedingly discouraged, and there pride cut down.  
In the year after, 
First Duke of Lancaster.  was Henry first made Duke of Lancaster, which before was Earl of Derby and Lancaster. Also divers good ordinances were appointed in the Parliament at Westminster. Which afterby avarice, and partial favour of the head men, were again undone.  
Concord and agreement about the year. 1354. 
Anno. 1354.  began to come well forward, & instruments were drawn upon the same, 
Pope innocent. 6.  between the 2. kings. But that the matter being brought up to Pope Innocent 6. partly by the quarreling of the French men, partly by the winking of the Pope which ever held with the French side, the conditions were repealed, which were these: That the king of England, all the Dukedom of Aquitanie with other lands there, should be to him restored, without homage to the French king. And that king Edward again should surrender to him all his right and title, which he had in France: whereupon rose the occasion of great war and tumult, which followed after between the two Realms.  
It followed after this, 
Chron. Adam●. Murimouth canonici D. Paul● de gestis Edw. I.  the year of our Lord. 1355. that king Edward hearing of the death of Philip the French king, & that king john his son, had granted the Dukedom of Aquitine to Charles his eldest son & Dolphin of Vienna: 
Ann. 1355.  sent over Prince Edward with the Earl of Warwick, of Salisbury, of Oxford, and with them a sufficient number of able soldiers, into Aquitania. Where he being willingly received of divers, the rest be subdued: partly by force of sword, partly received, submitting themselves to his protection.  

The third voyage of K. Edward into France.  Not long after this in the same year, word being brought to king Edward that john the French king was ready to meet him at S. Omers there to give him battle, gathered his power & set over to Calis with his 2. sons, Leo nel Earl of Wilton: and john of Gaunt, Earl of Richmond: 
The French K. refuseth to join in battle with king Edward.  & with Henry Duke of Lancaster, etc. who being come to S. Omers, the French king with a mighty army of his francklings hearing of his coming, the nearer he approached to them the further they retired back: wasting & destroying behind them, to the intent that the english army in pursuing them should find no victuals. By reason whereof, king Edward following him by the space of 9 or 10 days unto Haden (when neither he could ●inde his enemy to fight, nor victuals or forage for his army) he returned unto Calis: where war again being offered in the name of the king upon unstable conditions, and yet the same not performed, king Edward seeing the shrinking of his enemy, from Calis crossed the seas into England: where he recovered again the town of Berwick, which the Scots before by subtle train had gotten. At which time was granted unto the king in Parliament 50. 
Fifty shillings for every sack of wool carried out of England.  s. for every sack or pack of will that should be carried over, for the space of 6. years together. By the which grant, the king might despend every day by estimation above 100 marks sterling. And for as much as every year 100000. sacks of will were thought to be exported out of the Realm: the sum thereof for 6. years space was esteemed to mount to 1500000. pound sterling.  

The custom of wool for six years 1500000. pounds sterling to king Edward.  The same year, when king Edward had recovered Barwick, and subdued Scotland: Prince Edward being in Gascony, made toward the French king. Who notwithstanding by the way all bridges were cast down, & great resistance made: yet the victorious Prince making way with his sword, after much slaughter of the Frenchmen, & many prisoners taken: 
Anno. 1356.  at length joining with the French king at poitiers, scarce with 2000 gave the overthrow to the French king with 7000. men of arms and mor. In which conflict the French king himself, and Philip his son with L. james of Bourbon, the Archb. of Senon, two, 
The French K. taken prisoner by prince Edward.  Earls. 22. Lords were taken. Of other warriors and men of arms 2000 Some affirm in this conflict were slain 2. Dukes, of Lords and noble men 24. of men of arms 2002. of other soldiers above 8000. The common report is, that more Frenchmen were there taken prisoners, than was the number of them which took them. This noble victory gotten by the grace of God brought no little admiration to all men.  
It were too long, and little pertaining to the purpose of this history to comprehend in order all the doings of this king, with the circumstances of his victories, of the bringing in of the french king into England, of his abode there, of the ransom levied on him and of David the Scottish king, 
Every Scute valuing 6. shillings 8. pence.  of which, the one was rated at 3. millions of Scutes, that other at 100000. marks to be paid in 10 years how the staple was after translated to Calis, with such like, I refer them that would see more, to the Chronicle of Tho. Walsing. of S. Albans, of john Froysard, Adam Merimouth, who discourse all this at large.  
Thus having discoursed at large all such marshal affairs and warlike exploits incident in the reign of this king betwixt him and the realms of France and Scotland: Now to return again to our matters ecclesiastical, followeth in order to recapitulate and notify the troubles & contentions growing between the same king & the Pope and other ecclesiastical persons in matters touching the church in order of years remayving in the Tower taken out of the records as followeth. As where first in the 4. year of his reign the king wrote to the Archbi. of Canterbury to this effect. That whereas King Edward the 1. his grand father did give to a Clerk of his own, being his Chaplain the dignity of Treasurer of York, the archbishopric of York being then vacant and in the kings hands, in the quiet possession whereof the said Clerk continued until the Pope misliking therewith would have displaced him, and promoted to the same dignity a Cardinal of Rome to the manifest prejudice of the crown of England. The King therefore straightly chargeth the Archbishop of York not to suffer any matter to pass that may be prejudice to the donation of his grandfather, but that his own Clerk should enjoy the said dignity accordingly, upon pain of his highness displeasure.  
The like precepts were also directed to these Bishops following vide to the Bishop of Lincoln, Bishop of Worcester, Bishop of Sax, Monser Marinion, Archdeacon of Richmond, Archdeacon of Lincoln, the Prior of Lewen, the Prior of Lenton, to master Rich of Bintworth, to ●● Iherico de Concoreto the Pope's Nuncio, to M. 〈◊〉 of Calma. And with all wrote his letters to the Pope touching the same matter consisting in three parts. First is the declaration and defence of his right and title to the donation and gift of all manner of temporalties, of offices, prebends, benefices and dignities ecclesiastical holdeir of his in capite as in the right of his crown of England. Secondly in expostulating with the Pope for intending himself into the ancient right of the crown of England intermeddling with such collations contrary to right & reason and the example of all his predecessors which were Popes before. Thirdly entreating him that he would henceforth abstain and desist from molesting the Realm with such novelties and strange usurpations, and so much the more for that in the public Parliament late holden at Westminster it was generally agreed upon by the universal assent of all the estates of the Realm that the King should stand to the defence of all such rights and jurisdictions as to his crown appertained.  
After this in the 9 year of the Reign of this King Pope Benedict the 12. sendeth down letters touching his new creation with certain other matters and requests to the King whereunto the King answering again declareth how glad he is of that his preferment adding more over that his purpose was to have sent unto him certain Ambassadors for congratulation of the sau●e: But being otherwise occupied by reason of wars could not attend his holiness requests: notwithstanding he minded to call a Parliament about the feast of ascension next, whereupon the assembly of his clergy and other estates, he would take order for the same and so direct his Ambassadors to his holiness accordingly.  
The next year after which was the 10. year of his reign the King writeth an other letter to the Pope that forasmuch as his clergy had granted him one years tenth for the supportation of his wars, and for that the Pope also had the same time to take up the payment of 6. years tenth granted him by the Clergy a little before, therefore the Pope would vouchsafe at his request to forbear the exaction of that money for one year, till that his tenth for the necessities of his wars were dispatched.  
The same year he wrote also to the Pope to this effect. That whereas the Prior and Chapter of Norwiche did nominate a Clerk to be Bishop of Norwich and sent him to Rome for his investiture without the kings knowledge, therefore the Pope would withdraw his consent & not intermeddle in the matter appertaining to the King's peculiar jurisdiction and prerogative.  
After this in the 16. year of this King it happened that the Pope sent over certain Legates to hear and determine matters appertaining to the right of patronages of Benefices: which the King perceiving to tend to the no small derogation of his right and the liberties of his subjects writeth unto the said Legates admonishing and requiring them not to proceed therein nor attempt any thing unadvisedly otherwise then might stand with the lawful ordinances & customs of the laws of his realm and liberty of his subjects.  
Writing moreover the same year to other Legates being sent over by the Pope to treat of peace between the King and the French King with request that they would first make their repair to the french King who had so oftentimes broken with him, and prove what conformity the french king would offer: which if he found reasonable, they should soon accord with him: otherwise exhorted them not to enter into the land nor to proceed any further in that behalf.  
The year following which was the 17. of his reign ensueth an other letter to the Pope against his provisions and reservations of benefices, worthy here to be placed & specified, but that the sum thereof is before set down to be found in the page. 386.  
The year following another letter likewise was sent by the King to the Pope upon occasion taken of the church of Norwich: requiring him to surcease his reservations and provisions of the Bishopric within the Realm, and to leave the elections thereof free to the Chapters of such Cathedral Churches according to the ancient grants and ordinances of his noble progenitors.  
Proceeding now to the 19 year of this kings reign there came to the presence of the king certain Legates from Rome complaining of certain statutes passed in his parliament tending to the prejudice of the Church of Rome & the Pope's primary viz. that if Abbots, Priors, or any other ecclesiastical patrons of benefices should not present to the said benefices within a certain time, the lapse of the same should come to the ordinary or chapter thereof, or if they did not present, then to the Archbishop: if the Archbishop likewise did fail to present, than the gift to pertain not to the Lord Pope but to the King and his heirs. another complaint was this that if Archbishops should be slack in giving such benefices as properly pertained to their own patronage in due time, than the collation thereof likewise should appertain to the foresaid King and his heirs. another complaint was that if the Pope should make void any elections in the Church of England for any defect found therein, and so had placed some honest and discreet persons in the same, that then the King and his heirs was not bound to render the Temporaltyes unto the parties placed by the Pope's provision. Whereupon the Pope being not a little aggrieved, the King writeth unto him certifying that he was misinformed, denying that there was any such statute made in that parliament. And further as touching all other things he would confer with his Prelates and Nobles and thereof would return answer by his Legates.  
In the 20. year of his reign another letter was written to the Pope by the King, the effect whereof in few words to express, was this, to certify him that in respect of his great charges sustained in his wars, he hath by the counsel of his Nobles taken into his own hands the fruits and profits of all his benefices here in England.  
To proceed in the order of years that in the 26. year of this king one Nicholas Heath Clerk a busy headed body and a troubler of the Realm had procured divers Bishops and others of the kings counsel to be cited up to the Court of Rome there to answer such complaints as he had made against them: whereupon commandment was given to the King to all the ports of the realm for the restraint of all passengers out, and for searching and arresting all persons bringing in any Bulls or other process from Rome tending to the derogation of the dignity of the crown or molestation of the subjects concerning which Nicholas Heath the King also writeth to the Pope his letters complaining of the said Heath and desiring him to give no ear to his lewd complaints.  
The same year the King writeth also to the Pope's Legate resident in England requiring him to surcease from exacting divers sums of money of the Clergy in the name of first fruits of benefices.  
The 31. year of this Kings reign the King by his letters complaineth to the Pope of a troublesome fellow named Nicholas Stanneway remaining in Rome, which by his slanderous complaints procured divers citations to be sent into the Realm, to the great disturbance of divers and sundry honest men: whereupon he prayeth and adviseth the Pope to stay himself and not to send over such hasty Citations upon every light occasion.  
To pass further to the 38. year of the same King thus we find in the Rolls. That the King the same year took order by two of his Clergy, to wit john a Stock and john of Norton to take into their hands all the temporaltyes of all Deaneryes, Prebends, Dignities, and Benefices being then vacant in England and to answer the profits of the same to the kings use.  
The same year an ordinance was made by the King and his Counsel and to the same proclaimed in all port towns within the Realm, that good and diligent search should be made, that no person whatsoever coming from the Court of Rome. etc. do bring into the Realm with him any Bull, instrument, letters patents, or other process that may be prejudicial to the King or any of his subjects: nor that any person passing out of this Realm toward the Court of Rome do carry with him any instrument or process that may redound to the prejudice of the King or his subjects: and that all persons passing to the said Court of Rome. etc. with the kings special licence do notwithstanding promise and find surety to the Lord Chancellor, that they shall not in any wise attempt or pursue any matter to the prejudice of the King or his subjects under pain to be put out of the kings protection and to forfeit his body, goods, and cattles according to the statute thereof made Anno. 27.  
And thus much concerning the letters and writings of the King with such other domestical matters, perturbations, and troubles passing between him and the Pope taken out of the public Records of the Realm, whereby I thought to give the Reader to understand the horrible abuses, the intolerable pride, and the unsatiable avarice of that Bishop more like a proud Lucifer then a pastor of the Church of Christ, in abusing the king and oppressing his subjects with exactions unmeasurable: not only exercising his tyranny in this Realm, but raging also against other Princes both far and near, amongst whom neither spared he the Emperor himself. In the story and arts of which Emperor Ludovicus mentioned a title before, pag. 273. whom the Pope did most arrogantly excommunicate upon maundy thursday, and the self same day placing an other Emperor in his room. Relation was made of certain learned men which took the Emperor's part against the Pope. In number of whom was Marsilius Patavinus, Gullermus Ockam, joannes Gandavensis, Luitpoldus, Andrea's Landensis, Vlricus Hangenor treasurer to the Emperor, 
Marsilius Patavinus, author of the book called Defensor paces. Article of Marsilius against the Pope.  Dantes, Aligerius, etc. Of whom Marsilius Patavinus compiled and exhibited unto the Emperor Ludourke, a worthy work entitled Defensor pacis: written in the Emperor's behalf against the Pope. Wherein (both godly & learnedly disputing against the Pope) he proveth, all Bishops and Priests to be equal: And that the Pope hath no superiority above other bishops, much less above the Emperor. That the word of God ought to be only the chief judge in deciding and determining causes ecclesiastical: That not only spiritual persons, but say men also being godly and learned aught to be admitted into general counsels: That the Clergy and the Pope ought to be subject unto Magistrates: That the Church is the university of the faithful, and that the foundation and head of the Church is Christ, and that he never appointed any vicar or Pope over his universal church: That Bishops ought to be chosen every one by their own Church and Clergy: That the marriage of Priests may lawfully be permitted: That S. Peter was never at Rome: That the Clergy and synagogue of the Pope is a deune of thieves: That the doctrine of the Pope is not to be followed, because it leadeth to destruction: And that the corrupt matters of the Christians do spring and flow out of the wickedness of the spiritualty. 
Merits cause of salvation, sine qua non. Marsilius' condemned of the Pope. Extrau cap. Licet intra doctrinam.  etc. He disputeth moreover in an other work of free justification by grace: And extenuated merits, saying that they are no causes efficient of our salvation, but only sine qua non, that is to say, that works be no cause of our justification, but yet our justification goeth not without them. For the which his doctrine most sound and Catholic, he was condemned by the Pope. an. 1324. by the Pope's decree extravagant, cap. Licet intra doctrinam. Concerning the which man and his doctrine: I thought good thus much to commit to history, to the intent men may see, that they which charge this doctrine now taught in the Church with the note of novelty or newness, how iguoraunt and unskilful they be in the histories and order of times fore past.  
In the same part of condemnation at the same time, 
joannes Gandenensis condemned by the pope  also was joannes de Gunduno. an. 1330. and contained also in the foresaid Extravagant, with Marsilius Patavinus. Which joannes wrote much upon Aristotle and Auerrois, and are yet remaining. And no doubt but he wrote also of divinity, but not unlike that these works have been abolished.  
In the same number and catalogue, cometh also Guillermus Ockam, 
Guillermus Ockam, wrote against the pope.  who was in the year of our Lord 1326. as is afore mentioned pag. 375. and wrote likewise in defence of Ludovicus the Emperor against the Pope: and also in defence of Michael General of Grayfriers, 
Michael general of the grey friars excommunicated for an heretic. Ascentionis in praesatione eius aeutoris. The dialogue between the soldier and the clerk, of Ockams making.  whom the Pope had excommunicated & cursed for an heretic. divers treatises were by the said Ockam set forth, whereof some are extant and in print, as his questions & distinctions: some are extinct and suppressed (as Ascentius reporteth) quoòd essent aliquando asperiora. Some again be published under no name of the author, being of his doing: as the dialogue between the soldier and the clerk: wherein it is to be conjected, what books and works this Ockam had collected against the Pope. Of this Ockan john Sledane in his history inferreth mention, to his great commendation, whose words be these: William Ockam in time of Ludovicus, 4. Emperor did flourish, about the year of our Lord 1326. Who among other things wrote of the authority of the Bishop of Rome. In the which book he handleth these 8. questions very copiously: whether both the administrations of the Bishop's office, and of the Emperors may be in one man. 
Eight questions disputed by Ocham.  2. Whether the Emperor taketh his power and authority only of God, or else of the Pope. 3. Whether the Pope and Church of Rome have power by Christ, to set and place kings and Emperors, and to commit to them their jurisdiction to be exercised. 4. Whether the Emperor being elected, hath full authority upon the said his election, to administer his Empire. 5. Whether other kings besides the Emperor and King of Romans, in that they are consecrated of priests, receive of them any part of their power. 6. Whether the said kings in any case be subject to their consecrators. 7. Whether if the said kings should admit any new sacrifice, or should take to themselves the Diadeine without any further consecration, they should thereby lose their kingly right and title. 8. Whether the seven princes electors give as much to the election of the Emperor, as succession rightful giveth to other kings. Upon these questions he disputeth and argueth with sundry arguments and sundry reasons on both sides at length decideth the matter on the part of the civil magistrate: and by occasion thereof, entereth into the mention of the Pope's decrees Extravagant, declaring how little force or regard is to be given thereunto.  

Gregorius Ariminensis maintaineth the same doctrine now received. Ex Trithemio.  Trithemius maketh mention of one Gregorius Ariminensis a learned & a famous and right godly man: who not much differing from the age of this Ockam, about the year of our Lord 1350. Disputed in the same doctrine of grace and free will, as we do now, and dissented therein from the Papists and Sophisters, counting them worse than Pelagians.  

Andrea's de Castro and Burdianus both gospelers 200. years ago.  Of the like judgement, and in the same time was also Andreas de Castro, as appeareth super lit. 1. Sentent. dist. 45. and Burdianus upon the Ethiques of Aristotle: which both maintained the grace of that gospel, as is now in the church received, above 200. years since.  
And what should I speak of the Duke of Burgundy named Eudo, 
Eudo duke of Burgundy against the pope's decrees about 200. years since. Ex Charolo Molinao.  who at the same time, An. 1350. dissuaded the French king not to receive in his land the new found constitutions, decretal & Extravagant, within his realm: whose sage counsel then given, yet remaineth among the French kings records, as witnesseth Charol. Molinaeus.  
Dantes an Italian writer a Florentine, lived in the time of Ludovicus th'emperor, 
Dante's an Italiam writer against the Pope.  about the year of our lord 1300. and took his part with Marsilius Patavinus against three sorts of men, which he said were enemies to the truth: That is, the pope: Secondly, the order of religious men, which count themselves the children of the church, when they are that children of the devil their father: Thirdly, the Doctors of decrees and decretals. 
Donation of Constantine a thing forged.  Certain of his writings be extant abroad, wherein he proveth the Pope not to be above the Emperor, nor to have any right or jurisdiction in the Empire. He confuteth the Donation of Constantine to be a forged and a feigned thing, as which neither did stand with any law or right. For the which, he was taken of many for an heretic. He complaineth moreover very much, the preaching of God's word to be omitted: and in stead thereof, the vain fables of monks and friars to be preached and believed of the people: and so the flock of Christ to be fed not with the food of the Gospel, but with wind. The Pope sayeth he, of a pastor is made a wolf, to waste the church of Christ, and to procure with his Clergy not the word of God to be preached, but his own Decrees. In his canticle of purgatory, he declareth the Pope to be the whore of Babylon. 
The pope the whore of Babylon.  And to her ministers, to some he apply 2. horns, to some 4. As to the patriarchs, whom he noteth to be the tower of the said whore Babylonical. Ex libris Dantes Italice.  

Ex lib. jornandi. Pope Antichrist.  Hereunto may be added the saying out of the book of jornandus unprinted, with the foresaid Dantes: that forsomuch as Antichrist cometh not before the destruction of the Empire, therefore such as go about to have the Empire extinct, are forrunners and messengers in so doing of Antichrist. 
An admonition to the Romans.  Therefore let the Romans (saith he) and their Bishops beware, lest their sins and wickedness so deserving by the just judgement of God, the priesthood be taken from them. Furthermore, let all the prelate's and prince's of Germany take heed. etc.  
And because our adversaries which object to us the newness of our doctrine, shall see the course and form of this religion now received, not to have been, either such a new thing now, 
Taulerus of Germany, a preacher against the pope's proceed.  or a thing so strange in times past: I will add to these above recited, master Taulerus a preacher of Argentine in Germany. An. 1350. Who contrary to the Pope's proceed, taught openly against all men's merits, and against invocation of saints, and preached sincerely of our free justification by grace, referring all man's trust only to the mercy of God, and was an enemy to all superstition.  
With whom also may be adjoined Franciscus Petrarcha, a writer of the same age, 
Franciscus petrarcha. Vide 20, epistolam Francisci Petrarcha. Rome the mother and school of error.  who in his works and his Italian meeter speaking of Rome: calleth it the whore of Babylon, the school and mother of error, the temple of heresy, the nest of traichery growing and increasing by that oppressing of others: and sayeth farther that she, (meaning the Pope's Court) extolleth herself against her founders that is, the Emperors, who first set her up and did so enrich her: And seemeth plainly to affirm that the pope was Antichrist, declaring that no greater evil could happen to any man then to be made Pope. This Franciscus was about the year of our Lord. 1350.  
And if time would serve us to seek out old histories, 
joannes de rupe scissa. john cast into p●●●●.  we should find plenty of faithful witnesses of old and ancient time, to give witness with us against the Pope beside the other above rehearsed: as joannes de Rupe scissian. 1340. Who for rebuking the spirituality for their great enormities and neglecting their office and duty, was cast in prison.  
Illyricus a writer in our days, 
Church of Rome, the whore of Babylon.  testifieth that he found & red man old Pamphlet, that the said joannes should call the church of Rome, the whore of Babylon: and the Pope to be the minister of Antichrist, and the Cardinals to be the false prophets. Being in prison he wrote a book of Prophecies, bearing the title: Vade mecum in tribulationem: in which book (which also I have seen) he prophesied & admonished affliction and tribulation to hang over the spiritualty. 
The reformation of the Church before prophesied.  And pronounceth plainly that God will purge his Clergy, and will have priests that shall be poor, godly, and that shall faithfully seed the lords flock: moreover, that the goods of the church shall return again to the lay men. He prophesied also the same time, that the French king and his army should have an overthrow. Which came likewise to pass during the time of his imprisonment. Of this joannes de Rupe, writeth Froysard in his time, and also Wicklisse, 
Conradus Hager.  of whose prophecies, more may be said at more leisure (Christ willing) hereafter.  
About the same year of our Lord 1340. 
The Mass to be no sacrifice.  in the City Herbipoli, was one named master Conradus Hager, who (as appeareth by the old bulls and registers of Otho bishop of the said city) is there recorded, to have maintained and taught the space of 24. years together, the Mass to be no manner of sacrifice: neither that it profiteth any man either quick or dead, 
Conradus cast in prison.  and that the money given of the dead for Masses, be very robberies & sacrilege of priests, which they wickedly do intercept and take away from the poor. And said moreover, 
Ex bullis quibusdam Otthonis Epis. Herbipeli.  that if he had a stoove full of gold and silver, he would not give one farthing for any Mass. For the same his doctrine, this good preacher was condemned and enclosed in prison: what afterward became upon him, we do not find.  
There is among other old and ancient records of antiquity belonging to this present time, 
Ponitentiarius Asini.  a certain monument in verses Poetically compiled, but not without a certain moral, entitled, Poenitentiarius Asini, the Asses confessor: bearing the date and year of our Lord in this number, Completus An. 1343. In this treatise be brought forth the Wolf, the Fox, and the Ass coming to Christ and doing penance. First the Wolf confesseth him to the Fox, who easily doth absolve him from all his faults, and also excuseth him in the same. In like manner the Wolf hearing the Fox's shrift, showeth to him the like favour again. After this cometh the Ass to confession, whose fault was this: that he being hungry, took a straw out from the cheafe of one that went in peregrination unto Rome. The Ass although repenting of his fact, yet because he thought it not so heinous as the faults of the other, the more he hoped for his absolution, 
The pope and his spirituality confederate against the laity.  But what followed? After the silly Ass had uttered his crime in auricular confession, immediately the discipline of the law was executed upon him with severity: neither was he judged worthy of any absolution, but was apprehended upon the same, slain and devoured. Whosoever was the author of this fabulous tale, had a mystical understanding in the same, for by the Wolf no doubt was meant the Pope. But the Fox was resembled to the Prelates, Courtesans, Priests, and rest of the spirituality. Of the spirituality, the Lord Pope is soon absoiled, 
The pope maketh the Emperor & lay men A●●●  as contrary, the Pope soon doth absolve them in like manner. By the Ass is meant the poor laity, upon whose back the strait censure of the law is sharply executed: especially when the german Emperors come under the Pope's Inquisition, to be examined by his discipline, there is no absolution nor pardon to be found, but in all haste he must be deposed, as in these stories may partly appear before. And though the matter be not the weight of a straw, yet what sayeth the holy father the Wolf, if it please him to make any matter of it.  
Immensum scelus est, iniuria quam peregrin●  
Fecisti, stramen subripiendo sibi.  
Non advertisti quòd plura pericula paslus  
Plurima passurus, quòd peregrinus erat.  
Non advertisti, quòd ei per maxima terrae  
Et pelagi spacia, sit peragranda via.  
Non advertisti, sanctos, nec limina sancta,  
Sanctorum sanctam sed nec Jerusalem.  
Ille retransivit eadem loca, tam violentum  
Ex inopinato sensit adesse malum.  
De Papa Taceo, cuius protectio talem,  
Conduxit, cuius tu vilipendis opem.  
Totius Ecclesiae fuerit quam nuncius iste,  
Pertulit abstracto gramine damna viae. etc.  
And thus they aggerating and exaggerating the fault to the uttermost, fly upon the poor ass & devour him. By the which Apology, the tyrannical and fraudulent practices of these spiritual romanists are lively described.  

Gerhardus Ridder, a writer against monks and friars.  Not long after those above rehearsed, about the year of our lord 1350. Gerhardus Ridder, wrote also against the Monks and Friars a book entitled, Lacrima Ecclesiae: wherein he disputeth against the foresaid religious orders namely against the begging Friars: proving that kind of life to be far from Christian perfection, for that it is against charity to live upon other, when a man may live by his own labours. And affirmeth them to be hypocrites, filthy livers, and such as for man's favour, and for lucre sake, do mixed with true divinity: fables Apocriphas, and dreams of vanity. Also, that they under pretence of long prayer, devour widows houses: and with their confessions, sermons, and burials do trouble the Church of Christ manifold ways. And therefore persuaded the prelate's to bridle and keep short the inordinate licence and abuses of these Monastical persons. etc.  

Michael Cesenas, Petrus de Corbaria, condemned of the Pope. joannes de Poliaco.  Yet I have made no mension of Michael Cesenas, provincial of the grey friars, n●r Petrus de Corbaria, of whom writeth Antoninus, in quarta part summae & saith they were condemned in the extravagant of Pope john, with one joannes de Poliaco. Their opinions saith Antoninus were these: That Peter the Apostle was no more the head of the Church, than the other Apostles: And that Christ left no Vicar behind him or head in his Church: And that the Pope hath no such authority to correct and punish, to institute or depose the Emperor. Item, that all Priests of what degree so ever, are of equal authority, power, and jurisdiction by the institution of Christ: but by the institution of the Emperor, the Pope to be superior, which by the same Emperor also may be revoked again. Item that neither the pope nor yet the Church may punish any man, 
The opinions of Michael against the Pope. Michael Cesenas deprived and condemned of the Pope.  punitione coactiva. That is, by extern coaction: unless they receive licence of the Emperor. This foresaid Michael, general of the grey Friars, wrote against the tyranny, pride, and primacy of the pope, accusing him to be Antichrist: and the Church of Rome, to be the whore of Babylon drunk with the blood of saints. He said there were two Churches, one of the wicked flourishing, wherein reigned the pope: the other of the godly afflicted. Iten, that the verity was almost utterly extinct: And for this cause he was deprived of his dignity & condemned of the Pope. Notwithstanding, 
Martyrs, joannes de Castilione, Franciscus de Arcatara burned.  he stood constant in his assertions. This Michael was about the year of our Lord 1322. And left behind him many fautors & followers of his doctrine, of whom a great part were slain by the Pope: Some were condemned, as William Ockam, some were burned as joannes de Castilione, and Franciscus de Arcatara. In extrauag. joan 23.  
With him also was condemned in the said Extravagant joannes de Poliaco, above touched, whose assertions, were these: That the pope could not give licence to hear confessions to whom he would, but that every pastor in his own Church ought to suffice. Item, that pastors and bishops had their authority, immediately from Christ & his Apostles, and not from the pope, Item, that the constitution of pope Benedict. II. wherein he granteth larger privelegies to the Friars above other pastors, was no declaration of the law, but a subversion. And for this he was by the said Friars oppressed, about the year of our Lord. 1322.  

Archishops of Cant. the 〈◊〉 succeeding the other.  After Simon Mepham Archbishop of Caunterbury before mentioned, who lived not long: succeeded joh. Stretford. After whom came john Offord, who lived but x. months. In whose room succeeded Thomas, & remained but one year. an. 1350. And after him Simon Iselyp was made archbishop of Canterbury, by Pope Clement the vi. who sat xvii. years, and builded Caunterbury College in Oxford. Which Simon Islyp succeeded the Bishop of Ely named Simon Langham, who within two years was made Cardinal. In whose stead Pope Urbane the 5. ordained William Wittlesey bishop of Worceter to be archbishop of Caunterbury. 
New College in Oxford founded an. 1366.  an. 1366. In which year, William Bishop of Winchester elected and founded the new college in Oxford.  

Pope Innocent. 6. Two franciscans burned at Auinion.  Again in the order of the pope's, next unto Pope Clement the 6. before mentioned, about the same time. an. 1353, succeeded pope Innocent the 6. In the first year of which Pope two Friars Minors of Franciscans were burned at Auinion. Pro opinionibus (as mine author saith) erroneis, prout. D. Papae & eius Cardinalibus videbatur. i. For certain opinions, as seemed to the pope and his Cardinals, erroneous. Ex Chron. Wals. Of the which two Friars, I find in the Chronicles De acts Rom. pontificum, 
joan. Rochtaylada Martyr.  and in the history of Praemonstratensis, that the one was joannes Rochetaylada. Or rather as I find in Catal. testium cited out of the Chronicle of Henricus de Herfordia, 
Ex Chron. Henrici de Herfordia.  his name to be Hayabalus. Who being (as he recordeth) a Fry or Minorite, began first in the time of Pope Clement the 6. an. 1345. to preach and affirm openly that he was by God's revelation charged and commanded to preach: that though Church of Rome was the whore of Babylon, and the Pope with his Cardinals to be very Antichrist. 
The church of Rome declared to be the whore of Babylon by God's revelation.  And that pope Benedict & the other before him his predecessors were damned, with other such like words, tending much against the Pope's tyrannical majesty. And that the foresaid Hayabalus being brought before the Pope's face, constantly did stand in the same, saying: that he was commanded by God's revelation so to say, 
Kochtaylada with an other Friar, Martyrs●  and also that he would preach the same, if he might. To whom it was then objected that he had some heretical books, and so was committed to prison in Auinion. In the time of his accusation it happened, that a certain priest coming before the Pope, 
A priest for casting the pope's bull before the pope's feet scourged, cast in prison, and after burned at Auinion.  cast the Pope's Bull down before his feet, saying, Lo here, take your Bull unto you, for it doth me no good at al. I have laboured now these 3. years withal, and yet notwithstanding for all this your Bull I cannot be restored to my right. The Pope hearing this, commanded the poor Priest to be scourged, and after to be laid in prison with the foresaid Friar. What became of them afterward, the foresaid writer Henricus de Herfordia maketh no mention. But I may probably conjecture this Priest, 
Anno. 1354.  and this Friar Rochetayladus, or rather Hayabalus were the two, whom mine author Thom. Walsingham, writeth to be burned at this time in Auinion, about the first beginning of this Pope Innocentius the 6. Of this Roichtaylada, I thought good here to infer the testimony and mention of john Froysayd, written of him in his first volume, chap. 211 in these words.  
There was (saith Froysard) a Friar Minor full of great Clergy in the City of Auinion, 
Ex jonn. Prosiardo volu. 1. cap. 211.  called friar john of Rochetaylada, the which Friar pope Innocent 6. held in prison in the Castle of Baignour for showing of many marvels after to come, pricipally he showed many things to fall unto the Prelates of the Church for the great superfluity and pride, that was then used among them. And also he speak many things to fall of the realm of France and of the great Lords of Christendom, for the oppressions that they did to the poor common people. This Friar said he would prove all his sayings by the authority of the apocalypse, & by other books of holy Saints and prophets the which were opened to him by that grace of the holy ghost: he showed many things hard to believe, & many things fell after as he said. He said then not as a prophet but he showed them by authority of ancient Scriptures and by the grace of the holy Ghost, who gave him understanding to declare the ancient prophets, & to show to all Christian people the years and times when such things should fall, he made divers books founded on great sciences and Clergy, whereof one was made the year of our Lord. 1346. wherein was written such marvels that it were hard to believe them howbeit many things, according there to fell after. And when he was demanded of the wars of France he said that all that had been seen, was not like that should be seen after. For he said that the wars in France should not be ended till the Realm were utterly wasted & exiled in every part. The which saying was well seen after, for the noble realm of France was sore wasted and exiled: & specially in the term that the said Friar had set. The which was in the years of our Lord. 1356. 57 58. & 59 He said in those years the Princes and Gentlemen of the Realm should not for fear show themselves against the people of low estate, assembled of all countries without head or captain, and they should do as they list in the Realm of France, the which fell after as ye have heard, how the companions assembled them together, and by reason of their robbery and pillage waxed rich & became great captains.  
About the same time happened in France a certain contention between the French Prelates, and the Friars of Paris, 
Ex scripta Godfri de Fontanis.  testified and recorded by Godfridus de Fontanis, the brief effect of which story is this. The Prelates of France conventing and assembling together in the City of Paris after a long deliberation among themselves: caused by the Bedels' to be called together all the Students, 
A contention in France between the Prelates and the Friars there.  masters & Bachelors of every faculty, with the chief heads also of all the Religious houses and Friars in the university of Paris, who being all there congregated together in the bishop of paris his house, where there were present 4. archbishops and 20 Bishops: first stood up the Bishop of Biturecense, who there making his Sermon, took for his theme the place of S. Paul to the Ephesians, Fratres ut sciatis quae sit longitudo, 
A sermon of the Bish. of Byters to the students of Paris against the Friars.  latitudo, altitudo, & profunditas charitatis etc. and concluded thereupon, first that true charity would compel them to see and provide for their flocks. Secondly, that the vigore of charity would arm them, to withstand errors. Thirdly he concluded, that by duty of charity, they were bound to give their lives for the souls of their flock committed to their charge. Fourthly, that by the same charity every man to hold himself content with that which was his own, and not to intevineddle or busy himself further than to him appertained, or belonged to his office: For there (saith he) all order ecclesiastical is dissolved, where as men not concerning themselves in their own precincts; presume in othermes charges where they have nothing to do. But this charity (saith he) now a days waxeth cold, and all Ecclesiastical order is confounded and utterly out of order. For many there be, which now a days presume to thrust in themselves where they have nothing to do, so that now the Church may seem a monster. For as in a natural body appeareth a monster, where one member doth the office of an other: so in the spiritual body, which is the church, may be thought likewise. As when our learned and prudent brethren, 
That is, the Dominicke Friars and the Franciscane Friars.  to wit, the friars majors and minors, do take upon them to usurp and occupy the office to us specially appertaining: namely, where as the scripture warneth us all, none to take upon him any office, except he be called thereunto of the Lord, as Aaron was. Wherefore we have heretofore oftentimes caused the said Friars, both by the king himself in his own person, & also by other nobles to be spoken to, and desired: to furcease from doing and intermeddling in our office, & yet they would not, but have preached against our wills through all our dioceses, & have heard confessions, saying that they have the Pope's privilege to bear them out therein. For the which cause we come to you, and not we here present only, but also we have the handwriting and the full consent of all other our fellow Bishops throughout the kingdom of France, to compla●ne to you of this so great insolency and presumption of the Friars. For that as we are, you shall be. Neither do I think to be any of us prelate's here now, which have not sometime been taken out of this university of yours. We have desired moreover, and caused to be desired the foresaid Friars, to send their privileges to the Apostolic see, to be interpreted and expounded more plainly by the Lord Pope: which they refused also to do. Wherefore, to the intent you may the better understand and see what their privileges be, and how far they do extend: we have appointed the said privilege here openly to be read unto you.  
Then stood up an other in the public place, and there read the privileges of both the orders: and afterward read also the constitution of Pope Innocent 3. written in the 5, of the decretals, 
The constitution of Pope Innocent. 3. Omnis utriusque sexus.  and beginneth: Omnis utriusque sexus. etc. which constitution was repugnant and contrary to the foresaid privileges, as he there manifestly proved, declaring how both the said priviliges were derogatory to that constitution.  
This done, then rose up the Bishop Ambianensis, a great Lawyer: 
The friars privileges proved contrary to the Pope's constitution. The Bish. Ambianensis. friars ought not to preach in Churches without special licence of them to whom the church belongeth.  who discoursing from article to article, there proved by good law, that the said constitution stood in his full force and vigore, and ought not to be infringed by the friars privileges in no part. And therefore by the virtue of that constitution, that the Friars ought not so misorderly to intrude themselves in hearing confessions, in enjoining of penance, and in preaching in Churches and Dioceses without special licence of the Bishop of the Diocese, & curate of the parish: unto whose words, never a Friar at that time replied again. And so the Bishop proceeding to his conclusion, desired the university to assist them in that case wherein they were all determined (saith he) to stand firmly to the shedding of their blood, in resisting that misorder and injuries of the Friars. This happened the 6. day of December which they dedicate to S. Nicholas.  
The next day being sunday, one of the order of the minorites or franciscans, went to the Church of the maiorites or preaching Friars: where he made a sermon (which was never seen before, the one order to come and resort with the other) beginning in the foresaid matter to reply, & to expound in order through every article as well as he could: 
The friars reply against the Prelates.  adding moreover and saying, that they went not so far in their privileges, as they lawfully might. And said moreover, that what time the said privileges were in obtaining in Rome: the Bishop Ambianensis was there present himself, resisting the same with all his power, yea all the Prelates also of France sent and wrote up to the Court against the same, and yet did not prevail. For when the Friars there presently declared & opened to the Pope in what manner and how far they had used privileges: the Pope the same time said, Placet: That is, agreed unto the same. And now (saith he) the Prelates require & demand of us to send up our privileges to the Court, which were great folly in us: For in so doing, what should we else but give place & occasion, to revoke again the authority which is given in our hands already. Furthermore, our warden and master is now lately dead, and the master here of the Dominike Friars, is not now present. Wherefore, we dare not determine in such a weighty cause (touching the privileges of our order) without the presence of them. And there fore we desire you of the University to hold us therein excused, and not to be so lightly stirred against us, for we are not the worst and vilest part of the University. etc.  
The next day being the 8. day of the same month, whithe is also dedicated to the conception of our Lady, upon which day it was determined likewise: that one of the dominic Friars, should preach in the Church of the Franciscane or grey Friars, and so he did: tending to the same end, as the other friar in the other church had done before. Whereby it may seem the proverb well answered unto, 
Herode and Pilate were made friends in crucifying of Christ.  whereof we read in the Gospel: Facti sunt amici Herodes & Pilatus in ipsa die.  
It was not long after, that the feast of S. Thomas the Apostle followed, in whose Uigile all the heads of the University again, were warned the third day after to congregate together in the Church of S. Bernard at the sermon time. Which being done, and the assembly meeting together, an other Sermon was made by a Divine of the University, 
another sermon against the Friars.  whose theme was: Prope est Dominus omnibus invocantibus eum in veritate. etc. Wherein he with many words and great authorities argued against them, that would not be obedient unto their Prelates. etc. The sermon being ended then rose up again the Bishop Ambianensis, 
Bishop Ambianensis. In veritates etc.  who prosecuting the rest of the Theme, and coming to the word in veritate: divided it in three parts, according to the common gloze of the decretals.  
Est verum vitae, doctrinae, iusticiaeque,  
Primum semper habe, duo propter scandala linque.  
Showing and declaring by many authorities both of canonical scriptures and out of the law, 
Verity in three parts consisteth.  and by evident demonstration of experience: that the Friars first had no verity of life, because they were full of hypocrisy: neither had they verity of doctrine, because in their hart they bore gall, and in their tongue honey: neither verity of justice, because they usurped other men's offices. And thus concluding with the same, caused again to be read the said privileges, with the constitution above specified. And so expounding place by place, did argue and prove that the said constitution, in no part was evacuate or infringed by that privileges aforesaid. Which thing being declared he added moreover, that where as the Friars say (said he) that I should be present in the obtaining of the privileges, I grant it to be true, & when word came to me thrice thereof, I went to the Pope reclaiming & requiring the said privileges to be renoked. But the next day after, it so pleased the Pope to send me out abroad upon weighty affairs, so that then the matter had no end. After that, we sent also other messengers with our letters, for the same cause unto the Court of Rome, whom the Friars say not to have prevailed, 
The Friars proved with a lie.  but they lie therein. For the said messengers again brought us letters, from the chief of the court of Rome, sealed with their seals which letters, we have divers times presented to our king & will shortly show them unto you all. In the which letters, the Lord Pope hath promised the said privileges, either to be utterly abrogate, or else to be mitigated with some more plainly interpretation, of the which we trust shortly to have the public bull or writ from the Pope.  
At last, the said Bishop required & desired of all there of what Diocese, or country so ever they were: that they would copy out the foresaid privileges, and send them abroad into their countries, 
The friars privileges confuted in disputation at Paris.  that all men might see what they were, and how far they did extend. In fine, the matter coming into open disputation, it was concluded by M. Giles one of the Austin Friars (who was thought to be most reasonable of all the other Friars, in this wise) that after his sentence, the Prelates were in the truer part. etc. Haec ex Godfrido de Fontanis.  
¶ Concerning this wrangling contention between the University and Friars of France heretofore mentioned, whereof partly the original cause there may be understand by that which hath been said to rise upon certain privileges granted by pope's to the Friars, to intermeddle in matters of Parish churches: As to hear confessions, to preach and teach, with power there to annexed to gather for their labour, to bury within their houses, and to receive impropriations, etc. because it were long here to describe the full circumstances thereof, also because the said contention did endure a long time not only in france but also came over to england: The whole discourse thereof more ample (Christ willing) shallbe declared in the beginning of the next book following, when we come to the story of Armachanus.  
About what time & year, this brawl was in the Uniniversity of Paris between the Friars and Prelates there, as hath been declared: the like contention happened also in the university of Oxford in the year above prefixed. 1354. save only that the strife among the masters of Paris as it rose upon friarly ceremonies, 
A seditious commotion between the towns men and the scholars in the university of Oxford.  so it went no farther, than brawling words and matter of excommunication: but this tumult rising of a drunken cause, proceeded further unto bloody stripes. The first original whereof began in a tavern, between a scholar & the good man of the house. Who falling together in altercation, grew to such heat of words, that the student (contra ius hospitij) poured the wine upon the head of the host and broke his head with the quart pot. Upon this occasion given, eftsoons parts began to be taken between towns men & the scholars. In somuch that a grievous sedition & conflict followed upon the same: wherein many of the towns men were wounded, & to the number of 20. slain. divers also of the scholars grievously hurt. The space of 2. days this hurly burly continued. Upon the second day, certain religious and devout people ordained a solemn procession general, to pray for peace. Yet notwithstanding, all that procession as holy as it was, it would not bring peace. 
Procession for peace. The holy procession would bring no peace.  In the which procession (the skirmish still waxing hot) one of the students being hardly pursued by the townsmen, for secure in his flight, came running to the Priest or friar, which carried about (as the manner was) the pixe: thinking to find refuge at the presence of the transubstantiated God of the altar there carried & inboxed. Notwithstanding, the God there not present, or else not seeing him, or else peradventure being a sleep: the scholar found there small help. For the townsmen in the heat of the chase, 
Transubstantiation will not help in time of need  forgetting belike the virtue of the pope's transubstantiation, followed him so hard, that in the presence of the pixe they broke his head, & wounded him grievously. This done, at length some peace or truce for that day was taken. The next morrow following, other townsmen in the villages about, joining with the townsmen of Oxford: confederated together in great force and power to set upon the students there, and so did, having a black flag borne before them, and so invaded the University men. Whereupon, the scholars being overmatched & compelled to flee into their hauls and hostles, were so pursued by their enemies, that 20. of the doors of their hauls and chambers were broke open, & many of them wounded, 
A conquest of the scholars of Oxford.  and (as it is said) slain and thrown into privies: their books with knives and bills cut all in pieces, and much of their goods carried away. And thus the students of that University being conquered by the townsmen of Oxford, and of the country about, departed & left the university. So that for a time, the schools there, and all school acts did utterly cease from all exercise of study, except only Merton College haul, with a few other remaining behind.  

The university of Oxford dissolved for a tyme.  This being done the 12. day of February, the Queen at the same time being at woodstock, was brought to bed, and purified on the first Sunday in Lent with great solemnity of justing: About which time, the Bishop of Lincoln their Diocesane hearing of this excessive outrage, sendeth his inhibition to all Parsons and Priests, forbidding them throughout all Oxford, none to celebrate Mass or any divine service in the presence of any lay person within the said Town of Oxford, interdicting withal the whole Town. Which interdiction endured the space of a whole year and more. 
The town of Oxford interdicted.   
The king also sent thither his justices to examine and inquire of the matter. Before whom divers lay men & of the clergy were indicted. And four of the chief burgesses of the said town were indicted, & by the kings commandment sent to the tower of London, were there imprisoned. At length through much labour of the nobles, the king so took up the matter, that sending his writings unto all sheriffs in England, offered pardon to all & singular students of that University, (wheresoover dispersed) for that transgression, whereby the University in short time was replenished again as before. Moreover was granted to the Vice chancellor or Commissary (as they term him) of the town and University of Oxford, to have the a●ise of bread, 
Chanted to the Commissary of Oxford to have the all if of bread and ale and other privileges above the Mayor of the town.  ale, wine, and all other victuals, the Mayor of the said town being excluded. Also was granted and decreed, that the commons of Oxford should give to the university of Oxford 200. pound sterling in part of satisfaction for their excesses: reserved notwithstanding to every one of the students his several action against any several person of that townsmen. etc.  
About the year of our Lord. 1354. The king with the consent of his counsel, revoked home again out of flauders the staple of wool, with all things thereunto appertaining, & established the same in sundry places within the realm, namely in Westminster. Canterbury, Chichester, Bristol, Lincoln, and in Hulle. Which Staple after an. 1362. was translated over into Calais.  
Of Simon Islip Archbishop of Canterb. mentioned a little before, pag. 363. I read in the said author above specified, 
An wholesome decree of a good Archb. not to abstain from bodily labour upon certain holy days.  that he by his letters patent directed to all parsons & vicar's within his province: straightly charged them & their Parishioners under pain of excommunication, not to abstain from bodily labour, upon certain Saints days, which before were wont to be hallowed & consecrated to unthrifty idleness. Item, that to Priests should be given no more for their yearly stipend, but 3. pound 6.5.8. pence, which made divers of them to rob and steal. etc. an. 1362. The next year following, which was 1363. the foresaid King Edward kept his Parliament at London in the month of October: 
A parliament  wherein was prohibited, no gold nor silver to be worn in knives, girdles, brooches, rings, or in any other ornament belonging to the body, except the wearer might dispend 10, pound by year. Item, that none should wear either silks or costly furs, except such as might dispend 100 pound by year. Also that Merchant ventures should not export over any merchandise out of the realm, or seek for wines in other country: whereby other nations should be constrained rather to seek to us. etc. But none of this did take any great effect.  
After this Simon Islip as is above recorded, followed Simon Langham, then W. Wittelesey, after whom next in the place succeeded Simon Sudbury.  
Much about the same time, 
Simon Sudbury Archb. of Cant.  the Nuns of S. Bridgits order began first. About which time also was builded the Queen's College in Oxford, by Queen Philippe of England, 
The Nuns of S. Bridges order.  wife to king Edward the third Circa annum domini. 1360.  
Moreover in the time of this Pope Innocent, Friar john Lyle Bishop of Ely, moved with certain injuries (as he thought) done to him by the Lady Blanch, 
This Lady Blanch was Duckesse of Lancaster.  made his complaint to the Pope. Who sending down his curse to the Bishop of Lincoln, and other Prelates to be executed upon the adversaries of the Bishop of Ely: commanded them, that if they did know any of the said adversaries dead and buried (that notwithstanding) they should cause the same to be taken up: 
Dead men excommunicated by the Pope.  which also they performed accordingly, of whom some had been of the King's counsel. Wherefore the king being displeased and not unworthily, did trouble and molest again the said Prelates. This coming to the Pope's hearing, certain were directed down from the court of Rome, in the behalf of the foresaid Bishop of Elye: who meeting, with the Bishop of Rochester the kings treasurer, delivered unto him being armed, letters from the Bishop of Rome, the tenor whereof was not known. Which done, they incontinent avoided away. But certain of the kings servants pursuing, did overtake them: of whom some they imprisoned, some they brought to the justices, and so were condemned to be hanged. 
The Pope's messengers hanged.  Wherein may appear what reverence the Pope's letters in this kings days had in this realm of England. Ex Chro. Walsing. This Pope Innocent ordained the feast of the holy spear, 
The feast of the spear and of the holy nails.  and of the holy nails.  
And here to make an end of this fourth book, now remayveth after our order and custom before begun, to prosecute the race of the Archbishops of Canterbury, in this foresaid fourth book contained, beginning where before we left, pag. 170. at Lancfrancus.  

A Table of the archbishops of Caunterbury, in this fourth Book contained.  34. Lanf●ancus. 19 Polyd. Virg. lib. 9 numbereth this Lanfrancus to be the 33. Archbish. But by the count of other authors (namely by that chronicle of the Monk of Dover) seemeth to be deceived as he was in the 28. years of Dunstane, which in deed did sit but 19 or 20. at that most. This error of Pol. seemeth to come by leaving out either Elsius, which was the 23. or by leaving out Elfricus, which was the 26. as in some authors I find. Moreover here is to be noted, that although the said Elfricus were left out, yet Lanfrancus cannot be. 33. Note also, that in the table of the 3. Book before, after Siricius to put in Sanctus Aluredus. which in the order of Archbishops I left out in the end of the 3. book. pag. 170. This Lanffancus was an Italian, and a stout Champion of the Pope. After his stubborn dissension with Thomas Archbishop of York, he wrote against Berengarius, intitulyng his Book Opus Scintillarum. pag. 172. Also the same Lancfranke builded the new Church at Canterbury, and plucked down the old. By him was builded the Church of S. Gregory. At length he was expulsed by king Wil Rufus. 35. Anselmus. 20. Of this Anselmus, and the strife between him and the king, look in the pag. 184. 36. Radulphus. 8. Under Rad. the order of Cisternians began. 37. Guilielmus Curboil. 13. By this W. the new work of the Church of S. Martin's at Dover was builded. 38. Theobaldus. 24. By this Theobald, Monks were first brought into that church of Dover. He was expulsed by king Stephen. In his time the church of S. Gregory was burned at Cant. 39 Tho. Becket. 9 Of the life and death of this Becket, see the pag. 205. 
En histor. Criekladensis.  39 Tho. Becket. 9 Ex Crikeladensi. Magnates in Anglia interdixerunt, ne quis martyrem Thomam nominaret ne quis eius miracula praedicaret, interminantes minas mortis seu maximarum poenarum omnibus consitentibus eum fuisse martyrem, & miracula eius praedicantibus. etc. 40. Richardus. 10. This Richard was a Monk: in his time Christ's Church at Canterbury was burned. 41. Baldwinus. 7. Between this Baldwine & the Monks was great discord. He suspended the Prior from his Priorship, and 22. Monks from all service. He caused the Subprior with all his adherents to be excommunicate through all Kent. 42. Hubertus. 14. In the time of this Hubert the Chapel of Lamheth was plucked down. Also the Church of Dover was burned. 43. Stephanus Langhton. 22. This Stephen with the Monks of Caunterbury, were expulsed by king john. This Stephen intending to give orders in the Chapel of Lamheth, was stopped by the Monks of Cant. through their appeal and prohibition. Wherefore he required Eustace Bishop of London, to minister the same orders in the Church of saint Paul. In his time fell great variance between the Monks of Rochester and the Monks of Canterb. for the election of their B. which election the Monks of Cant. would not admit, before the Rochester Monks had presented the bishops staff in the Church of Cant. so that both the Churches sent their messengers to the court of Rome. 44. Richardus Magnus. 4. At the consecration of this Richard, contention rose between the Bishop of Rochester and bishop of Bath, who should consecrate him. Item, between the said Richard and the Monks of Canterbury fell a grievous discord about certain liberties belonging to the Archb. The said Archbishop for certain quarrels against the king, went up to Rome, who died in Tuscia. After this Richard, the election of 3. Archbish. was castate at Rome: of Rodulphus de nova villa, of john Prior of Cant. john Blund. 45. Edmund of Abenden. 7. This Edmund was called S. Edmund. At whose election the Prior of Dover thinking to be present, as at the marriage of his Mother, was not permitted by the Monks of Canterbury. For the which injury he appealed and went to Rome to complain, not against the elect, but against the election: where he obtained of the Pope for all the Priors and successors of Dover, to have full interest in the election of the Archbi. besides other priviledgies which he obtained, percase not without some good store of money. Afterward the Monks of Cant. accused him to the Archbishop as though he stood against the person of the elect, & so obtained of the Archbi. being angry with him, to have brought him under the chapter of Canter. there to be punished. Whereupon the Prior seeing him so destitute of all help of Lawyers, was constrained in the foresaid chapter to cry peccavi. Then being suspended from his Priorship was at length sent home to Dover, being compelled first to set his hand to a certain composition between him & the foresaid Monks. The said Edmund Archb. also having some quarrel against the king, went up to Rome, and died before his coming home. 46. Bonifacius. 25. In the time of this Boniface Pope Gregory wickedly granted to king Henry 3. 
46. Bonifacius. 25.  (for the getting of the kingdom of Sicily which belonged not to him to give, nor to the other to take,) tenths of goods temporal and spiritual, for five years, Item, all the first years fruits of churches that should be vacant for 5. years. Item, half of all the goods of beneficed men not resident at their benefices. Item, all Legaces not distinctly given. And yet the kingdom of Sicily never came to his hands which belonged to Manfredus, son of Frederick Emperor. Strife between this Boniface, and the prior of Cant. Item, between him and bishop of Ross. Item, between him & the Chapter of Lincoln, all which was after agreed. Chro. Doverens. fol. 20. pag. 2. Strife in Winchester, about choosing the bishop after the death of Ayonarus that king's Brother. Strife in the Convocation which Boniface did hold at Lambheth. In the which council were recited the statutes of Octobonus and other new statutes made: Against which, I. Hemelingforde the Kings Chaplain with other more, and prince Edward on the Kings behalf did appeal. Chro. Dover. fol. 21. Under this Boniface Archb. Tunbridge & Hadlo first came under the custody of the Archb. of Cant. Master john of Exeter bought the Bishopric of Winchester for 6000. marks: which being known he was fain to pay the same sum again to the Pope, and so was sent home. Boniface the Archb. being in the parts of Sebaudia. an. 1262, fell an other alteration between the Prior and Chapter of Canterbury on the one part, and the Prior and Chapter of Dover on the other part. Which two houses almost were never in quiet, and all about certain liberties and privileges: as for making the subprior, for receiving in of monks, and for visitations of the Church of Dover. An. 1268. Boniface Archb. interdicted the City of London, because in the same City the Archb. of York did hold up his Cross, the Archbishop of Cant. being there present, the king holding then his Parliament at Westminster. This Archb. died in the parts of Sebaudia.  john Prior of Canterbury was elected by the Monks against the kings mind, but by the Pope refused.  Adam Chilinden was elect, but he resigned his election to the Pope. 47. Robert Kilwarby. friar. 6. In the time of this Robert Kilwarby, appeal was taken against the Chapter of Canterbury by the Bishop of Winchester, of Worcester, and Exeter: for the which cause the said Bishops went up to Rome to prosecute the appeal. The matter was because they did not their obedience to the Monks of Caunterbury, the see being empty. Walter Gissard Archb. of York, going toward the general counsel, bore up his cross through the middle of Kent, in the time of this Robert Archbishop of Canterbury. an. 1272. By Pope Gregory 10. in the general Council at Lions, all the orders of Friars were put down 4. orders only except, that is Dominicks, Franciscans, Carmilites, and Augustine's. This Robert Kilwarby by the commandment of Pope Nicholas was made Cardinal of Rome, Bishop of Poruensis. 
An untruth in Polyd. Virgil.  Where is to be noted an untruth in Polid Virgil, which saith that he was made cardinal by pope Gregory, which could not be. 48. john Pecknam. 13 Robert Burnell Bishop of Bathe was elected, but by the Pope refused: For whom john Peckham a grey friar, was placed by Pope Nicho. In the first year of this Friar Peckeham, Will. Wikewane Archb. of York coming from his consecration at Rome to Dover, bore up his Cross through the midst of Kent, whereat was no little ado. Robert Gernemine Archdeacon of Cant. went to law to Rome for the liberties & possessions of his Archdeaconship 2. years and there died. In his time also another wrangling fell between the Monks of Cant. & the Monks of Dover, in the time of this I. Peckhan; for admitting certain Novices of Dover into orders. Ex chr. Monach. Dover. fol. 42. This Peckham holding a councenll at Lambheth ordained divers statutes, and caused the ordinances of the council of Lions, and of Boniface Archb. of Cant. and his predecessor to be observed. Great strife and hatred was between this Pecham and Thomas Bishop of Hereford. Who being excommunicated by Peckham, appealed to Rome, & went to the Pope. The Prior & covent of Cant. made their appeal against this archb. Peckham, that he should not consecrated Walter le Schamell new elect bishop of Salisbury, in any other place, except only in the church of Cant. but by their leave and licence first obtained. Notwithstanding the archb. nothing regarding their appeal, proceeded in the consecration of the said bishop near to the town of Reading, whereupon the Prior and Covent ceased not to prosecute their appeal against the Archbishop. Between Richard Ferringes archdeacon of Cant. of the one party, and the Barons of Dover of the other party, the same year fell an other like wrangling, for that the Archdeacon claimed to visit the Church of Dover, contrary the barons affirmed, that none had nor should have to do there to order or dispose in spiritual matters but only the archb. & the Prior and covent of S. Martin. Ex eod. chron. fol. 46. After the death of William Wicwane Archb. of York, john de Roma succeeded after him and coming from his consecration at Rome to Dover, bore his cross through the middle of Kent, contrary to the inhibition of john Peckham. 48. Rob. Winchelsey. 19 This Rob. which was archb. in the latter time of K. Edward the 1. for certain displeasure of the K. conceived against him, departed the realm, & in his banishment remained 2. or 3. years. And about the beginning of the reign of K. Edwa. the 2. was restored again. an. 1309. Ex chro. Rich. 2. Thus few Archb. of Cant. we find, with whom kings have not had some quarrel or other. The cause between the K. and him (saith mine author) was this: that the K. accused him to Pope Clement to disturb his Realm, and to take part with rebels. etc. Ex chro. S. Albani. This Robert also excommunicated Walter Bishop of Covent. for holding with the King and Peter Gaveston against the ordinances of the Barons wherefore the said Bishop appealed to the Pope, against whom the Archb. sent Adam Mirimouth. In the time of this Robert Archbishop, the order of Templaries were abolished by Pope Clement 5. 
This Adam Mirimouth was compiler of the story of K. Edw.  in the council of Vienna with this seittence definitive. Quanquam de iure non possumus, tamen ad plenitudinem potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus. 50. Gualther Reynald. 15 Ai●ct the decease of Robert Winchelsey, who departed. an. 1312. Thomas Cobham a learned man was elected by full consent of the Monks: who came to Auinion, to have his election confirmed. But the Pope reserving the vacant seat to his own hands put in Walter Reynald B. of Worcester Chancellor of England, who governed the seat 15. years. The chronicler of S. Albans, recordeth also how in the days of this Archb. an. 1319. certain Lepers conspiring with the Turks and jews went about to impotionate, and infect all Christendom, by inveneming their fountains, lakes, pits, barels, and such other places. Of the which crime divers of them being convict, were worthily burned in France. About the which year, the said author maketh also relation, how in the realm of England much morain fell among the beasts: in so much, that the dogs eating upon their flesh (infected belike by the waters and fountains) fell down dead incontinent. Neither dur●● men for that cause almost taste of any beef. an. 1318. 1319. Ex Chron. Alban. This Walter Archb. taking part with the Queen Isabella against K. Edward her husband, died the same year in which he was deposed. an. 1237. Ex chr. S. Albani. After Walter the Archb. as affirmeth the chron. of S, Alban, succeeded Simon Mepham. Of whom I marnell that Polydore, maketh no word mention: belike he sat not long after followed I. Stratford. 51. john Stratford. 29. In the story of Adam Mirimouth is recorded that this I. Stratforde intending to visit the diocese of Northfolk, was not received by the Bishop, the chapter and clergy there, alleging that he obserned not the ordinary Canon therein. To whom the Archb. said again, he had the Pope's letters and showed the same. But the other answered, that those letters were falsely obtained and tended to the suppression of the Clergy, & therefore they would not obey: wherefore the Archb. excommunicated the Bishop, and suspended the Prior, & interdicted the covent. au, 1343. 52. joh. Offord. 10. months. M. john Offord Chancellor of England was elected and confirmed Archb. of Canter. but not consecrated, and sat but 10. months, about the year of our Lord 1350. Postilentia in Anglia. 53. Tho. Braidwarden. 1. This Tho. Braidwarden following after I. Stratford sat not long but died within 10 months of the plague, as they say. Which was called then the first great plague in England, 
The first great plague in England.  raging so fore in all quarters, that it was thought scarce the tenth part of men to be left alive. 54. Simon Islepe. 17. In the time of Simon Islepe which followed after Bradwarden: K. Edward. an. 1362. is reported after the blind superstition of those days, to offer in the church of Westminster the vestiments wherein S. Peter did celebrate mass. 
The vestments wherein S. Peter said Mass, or else the papists do lie.  Which belike were well kept from moths, to last so long. Ex Chron. Alban. The same Simon Islepe, among other constitutious ordained through all Churches & chapels under pain of excommunication: that no man should abstain from bodily labours upon certain Saints days, as is before touched. Which fact of his is not a little noted in our monkish histories. This Simon builded Canterbury College in Oxford. 
Canterbury College builded in Oxford.    

* The Conclusion of this Fourth Book.  

The conclusion of this book. Antichrist in his pride.  ¶ For as much as Satan being theyned up all this while, for the space of a thousand years, beginneth about this time to be loosed and to come abroad, according to the forewarning of S. john's Revelation. Therefore to conclude the fourth Book, wherein sufficiently hath been described the excessive pride and pomp of Antechrist, flourishing in his ruff and security, from the time of William Conqueror hitherto: now (Christ willing & assisting us thereunto) we mind in these latter Books hereafter following, in order of history to express the latter persecutions and horrible troubles of the Church, raised up by Satan as in his minister Antechrist, with the resistance again of Christ's Church against him. And so to prosecute (by the merciful grace of Christ) the proceeding and course of times till we come at length to the fall and ruin of the said Antechrist. 
The losing out of Satan.  To the intent that if any be in such error to think that Antechrist is yet to come, let him consider and ponder well the tragical rages, the miserable and most sorrowful persecutions, murders, and vexations of these latter 300. years now following, and I doubt not but he will be put out of all doubt to know, that not only Antechrist is already come, but also to know where he sitteth, & how he is now falling apace (the Lord Christ be thanked for ever) to his decay and confusion.    

THE FIFT BOOK Containing the last 300. years from the losing out of Satan.  

The fift book.  THUS having discoursed in these former Books, the order and course of years, from the first tying up of Satan unto the year of our Lord 1360. I have a little overpassed the stint of time in the Scriptures appointed, for the losing out of him again. For so it is written by S. john Apocal. 20. that after a thousand years, Satanas' the old Dragon shallbe let lose again for a season, etc. 
The years and time of losing out Satan examined.   
For the better explanation of the which mystery, let us first consider the context of the scripture: afterward, let us examine by history and course of times, the meaning of the same. And first to recite the words of the Apocal. the text of the Prophecy is this, cap. 23.  
And I saw an Angel descending from heaven, having a key of the bottomless pit, 
Apoc. 10.  and a great chain in his hand. And he took the Dragon the old Serpent, which is the devil and Satanas, and bound him for a thousand years, and put him in the bottomless dungeon and shut him up, and signed him with his seal, that he should no more seduce the Gentiles, till a thousand years were expired. And after that he must be loosed again for a little space of time. And I saw seats, and they sat upon them: and judgement was given unto them, and the souls I saw of them which were beheaded for the testimony of jesus. etc.  
By these words of the Revelation here recited, three special times are to be noted.  

1. First, the being abroad of Satan to deceive the world.  
2. The binding up of him. 
The place of the Apocal. 20. Expounded, for the losing out of Satan.   
3. Thirdly, the losing out of him again, after a thousand years consummate, for a time.   
Concerning the interpretation of which times, I see the common opinion of many to be deceived by ignorance of histories, and state of things done in the church: supposing that the chaining up of Satan for a thousand years, spoken of in the Revelation, was meant from the birth of Christ our Lord. Wherein I grant that spiritually the strength and dominion of Satan in accusing & condemning us for sin, was cast down at the passion and by the passion of Christ our saviour, and locked up not only for a thousand years, but for ever and ever. Albeit as touching the malicious hatred and fury of that Serpent, against the outward bodies of Christ's poor saints (which is the heel of Christ) to afflict and torment the Church outwardly: That I judge to be meant in the Revelation of S. john, 
What the losing of Satan doth mean in Scripture.  not to be restrained till the ceasing of those terrible persecutions of the primitive Church. At what time it pleased God to pity the sorrowful affliction of his poor flock, being so long under persecution, the space of three hundred years, and so to assuage their griefs and torments. Which is meant by binding up of Satan, worker of all those mischiefs: understanding thereby, that for so much as the Devil prince of this world had now by the death of Christ the son of God lost all his power and interest against the soul of man, should turn his furious rage & malice which he had to Christ against the people of Christ, (which is meant by the heel of the seed. Genes. 3.) in tormenting their outward bodies. Which yet should not be for ever, but for a determinate time, when as it should please the Lord to bridle the malice, and snaffle the power of the old Serpent, and give rest unto his Church for the term of a thousand years. Which time being expired, the said serpent should be suffered lose again for a certain or a small time. Apoc. 20.  
And thus to expound this Prophetical place of scripture I am led by three reasons. 
Three reasons.   

The first reason.  The first is, for that the binding up of Satan, and closing him in the bottomless pit by the Angel, importeth as much that he was at liberty, raging and doing mischief before. And certes those so terrible and so horrible persecutions of the primitive time universally through the whole world, during the space of three hundredth years of the Church, do declare no less. Wherein it is to be thought and supposed, that Satan all that time, was not fastened and closed up.  
The second reason moving me to think that the closing up of Satan was after the ten persecutions of the primitive Church, 
The 2. reason.  is taken out of the twelft chapter of the apocalypse. Where we read, that after the woman (meaning the Church) had travailed forth her man child, the old Dragon the Devil, the same time being cast down from heaven, drawing the third part of the stars with him: stood before the woman with great anger, and persecuted her (that is the Church of God) with a whole flood of water (that is, with abundance of all kinds of torments) and from thence went moreover to fight against the residue of her side, and stood upon the sands of the sea, whereby it appeareth that he was not as yet locked up.  
The third reason I collect out of the apocalypse thirteenth Chapter, 
The 3. reason.  where is written of the beast, signifying the Imperial Monarchy of Rome: 
Apoc. cap. 13.  that he had power to make war forty and two months. By the which months is meant no doubt, the time that the Dragon, and the persecuting Emperors, should have in afflicting the Saints of the primitive Church. 
Xlij. months in the Apocal. cap. 13. examined.  The computation of which forty two months (counting every month for a Sabbath of years, that is for seven years, after the order of Scripture) riseth to the sum (counting from the passion of the Lord Christ) three hundred years lacking six, at what time Maxentius the last persecutor in Rome fight against Constantinus, was drowned with his soldiers, like as Pharaoh was drowned persecuting the children of Israel in the red sea. Unto the which xlij. months, or sabbaths of years, if ye add the other six years wherein Licinius persecuted in the East: ye shall find just three hundred years, as is specified before in the first book of this volume. pag. 97.  
After the which forty and two months being expired, 
What time Satan was tied up.  manifest it is that the fury of Satan, that is, his violent malice and power over the Saints of Christ, was diminished and restrained universally through the whole world.  
Thus than the matter standing evident, that Satan after 300. years, counting from the passion of Christ, began to be chained up, at what time the persecution of the primitive Church began to cease: Now let us see, how long this binding up of Satan should continue, which was promised in the book of the Revelation to be a thousand years. Which thousand years, if ye add to the xlij. months of years, that is, to 294. years: they make 1294. years, 
About what time and year Satan was let out, by the count of the apocalypse.  after the passion of the Lord. To these moreover add the 30. years of the age of Christ, and it cometh to the year of our Lord 1324. which was the year of the letting out of Satan, according to the prophesy of the apocalypse.  

A Table containing the time of the persecution both of the primitive, and of the latter Church, with the count of years from the first binding up of Satan, to his losing again, after the mind of the apocalypse.  The first persecution of the primitive Church, beginning at the 30. years of Christ, was prophesied to continue 42. months, that is, An. 294. 
The ceasing of persecution in the primitive church.  The ceasing of the last persecution of the primitive Church by the death of Licinius the last persecutor, began. An. 324. from the nativity of Christ, which was from the 30. year of his age. 294. 294. The binding up of Satan after peace given to the church, counting from the 30. years of Christ, began An. 294. 
The binding up of Satan.  And lasted a thousand years, that is, counting from the thirty year of Christ, to the year. 1294. 
The time of losing of Satan.  About which year Pope Boniface the 8. was Pope, and made the 6. book of the decretals: confirmed the orders of Friars, and privileged them with great freedoms, as appeareth by his constitution: Super cathedram. An. 1294. 
The time of Antichrist, examined.  Unto the which count of years doth not much disagree that I found in a certain old Chronicle prophesied and written in the latter end of a book, which book was written as it seemeth, by a monk of Dover, & remaineth yet in the custody of William carry, a Citizen of London: alleging the prophesy of one Hayncardus a grey Friar, grounded upon the authority of joachim the Abbot, prophesying that Antichrist should be borne the year from the Nativity of Christ. 1260. Which is, counting after the lords passion, the very same year and time, when the orders of Friars both Dominickes and Franciscans began first to be set up by Pope Honorius the 3. and by Pope Gregorius 9 which was the year of our Lord counting after his passion. 1226. And counting after the nativity of the Lord, was the year. 1260. Whereof these verses in the author was written.  
Cum fuerint anni completi mill ducenti,  

Verses prophesying of the coming of Antichrist.  Et decies seni post partum virginis almae:  
Tunc Antichristus nascetur daemone plenus.  
And these verses were written, as appeareth by the said author. An. 1285.  
These things thus premised for the losing out of Satan, according to the prophesy of the Apocal. now let us enter (Christ willing) to the declaration of these latter times, which followed after the letting out of Satan into the world. Describing the wondrous perturbations and cruel tyranny stirred up by him against Christ's Church. Also the valiant resistance of the Church of Christ against him and Antichrist, as in these our books here under following may appear.  

The argument of the books after following.  The argument of which book consisteth in 2. parts, first to entreat of the raging fury of Satan now loosed, and of Antichrist: Against the saints of Christ fight and traveling for the maintenance of the truth, & reformation of the Church: Secondly, to declare the decay and ruin of the said Antichrist, through the power of the word of God being at length (either in a great part of the world) overthrown, or at least universally in the whole world detected.  

Anno. 1360.  Thus then to begin with the year of our Lord. 1360. wherein I have a little as is aforesaid, transgressed the stint of the first losing out of Satan: we are come now to the time wherein the Lord, 
A brief rehearsal of faithful learned men, which withstood the proceed of the Pope.  after long darkness beginneth some reformation of his Church, by the diligent industry of sundry his faithful and learned servants: of whom divers already we have foretouched in the former book before, as namely Guliel. de Sancto Amore, Marsilius Patavinus: Ockam: Robertus Gallus: Robertus Grosted: Petrus de Cugnerijs: joannes Rupescissanus: Conradus Hager: joannos de Poliaco, Cesenas, with other more: which withstood the corrupt errors, and intolerable enormities of the Bishop of Rome. Beside them which about these times were put to death by the said bishop of Rome, as Chastilion, & Franciscus de Arcatara in the book before recorded: also the two franciscans, Martyrs, which were burned at Auinion, mentioned, pag. 391.  
Now to these (the Lord willing) we will add such other holy Martyrs and confessors, who following after in the course of years with like zeal and strength of God's word, and also with like danger of their lives, gave the like resistance against the enemy of Christ's religion, and suffered at his hands the like persecutions. First beginning with that godly man, whosoever he was the author of the Book (his name I have not) entitled the prayer and complaint of the Ploughman: written as it appeareth, about this present time.  
Which book as it was faithfully set forth by William tindal, 
The author of the ploughman's prayer not known.  so I have truly distributed the same abroad to the Readers hands: neither changing any thing of the matter, neither altering many words of the phrase thereof. Although the oldness and age of his speech and terms be almost grown now out of use: yet thought I it so best, both for the utility of the book to reserve it from oblivion, as also in his own language to let it go abroad, for the more credit and testimony of the true antiquity of the same. Adding withal in the margin for the better understanding of the reader, some interpretation of certain difficult terms and speeches, as otherwise might perhaps hinder or stay the reader. The matter of this complaining prayer of the ploughman, thus proceedeth.  

An old ancient writing, entitled, The prayer and complaint of the Ploughman.  
JESV CHRIST that was ybore of the maid Marie, 
An old book entitled, the ploughman's prayer, written as seemeth about Wickliff's tyme. The complaint of Esal applied to these times.  have on thy poor servants mercy and pity, and help them in their great need to fight against sin, and against the devil that is author of sin, and more need nes there never to cry to Christ for help, than it is right now. For it is fulfilled that God said by isaiah the Prophet: ye riseth up erlich to follow drunkenness, and to drink till it be even, the harp and other minstrelsies beeths in your feasts and wine. But the work of God ye ne beholdeth not, ne taketh no keep to the works of his hands: And therefore my people is take prisoner, for they ne had no cunning. And the noble men of my people deyeden for hunger, and the multitude of my people weren dry for thirst, and therefore hell hath drawn abroad their soul, and hath yopened his mouth without any end. And eftsoons sayeth isaiah the Prophet: The word is floten away, and the highness of the people is maked sick, and the earth is infect of his wonnyers, for they have broken my laws, and ychaunged my right, and han destroyed mine everlasting bond and 
* Forward, that is, covenant.  forward between them & me. And therefore cursing shall devour the earth, and they that wonneth on the earthly shallen done sin. And therefore the earth tilyars shullen wax wood, and few men shullen cen yleft upon the earth. And yet saith isaiah the Prophet, this sayeth God, for as much as this people nigheth me with their mouth, & glorifieth me with their lips, and their hart is far from me. And they han ydrad more men's commandment, then mine, and more draw to their doctrines, than mine. Therefore will I make a great wondering unto this people, wisdom shall perish away from wise men, and understanding of ready men shall be yhid. And so it seemeth that an other saying of isaiah is fulfilled, there as God bade him go teach the people, and said go forth and say to this people: ears have ye, and understand ye not, and eyes ye have and sight ne know ye not. Make blind the hart of this people, & make their ears heavy, and close their eyen, lest he see with his eyen, and yheare with his ears, and understand with his hart, and by yturned, and ych heal him of his sickness. And isaiah said to God: how long Lord shall this be? And God said: For to that the cities ben desolate withouten a wonnier, and an house withouten a man.  
Here is mychel need for to make sorrow, & to cry to our Lord jesus Christ hertilich for help and for secure, that he will forgive us our sins, and give us grace and cunning to serven him better here after. And God of his endless mercy give us grace and cunning trulich to tell which is Christ's law in helping of men's souls, for we beth lewd men, and sinful men, and unconning, and if he will be our help and our succour, we shullen well perform our purpose. And blessed be our Lord God that hideth his wisdom from wise men, and fro ready men, and teacheth it to small children, as Christ teacheth in the Gospel.  
Christian men have a law to keep, the which law hath two parties. 
The law of Christ standeth on two parts.  Believe in Christ that is God, & is the fundament of their law, and upon this fundament, as he said to Peter, and the gospel beareth witness, he will byelden his Church, and this is the first party of Christ's law. The second party of this law beth Christ's commandments that beth written in the gospel, and more verilich in Christian men's hearts.  
And as touching the believe, we believen that Christ is God, and that there ne is no God but he. We believen nevertheless that in the Godhead there been three persons, the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost, and all these three persons been one God, and not many Gods, and all they beth ylich mighty, ylich good, and ylich wise, and ever have been, and ever shullen ben We believen this God made the world of nought, and man he made after his own likeness in Paradise that was a land of bliss, and gave him that land fo● his heritage, and bade him that he should not eat the tree of knowledge of good and evil, that was 
* Amid Paradise, that is in the midst of Paradise.  a mid Paradise. Then the devil that was fallen out of heaven for his pride, had envy to man, and by a false suggestion he made man eat of this tree, and break the commandment of God, and though was man overcome of the devil, and so he lost his heritage, and was put out thereof into the world that was a land of travel, and of sorrow under the fiends thraldom, to be punished for his trespass. There man followed wickedness and sin, and God for the sin of man sent a●sloud into this world, and drowned all mankind save eight souls. And after this flood he let men multiply in the world, and so he assaled whether man dread him or loved him, & among other he found a man that height Abraham: 
Abraham.  this man he proved whether he loved him and dread him, and bade him that he should offeren Isaac his son upon an hill, and Abraham as a true servant fulfilled his Lord's commandment: and for this buxumnes and truth, God swore unto Abraham that he would multiply his seed as the gravel in the sea, and as the stars of heaven, and he behight to him and to his heirs the land of behest for heritage for ever, give they wolden been his true servants and keep his hests. And God 
* Held him forward, that is, kept promise with him.  held him forward, for Isaac Abraham's son begat jacob and Esau: and of jacob that is cleped Israel, comen Gods people that he chose to be his servant, and to whom he behight the land of behest. This people was in great thraldom in Egypt under Pharaoh that was king of Egypt: and they cr●eden to God that he should deliveren them out of that thraldom, and so he did: for he sent to Pharaoh, Moses and his brother Aaron, and bade him deliver his people to done him sacrifice: and to fore Pharaoh he made Moses done many wonders, or that Pharaoh would deliver his people, and at the last by might he delivered his people out of thraldom, and led them through a desert toward the land of behest, and there he gave them a law that they shoulden liven after, when they comen into their country, and in their way thither ward, the ten commandments God wrote himself in two tables of stone: the remnant of the law he taught them by Moses his servant, how they shoulden do every eachone to other, and give they trespassed again the law, he ordained how they shoulden be punished. Also he taught them what manner sacrifices they should do to him, and he chose him a people to been his priests, that was Aaron and his children, to done sacrifices in the tabernacle, and afterward in the temple also. He cheese him the remnant of the children of Levy to been servants in the tabernacle to the priests, and he said: When ye come into the land of behest, the children of Levy they shullen have none heritage amongst their brethren, for I would be their part, & their heritage, & they shullen serve me in the tabernacle by days and by nigh●es, and he ordained that priests should have a part of the sacrifices that were offered in the tabernacle, and the first begotten beasts, both of men and beasts and other things as the law telleth. And the other children of Levy that served in the tabernacle, should have tithings of the people to their livelihood, of the which tithings they should given the priests the tenth party in form of offering. The children of Levy both priests and other, should have houses and croftes, and lesewes for their beasts in the land of behest, & none other heritage: & so God gave than their land of behest, and bade them that they ne should worship no other God than him Also he bade that they should keep his command●ments, and gift they did so, all their enemies about them should dread them and be their servants. And give they worshipped false gods and so forsaken his laws, he bihight them that he would bring them out of that land & make them serve their enemies, but yet he said he would not benemen his mercy away from them, if they would cry mercy and amend their defaults, and all this was done on God's side.  

God's love to man.  And here is much love showed of God to man. And who so looketh the Bible, he shall find that man showed him little love againeward: for when they were come into their heritage, they forgotten their God, 
Feile times that is, oft times.  and worshipped false gods. And God sent to them the Prophets and his servants * feel times to bid them withdrawn them from their sins, and other they have slowen them, or they beaten them, or they led them in prison: and oft times God took upon them great vengeance for their sins, & when they cried after helpen to God, he sent them help and secure. This is the general process of the old Testament, that God gave to his people by Moses his servant. And all this Testament and this doing ne was but a shadow and a figure of a new Testament that was given by Christ. And it was byhoten by jeremy the Prophet, as S. Paul beareth witness in the Epistle that he writeth to the jews. And jeremy sayeth in this wise: Lo days shall come, God saith, and I will make a new band to the house of Israel, and to the house of juda, not like the forward that I made with their fathers in that day that I took their hand to lead them out of the land of Egypt, the which forward they maden vain, and I had Lordship over them. But this shallbe the forward that I would make with them after those days: I will give my laws with them in their inwardness, and I will written them in their hearts, and I will be their God and they should be my people, and after that a man shall not teach his neighbour ne his brother. For all (God sayeth) from the least to the most, should know me, for I will forgiven them their sins, and I will no more think on their sins.  
This is the new Testament, that Christ both God and man borne of the maid mary, he taught here in this world to bring man our of sin and out of the devils thraldom and service to heaven, that is land of bliss and heritage to all though that beleeven on him and keepen his commandments, and for his teaching he was done to the death. But the third day arose again from death to life, and fet Adam and Eve and many other folk out of hell, and afterward he came to his disciples and comforted them. After he stied up to heaven to his father, and though he sent the holy Ghost amongs his disciples: and in time coming he will come and demen all mankind after their works, and after the words he spoke upon earth: some to bliss, with in body and in soul ever withouten end, and some to pain withouten end, both in body and in soul.  
This is our belove and all christian men's, and this believe is the first point of the new Testament that each Christian man is hold steadfastly to believe, and rather to suffer the death their forsaken this believe, and so this believe is the bread of spiritual life, in forsaking sin, that Christ brought us to life.  
But for as much as man's living ne standeth not all onlych by bread, he hath ygilten us a draft of water of life to drink. And who that drinketh of that water, he ne shall never afterward been a thirst. For this water is the clear teaching of the gospel, that encloseth seven commandments.  
The first is this: 
Special precepts or lessons of the Gospel.  thou shalt love thy GOD over all other things, and thy brother as thyself, both enemy and friend.  
The second commandment is of meekness, in the which Christ chardgeth us to forsake Lordship upon our brethren and other worldly worships, and so he did himself.  
The third commandment, is in standing stedfastlich in truth and forsaking all falseness.  
The fourth commandment, is to suffer in this world diseases and wrongs withouten ageinstonding.  
The fifth commandment is: mercy, to forgiven our brethren their trespass, as often time as they gilteth, without ask of vengeance.  
The sixth commandment is poorness in spirit, but not to ben a beggar.  
The seventh commandment, is chastity: that is a forsaking of fleshlich likings displeasing to God. These commandments enclosen the ten commandments of the old law, and somewhat more.  
This water is a blessed drink for christian men's soul But more harm is, much folk would drink of this water, but they mow not come thereto: for God saith by Ezechiel the prophet: when iche give to you the most clean water to drink, ye troubled that water with your feet, and that water so defouled, ye give my sheep to drink. 
Christ's sheep stopped from clean water, & compelled to drink puddle,  But the clean water is yhid fro the sheep, and but give God clear this, it is dread lest the sheep dyen for thirst. And Christ that is the wisdom of the father of heaven, & well of this wisdom that come from heaven to earth to teach man this wisdom, thorough the which man should overcome the sleights of the devil that is principal enemy of mankind: have mercy and pity of his people, and show if it be his will how this water is troubled, and by whom: and 
* Sith, that is, afterward.  sith clear this water that his sheep mown drinken hereof, and keel the thirst of their souls. Blessed more our Lord been, for he hath itaught us in the Gospel, that ere then he would come to the universal doom, then should come many in his name and say, that they weren Christ: and they shoulden done many wonders, and begilen many men. And many false prophets shoulden arisen and begylen much folk.  
A Lord, yblessed more thou ben of everich creature: which been they that have ysayd that they weren Christ, & have thus beguiled thus thy people? Trulich Lord I trow, thilk that say that they ben in thy steed, and 
* Binemen, that is, take away.  binemen thy worship, and maken thy people worshippen them as God, & have hid thy laws from the people. Lord, who durst sit in thy steed and benemen thee thy worship and thy sacrifice, and durst maken the people worship them as gods? The Sauter tells, that God ne will not in the day of doom demen men for bodiliche sacrifices & Holocaustes: But God saith, yield to me sacrifice of herying, and yield to God thine avows, and clepe me in the day of tribulation, and ych will defend thee, and thou shalt worship me.  
The heryeng of God standeth in 3 things. 
* Herying, that is, worshipping.  In loving God over all other things. In dreading God over all other things. In trusting in God over all other things.  
These 3 points Christ teacheth in the gospel. But I trow men loven him but a little. For who so loveth Christ, he will keepen his words. But men holden his words for heresy and folly, and keepeth men's words. 
The honouring of God stands in i●●. ●hing●●.  Also men dreden more men & men's laws and their cursings, then Christ and his laws and his cursings. Also men hopen more in men and men's helps, than they do in Christ and in his help. And thus hath he that setteth in God's stead, by no men God these three hor●ings, & maketh men loven him and his laws, more than Christ and Christ's law, and dreden him also. And there as the people shoulden yield to God their vows, he saith he hath power to assoylen them of their avows, and so this sacrifice he 
* Nemeth, that is, taketh.  nemeth aways from God. And there as the people should cry to God in the day of tribulation, he letteth them of their crying to God and bynemeth God that worship. This day of tribulation is when man is fallen thorough sin into the devils service, and than we shuldes cry to God after help, and axen forgiveness of our sin, and make great sorrow for our sin, and been in f●ll will to do so no more ne none other sin, and that our Lord God will forgiven us our sin, & maken our soul clean. For his mercy is endless.  

Against anricular confession.  But Lord, here men have by nomen thee much worship: For men say that thou ne might not clean assoylen us of our sin: But if we knowlegen our sins to priests, & taken of them a penance for our sin give we mown speak with them.  
A Lord thou forgave sometime Peter his sins and also Marry Magdaleine, 
Sins forgiven without ●hrist.  and many other many sinful men without shriving to priests, & taking penance of priests for their sins. And Lord thou art as mighty now as thou were that time, but give any man have bynomen thee thy might. And we lewd men believen, that there nis no man of so great power, and give any man maketh himself of so great power he 
* Heigheth, that is, exalteth.  heigheth himself above God. And S. Paul speaketh of one that sitteth in the temple of God & heighten him above God, and give any such be, he is a false Christ.  

Objection of the priests to maintain ●hrist. Answer to the objection.  But hereto sayne priests, that when Christ made clean leprous men, he bade them go and show them to priests. And therefore they say that it is a commandment of Christ, that a man should shown his sin to priests. For as they say, lepre in the old law betokeneth sin in this new law. A Lord God, whether thine Apostles knew not thy meaning as well as men done now? And give they hadden yknow that thou hadst commanded men to shriven them to priests, and they ne taught not that commandment to the people, me thinketh they hadden ben to blame: But I trow they known well that it was none of thy commandments, ne needful to heal of man's soul. And as me thinketh the law of lepre, is nothing to the purpose of shriving: for priests in the old law hadden certain points and tokens to know whether a man were leprous or not: and give they were leprous, they hadden power to putten them away from other clean men, for to that they weren clean, & then they hadden power to receiven him among his brethren, and offerens for him a sacrifice to God.  
This nis nothing to the purpose of shriving. For there nis but one priest, that is Christ, that may know in certain the leper of the soul. Ne no priest may make the soul clean of her sin, but Christ that is priest after Melchisedekes order: ne no priest here beneath may ywit for certain whether a man be clean of his sin or clean assoiled, but give God tell it him by revelation. Ne God ordained not that his priests should set men a penance for their sin after the quantity of the sin, 
Penance for sin, is man's ordinance and not Gods.  but this is man's ordinance, and it may well be that there cometh good thereof. But I wot well that God is much unworshipped thereby. For men trust more in his absolutions, and in his years of grace, than in Christ's absolutions, and thereby is the people much appaired. For now, the sorrow a man should make for his sin, is put away by this shrift: and a man is more bold to do sin for trust of this shrift, and of this bodilich penance.  
another mischief is, that the people is ybrought into this belief, 
Mischiefs that come by auricular confession.  that one priest hath a greater power to assoylen a man of his sin and clennere, than an other priest hath.  
another mischief is this, that some priest may assoylen them both of sin and pain, and in this they taken them a power that Christ granted no man in earth, ne he ne used it nought on earth himself:  

Popish priests charged which Simony.  An other mischief is, that these priests sellen forgiveness of men's sins and absolutions for money, and this is an heresy accursed that is cleped simony: and all thilk priests that asketh price for granting of spiritual grace, 
* Beth, that is, be.  beth by holy laws deprived of their priesthood, and thilk that assenteth to this heresy. And be they ware, for Helyse the prophet took no money of Naaman when he was made clean of his leper, but Giesi his servant: and therefore * the lepry of Naaman abode with him and with his heirs evermore after.  
Here is much matter of sorrow, to see the people thus far ylad away from God and worshupen a false god in earth, that by might and by strength hath ydone away the great sacrifice of God out of his temple: of which mischief and discomfort, Daniel maketh mention, and Christ beareth thereof witness in the gospel. Who that readeth it understand it. Thus we have ytold apertie, how he that saith he sitteth in Christ's stead, 
* By nemet's, that is, taketh away.  binemeth Christ his worship and his sacrifice of his people, and maketh the people worshepen him as a God on earth.  
Cry we to God, and knowledge we our sins everyone to other as S. james teacheth, and pray we hartilich to God everyone for other, & then we shulen hopen forgiveness of our sins. For God that is endless in mercy saith, that he ne will not a sinful man's death, but that he be turned from his sin & liuen. And therefore, when he came down to save mankind, he gave us a law of love and of mercy and bade, give a man do a trespass, amend him privilich: and give he leave not his sin, amend him before witness: and give he ne amendeth not men should tell to the church: and give he ne amendeth not than, men should shone his company as a publican, or a man that is misbeleved, and this law was yfigured in the law of lepre, who that readeth it, he may see the sooth.  
But Lord God, he that sitteth in thy stead, hath undo thy law of mercy and of love, Lord, thou biddest love enemies as ourself: as thou showest in the gospel, there as the Samaritane had mercy on the jewe. 
The Pop● breaketh the law of love, & mercy.  And thou biddest us also prayen for them that cursen us, and that defamen us, & pursuen us to death. And so Lord thou didst, & thine apostles also. But he that clepeth himself thy vicar on earth, and head of thy church, he hath undone thy law of love and mercy. For give we speaken of loving our enemies, h● teacheth us to fight with our enemies, that Christ hath forboden. He curseth and desireth vengeance to them that so doth to him. give any man pursueth him, he curseth him, that it is a sorrow a Christian man to hearen the cursings that they maken, and blasphemies in such cursing. Of what thing that I know, I may bear true witness.  
But give we speak of loving of our brethren, this is undone by him that saith he is Godsvicar in earth. 
The Pope would be a father, but he beareth no love.  For Christ in the gospel biddeth us, that we shoulden clepe us no father upon earth: But clepe God our father, to maken us love perfitlich together. And he clepeth himself father of fathers, & maketh many religions, & to every a father. But whether is love and charity increased by these fathers and by their religions, or else maked less? For a Friar ne loveth not a monk, ne a secular man neither, nor yet one friar a nother that is not of the order, and it is againward.  
A Lord, me thinketh that there is little perfection in these religions. For Lord, what charity haven such men of religion, that known how they mown against and sin, and fleen away from their brethren that been more uncunning than they ben, & suffren them to travelen in the world withouten their council as beasts? Trulich Lord, me thinketh that there is but little charity, and then is there little perfection. Lord God, when thou were on earth, thou were among sinful men to drawn them from sin, & thy disciples also. And Lord, I trow thou ne grantest not one man more kunning than an other all for himself: and I wot well that lewd men that been labourers, ne travel not alonlich for himself. Lord our belief is, that thou ne were not of the world, 
To forsake the world is not to live in ease from company.  ne thy teaching neither, ne thy servants that liveden after thy teaching. But all they forsaken the world, and so every christian man must. But Lord, whether thou taughtest men forsake their brethren's company and travel of the world, to liven in ease and in rest, and out of trouble and anger of the world, by their brethren's travel and so forsaken the world▪  
A Lord, thou ne taughtest not a man to forsaken a poor estate and travel, to been afterward a Lord of his brethren, or been a lords fellow and dwelling with Lords, as doth men of these new religions. Lord thou ne taughtest not men of thy religion thus to forsake the world, 
True service of God standeth not in long prayer, but in keeping Gods commandments.  to liven in perfection by themself in ease, and by other men's travel. But Lord they say they been ybound to thy service, and serven thee both night and day in singing their prayers, both for themself and for other men, that done them good both quick and dead, and some of them gone about to teach thy people when they haven leisure.  
A Lord, give they been thy servants: whose servants been we that cannot preyen as they done? And when thou were here on earth, for our need thou taughtest thy servants to preyen thy father privilich and shortlich: And give there had been a better manner of praying, I trow thou wouldst have taught it in help of thy pe●ple. And Lord thou reprovest hypocrites that preyen in long preyer and in open places, to ben yholden holy men. And thou sayst in the gospel, woe to you Pharisees hypocrites. And lord thou ne chargedest not thy servants with such manner service: But thou seest in the gospel, that the Pharises worshopen thee with their lips, and their hart is far from thee. For they 
* Chargen, that is, they care for.  chargen more men's traditions than thy commandments.  
And Lord, we lewd men han a belief, that thy goodness is endless: and give we keepen thine hests, than been we thy true servants. And though we preyen thee but a little & shortlich, 
* Behited, that is, promised.  thou wilt thinken on us, and graunten us that us needeth, for so thou behighted us sometime: And Lord I trow, that pray a man never so many acquaint prayers, give he ne keep not thine hests he is not thy good servant. But give he keep thine hests, than he is thy good servant, and so me thinketh. Lord that praying of long prayers ne is not the service that thou desirest, but keeping of thine heftes: and than a lewd man may serve God as well as a man of religion: though that the Ploughman ne may not have so much silver for his prayer, as men of religion. For they 
* Kunnen. that is, they can.  kunnen not so well preisen their prayers as these other chapmen: But Lord our hope is, that our prayers be never the worse though it be not so well sold as other men's prayers.  
Lord, Ezechiel the Prophet saith that when he spoke to the people thy words, they turned thy words into songs & into tales, And so Lord men done now: they singin merilich thy words, and that singing they clepe thy service. But Lord I trow that the best singers he herieth thee not most: But he that fulfilleth thy words he 
* Heryeth, that is, worshippeth.  herieth thee full well, though he weep more than sing. And I trow that weeping for breaking of thy commandments, be more pleasing service to thee, than the singing of thy words. And would God that men would serve him in sorrow for their sins, and that they shoulden afterward serven thee in mirth. For Christ saith, yblessed been they that maken sorrow, 
Singing in churches falsely called God's service.  for they shoulden been yconforted. And woe to them that ben merry and have their comfort in this world. And Christ said that the world should ioyen, & his servants shoulden be sorry, but their sorrow should be turned into joy.  

Weeping for sins, better service then singing in church.  A Lord, he that clepeth himself thy vicar upon earth, hath y ordained an order of priests to do thy service in church to fore thy lewd people in singing matins, evensong & mass. And therefore he chargeth lewd men in pain of cursing, to bring to his priests tithyngs and offerings to finden his priests, and he clepeth that God's part, & due to priests that serven him in church.  
But Lord, in the old law, the tithings of the lewd people ne were not due to priests, but to that other children of Levy that ferueden thee in the temple, and the priest hadden their part of sacrifices, and the first bygeten beasts and other things as the law telleth. And Lord, S. Paul thy servant saith, that the order of the priesthood of Aaron ceased in Christ's coming and the law of that priesthood. For Christ was end of sacrifices yoffered upon the cross to the father of heaven, to bring man out of sin and become himself a priest of melchisedek's order. For he was both king & priest without beginning and end, and both the priesthood of Aaron, and also the law of that priesthood, been ychaunged in the coming of Christ. And S. Paul saith it is reproved, for it brought no man to perfection. For blood of goats ne of other beasts ne might done away sin, for to that Christ shed his blood.  
A Lord jesus, weather thou ordenest an order of priests to offrens in the altar thy flesh and thy blood to bringen men out of sin, 
The order of p●●estes, not made to offer Christ's body.  and also out of pain? And whether thou give them alonelych a power to eat thy flesh and thy blood, and wether none other man may eat thy flesh and thy blood with outen leave of priests? Lord, we beleeven, that thy flesh is very meat and thy blood very drink, and who eateth thy flesh and drinketh thy blood dwelleth in thee, and thou in him, and who that eateth this bread shall live without end. But Lord thine disciples said, this is an hard word, but thou answerest them and seidest: When ye seethe man's soon stiven up there he was rather, the spirit is that maketh you live, the words that each have spoken to you ben spirit & life Lord, yblessed more thou be, for in this word thou teachest us that he that keepeth thy words and doth after them, eateth thy flesh and drinketh thy blood, and hath an everlasting life in thee. And for we shoulden have mind of this living, thou gavest us the sacrament of thy flesh and blood in form of bred and wine at thy supper, before that thou shouldest suffer thy death, and took bread in thine hand, and saidst: take ye this, and eat it, for it is my body: and thou tookest wine, and blessedest it, and said: this is the blood of a new and an everlasting testament, that shall be shed for many men in forgiveness of sins: as oft as ye have done, do ye this in mind of me.  

The sacrament of the body of the Lord abused  A Lord, thou ne bede not thine disciples maken this a sacrifice, to bring men out of pains, give a priest offered thy body in the altar: but thou bede them go and 
* Fullen that is, baptise.  sullen all the folk in the name of the father, & the son, and the holy ghost, in forgiveness of their sins: and teach ye them to keep those things that ych have commanded you. And Lord, thine disciples ne ordained not priests principallich to make thy body in sacrament, but for to teach the people, and good husbandmen that well govern their households, both wives & children, & their meinie, they ordained to be priests to teachen other men the law of Christ, both in word, in deed, & they livedein as true Christian men, every day they eaten Christ's body, 
Priests principally sent to preach, not to say mass, or to make the lords body.  and drinken his blood, to the sustenance of living of their souls, and otherwhiles they tooken the sacrament of his body in form of bread and wine, in mind of our Lord jesus Christ.  
But all this is turned upse down: for now who so will liven as thou taughtest, he shall ben holden a fool. And give he speak thy teaching, he shall ben holden an heretic, & accursed. Lord yhave no l●nger wonder hereof, for so they seiden to thee when thou were here some time. And therefore we moten take in patience their words of blasphemy as thou diddest thyself, or else we weren to blame. And truelych Lord I trow, that if thou were now in the world, and taughtest as thou didst some time, thou shouldest been done to death. 
He that speaketh God's teaching, is holden an heretic.  For thy teaching is damned for heresy of wise men of the world, and then moten they needs been heretics that teachen thy lore, and all they also that travelen to live thereafter.  
And therefore Lord, give it be thy will, help thine unkunning & lewd servants, that wolen by their power and their kunning, help to destroy sin. Leave Lord, sith thou madest woman in help of man, & in a more frail degree than man is, to be governed by man's reason: What perfection of charity is in these priests and in men of religion, that have forsaken spoushod that thou ordeinedst in Paradise betwixt man and woman, for perfection to forsaken travail, and liven in ease by other men's travail▪ For they mow not do bodilich works for defouling of their hands, with whom they touchen thy precious body in the altar.  
Leave Lord, give good men forsaken the company of woman, & needs they moten have the governaile of man, then moten they been ycoupled with shrews, 
What inconvenience by the unmarried lives of priests.  and therefore thy spoushode that thou madest in cleanness from sin, it is now ychaunged into liking of the flesh. And Lord, this is a great mischief unto thy people. And young priests and men of religion, for default of wives maken many women horens, and drawn through their evil ensample many other men to sin, and the ease that they liven in, and their welfare, is a great cause of this mischief. And Lord me thinketh, that these ben acquaint orders of religion and none of thy sect, that wolen taken horens, whilk God forfendes, 
He complaineth of the idleness of priests.  and forsaken wives that God ne forfendeth not And forsaKen travail that God commands, and given their self to idleness, that is the mother of all naughtiness.  
And Lord, Marry thy blessed mother and joseph, touched oftentimes thy body, and wroughten with their honds, and liveden in as much cleanness of soul, as our priests done now, and touched thy body, and thou touchedest them in their souls. And Lord our hope is, that thou goen not out of a poor man's soul that traveleth for his livelihood with his hands. For Lord, our belief is, that thine house is man's soul, that thou madest after thine own likeness.  
But Lord God, 
What is the true church of Christ.  men maketh now great stonen houses full of glasen windows, and clepeth thilk thine houses and Churches. And they setten in these houses Mammets of stocks and stones, and 
* To fore, ●hat is, before.  to fore them they knelen privilich & apert, and maken their prayers, and all this they say is thy worship, and a great 
* Herying, that is worshipping.  herieng to thee. A Lord, thou forbiddest sometime to make such Mawmetes, and who that had yworshipped such, had be worthy to be deeade.  
Lord in the Gospel thou sayest, that true 
* Heriers, worshippers.  heriers of God ne herieth him not in that hill beside Samarie, ne in Jerusalem neither, but true heriers of God herieth him in spirit and in truth. And Lord God what herying is it to bilden thee a church of dead stones, and robben thy quick Churches of their body liche livelihood? Lord God what heryeng is it, to cloth mammets of stocks and of stones in silver and in gold, and in other good colours? And Lord I see thine image gone in cold and in here in clothes all to broken, without shone and hosen, an hungered and a thrust. Lord what heryenge is it to teende tapers and torches before blind mammets that mown not I sayen: 
He complaineth of images in churches.  And hide thee that art our light and our lantern toward heaven and put thee under a bushel that for darkness we ne may not seen our way toward bliss? Lord what heryenge is it to kneel tofore mawmetes that mow not yherens, and worshepen them with preyers, and maken thine quick images kneel before them, and asken of them absolutions and blessings, and worshupen them as gods, and putten thy quick images in thraldom and in travail evermore as beasts, in cold and in heat, and in feeble fare to finden them in liking of the world? Lord what herieng is it to fetch deed men's bones out of the ground there as they shoulden kindelich rotten, and shrinen them in gold and in silver: And suffren thy quick bones of thine images to rot in prison for default of clothingh? And suffren also thy quick images to perish for default of sustenance, and rooten in the hoore house in abominable lechery? Some become thieves and robbers, and manquellers that mighten ben y helped with the gold and silver that hongeth about deed men's bones and other blind mawmetes of stocks and stones.  
¶ Lord here been great abominations that thou shewdist to Ezechiel thy Prophet, that priests done in thy temple, & yet they clepe that thine heryenge. But leave Lord, me thinketh that th●y loven thee little that thus defoulen thy quick images, & worshippen blind mawmetes.  
And Lord an other great mischief there is now in the world, an hunger that Amos thy Prophet speaketh of, 
He complaineth of false pastors that live by their Book, but feedeth not them.  that there shall comen an hunger in the earth, not of bread ne thrust of drink, but of hearing of God's word. And thy sheep woulden be refreshed, but their shepherds taken of thy sheep their livelihood, as tithings. etc. and liven themself thereby where them liketh.  
Of such shepherds thou speaketh by Ezechiel thy Prophet, and seist: woe to the shepherds of Israel that feden themself, for the flocks of sheep shoulden been yfed of their shepherds: but ye eaten the milk and clothen you with their wolf, and the fat sheep ye slow, and my flock ye ne feed not, the sick sheep ye ne healed not, thilk that weren to broken ye ne knit not together, thilk that perished ye ne brought not again: but ye rattled them with sternship and with power. And so the sheep be sprad abroad in devouring of all the beasts of the field. And jeremy the Prophet sayeth: woe to the shepehards that disparse●h abroad and feareth the flock of my 
* Lesew, that is, pasture.  lesewe.  
¶ A Lord, thou were a good shepherd, for thou puttest thy soul for thy sheep: but lord thou teldest that thilk that comés not in by the door ben night thieves & day thieves, and a these as thou seest cometh not but for to steal, to sleine, & to destroy. And Zachary the prophet saith, that thou wouldst rerens up a shepherd unkunning, that ne will not hele thy sheep that 
* Beth, that is, be.  beth sick, ne seek thilk that beth lost. upon his arm is a sword, and upon his right eye: 
Against hirelings.  his arm shall wax dry, and his right eye shall lose his light. O Lord, help, for thy sheep beth at great mischief in the shepherds default.  
But Lord, there cometh hired men, & they ne fedden not thy shed in thy plenteous lesew, but feeden thy sheep with 
* Swevens, that is dreams.  swevens and false miracles & tales. But at thy truth they ne comen not, For Lord, I trow thou sendest them never. For have they hire of thy sheep they ne careth but little of the feeding and the keeping of thy sheep, Lord of these hired men speaketh jeremy the Prophet, and thou sayst that word by him: I ne send them not, and they run 
* Believe, quickly.  believe: I ne speak unto them, and they propheciden. For if they hadden stonden in my counsel, and they had made my words known to the pupil, ich would have turned them away from their evil way and from their wicked thoughts. For Lord, thou sayst that thy words been as fire, and as an hammer breaking stones. And Lord, thou sayst: Lo I to these prophets meeting swevens of losing, that have ytolde her swevens, and have beguiled my pupil in their losing & in their false miracles, when I neither sent ne bede them. And these have profitet nothing to my pupil. And as jeremy saith, from the lest to the 
* Meste, most.  most all they studien covetise, and from the Prophet to the priest, all they done guile.  

Popish priests neither reach themselves, nor will suffer other beside themselves to teach.  A Lord, here is much mischief & matter of sorrow, & yet there is more. For give a lewd man would teach thy people truth of thy words as he is y holde by the commandment of charity, he shall be forboden and put in prison give he do it. And so Lord, thilk that have the key of cunning, have y locked the truth of thy teaching under many wards, & yhid it from thy children. But Lord, sith thy teaching is y come from heaven above, our hope is, that with thy grace it shall breaken these wards, and show him to thy pupil, to keel both the hunger and the thrust of the soul. And then shall no shepherd, ner no false hiridman beguile thy pupil no more. For by thy law I write, as thou 
* I hightest, promised.  hightest some time, that from the left to the most, all they shullen known thy will, and 
* We●en, know.  weten how they shullen please thee ever more in certain.  
And leave Lord, give it be thy will help at this need, for there is none help but in thee. Thus Lord, by him that maketh himself thy viker in earth, is thy commandment of love to thee & our brethren ybroken, both to him and to thy pupil But Lord God, mercy and patience that beth 
* twain, that is, two.  twain of thy commandments, beth destroyed, and thy pupil hath forsake mercy. For Lord, David in the Sauter saith: Blessed beth they that done doom and rightfulness in everich time.  
O Lord, thou hast itaught us as rightfulness of heaven, & hast ybeden us forgiven our brethren as oft as they trespassen against us. And Lord, thine old law of justice was, that such harm as a man did his brother, such he should suffer by the law, as eye for an eye, and tooth for a tooth But Christ made an end of this law, that one brother should not desire wrack of an other: but not that he would that sin should been unpunished, for thereto hath he ordained Kings and Dukes and other lewd officers under them, whilk as S. Paul saith, ne carien not the sword in vain, for they been the ministers of God, and wrakers to wrath, to them that evil done. And thus hath Christ maked an end of this old law, that one brother may not suen an other himself, 
* For that, i, but.  for that to wreken without sin, for breaking of charity. But this charity Lord hath thy vicar ybroke, and says that we sin, but give we suen for our right. And we see I wot that thou taughtest us sometime to give our mantel also, ever that we shoulden suen for our coat. And so Lord beleuen we, 
He complaineth for punishing little faults, and to l●t great faulkes escape. If he be an heretic that breaketh man's law what is the P. that breaketh God's law.  that we ben ybounden to done by thy law, that is all charity, & officers duty is to defenden us from thilk thevery though we complainen not▪ But lord, thy law is turned upsedown.  
A Lord, what doom is it to sleane a thief that take a man's cattle away from him, and suffren a spousebreaker to live, and a lecherour that killeth a woman's soul? And yet thy law stoned the ●pousebreakers and leachours, and let the thieves liven and have other punishment.  
A Lord, what doom is it to sleane a these for stealing of a horse, and to let him live unpunished, & to maintain him that robbeth thy poor people of their livelihood, and the soul of his fooder  
Lord, it was never thy doom to say, that a man is an heretic and cursed for breaking of man's law, and demen him for a good man for breaking thine hests.  

A lewd man, that is, a lay man.  Lord, what doom is it to curse a lewd man if he smite a priest, and not curse a priest that smiteth a lewd man, and loseth his charity.  
Lord, what doom is it to curse the lewd people for tithings, and not curse the parson that robbeth the people of tithings, and teacheth them not God's law, but feedeth them with painting of stone walls, and songs of Latin that the people known not?  
Lord, what doom is it to punish the poor man for his trespass, and suffer the rich to continue in his sin for a quantity of money?  
Lord, what doom is it to slain an uncunning lewd man for his sin, and suffer a priest, other a clerk that doth the same sin, scape a live? Lord the sin of the priest or of the clerk is greater trespass than it is of a lewd uncunning man, and greater ensample of wickedness to the common people.  
Lord, what manner people be we, 
Against the canon law.  that neither keep thy domes and thy rightfulness of the old testament that was a law of dread, nor thy domes and thy rightfulness of thy new testament that is a law of love and of mercy: but have an other law, and taken out of both thy laws that is liking to us, and remnant of heathen men's laws, and Lord this is a great mischief.  
O Lord thou sayest in thy law, dame ye not and ye should not be deemed: for the same measure that ye meeten to other men, men shall meeten to you againeward. 
The pope's l●w against God's law, in causing men to accuse themselves. Mown, that is, may.  And Lord thou sayest that by their work we should know them And by what we know that thou commanded us not to demen men's thoughts, nor their works that were not against thy law expressly. And yet Lord he that saith he is thy vicar, will demen our thoughts and ask us what we think: not of the Lord, of thy hests, for they caren little for them but of him and of his whilk they sat above thine, and maken us accusen ourself, or else they willen accursen us, for our accusers mown we not known. And Lord thou sayest in thine old law, that under two witness at the least or three, should stand every matter And that the witness shoulden ever be the first that shoulden help to kill them.  
And when the schribes and the Pharises some times brought before thee a woman that was itake in spouse breaking, and exeden of the a doom, thou didst write on the earth, and then thou gave this dom: He that is without sin: throw first at her a stone, and Lord they went forth away from thee and the woman▪ & thou forgave the woman her trespass, 
took kept, that is, took heed.  and bade her go forth and sin no more.  
Sweet Lord, if the priests took keep to thy doom, they would be aghast to demen men as they done. O Lord if one of them break a commandment of thy law, he will axe mercy of thee, and not a pain that is due for the sin, for pain of death were to little. 
The breaking of the pope's law more punished, than the breaking of God's law  O Lord, how daren they demen any man to the death for breaking of their laws, other assent to such law? for breaking of thy law they will set penance or pardon them, and maintain them as oft as they trespassen. But Lord, if a man ones break their laws or speak against them, he may done penance but ones, and after be burnt. Trulych Lord thou sayest, but if every of us forgive other his trespass, thy father will not forgiven us our sins. And Lord when thou hung on the cross, thou prayedst to thy father to have mercy on thine enemies.  
And yet the said Lord, that they demen no man to the death, for the said they ne mown by their law demen any man to the death. A lief Lord, even so saden their forefathers the phariseis, that it ne was not lawful for them to kill any man. And yet they bidden Pilate to done thee to the death against his own conscience, for he would gladly have iquitte thee, but for that they threatened him with the Emperor, and broughten against thee false witness also. And he was an heathen man.  
¶ O Lord, how much truer doom was there in Pilate that was an heathen justice, then in our kings and justices that woulden demen to the death and berne in the fire him: that the Priest's deliveren unto them withouten witness or proof? For Pilate ne would not demen thee: for that the Phariseis saiden that give thou ne had dost not been a misdoer we ne would not deliver him unto thee: for to, 
For to, that that is, therefore.  they broughten in their false witness against thee. But Lord, as thou saidest sometime that it should been lighter at domes day to Tyro and to Sydon and Gomorra, than to the cities where thou wrought wonders and miracles: so I dread, it shall be more light to Pilate in the doom, then to our kings and domes men that so demen without witness and proof. For Lord to demen thy folk for heretics: 
Pilate more commended than the pope.  is to holden thee an heretic: and to brennen them, is to brennen thee, for thou saidest to Paul when he persecuted thy people: Saul, Saul, wherefore persecutest thou me, & in the doom thou shalt say, that ye have done to the left of mine ye have done to me.  
Thus Lord, is thy mercy & justice foredone by him that saith he is thy vicar in earth: for he neither keepeth it himself nor nill not suffer other to do it.  
¶ The third commandment, that is patience and sufferance is also ibroken by this vicar. Lord thou biddest sufferen both wrongs and strokes withouten againstanding, and so thou didst thyself to given us ensample to sufferen of our brethren. For suffering nourisheth love, and agaynstandeth debate. All thy laws is love, or else the thing that draweth to love.  
¶ But Lord, men teachen, that men shoulden pleten for their right and fighten also therefore, and else they say, men been in peril: and thou bid in the old law men fight for their country. And thyself hadst two sword in thy company when thou shouldest go to thy passion, that as these clerks seyn, betokeneth a spiritual sword and a temporal sword, that thou gave to thy vicar to rule with, thy church.  
Lord this is a sleight speech, but Lord we beleuen that thou art king of bliss, 
The Pope breaketh patience.  and that is thine heritage and mankind's country and in this world we ne been but strangers and pilgrims. For thou Lord ne art of this world, ne thy law nether, ne thy true servants that keepen thy law. And Lord, thou were king of juda by enheritage if thou wouldst have ihad it, but thou forsook it and pletedest not therefore, ne fought not therefore.  
¶ But Lord, for thy kind heritage and mankind's country, that is a land of bliss, thou foughtest mightilich: In battle thou overcame thy enemy, & so thou won thine heritage. For thou that were a Lord mightiest in battle, and also Lord of virtues, are rightfullich king of bliss, as David saith in the Psalter. But Lord, thine enemy smote the dispitesullich, and had power of thee and hang thee upon the cross as thou hadst been a these, & benomyn thee all thy clothes, and sticked thee to the hart with a spear.  
¶ O Lord, this was an hard assault of a battle, and here thou overcome by pacien; ce mightilich thine enemies, for thou ne wouldest not done against the will of thy father. And thus Lord thou taughtest thy servants to fight for their country. And Lord this fight was in figure itaught in the old law. But Lord men held now the shadow of the old fight & leaven the light of thy fighting, that thou taughtest openlych both in word and in deed.  
¶ Lord thou gave us a sword to fighten against our enemis for our country, that was thine holy teaching, & christian men's law. But Lord thy sword is put in a sheathe and in priest's ward, that have forsake the fight that thou taughtest. For as they say it is against their order to ben men of arms in thy battle, for it is unsemelich, as they say, that thy vicar in earth, other his priests shoulden suffer of other men. And therefore give any man smite him, other any of his clerks, 
Christ's vicar and his priests will suffer nothing.  he ne taketh it not in patience, but anon he siniteth with his sword of cursing, and afterward with his bodylich sword, he doth them to death. O Lord, me thinketh that this is a fight against kind, and much against thy teaching.  
O Lord whether axsedest thou after swords in time of thy passion to again stand thine enemies? nay forsooth thou Lord. For Peter that smote for great love of thee, had no great thank of thee, for his smiting. And Lord thou were mighty enough to have again stand thine enemies, for through thy looking they fellen down to the ground, Lord iblessed mote thou be. here thou teachest us that we shoulden suffren: For thou were mighty enough to have against and thine enemies, and thou hadst weepen, and thy men weren hearty to have smitten.  
O sweet Lord, how may he for shame clepe himself thy Viker and head of the Church, that may not for shame suffer? Scythe thou art a Lord: and suffered'st of thy subjects, to given us ensample: and so did thy true servants.  
O Lord: whether give thou to Peter a spiritual sword to curse & a temporal sword to slay men's bodies? Lord I trow not for them Peter that loved thee so much, would have smitwith thy swerds: But Lord, he taught us to blessen them that cursen us, and suffren and not smitten. 
No temporal word given to Peter.  And Lord he fed thy people as thou bed him, and therefore he suffered the death as thou didst.  
O Lord, why clepeth any man him Peter's successor that hath forsaken patience, and feedeth thy people with cursing and with smiting? Lord thou saidest in thy Gospel, when thy disciples known well that thou were Christ, and that thou mustest go to jerusalem, and sufferen of the Scribes and Pharises, spittings, reproofs, and also the death. And Peter took thee aside, and said God forbid that. 
Thilk things those things & faith cometh not by outward force.  And Lord thou saidst to Peter, go behind me Sathanas, thou sclaunderest me in Israel. For thou ne savourest not thilk things that been of God, but thilk that been of men. Lord to men's wit it is unreasonable, that thou or thy Vicar, give thou madest any on earth, shoulden suffren of your suggets.  
A Lord, whether thou ordeynest an order of fighters to turn men to the belief? Other ordeinest that knights shoulden swear to fight for thy words?  
A Lord, whether bede thou, that give a man turn to the faith, that he should give his goods and cattle to the Vicar that hath great Lordships, and more than him needeth? Lord I wots well that in the beginning of the church men that weren converted, threwen adown their goods before the Apostles feet. For all they weren in charity, and none of them said thus is mine, ne Peter made himself no Lord of these goods.  

Pope breaketh the rule of charity, of mercy and of patience.  But Lord, now he that clepeth himself thy Vicar upon earth, and successor to Peter, hath ybroke thy commandment of charity, for he is become a Lord. And he hath also broken thy commandment of mercy, and also of patience. Thus Lord we be fallen into great mischief and thraldom, for our chiefetayne hath forsaken war and arms, and have treated to have peach with our enemies.  
A Lord, give it be thy will draw out thy sword out of his sheath that thy servants may fight therewith against their enemies, 
Or then, before that.  & put cowardice out of our hearts. And comfort us in battle, or than thou come with thy sword in thy mouth, to take vengeance on thine enemies For give we been accorded with our enemies till that time come, it is dread lest thou take vengeance both of them and of us together. A Lord, there is no help now in this great mischief, 
The P. breaketh the law of swearing.  but only in thee.  
Lord, thou givest us a commandment of truth, in bidding us say yea, yea, nay, nay, and swear for nothing. Thou give us also a mandment of meekness, and an other of poorness, But Lord he that clepeth himself thy Vicar on earth, hath both ybroken these commandments, for he maketh a law to compel men to swear and by his laws he teacheth that a man to save his life, may forswear and lie And so Lord, through comfort of him and his laws, the people ne dreadeth not to swear and to lie, ne oft times to forswearen them. Lord here is little truth.  
O Lord, thou hast ybrought us to a living of souls that stands in believing in thee, & keeping thy hests, and when we breaken thine hests, than we slen our soul. And less harm it were to suffer bodylich death.  
Lord, king Saul broke thine hests, and thou took his kingdom from his heirs evermore after him, and gave it to David thy servant, that kept thine hests. And thou saidst by Samuel thy prophat to Saul king, that it is a manor of worshipping of false Gods to break thy hests. For who that loveth thee over all things, and dreadeth thee also: he nole for nothing break thine hests.  
O Lord, 
Nole, 1. would not.  give breaking of thine hests be heryeng of false gods, I trow that he maketh the people break thine hests, and commandeth that his hests been kept of the people, maketh himself a false GOD on earth: as Nabuchodonosor did some time: that was king of Babylon.  
But Lord, we forsaken such false Gods, and believen that ther ne ben no more Gods than thou And though thou suffer us a while to been in disease for knowledging of thee: we thanken thee with our hart, for it is a token that thou lovest us, to ●●uen us in this world some penance for our trespass.  
Lord, in the old law, thy true servants took the death, for they would not eaten swines flesh that thou hadst forbid them to eat. O Lord, what truth is in us to eaten unclean meet of the soul, that thou hast forbid? Lord thou sayest, he that doth sin is servant of sin, and then he that lieth in forswearing himself, is servant of losing: and then he is servant to the devil that is a liar and father of lesinges. And Lord thou sayest no man may serve two Lords at ones. O Lord than every liar for the time that he lieth, other forsweareth himself, and forsaketh thy service for dread of his bodily death, and becometh the devils servant.  
O Lord, 
Servant of servants, the pope's stile abused.  what truth is in him that clepeth himself servant of thy servants. & in his doing, he maketh him a Lord of thy servants: Lord thou were both Lord and master, and so thou said thyself, but yet in thy work thou were as a servant. Lord this was a great truth and a great meekness: but Lord bid thou thy servants that they should not have Lordship over their brethren? Lord thou saidst kings of the heathen men han Lordship over their subjects, and they that use their power be cleped well doers.  
But Lord, thou saidst it should not be so amongst thy servants, But he that were most should be as a servant. Thou Lord thou taughtest thy disciples to be meek. Lord in the old law thy servants durst have no Lordship of their brethren, but if that thou bid them. 
Thralles, that is to say bond men  And yet they should not do to their brethren as they did to thrailes that served them. But they should do to their brethren that were their servants as to their own brethren. For all they were Abraham's Children, And at a certain time they should let their brethren pass from them in all freedom, but if they would wilfullich abiden still in service.  
O Lord thou gave us in thy coming a law of perfect love, & is token of love thou clepedst thyself our brother. And to make us perfect in love, thou bid that we should clepe to us no father upon earth, but thy father of heaven we should cleape our father. Alas Lord, how violently our brethren and thy children been now put in bodily thraldom, and in despite as beasts evermore in grievous travel to find proud men in ease: But Lord, if we take this defoul and this disease in patience and in meekness and keep thine hests, we hope to be free. And Lord give our brethren grace to come out of thraldom of sin, that they fall in through the desiring and usage of Lordship upon their brethren. 
Pride of priests.  And Lord thy priests in the old law had no Lordships among their brethren, but houses and pastures for their beasts: but Lord our priests now have great Lordship, and put their brethren in greater thraldom then lewd men that be Lords. Thus is meekness forsaken.  
Lord thou biddest in the Gospel that when a man is bid to the feast he should sit in the lowest place, and then he may be set higher with worship when the Lord of the feast beholdeth how his gests fitteth. Lord it is dread that they that sit now in the highest place should be bid in time coming fit beneath. And that will be shame and vileny for them. And it is they saying, those that hieth himself should be lowed, and those that loweth themselves should be an heyghed. O Lord thou biddest in thy Gospel to beware of the Pharaseiss, for it is a point of pride contrary to meekness. And Lord thou sayest that they love the first sittings at supper, and also the principal chairs in churches, and greetings in cheeping and to be cleped masters of men. And Lord thou sayest be ye not cleped masters, for one is your master, and that is Christ and all ye be brethren. And clepe ye to you no father upon earth, for one is your father that is in heaven. O Lord this is a blessed lesson to teach men to be meek.  


Meekness commended in Ministers.  
Vicar in earth not tolerable in the pope. Sweetens, that that is dreams.   But Lord he that clepeth himself thy vicar on earth he clepeth himself father of fathers against thy forbidding. And all those worships thou hast forbade. He approveth them, and maketh them masters to many, that teach thy people their own teaching, and leave thy teaching that is needful, and hiden it by quaint gloss from thy lewd people, and feed thy people with swevens that they meet, and tales that doth little profit: but much harm to the people. But Lord, these glosers object that they desire not the state of mastery to be worshipped thereby, but to profit the more to thy people when they preach thy word. For as they seggen the people will believe more the preaching of a master that hath taken a state of school, than the preaching of an other man that hath not take the state of mastery.  
¶ Lord whether it be any need that masters beren witness to thy teaching that it is true and good? O Lord whether may any master mow by his estate of mastery, that thou hast foreboden, draw any man from his sin, rather than an other man that is not a master, ne will be none, for it is foreboden him in thy Gospel? Lord thou sendest to masters to preach thy people, and thou knowledgist in the Gospel to thy father that he hath hid his wisdom from wise men and ready men, and showed it to little Children. 
Mastership and Lordship in Preachers.  And Lord, masters of the law hylden thy teaching folly, and seiden that thou wouldst destroy the people with thy teaching. Trulich Lord, so these masters seggeth now: for they have written many books against thy teaching that is truth, & so the prophecy of jeremy is fulfilled, when he saith: Truelich the false points masters of the law hath wrought leasing. And now is the time come that S. Paul speaketh of, where he saith: time shall come when men shall not sustain wholesome teaching. But they shullen gather to heap masters with hutching ears, and from truth they shullen turnen away their hearing, and turnen them to tales that masters have maked to shown their mastery and their wisdom.  
¶ And Lord a man shall believe more a man's works then his words, & the deed showeth well of these masters that they desiren more mastery for their own worship than for profit of the people, For when they be masters, they ne preachen not so oft as they did before. And give they preachen, commonlich it is before rich men there as they mown bear worship and also profit of their preaching. But before poor men they preachen but seldem, when they been masters: and so by their works we may seen that they ben false glosers.  
And Lord, me thinketh that who so will keepen thine hests him needeth no gloss: but thilk that clepe themself christian men, and liven against thy teaching and thine hests, needelich they moat gloze thine hests after their living, 
False glosers.  other else men shoulden openlich yknow their hypocrisy and their falsehood.  
But Lord, thou sayest that there is nothing yhid that shall not be showed some time. And Lord yblessed more thou be. For somewhat thou showest us now of our mischiefs that we been fallen in through the wisdoms of masters, that have by sleights ylad us away from thee and thy teaching, that thou that were thy master of heaven taught us for love, when thou were here some time to heal of our souls, withouten error or heresy. But masters of worlds wisdom and their founder, have ydamned it for heresy and for error.  
O Lord, me thinketh it is a great pride thus to reprove thy wisdom and thy teaching. And Lord me thinketh that this Nabugodonosor king of Babylon that thus hath reproved thy teaching and thine hests, and commandeth on all wise to keepen his hests: maken thy people hearen him as a God on earth, and maketh them his thralls and his servants.  
But Lord: we lewd men known no God but thee, & we with thine help and thy grace forsaken Nabugodonosor and his laws. For he is in his proud estate will have all men under him, and he nele be under no man. 
Nele, that is, will not.  He ondoth thy laws that thou ordeynest to been kept, and maketh his own laws as him liketh: and so he maketh him king above all other kings of the earth, and maketh men to worshippen him as a God, and thy great sacrifice he hath ydone away.  
O Lord, here is thy commandment of meekness, mischiflich to broke: And thy blessed commandment of poorness is also to broken, 
Poverty of Christ not followed.  and yhid from thy people. Lord, Zacharie thy prophet saith, that thou that shouldest be our king, shouldest been a poor man, and so thou were: for thou saidest thyself. Foxes have dens, and birds of heaven nests, and man's son hath not where to leg his head on. And thou saidest yblessed been poor men in spirit for thy kingdom of heaven is therein. And woe to rich men, for they han their comfort in this world. And thou bade thy disciples to been ware of all covetise, 
Covetise.  for thou saidest, in the abundance of a man's having, ne is not his lyfelode. And so thou teachest that thilk that han more than them needeth to their living liven in covetise. Also thou sayest, but give a man forsake all things that he oweth, he ne may not been thy disciple. Lord, thou sayest also that thy word that is sown in rich men's hearts, bringeth forth no fruit: for riches and the business of this world maken it withouten fruit  
O Lord, here been many blessed teachings to teach men to been poor, and love porenes. But Lord harm is, poor men and poorness been yhated, and rich men been yloved and honoured. And give a man be a poor man, 
poverty counted s●lly.  men holden him a man without grace, and if a man desireth poorness, men holden him but a fool. And if a man be a rich man, men clepe him a gracious man, and thilk that been busy in getting of riches: ben yhold wise men and ready: but Lord these rich men say that it is both leeful and needful to them to gather riches together. For they ne gathereth it for themself, but for other men that been needy, and Lord their works shown the truth. For if a poor needy man would borowen of their riches, 
Nele, th●●, will not.  he nele lean him none of his good, but give he mow be seker to have it again by a certain day.  
But Lord, thou bede that a man should send, and not hoping yielding again of him that he dareth to: and thy father of heaven will quite him his meed. And give a poor ask a rich man any good, the rich man will give him but a little, and yet it shall be little worth. And Lord me thinketh that here is little love and charity, both to God and to our brethren.  
For Lord, thou teachest in thy Gospel, that what men do to thy servants: they done to thee. A Lord, give a poor man axe good for thy love, men giveth him a little of the worst. 
God is served of the worst.  For these rich men ordeinen both bread and ale for God's men of the worst that they have. O Lord, sith all good that men hath cometh of thee: how dare any man give thee of the worst, and keep to himself the best? How may such men say that they gatheren riches for others need, as well as himself, sith their works been contratrary to their words? And that is no great truth. And be ye seker these goods that rich men han, they been gods goods, ytake to your keeping, to look how he wolen be setten them to the worshipping of God. And Lord, thou sayest in the Gospel, that who so is true in little, he is true in that thing that is more. And who that is false in a little thing, 
A lesson for them that have goods well to spell them.  who will taken him toward things of a greater value? And therefore, be ye ware that han gods goods to keep. Spend ye thilk truelich to the worship of God, lest ye leesen the bliss of heaven, for the untrue despending of God's goods in this world.  
O Lord, 
Seggen, that is, do say.  these rich men seggen that they done much for thy love. For many poor labourers been yfound by them, that shoulden fare febelich, ne were not they and their readiness: Forsooth me thinketh that poor labourers giveth to these rich men, more than they given them agaynward. For the poor men mote gone to his labour in cold and in heat, in wit and dry, and spend his flesh and his blood in the rich-men's works, upon Gods gound, to find the rich man in ease, and in liking, and in good fare of meat of drink and of clothing. Here is a great gift of the poor man, for he giveth his own body. But what giveth the richman him agayneward? Certes feeble meat, and feeble drink, and feeble clothing. What ever they seggen, such be their works, and here is little love. And whosoever looketh well about, all the world fareth as we seggen. And all men studieth on every side, how they may wax rich men. And everich man almost is ashamed to been holden a poor man.  
And Lord, I trow for thou were a poor man, men token little regard to thee, and to thy teaching. But Lord thou came to give us a new testament of love, 
The poverty of Christ rightly considered.  & therefore it was semelich that thou came in poorness, to prove who would love thee, and keepen thine hests. For give thou hadst ycome in form of a rich man and of a Lord, men would rather for they dread then for thy love, have ykept thine hests. And so Lord now thou might well ysee which loven thee as they should in keeping thine hests. For who that loveth thee in thy poorness and in thy lownes, needs he more love thee in thy Lordship and highness.  
But Lord, the world is turned upse down, & men love poor men but a litlene porenes neither But men be ashamed of poorness, and therefore Lord, 
A poor king, and a proud Vicar, how join these two together.  I trow that thou art a poor king. And therefore I trow that he that clepeth himself thy vicar on earth, hath forsaken poorness, as he hath do the remnant of thy law: and is become a rich man and a Lord, & maketh his treasure upon the earth that thou forbiddest in the Gospel. And for his right and riches he will plete, and fight & curse. And yet Lord, he will segge that he forsaketh all things that he oweth, as thy true disciple meet done after thy teaching in the Gospel.  
But Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to forsaken his goods and plete for them and fight, 
Christ a servant upon earth: the pope a Lord.  and curse. And Lord he taketh on him power to asloyle a man of all manner things, but if it be of det. Truly Lord, me thinketh he knoweth little of charity. For who that beth in charity, possesseth thy goods in common and not in proper at his neighbour's need. And then shall there none of them segge this is mine, but it is Gods that God granteth to us to spenden it to his worship. And so if any of them borroweth a portion of those goods, 
The pope for his right and riches will plead fight and curse.  and dispendeth them to God's worship: God is apaid of this spending, and alloweth him this true doing: And if God is paid of that dispending that is the principal Lord of those goods, how dare any of his servants axen there of, accounts, other challenge it for debt? certain, of one thing I am incertain, that these that charge so much det of worldly cattle, they know little of Christ's law of charity. For if Ich am a bailie of God's goods in the world. If I see my brother in need, I am hold by charity to part with him of these goods to his need: and if he spendeth them well to the worshop of God, I moat be well apaid as though I myself had spended them to the worship of GOD. And if the principal Lord is well paid of my brothers doing; and the despending of his goods: how may I segge for shame that my brother is debtor to me, of the goods that I took him to spend in God's worship at his need? 
Propriety of goods here, ● not take away, but charity is required to help the need of our neighbour.  And if my brother spendeth amiss the goods that I take him, I am discharged of my deliverance of the goods; If I take him in charity thilk goods at his need. And I am hold to be sorry of his evil dispending, ne I may not axen the goods, that I took him to his need in form of debt, for at his need they were his as well as mine. And thus is my brother yholde to done to me give he see me in need, and give we been in charity, little should we chargen of debt. And ne we should not axen so dertes, as men that known not God. And than we be poor in forsaking all things that we own, For give we been in charity, we woollen nother fight nor curse, ne plete for our goods with our brethren.  
O Lord thus thou taughtest thy servants to liven. And so they liveden while they hadden good shepherds, that fedden thy, sheep and rob them nat of their lifelode, as Peter thy good shepherd and thy other Apostles. But Lord: he that clepeth himself thy vicar upon earth and successor to Peter: he robbeth thy pupil of their bodylich lyfelode, for he ordaineth proud shepherds to liven in ease by th●itenth party of poor men's travel. And he giveth them leave to liven where them liketh. And give men no wolen wilfullich given them the tithings, they wolen han them against their will by maysterye & by cursing, to maken them rich.  
¶ Lord, how may any man segge that such shepherds that loven more the wool than the sheep, and feden not thy sheep in body ne in soul, ne been such raveners & thieves? And who may segge that the mayntaynour of such shepherds, ne is not a maintenour of thieves and robbers? How will he assoil shepherds of their robbing without restitution of their goods, 
The Pope a maintainer of thieves and robbers.  that they robben thy sheep of against their will? Lord of all shepherds, blessed mote thou be. For thou lovedst more the sheep than theeir will. For thou feedest thy sheep both in body and soul. And for love of thy sheep thou took thy death to bring thy sheep ou● of Wolves mouths. And the most charge that thou gone to Peter was to feed thy sheep. And so he did truelich, and took the death for thee and for thy sheep. For he came into the fold of sheep by the that were the door. And so I trow a few other did as he did, though they clepe himself successors to Peter, 
Christ a good shepherd in d●●●e.  for their works shown what they been. For they robben and sleen and destroyen: they robben thy sheep of the tenth part of their travel, and feden themself in ease. They sleen thy sheep, for they pyenen them for hunger of their soul to the death. They destroyen the sheep, for with might and with sternship they rulen thy sheep: that for dread they been dispersed abroad in mountains, 
Comparison between the pope's shepherds and Christ.  and there the wild beasts of the field destroyeth them for default of a good shepherd.  
¶ O Lord, give it be thy will deliver thy sheep out of such shepherd's ward that retcheth not of thy sheep, they han their wool to make themself rich. For thy sheep been in great mischief and foul accumbered with their shepherds.  

* But for, that is, but because.  ¶ But for thy shepherds wolden been excused, they have ygeten them hired men to feed thy people, and these comen in sheeps clothing. But dreadless, their works shown that 
* Within forth, i. inwardly.  with in forth they been but Wolves. For han they their hire, they ne retcheth but a little how sorilich thy sheep been kept. For as they seggen themself, they been but hired men that han no charge of thy sheep. And when the shulden feden thy sheep in the plenteous 
* Lesew, pasture.  lesewe of thy teaching, they stonden between them & their lesewe, so that the sheep ne han but a sight of thy lesewe, but eaté they shall not thereof. But they feeden them in a sorry sour lesewe of lesinges & of tales. And so thy sheep fallen into grievous sickness through this evil lesewe. And give any sheep break over into thy lesewe to tasten the sweetness thereof, anon these hired men drive him out with hounds. And thus thy sheep by these hired men, been ykept out of their kindlich lesewe, and been yfed with sour grass & sorry barren lesewe. And yet they feden but seldom, and when they han sorilych fed them, they taken great hire, and gone away from thy sheep and let them a worth. And for dread least thy sheep wolden in their absence go to thy sweet lesewe, they han enclosed it all about so stronglich and so high, that there may no sheep comen there with in, but give it be a 
* A Welsh leper.  walisch leper of the mountains that may with his long legs lepen over the wallys. For the hirid men been full certain, that give thy sheep had once ytasted the sweetness of thy lesewe: They ne would no more been yfed of these hired men in their four leweses, & therefore these hired men keepen them out of that lesewe. For hadden the sheep once ytasted well of thy lesewe, they woulden without a leader go thither to their meet, 
Wolves in lambeskins described.  and then moat these hired men sechen them another labour to live by than keeping of sheep. And they been sell and ware enough thereof, and therefore they feden thy sheep with sour meat that nought is & hiden from thy sheep the sweetness of thy lesew. And so though these hired men gone in sheeps clothing, in their works they been wolves, that much harm done to thy sheep as we have ytold.  
¶ O Lord, they comen as sheep, for the seggen that they ben poor and have forsaken the world to liven parsetlich as thou taughtest in the gospel. Lord this is sheeps clothing. But Lord tho●● ne taughtest not a man to forsaken the travelous living in porenesse in the world, to liven in ease with riches by other men's travel, & have Lordship on their brethren. For lord this is more to forsaken thee & go to the world.  
¶ O Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to forsake the world to liven in poorness of begging by other men's travel that been as feeble as they ben. 
He complaineth against the valiant beggars the Friars.  Ne Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to liven in poorness of begging, that were strong enough to travel for his lifelode. Ne Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to ben a beggar to beg of men more than him needeth, to build great castles and make great ●uasts to thilk that han no need.  
¶ O Lord thou ne taughtest not men this poorness, for it is out of charity. But thy poorness that thou taughtest, nourisheth charity. Lord sith Paul saith, that he that forsaketh the charge of thilk that been 
* Homelich, that is, of his household.  homelich with him, hath forsaken his faith and is worse than a misbeleved man: How then now these men seggen that they beleuen in Christ, that han forsake their poor feeble friends; & let them live in travel and in disease, that traveled full sore for them, when the weren young and unmighty to helpen themself? And they wolen live in ease by other men's travel evermore begging withouten shame.  
¶ Lord thou ne taughtest not this manner poorness, for it is out of charity. And all the law is charity and thing that nourisheth charity. And these shepherds send about to keep thy sheep & to feden them other while barren lewsewes. Lord thounes madest none such shepherds, 
Wilful poverty abhorred.  ne keepers of the sheep that ●●●desory lich thy sheep, and for so little travel taken a great ●●●, and sithen all the year afterward, do what them liketh, and let thy sheep perish for default of keeping.  
But thy shepherds abiden still with their sheep; and feden them in thy plenteou, lesewe of thy teaching, and gone before thy sheep, and teachen them the way into the plenteous and sweet 〈◊〉 we, and keepen thy flock from ravening of the wild beasts of the field.  
O Lord deliver the sheep out of the ward of those shepherds and these hired men, 
The property of good shepherds.  that stonden more to keep their riches that they robben of thy sheep, than they stonden in keeping of thy sheep.  
O Lord when thou come to jerusalem, some time thou drove out of the temple sellers of beasts and of other chaffre, and saidest: Mine house should been cleped an house of prayers: but they maden a den of thieves of it. O Lord, thou art the temple in whom we shoulden prayen thy father of heaven. And salomon's temple that was ybelded at jerusalem, was figure of this temple. But Lord, he that clepeth himself thy vicar upon earth, and saith that he occupieth thy place here on earth: is become a chapman in the temple, and hath his chapmen walking in divers countries to sellen his chaffer, and to maken him rich. And he saith, thou gave him so great a power aboven all other men, that what ever he bindeth other unbindeth in earth, thou bindest other unbindest the same in heaven. And so of great power he selleth other men forgiveness of their sin. 
The pope is a chapman in God's temple.  And for much money he will assoylen a man so clean of his sin, that he 
* Behoteth, that is, promiseth.  behoteth men the bless of heaven withouten any pain after that they be dead, that given him much money.  
Bishopriches & cherches, & such other chaffares he selleth also for money, and maketh himself rich And thus he beguiled the pupil.  
O Lord jesus, here is much untruth, and mischief, and matter of sorrow. Lord thou saidest sometime, that thou wouldst be with thy servants into the end of the world. And thou saidest also, there as twain of three ben ygadred togedder in thy name, that thou art in the middle of them. A Lord, than it was no need to thee to maken lietetenaunt, sith thou wolte be evermore amongst thy servants.  
Lord thou axedst of thy disciples, 

Note good reader if Christ be where i●. or iij. be gathered in his name, what need is there of a lieu●tenant.  
The place of giving to Peter his keys, expounded.   who they trowed that thou were. And Peter answered and said, that thou art Christ God's son. And thou saidest to Peter. Thou art I blessed Simon Bariona, for flesh and blood ne showed not this to thee, but my Father that is in heaven. And I say to thee, that thou art Peter, and upon this stone ych will build my Church, and the gates of hell he shullen not aua●len agens it. And to the ych will give the keys of heaven and what ever thou bindest upon earth, shall be bound in heaven: & what ever thou unbyndest on earth, shallbe unbounden in heaven. This power also was graunten unto the other disciples as well as to Peter as the Gospel openlich telleth. In this place men seggen that thou granted to Peter's successors, the selue power that thou gave to Peter. And therefore the Bishop of Rome, that saith he is, Peter's succcessour, taketh this power to him to binden and unbynden in earth what him liketh. But Lord, ych have much wonder how he may for shame clepe himself Peter's successor. For Peter knowledged that thou were Christ and God, and kept the hests of thy law: but these han forsaken the hests of thy law, and hath y maked a law contrary to thine hests of thy law. And so he maked himself a false Christ and a false God in earth. And It row thou gave him no power to undo thy law. 
The Pope proved a false Antichrist in Earth.  And so in taking this power upon him, maketh him a false Christ & Antichrist. For who may be more agens Christ, than he that in his words maketh himself Christ's vicar in earth. And in his works undoth the ordinance of Christ, and maketh men byleven that it is needful to the heal of men's souls: to byleven that he is Christ's vicar in earth. And what ever he bindeth in earth is ybounden in heaven, & under this colour he undoth Christ's law, and maketh men always to keepen his law, and hests. And thus men may yseene that he is against Christ, and therefore he is Antichrist that maketh men worshupen him as a God on earth, 
The pope; abomination described.  as the the proud K. Nabugodonosor did sometime, that was K. of Babylon. And therefore we lewd men that known not God but thee jesus Christ, believen in thee that art our God, and our king, and our Christ, and thy laws. And forsaken Antichrist and Nabugodonosor that is false God, and a false Christ, and his laws that been contrary to thy preaching. And Lord strength thou us against our enemies. For they been about to maken us forsaken thee and thy law, other else to putten us to death. O Lord, onlich in thee is our trust to help us in this mischief, for thy great goodness that is withouten end.  
Lord, thou he taughtest not thy disciples to assoylen men of her sin, and setten them a penance for their sin in fasting ne in praying, ne other almous deed: ne thyself, ne thy disciples, useden no such power here on earth. For Lord, thou forgive men their sins, and bede him sin no more. And thy disciples 
* Fulleden, that is, baptized.  fulleden men 〈◊〉 name, in forgiveness of her sins. Nor they took no such power upon them as our priests dare now. And Lord, thou ne affo●tedest no man both of his sin and of his pain, that was dew for his sin, ne thou grauntedst no man such power here on earth.  
And Lord, me thinketh that give there were a purgatory, and any earthliche man had power to deliveren sinful men from the pains of Purgatory, 
Purgatory.  he should and he were in charity, saven everich man that were in way of salvation from thilk pains, sith they make them greater than any bodeliche pains of this world Also give the Bishop of Rome had such a power, he himself should never comen in purgatory ne in hell. And sith we see well that he ne hath no power to keepen himself ne other men nother out of these bodilych pains of the world, 
〈…〉  and he may go to hell for his sin as an other man may: I ne by leave not, that he hath so great power to assoylen men of their sin as he taketh upon him aboven all other men. And I trow that in this he higheth himself above God.  

〈…〉  As touching the selling of Byshopricks & personages, I trow it be a point of falsehood. For against God's ordinance he robbeth poor men of a portion of their sustenance, and selleth it, other giveth it, 
Selling of Byshopprickes and benefices.  to find proud men in idleness that done the lewd puplelitell profit, but much harm as we told before. Thus been thy commandments of truth, of meekness, and of poorness, undone by him that clepeth himself thy vicar here upon earth.  
A Lord thou gave us a commandment of chastise that is aforsaking of fleshlich lusts. For thou broughtest us to a living of soul that is ygoverned by the word. For Lord, thou ordeinedist woman more frele than man to been ygoverned by man's rule & his help to please thee & keep thine hests. 
Marriage.  Ne thou ne ordeinedist that a man should desire the company of a woman, and maken her his wife, to liven with her in his lusts, as a swine doth or a horse. And his wife ne like him not to his lusts, Lord thou ne gave not a man leave to departen him from his wife, and taken him an other.  
But Lord, thy marriage is a common accord between man & woman, to liven together to their lives end, and in thy service either the better for others help, and thilk that thus ben ycome together, been joined by thee, and thilk that God joineth, may no man departed. But Lord, thou sayest that give a man see a woman to coveten her, than he doth with the woman lechery in his hart, And so Lord, give a man desire his wife in covetise of such lusts, and not to fly from whoredom, his weddins is lechery, ne thou ne joinest them not together. Thus was Raguels' daughter ywedded to seven husbands that the devil instrangled. But Toby took her to live with her in cleanness, and bringing up of her children in thy worship, and on him the devil ne had no power. For the wedding was I maked in God, for God, and through God, 
A lesson how to marry.   
A Lord, the people is far ygo from this manner of wedding. For now men wedden their wives for fairness, other for riches, or some such other fleshlich lusts. And Lord, so it proveth by them for the most part. For a man shall not find two wedded in a land, where the husband loves the wife, and the wife is buxum to the man, as they shoulden after thy law of marriage. But other the man loves not his wife, or the wife is not buxum to her man. And thus Lord is the rule of proof, that never faileth no prove whether it be done by thee or no. 
Swenens, that is, dreams.  And Lord, all this mischief is common among thy people, for that they know not thy word, but their shepherds and hired men sedden them with their * swevens and leasings. And Lord, where they shoulden gone before us in the field, they seggen their order is so holy for thy marriage. And Lord, he that calleth himself thy vicar upon earth, will not suffren priests to taken them wives, for that is against his law: But Lord, 
Priests had wyue● to the time of Anselmus.  he will dispensen with them to keepen horens for a certain some of money. And Lord, all whoredom is forfended in thy law. And Lord, thou never forfendest priests their wives, ner thy Apostles neither. And well I wot in our land, priests hadden wives until Anselmus days in the year of our Lord God, a leaven hundred and twenty and nine, as Huntingdon writes. And Lord, this makes people for the most part believen, that lechery is no sin. Therefore we lewd men prayen thee that thou wilt send us shepherds of thine own that wolen feeden thy flock in thy lesewe, and gone before themselves, and so written thy law in our hearts, that from the least to the most all they mayen known thee. And Lord, give our king and his Lords, hart to defenden thy true shepherds and thy sheep from out of the wolves mouths, and grace to know thee that art the true Christ, the son of thy heavenly father, from the Antichrist, that is the son of pride. And Lord, give us thy poor sheep patience and strength to suffer for thy law, the cruelness of the mischievous Wolves. And Lord, as thou hast promised, shorten these days. Lord we axen this now, for more ●eede was their never.   
I doubt not gentle reader, but in reading this goodly treatise above prefixed, the matter is 〈◊〉 & plain of itself without any further explication, what is to be thought and judged of this vicar of Christ, and successor of Peter, whom we call the Bishop of Rome: whose life here thou seest not only to be so disordered in all points, swar●ing from the steps and example of Christ the Prince and Bishop of our souls, but also whose laws and doctrine is so repugnant and contrary from the precepts and rule of the Gospel, that almost there is no convenience between them: as in the perusing of this complaining prayer, thou mayest notoriously understand. Wherefore having no need to stand in any further expressing of this matter, but leaving it to thine own consideration, and discretion: I will speed myself (Christ willing) to proceed toward the time of john Wickliff, and his fellows taking by order of years as I go, such things by the way as both happened before the said time of Wickleste, and also may the better prepare the mind of the reader, to the entering of that story. Where first I think it not inconvenient to infer a prophetical parable, written about this time or not much before, which the author morally apply unto the Bishop of Rome. To what author this prophecy or moral is to be ascribed, I have not certainly to affirm. Some say, that Rupesciffanus (of whom mention is made before. pag. 390. was the author thereof, & allege it out of Froysard, but in Froisard as yet I have not found it. In the mean season, as I have found it in Latin expressed, because it painteth out the Pope so rightly in his feathers & colours, as I thought the thing not to be omitted, so I took this present place, as most fit (although peradventure missing the order of years a little) to insert the same. The effect of which parable followeth here under written.  
In the time of Pope Innocent the 6. above specified, this joannes de Rupe scissa: a Friar among other his prophecies marvelously forespoke (as alleged Froysard, who both hard and saw him) of the taking of john the French king prisoner, and brought forth many other notable collections concerning the perils, mutations and changings in the Church to come. And at what time the pope kept him at Auinion in prison (where Froysard is said to see him and to speak with him) the said Froysard hard in the pope's Court this example and parable, recited by the foresaid Friar Rupescissanus, to the two Cardinals, to wit, Cardinal Hostiensis, and Cardinal Auxercensis, which followeth in these words. 
A parable prophesying the destruction of the Pope.   
¶ When on a certain time, a bird was brought into the world all bare and without feathers, the other birds hearing thereof, came to visit her: & for that they saw her to be a marvelous fair and beautiful bird they counseled together how they might best do her good, sith by no means without feathers, she might either flee or live commodiously. They all wished her to live for her excellent form and beauty's sake, in so much that among them all there was not one, that would not grant some part of her own feathers to deck this bird withal: 
The Pope compared to a bird feathered with other birds feathers.  yea, and the more trim they saw her to be, the more feathers still they gave unto her, so that by this means she was passing well penned and feathered, and began to flee. The other birds that thus had adorned her with goodly feathers, beholding her to flee abroad, were marvelously delighted therewith. In the end, this bird seeing herself so gorgeously feathered, & of all the rest to be had in honour: began to wax proud & haughty. in so much that she had no regard at all unto them, 

The first rising of the pope.  
The proud prosperity of the pope.   by whom she was advanced: yea she punged them with her beak, plucked them by the skin and feathers, and in all places hurted them. Whereupon the birds sitting in council again, called the matter in question, demanding one of an other what was best to be done touching this unkind bird whom they lovingly with their own feathers had decked & adorned: 
The decay of the pope described.  Affirming, that they gave not their feathers to the intent that she thereby puffed up with pride, should contemptuously despise them all. The Peacock therefore answereth first. Truly saith he, for that she is bravely set forth with my painted feathers, I will again take them fronter. Then saith the Falcon, and I also will have mine again. This sentence at length took place among them all, so that every one plucked from her those feathers which before they had given, challenging to them their own again. Now this proud bird seeing herself thus to be dealt withal, began forthwith to abate her haughty stomach, and humbly to submit herself openly, confessing and acknowledging the or herself she did nothing: but that her fathers, her honour and other ornaments was their gift: she came into the world all naked & bare, they clad her with comely feathers, and therefore of right may they receive them again. Wherefore in most humble wise she desireth pardon, promising to amend all that is past, neither would she at any time hereafter commit, whereby through pride she might lose her feathers again. The gentle birds that before had given their feathers, seeing her so humble and lowly, being moved with pity, restored again the feathers which lately they had taken away, adding withal this admonition. We will gladly, say they, behold thy flying among us, so long as thou wilt use thine office with humbleness of mind, which is the chiefest comeliness of all the rest. But this have thou for certainty, that if at any time hereafter thou extol thyself in pride, we will straightways deprive thee of thy feathers, & reduce thee into thy former state wherein we found thee. Even so oh you Cardinals (saith johannes Rupescissanus) shall it happen unto you. For the Emperors of Romans and Almaigne, and other Christian kings, potentates, and princes of the earth, have bestowed upon you goods, lands, and riches, that should serve God, but you have poured it out and consumed it upon pride, all kind of wickedness, riot and wantonness.  

Armachanus.  

The life and story of Armachanus Archb. and primate of Ireland.  IN the Catalogue of these learned and zealous defenders of Christ against Antichrist above rehearsed, whom the Lord about this time began to raise up for reformation of his Church, being then far out of frame, I cannot forget nor omit something to write of the reverend Prelate, and famous Clerk Richard Armachanus, primate and Archb. of Ireland: A man for his life and learning so memorable, as the condition of those days then served, that the same days then as they had but sew good, so had none almost his better. His name was Richard Fizraf, made primate and Archb, as is said, of Ireland. First brought up in the university of Oxford, in the study of all liberal knowledge, wherein he did exceedingly profire under john Bakenthorpe his tutor and instructor. In this time the begging Friars began greatly to multiply and spread, unto whom this Bakenthorpe, was ever a great enemy. Whose steps the scholar also following, began to do the like. Such was the capacity and dexterity of this Fizraf, that he being commended to king Edward the 3. was promoted to him, first to be Archdeacon of Lichfield, then to be the commissary of the university of Oxford. At length to be Archbishop of Armach in Ireland. He being Archbishop, upon a time had cause to come up to London: 
The commendation of Armachanus.  At what time here in the said city of London was contention between the Friars and the clergy about preaching, and hearing confessions etc. Whereupon, this Armachanus being requested to preach, made 7. or 8. sermons. Wherein he propounded 9 
Armachanus cited by the Friars, to appear be●ee the P.  conclusions against the Friars, for the which he was cited up by the Friars before this pope Innocent the 6. to appear, And so he did, who before the face of the pope valiantly defended, both in preaching & in writing the same conclusions, & therein stood constantly unto the death, as the words of john Wickliff in his Trialogo do well testify in this wise: Ab Anglorum Episcopis conductus Armachanus, novem in Auinione conclusiones coram Innocentio 6. & suorum Cerdinalium coetu, contra fratrum mendicitatem, audacter publicavit, verbóque ac scriptis ad mortem usque defendit. The like also testifieth of him Waldenus in fasciso zizianniorum. Also Volateranus reporteth the same. Gulielmus Botonerus testifying of him in like manner, saith: that Armachanus first reproved begging Friars for hearing the confessions of professed nuns, without licence of their superiors, and also of married women without knowledge of their husbands. What dangers and troubles he sustained by his persecutors, and how miraculously the Lord delivered him from their hands: In so much, that they meeting him in the open streets and in clear day light, 
The tro●bles & persecutions of Armachanus.  yet had no power to see him, nor to apprehend him. In what peril of thieves and searchers he was in, and yet the Lord delivered him, yea and caused his money being take from him, to be restored again to him by portions, in time of his necessity and famine. Also from what dangers of the kings officers, which coming with the king's letters laid all the havens for him: yet how the Lord jesus delivered him, 
Armachanus preferred mani●old ways ●● the Lord.  showing him by what ways how to escape them. Moreover, what appeals were laid against him, to the number of 16. and yet how the Lord gave him to triumph over all his enemies. How the Lord also taught him & brought him out of the profound vanities of Aristotle's subtlety, to the study of the Scriptures of God. All this with much more, he himself expresseth in a certain prayer or confession made to Christ jesus our Lord, in which he describeth almost the whole history of his own life. Which prayer I have to show in old written hand, and hereafter (Christ willing) intent as time serveth to publish the same. The beginning of the prayer in latin is this.  
Tibi laus, 
The prayer of Armachanus.  tibi gloria, tibi gratiarum actio, jesu pijssime, jesu potentissime, jesu dulcissime: qui dixisti, Ego sum via, veritas & vita. Via sine devio: veritas sine nubilo: & vita sine termino. Quod tute viam mihi oftendisti. Tute veritatem me docuiste Et tute vitam mihi promisisti: Via eras mihi in exilio. Veritas eras in consilio. Et vita eris mihi in premio. With the rest that followeth in the foresaid prayer.  
Thus what were the troubles of this good man, and how he was cited up by the Friars to the P. you have partly heard: Now what were his reasons and arguments wherewith he defendeth his cause in the pope's presence, followeth to be declared. For the tractation whereof first I must put the reader in remembrauce of the controversy mentioned before in the story of Guliel de sancto de Amore. Pag. 322. Also in the story of the university of Paris contending against the Friars pag. 392. For so long did this controversy continue in the Church, from the year. 1240. when the Oxford men began fiest to stand against the Friars to the time of this Armachanus, that is, to the year 1360. and after this time yet more increased. So it pleased the secret providence of God (for what cause he best knoweth) to suffer his Church to be entangled and exercised sometimes with matters and controversies of no great importance. Either to keep the vanity of men's wits thus occupied from idleness, or else to prepare their minds by these smaller matters, to the consideration and searching out of other things more grave and weighty. Like as now in these our Queen's days, we see what tragedies be raised up in England about forms &, fashions of ministers wearinges, what troubles grow, what placing and displacing there is about the same: Even so at this time happened the like stir about the liberties and privileges of the Friars, which not a little troubled, and occupied all the churches & Divines almost through Christendom. The which controversy, to the intent it may better be understanded (all the circumstances thereof being explained) we will first begin from the original and foundation of the matter, to declare by order and course of years, upon what occasion this variance first rising, in continuance of time increased & multiplied in gathering more matter, and braced out at length to this tumultuous contention among learned men.  
Concerning therefore this present matter, first it is to be understand, that in the year of our Lord. 1215. under pope Innocent the 3. was called a general council at Lateran, mentioned before. Pag. 253. in the days of king john. In the which council among many other things, was constituted a certain law or Canon, beginning Omnis utriusque sexus. etc. the tenor of which canon in English is thus. 
Caen. omnis utri usque sexus. Sex. ex. de ●● & re.   
Be it decreed, that every faithful Christian, both man and woman coming to the years of discretion, shall confess himself alone of all his sins, to the priest of his own proper parish, once in the year at least: and that he shall endeavour by his own self to fulfil the penance, whensoever he receiveth the sacrament of Eucharistie, at least at the time of Easter. Unless by the assent of his Minister, upon some reasonable cause to abstain for the time. Otherwise doing, let him both lack the communion of the Church being alive, and Christian burial when he is dead. Wherefore be it decreed, that this wholesome constitution shallbe published accustomably in Churches, to the end that no man of ignorance or of blindness make to himself a cloak of excuse. And if any shall confess himself to any other priest then of his own parish upon any just cause, let him ask and obtain first licence of his own priest: Other else, the Priest to have no power to hind him or to lose him. etc.  
In the time of this Innocentius, 

Note here he calleth not the sacrament of the altar.  
Friar dominic in the time of Pope Innocent the 2. obtained not the confirmation of his order.  
The order of friar Dominike first confirmed by pope Innocent 3.   and of this Lateran council, was Dominicke, the first author and founder of the preaching Friars: who laboured to the said Pope Innocent, for the confirmation of his order, but did not obtain, in his life tune.  
The next year after this Lateran council, died pope Innocent. an. 1216. after whom came Honorius 3. who in the first year of his Popedom confirmed the order of the friar Dominicke, and gave to him and his friars authority to preach and to bear confessions, with divers other privileges more. And under this Pope which governed 10. years, lived Dominick five years after the confirmation of his order and died an. 1221. About which year, the order of the Franciscane Friars began also to bread, 
The order of the Franciscans, confirmed shortly after the Dominikes.  & to spread in the world, through preaching and hearing confessions.  
After this Honorius next followed Pope Gregory the 9 about the year of our Lord 1228. who for the promoting of the foresaid order of Dominickes, gave out this Bull, in tenor as followeth.  

The bull of pope Gregory in the behalfen of the Dominike Friars.  Gregorius bishop servant of God's servants, to his reverend brethren, Archbishops Bishops, and to his well-beloved Children, Abbots, Priors, and to All Prelates of churches, to whom soever these presents shall come, greeting, and Apostolical blessing. Because 
* Iniquity hath abounded at Rome.  iniquity hath abounded, & the charity of man hath waxed cold: Behold, the Lord hath raised up the order of our weibeloved children the preaching Friars, who not seeking things of their own, but pertaining to jesus Christ, to the extirping as well of heresies as to the roting out also of other pernicious pestilenciés: have dedicate themselves to the preaching of the 
* Nay to the preaching rather of men's traditions against the word of God. The Friars authorised to hear confessions & to to enjoin penance.  word of God We therefore minding to advance their sacred purpose. etc. and followeth, commanding you to see the said persons, gently to be received among you: And that your flocks committed to your charge do receive devoutly the seed of God's word out of their mouth, and do confess their sins unto them, all such as list, whom we have authorised to the same, to hear confessions, and to enjoin penance. etc. Dat. Perusij. an. Pont. nostri. 8.  

Pope Innocent the 4. against the Friars.  This pope Honorius died about the year of our Lord 1241. after whom came Celestinus the fourth and sat but 18. days, than came Innocentius the fourth and sat 11. years and 6. months. who although he began first to favour the friars: yet afterward being altered by certain Divines of Universities, Prelates of Churches, and Curates: and debarred them of their liberties and privileges, & gave out again precepts and excommunications, as well against the Friars, as all other religious persons. And not long after the same he was dispatched.  

Pope Alexander the 4. undoth the acts of Pope Innocent the 4. his predecessor.  Innocentius being thus removed out of the way, about the year of our Lord, 1353. Then succeeded Pope Alexander the fourth a great maintainer of the Friars, and sat 7. years. He revoked and repeated the Acts and writings of Pope Innocent his predecessor, given forth against the Friars: wherewith the Divines and Students of Paris benig not well contented, stirred up four principal Doctors: The first and chief captain was Guliel. de sancto Amore, 
Extrau. non sine multa. Gul. de S. Amore, Simon jornalensis. Godfridus de sontibus, Hen. de Gandano, four champions against the Friars.  mentioned before. pag. 322. against whom wrote Albertus Magnus, and Thomas Aquine. And at last he was condemned by this foresaid Pope Alexander the 4. in the Extrau. Non sine multa. The second was Simon jornalensis, the third, Godfridus de Fontibus, the iiii. Henricus de Gandavo. These four with other their complices, compiled a certaiene book against the begging order of Friars, both Dominicans, and Franciscans entitled, Depericulis Ecclesiae, conreiningxim chapters. whereof the 14. which is the last, with 39 articles against the Friars we have already translated and expressed, pag. 317. Beside these. 39 articles, be other seven. articles moreover to the said book annexed, under the name of the students of Paris against the Friars, proving why the said Friars ought not to be admitted into their society. which seven. articles because they are but short, I thought here better to place, then to omit them.  

Certain articles given out by the Students of Paris, against the Friars, why they should not be admitted to their society.  

Articles of the students of Paris against the Friars.  FIrst we say, they are not to be admitted to the society of our school, but upon our will and licence. For our company or fellowship ought not to be coactive, but voluntary and free.  
Secondly, we say they are not to be admitted, for somuch as we oft proved their community, manifold ways to be hurtful and incommodious.  
Thirdly, seeing they be of a divers procession from us (for they are called regular, and not schollasticall) we therefore ought not to be joined and associate together in one scholastical office. For as much as the Council of Spain doth say, 
Concilium Hispun.  thou shalt not plough with the Ox, and with the Ass together. which is to say: Men of divers professions ought not together to be matched in one kind of calling, or standing, for their studies and conditions be disagreeing and dissevered from ours, and cannot frame or couple together in one communion.  
Fourthly we affirm, by the Apostle that they are not to be admitted because they work dissensions and offences: For so saith the Apostle Rom vlt. we desire you brethren, that ye observe. 
The friars make dissensions.  and take heed of such as make dissensions and offendicles about the doctrine which you have learned by the Apostles, and avoid them. For such serve, not the Lord, but their own belly. Gloze Some they flatter some they backbite, whereby they might feed their belly. That through their sweet and pleasant words, 
friars ●●uou● 〈◊〉 hou●e●.  and by their benedictions, they may deceive the hearts of the simple. Gloze. That is, with their fine sugared, and trim couched words, they set forth their own traditions, wherewith they beguile the hearts of the simple innocentes.  
Fiftly, we say they are not to be admitted. For that we fear lest they be in the number of them, which go about and devour men's houses. For they thrust in themselves into every man's house, searching and sacking the consciences and states of all persons. 
Penetra●●● domas.  And whom they find easy to be seduced, as women: such they do cirumvent, & lead them away from the counsels of their Prelates, binding them either in act or oath: from such we are warned by the Apostle to avoid.  
Sixtly, we say they are to be avoided: because we fear they are false Prophets. Which being neither Bishops, ner parish priests, 
friars pre●●● uncalled.  nor yet their Uicares, nor sent by them, yet they preach (not sent) against the mind of the Apostle, Rom. 10. saying: How shall they preach except they be sent? For else there appeareth in them no such great virtue, for the which they ought to be admitted to preach uncalled. Seeing therefore that such are so dangerous to the Church, they ought to be avoided.  
seventhly, we say they are not to be admitted, because they be a people so curious in searching & enquiring of other men's doings and spiritual demaynour. And yet be they neither Apostles, 
Friars have no order of any calling in the church  nor yet successors of the Apostles, as bishops: nor of the number of the 72. Diciples of the Lord: nor their successors, that is parish Priests: nor their helpers, nor yet Uicares, wherefore, seeing they live so in no order, by the sentence of the Apostle we are commanded to avoid them. 2. Thess. vlt. where he saith: we admonish and denounce unto you (O brethren) in the name of our Lord jesus Christ: that is, as the Gloze, saith (we command you by the authority of Christ) that you withdraw yourselves from every brother, that walketh inordinately, and not after the tradition, which you have received of us. etc. Look upon the common gloze of this place, and you shall find, that such are to be avoided till time they amend from so doing. etc.   
Besides these articles above rehearsed, 
Certain conclusions in the university of Paris to be disputed of against the Friars.  certain propositions or conclusions were also propounded in the schools of Paris the same time, solemnly to be disputed and defended against the Friars: which in a brief some of words to collect, were these.  
First, that the begging Friars were not in the state of salvation.  
Secondly, that they were bound to labour with their hands that could, and not to beg.  
Thirdly, that they ought not to exercise the office of preaching, or to hear the confessions of them that will come to them, although being licenced thereunto by the Bishop of Rome, or by the Diocesane: for somuch as the same is prejudicial to the ministers and Priests of the Parishes.  
All these foresaid articles & conclusions, 
Pope Alexander the 4 a great savorer of the Friars.  with the book set forth by these Paris men: This Pope Alexander the 4. condemned to be abolished and burned, writing his precepts to the French K. and also the University of Paris, in the favour of the Friars: willing and commanding the said Friars to be restored to all their privileges and liberties, in as ample manner as in Pope Gregory's time before.  
Not long after Pope Alexander the 4. 
Another pilgrimage given to the Friars by Pope Clement 4. Ex Clem●●● Quidam ●merè. Pope Martin the 4. holdeth with cu●●● against the Friars.  followed Clement the 4. an. 1263. and sat 3. years. Who also gave the privilege to the Friars, beginning: Quidam temerè etc. In which privilege he condemneth them that say, that no man without licence of his Curate or minister, aught to confess him to the Friars, or that a subject aught to ask licence of their ministers so to do, which was against the Canon Omnis utriusque sexus etc. made by the Pope Innocent the 3. before recited.  
After this Clement, again came Pope Martin the 4. an. 1281. who renewed again the Canon. Omnis utriusque sexus; in the behalf of the Curates against the Friars.  
Then Pope Boniface the 8. began to sit, an. 1294, viii. years. ix. months. Who taking side with the Friars, gave to them an other privilege, beginning, 
Pope B●●●face holder with the friars again. Ex Cleme●● consist Benif. Super cathedral.  Super Cathedram. etc. In the which privilege he licenced the Friars, that without licence of Uicares of Churches, they shall first present themselves to the Prelates to be admitted: by whom if they be refused the second time, than they upon special authority of this Pope, shall be privileged: without either Bishop or Curate, to preach, to bury, and to hear confessions who soever will come to them, revoking all that was decreed by his predecessors before to the contrary notwithstanding.  
By this Pope Boniface, a certain Dominick Friar was made Cardinal named Nicholaus de Teruisio, and after the death of Boniface, was made also Pope. an. 1303. surnamed Pope Benedictus 11. Who seeing the constitution of Boniface his predecessor to gender dissension between the Priests and Friars, 
Ex Clement. inter cunctas. joan, Monach. revoketh his gloze. Pope Clement the 5. holdeth with the Friars and repealeth the constitution of Benedictus. Ex Clement cap. dudum.  made an other constitution, beginning: Inter cunctas etc. revoking the constitution of Boniface his predecessor. Upon which constitution of Pope Benedict, joannes Monachus, make a Gloze, revoked also his other Gloze made upon the constitution of Boniface before.  
Again, after this Benedictus the 11. followed pope Clement the 5. an. 1335. and sat 9 years, who in his general Council holden at Uienna, revoked the constitution of Benedictus his predecessor, and renewed again the former decree of Boniface, by a new constitution of his, beginning: Dudum a Bonifacio. 8. etc. which constitution moreover was confirmed afterward by Pope john the 22. an. 1316. which Pope also caused joannes de Poliaco to recant.  
Upon this variable diversity of the Popes (one dissenting and repugning from an other) rose among the Divines & schoolmen in Universities great matter of contention, as well in the University of Paris, as the University of Oxford about the begging Friars, some holding one way, some an other way. But especially 5. principal opinions to be noted of learned men, who then disputing against the friars, were condemned for heretics, and their assertions reproved.  

Fine divers opinions of learned men in this age holding against the Friars. The 2. opinion. Bernardus super cap. ●mnis utriusque. The 3. opinion.  The first, was the opinion of them which defended, that the friars might not by the licence of the Bishop of Rome and of the Prelates, preach in Parishes, and hear confessions. And of this opinion was Guliel. de Sancto Amore, with his fellows, who as is said, were condemned.  
The second opinion was this, that friars, although not by their own authority, yet by privilege of the Pope and of the Bishop, might preach and hear confessions in Parishes, but yet not without licence of the Parish Priests. Of this opinion was Bernardus glozing upon the canon. Omnis utriusque sexus, afore mentioned,  
The third opinion was, that friars might preach and hear confessions, without licence of the Parish Priests: but yet the said parishners notwithstanding were bound, by the Canon: Omnis utriusque sexus: to repeat the same sins again, if they had no other, to their own proper curate: and of this opinion were many, as Godfridus de Fontibus: Henricus de Gandavo: 
Isan. de Poliaco.  joannes Monachus Cardin: joannes de Poliaco. Which joannes de Poliaco, Pope john the 22 caused openly in Paris, to recant and retract.  

Ex libro fratris Egelbertis.  This joannes de Poliaco Doctor of divinity in Paris, being complained of by the friars for certain articles or assertions, was sent for to the Pope: where time and place being to him assigned, he in the audience of the Pope and of friarly Cardinals & other doctors: was straightly examined of his articles. To make the story short, he at length submitting himself to the authority of the terrible see of Rome: was caused to recant his assertions openly at Paris. His assertions which he did hold, were these.   

¶ The three assertions of joannes de Poliaco, which he was caused by the Pope to recant at Paris.  

His three assertions.  

john de Poliaco caused to recant by P. john the 22.  Whereof the first was, they which were confessed to friars, although having a general licence to hear confessions: were bound to confess again their sins to their own Parish Priest, by the constitution. Omnis utriusque sexus. etc.  
The second was, that the said constitution, Omnis utriusque sexus, standing in his force, 
The 3. assertions of joan, de Poliaco against the Friars. 25. q. 1. Quae ad perpetuam. Contra slatutae patrum condedere vel mu tore al●quid ●●c huins quidem sedis potest entoritas.  the Pope could not make: but parishners were bound once a year to confess their sins to their Priest. For the doing otherwise importeth a contradiction in itself.  
The 3. was, that the Pope could not give general licence to hear confessions so, but that the parishners so confessed were bound to reiterate the same confession made, unto his own Curate. Which be proved by these places of the Canon law, 25. q. 1. Quae ad per. petuam. Those things which be generally ordained for public utility, ought not to be altered by any change, etc. Item, the decrees of the sacrat Canons, none ought to keep more than the Bishop Apostolical. etc. Ibidem. Item, to alter or to ordain any thing against the decrees of the fathers, is not in the authority or power, no not of the Apostolical sea. Ibidem.   
The fourth opinion was, 
The 4. opinion.  that the Friars by the licence of the Pope and of the Bishops might lawfully hear confessions, and the people might be of them confessed and absolved. But yet notwithstanding, it was reason, convenient, honest and profitable, that once in the year they should be confessed to their curates (although being confessed before to the friars) because for the administration of Sacraments, 
Guilielmus de monte Landuno. Henricus de Gandavo. The fift opininon.  especially at Easter. Of which opinion was Gulielinus de monte Landuno. Henricus de Gandavo also held, not only to be convenient, but also that they were bound so to do.  
The fift opinion was, that albeit the Friars might at all times, and at Easter also, hear confessions as the Curates did: yet it was better and more safe, at the time of Easter to confess to the curates, them to the Friars. And of this opinion was this our Armachanus, of whom we presently now entreat.  
¶ And thus have ye, as in a brief sum opened unto you, what was the matter of contention between the friars and the Church men. What Popes made with the friars: and what Popes made against them. Moreover, what learned men disputed against them in Paris, and other places, and what were their opinions.  
The matter of contention about the Friars, stood in four points. First preaching without licence of Curates, Second, in hearing confessions. third, in burying. Fourth in begging and taking of the people.  

¶ Pope's that maintained the Friars.  were Honorius. 
3  were Gregorius. 
9  were Alexande. 
4  were Clemens 
4  were Boniface. 
8  were Clemens. 
5   

¶ Pope's that mainteived Curates  were Innocentius. 
9  were Innocentius. 
4  were Martinus. 
4  were Benedictus. 
11   

¶ The learned men that disputed against the Friars.  were Guilielmus de S. Amore. 
All these were condemned by the Popes, or else caused to recant.  were Barnardus super capitulum, Omnis utriusque sexus, 
All these were condemned by the Popes, or else caused to recant.  were Godfridus de Fontibus. 
All these were condemned by the Popes, or else caused to recant.  were Henricus de Gandavo. 
All these were condemned by the Popes, or else caused to recant.  were Guilielmus de Landuno. 
All these were condemned by the Popes, or else caused to recant.  were joannes Monachus Cardini. 
All these were condemned by the Popes, or else caused to recant.  were joannes de Poliaco. 
All these were condemned by the Popes, or else caused to recant.  were Armachanus. 
All these were condemned by the Popes, or else caused to recant.   
These considerations and circumstances hitherto premised, for the more opening of this present cause of Armachanus sustained against the idle beggarly sects of friars, 
Ex libro cui ●itulus. Defensorium curatorum.  in whom the reader may well perceive Antechrist plainly reigning, and fight against the Church: Now remaineth, that as I have before declared the traveles & troubles of divers godly learned men in the Church striving against the said friars, continually from the time of Guliel. de Amore, hitherto: So now it remaineth, that for so much as this our Armachanus labouring and in the same cause sustained the like conflict with the same Antechrist: we likewise collect and open his reasons and arguments uttered in the consistory and in the audience of the Pope himself wherewith he maintaineth the true doctrine and cause of the Church against the pestiferous canker creeping in, by these friars after subtle ways of hypocrisy, to corrupt the sincere simplicity of Christ's holy faith & perfect Testament. The which reasons and arguments of his, with the whole process of his doings: I thought good and expedient for the utility of the Church, more amply and largely to discourse and prosecute, for that I note in the sects, institutions, and doctrine of these friars, such subtle poison to lurk: more pernicious & hurtful to the religion of Christ and souls of Christians, than all men peradventure do consider.  
Thus Armachanus joining with the clergy of England, disputed and contended with the friars here of England an. 1358. about a double matter. Whereof the one was concerning confession and other exchetes which the friars encroached in parish Churches against the Curates, and public pastors of Churches. The other was concerning wilful beggary and poverty, which the Friars than took upon them, not upon any necessity being otherwise strong enough to work for their living, but only upon a wilful and affected profession. For the which cause the Friars appealed him up to the court of Rome. The occasion whereof thus did rise.  
¶ It befell, that Armachanus upon certain business coming up to London, found there certain Doctors disputing and contending about the begging of Christ our Saviour. Whereupon (he being greatly urged and requested oft times thereunto) at request, made seven or eight sermons unto the people at London, wherein he uttered 9 conclusions. Whereof the first and principal conclusion was, touching the matter of the friars privileges, in hearing confessions. His conclusion was this.  
First, that if a doubt or question be moved for hearing confessions, which of 2. places is rather to be choose. The parish church is to be preferred before the church of the friars.  
Secondly, being demanded whether is to be taken (to hear the confession of the parishioners the Parson, or the Curate, or the friar) It is to be said, rather the Parson or the Curate.  
Thirdly, that our Lord jesus Christ in his human conversation was always poor, but not that he loved poverty, or did covet to be poor.  
Fourthly, that our Lord jesus Christ did never beg, wilfully professing to be poor.  
Fiftly, that our Lord jesus Christ did never teach wilfully to beg, or to profess wilful beggary.  
The sixth conclusion was, that Christ our Lord did contrary, that men ought not wilfully or purposely without mere necessity to beg.  
seventhly, that there is neither wisdom nor holiness, for any man to take upon him wilful beggary, perpetually to be observed.  
The eight, that it is not agreeing to the rule of the observants, or friars Minorites, to observe wilful poverty.  
The last conclusion was, touching the Bull of Pope Alexander the 4. which condemned the libel of the masters of Paris: that the same Bull touched none of these 7. last conclusions.  

Armachanus cited up to the Pope by the Friars.  Upon these 9 conclusions premised, Armachanus being appealed, cited, and brought up to the presence of the Pope: began to prove the same his foresaid conclusions or assertions under protestation made, that his intention was not to affirm any thing contrary to the christian faith, or to the Catholic doctrine, 
The protestation of Armachanus.  or that should be prejudicial or destructive to the orders of the begging friars, such as were approved by holy Church, or confirmed by the high Bishops: But only his intention was, to have the said orders reduced to the purity of their first institution. Concerning which matter, he desired his reasons to be heard, which if they should be found weaker than the reasons of the friars, the punishment should be his. If otherwise, that then the friars justly to be rewarded, for their slanderous obtrectation and public contumelies, & injurious dealings both privately and publicly wrought and sought against him: 
His theme.  And so taking for his Theme: Nolite judicare secundum faciem, sed justum judicium judicate. etc. That is. judge not after the outward face, but judge true judgement. etc. john. 7. he entereth to the probation of his conclusions: 
john. 7. The first conclusion proponed. Probation.  First beginning with the former conclusion, that the Parish church was a place more fit and convenient, for the confessions or burials of the Parishioners to be used, than any other exempt Church or place of the Friars. Which he proved by three causes: 
Certainty.  First for the more sureness or certainty to the conscience of the Parishioners confessed. Secondly, for the more utility and profit of him. 
Utility. Commodity.  Thirdly, for the less incommodity ensuing by confessions taken in Parish churches, then in friars Churches.  

The first part of the first conclusion confirmed. Deut. 12.  As touching the first, for the more assuredness and certainty, thus he argued upon the place of Deu. 12. unto that place, which the Lord your God shall assign of all your tribes, to place his name and dwell therein: thither shall you resort, to offer up your oblations, tithes. etc. And the same place God saith: See thou offer not thy sacrifice in every place that liketh thee: but in that place alone which the Lord hath elect in one of the tribes, and thou shalt do in all things as I command thee. Also upon the words of Leuit. 4. and 5. which be these. Whosoever sinneth of ignorance, shall offer to the priest, and he shall pray for him, 
levit. 4.5.  and he shallbe forgiven etc. Upon these places thus he argued: that forasmuch as the Sacraments of the Church are to be frequented and used in no other place but only in that, which by God himself peculiarly is assigned and commanded for the same: And seeing that elect place in the law representeth the Parish Churches: neither can it be proved that the friars Church is the place prescribed of God, but only permitted by Bishops of Rome: He concluded therefore, that Parish Churches for confessions and burials, were more sure and certain to the conscience of Parishioners, than the exempt places of the Friars.  
By an other reason also he confirmed the same, for that the parish Church commonly standeth free from the Popes interdict, so do not the Churches of the Friars. 
The first part of the first conclusion, confirmed by an other reason  As which stand not so clear, but that they are under suspicion, and doubt of the Popes interdict: by the Decretal. De sepulturis in sexto. cap Animarum periculis. In which Decretal, all such conventual Churches and Churchyards of Friars be interdicted, which do induce any person or persons, either by oath or promise made, to choose their burying places in their churches, as commonly the friars are reported to do. For else what parishner would forsake his own church & parish where his ancestors do lie, to be buried among the Friars, if the Friars did not induce them so to do:  
Moreover for the second part, 
The second part of the first conclusion confirmed.  concerning the utility of the place, that he confirmed doublewise. First, for that confession made within the parish church, hath a double merit of obedience, both for obeying the commandment of God in opening his confession ¶ thus he speaketh according to the blindness of that time, for that auricular confession hath any commandment of God, cannot be proved: & also in obeying the commandment of God in observing the place by him appointed, the which second merit of obedience lacketh in the friars part. 
another confirmation of the second part of the first article.  Secondly, he proved to be greater utility for a parishioner to confess him in his parish Church, them with the Friars. Because commonly the number of Christian people praying, is ten times more in parish churches. Whereby is to be thought, that each singular person may better be helped through more prayers, then in the Oratories of the Friars, etc.  
Farther as touching the third part of the first conclusion or Article he proved, 
The third part of the first conclusion proved.  that it had fewer incommodities to resort every man to his parish Church, then to the friars: for that both great utility, and more certainty (as hath been proved) did ensue thereof: which two being take away, (as must need, in resorting to the friars Church) them two special commodities should be hindered, & so great incommodities thereof should follow. And thus much for the place of the friars.  
Now to the second conclusion or Article touching the person of the friar, 
The 2. conclusion or Article.  and of the ordinary Curate. If the question be, which of these two is to be preferred in the office of Ecclesiastical administration: the opinion of Armachanus was, that the ordinary Curate was better than the extraordinary friar, 
3. respects or causes to be proved.  and that for the three foresaid respects, to wit, for certainty or assurance, for utility, and for incommodity to be avoided.  
First that it is more safe and sure for the parishioners to resort to their ordinary or parish priest, he argued by 3. reasons: first because the person of the lawful ordinary or priests is expressly of God commanded, where the person of the friar is not, and therefore is forbid. Secondly, because the parishner may more trust to his ordinary Curate, as who is more bound & obliged to provide and to be careful for him, than any other extraordinary person, Thirdly, because in the person of the ordinary curate, commonly there is no doubt of any interdict to bind him: whereas contrary in the friars be half: there is good matter to doubt, whether he stand bound under the pope's censure of excommunication or not, and that for divers causes, as by the cap. Religiosi, in Clementinis de decimis. 
Ca Relig●si. Clement. de decimis.  Where is decreed, that all such religious men, which having no benefices or cure of soul, presume to improperate unto them glebe land or other tithes due unto Churches, and not appertaining to them (by any manner of colour or fraudulent circumvention) do incur the sentence of excommunication, 
In Clementino de privilegijs cap. Religiosi. The Friars proved to be excommunicate by the Pope's law.  ipso facto. Also by another cap Religiosi, De privilegijs. in Clement. Where it is said, that all such religious men are excommunicated De facto, whosoever do absolve any, against whom the sentence of excommunication hath been denounced by statute provincial, or sinodal: as it is commonly said, that the friars hearing men's confessions are accustomed to do, in losing them whom the censure of prelate's, or their Officials have bound. Whereof the said Armachanus bringeth forth example of his own Diocese: For I (said he) in mine own Diocese of Armachan, have as good as two thousand under me, who by the censure of excommunication every year, denounced against wilful murderers, common thieves, burners of men's houses, & such like malefactors, stand accursed: Of all which number notwithstanding, scarcely 14. there be, which come to me or to any about me for their absolution. And yet all they receive the Sacraments as other do, & all because they be absoiled, or because they feign themselves to be absoiled by none other than by friars: who in so doing, are proved to be under the danger of excommunication, both the friars, and also the parishners, if they knowing thereof do consent to their error.  
Also out of the said Clementines, by three other places in one chapter, he proved the friars to be excommunicate, to with in the chap. 
Cap. Cupientes de pae●●●. Clement  Cupientes, De poenis in Clement. In the which chapter: First, all such religious men are excommunicate, which in their Sermons presume to withdraw their hearers from their tithes paying, due unto churches. Secondly, in the said chapter all such friars are suspended from preaching, 
The Friars proved to be excommunicated or the pope's law.  and so are excommunicate, which within a certain time did not make a contion to such as come to their confessions, in paying their tithes truly and duly to the Church. Thirdly, in the foresaid chapter also, all such religious persons be bound in excommunication, which induce men by any manner of means, either by vow, oath, or promise, to choose their burials within their Churches, or not to change the same, if they have made any such promise before. In all which three points, he proved the friars to be culpable and excommunicate.  

Another proof, that the parishner may more safely go to his ●●●ate, then to the Friars. The second part of the second conclusion pro●●●.  Moreover, for the more surer way for the parishners to resort to their appointed curates, then to the friars, he argued thus. For that the parish Priest or Curate being better acquainted with his own parishner than is a stranger, can better judge of the nature and disposition of his disease, and minister to him due Physic of penance for the same, and also willbe more careful in curing him.  
Thus the first part of the second conclusion or article being proved and argued, Armachanus proceedeth farther to prove the second part: that is better for the parishners to leave the Friars, and to resort to their own Pastors. Which he proved by eight or nine reasons.  
First, for that the ordinary pastor, is properly appointed of God unto that ministry: Whereas the Friar, is but only permitted of man thereunto.  
Secondly, for that in resorting to the ordinary of the parish, is a double reward of merit, whereas in coming to the Friars there is but one.  
Thirdly, because the ordinary is more bound to his own flock, and is to be thought to be more tender and careful over them, than a stranger.  
Fourthly, because to resort to the person of his own ordinary, there is more assurance and certainty, (as is above declared) then to an other.  

Innocent ●ap. Si animarum.  Fiftly, because (as Innocentius, Cap. Si animarum, saith) the coming to the curate or pastor ordinary, is more easy and light, both in the night and in necessity.  
Sixtly, for so much as the parishner must needs come to his Curate at some time, and especially being in necessity: It is expedient and profitable, that his former life before were known to him, rather than to the other.  
seventhly, for that (as the said Innocentius affirmeth) it striketh more shame of his sin to the parishner to be confessed to his curate whom he seethe every day, then to a friar unknown.  
Eightly, because it is more profitable especially for than that live in Matrimony, that he which heareth the confession of the one, should hear also the confession of the other. So that one hearing the confession of them both as a spiritual Physician taking two cures in one body, may better know what spiritual counsel is to be ministered to the one, after he hath cured the other, etc.  

The third part of the second conclusion argued.  These things thus proved before, then Armachanus consequently proceedeth to the third part: Arguing, how the greater detrimentes and inconveniences do ensue by confessions, burials, and other Ecclesiastical functions exercised by the friars, then by pastors & secular curates, serving in parishes. About the which matter, the said Armachanus learnedly and worthily inferreth a long discourse proving and inferring how pernicious these orders of friars are to the whole state of the church: And what mischief cometh by the privileges of certain Popes, which have privileged them to intermeddle in the office & function of Ecclesiastical ministers, to preach, and to take alms, and tithes of the people, and improperations from the church. All which his reasons & arguments to prosecute in order as he hath left them in writing, it would make a matter of a large book. Notwithstanding, because it shall not be unfruitful both for the time present & the posterity, to know the manifold de●rimetes and discommodities received by these friars, and to know what benefit God hath done for us in unburdening the Church of this monstrous generation: 
Defensorium. Curatorum. Armachanus.  And especially because the book of Armachanus is rare otherwise to be found, intituted, Defensorum Curatorum: I have briefly therefore contracted out of the same, certain of his reasons, such as seemed most appertaining and most worthy of noting.  
And first, alleging the authority of Innocent the 4. He importeth four inconveniences rising by the friars, whibe these: Contempt of the people against their ordinaries, decreasing of devotion, taking away of shame from the people by confessing to the friars, detaining of oblations, such as the people are wont to give at their confession & burials, and which by right belong to the parish churches.  
Item, by the said privileges of the Popes, granted to the friars, 
Cap. Du●●●●.  many other great enormities do rise. As first because thereby, the true shepherds do not know the faces of their flock.  
Item, 
The harms that come to the world by the Friars, declared.  by the occasion of these privileges, given to the Friars, great contention, and sometimes blows rise between the friars and secular curates, about tithes, improperations, and other avails.  
Item, by the occasion of the foresaid privileges, divers young men as well in universities as in their father's houses, are alured craftily by the friars their confessors, to enter their orders: from thence afterward, they can not get out though they would, to the great grief of their parents, and no less repentance to the young men themselves. The example whereof, Armachanus in the said his treatise inferreth, of a certain substantial English man being with him at his Inn in Rome: who having a son at the university of Oxford, which was enticed by the friars to enter into their order, could by no means after release him out. But when his father & his mother would come unto him, they could not be suffered to speak with him, but under the friars custody. Whereas the Scripture commandeth plainly, 
Example of the friars theft in Oxford.  that who so stealeth any man & selleth him (being thereof convicted) shall be put to death. Exod. 21. And for the same cause, the father was compelled to come up to Rome to seek remedy for his son. And thus saith Armachanus, it may appear what damage and detriments come, by these friars unto the common people.  
And no less inconvenience and danger also by the said friars, 
friars hinderers of Universities.  riseth to the Clergy: for so much, as lay men seeing their children thus to be stolen from them in the universities by the friars, do refuse therefore to send them to their studies: Rather willing to keep them at home to their occupation, or to follow the plough, than so to be circumvented and defeated of their sons at the university, as by daily experience (saith he) doth manifestly appear. For where as in my time (saith Armachanus) there were in the university of Oxford 30000. 
30. thousand students in Oxford, in the time of Armachanus.  students: now are there not to be found 6000. The occasion of which so great decay, is to be ascribed to no other cause, but to this circumvention only of the friars above mentioned.  
Over and besides this, 
The Friars a great cause of decay of learning.  an other inconvenience as great or greater, the said Armachanus inferred to proceed by the friars, through the decay of doctrine, and knowledge in all manner faculties and liberal sciences, which thus he declared. For that these begging friars through their privileges obtained of the Popes, to preach, to hear confessions, and to bury: and through their charters of improperations, did grow thereby to such great riches and possessions by their begging, craving, catching and intermeddling with church matters, that no book could stir of any science, either of Divinity, 
Books not to be gotten for the Friars.  law, or Physic, but they were both able and ready to buy it up. So that every covent having a great library full stuffed and furnished with all sorts of books, and being so many covents within the realm, & in every covent so many friars increasing daily more and more: by reason thereof, it came to pass, that very few books or none at all remain for other students. 
Example what lack of books cometh by the Friars.  Which by his own experience he thus testifieth, saying: that he himself sent forth to the university four of his own Priests or chaplains, who sending him word again that they could neither find the Bible, nor any other good profitable book of divinity meet for their study, therefore were minded to return home to their country: and one of them, he was sure, was returned by this time again.  
Furthermore, as he hath proved hitherto, the Friars to be hurtful both to the laity, 
The friars guilty in 3. faults. 1. Disobedience. 2. Avarice. 3. Pride.  and to the clergy: so proceeding farther, he proveth them to be hurtful also to themselves. And that in 3. points, as incurring the vice of disobedience against God, against their own rule: The vice of avarice: and the vice of pride. The probation of all which points, he prosecuted in a long discourse.  
First (saith he) they are disobedient to the law of God: Thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house, 
Armachanus chargeth the Friars with disobedience.  Ox nor Ass, nor any thing that is his: In that they procure the Pope's letters to preach in Churches, and to take burials from churches, with licence annexed withal to receive the avails which rise of the same, which properly belongeth to the right of parish priests.  

friars disobedient to the rule of Scripture.  Item, they are disobedient to this rule of the Gospel: So do to other, as thou would have done to thee.  
Iten, they be disobedient against their own rule, which being founded upon strait poverty and beggary, this licence obtained for them to require necessary for their labours of the people, is repugning against the same foundation.  
Item, they be disobedient to the rule of the Scripture, which saith: let no man take honour unto him, except he be called, as Aaron, Also saith S. Paul, how shall they preach, unless they be sent. And how observe they this rule of obedience, who professing to keep the perfection of the Gospel, yet contrary to the Gospel, procure to themselves privileges to run before they be sent▪  
Item, to their own rule they are disobedient: For where their chapter saith, that if any will take upon them this order, & will come to our brethren: let our brethren first send them to the provincials to be examined of the Catholic faith and Sacraments of the Church. etc. Contrary whereunto the friars have procured a privilege, that not only the provincials, but other inferiors also may take unto them indifferently, whom they can catch: so far without all examination, that almost at this day there is no notable house of friars, wherein is not either a whole, or half a covent of lads & boys under 10. year old, being circumvented, which neither can skill of the Creed nor Sacraments.  

friars disobedient to their own profession.  Again, the rule of Frauncise saith: that his brethren Obseruaunts must observe not to preach in the Diocese of any bishop, without the consent of the Bishop: And moreover the said Frauncise in his testament saith: that if he had as much wisdom as Solomon, and found poor secular priests in the parishes where the dwell: yet he would not presume to preach without their will, and also would fear, love, & honour them, & all other as his masters, & so they be Haecille. Against which rule, how the friars do disobey, how little they reverence Bishops or secular priests: what privileges, exemptions, & immunities they procure against them, the world may see and judge.  
Iten, when none may be admitted to preach, or to hear confessions, unless they be entered into orders: and seeing by the common law of the Church, none must be admitted into holy orders, except he have sufficient title of living and clothing: The friars therefore having no such title (being wilful beggars) do disobey in both respects, that is, both in entering into such orders without convenient title, and in exercising the office of preaching without such lawful orders.  
Moreover the foresaid Frauncise in his testament commandeth thus: I command (saith he) firmly by virtue of obedience, to all and singular my brethren wheresoever they be: that none of them presume to obtain in the court of Rome any letter or writing, either by himself or by any other means, neither for the Church nor for any other place nor under any colour of preaching, nor yet for the persecuting of their own bodies etc. Against which testamen of Francise, the franciscans in procuring their privileges from the Bishop of Rome, have incurred manifest disobedience, as all the world may see. Neither will this objection serve them, because the Pope hath dispensed with Francise rule. For if the testament of Francise as he saith came from GOD, (and so should God have three testaments) how then can the Pope repeal his precept, or dispense with his rule, when by the rule of the law. Par in parem non habet imperium?  

Armachanus chargeth the Friars with avarice.  Secondly, concerning the vice of avarice, manifestly it may be proved upon them (saith Armachanus) for else, seeing so many charges belong to the office of a secular parish priest, as to minister the Sacrament at Easter, to visit the sick with extreme unction to baptise children, to wed, with such other wherein standeth as great devotion: how then happeneth that these friars making no labour for these, only procure to themselves privileges to preach in churches, to hear confessions, and to receive licence to bury from parish churches but because there is lucre and gain in these to be looked for, in the other is none?  
Which also may appear by this: for otherwise if it were for mere devotion only, 
another proof  that they procure licence to bury from parish churches, and to preach: why then have they procured with all, licence to take offerings? oblations and legacies for their funerals. And for their preaching, why have they annexed also licence to require and take of the people necessaries for their labour, but only avarice is the cause thereof.  
Likewise for hearing of confessions: when all good men have enough to know their own faults, 
another proof.  and nothing lift to hear the faults of other: It is probably to be supposed by this their privilege of hearing all men's confessions, that they would never have been so desirous of procuring that privilege, were it not that these friars did feel some sweetness and gain to hang upon the same.  
Item, where the rule of friar Francise forbiddeth them to company with any women, to enter into Monasteries, to be Godfathers and Gossips to men and women: 
another proof.  how cometh it, that they contrary to their rule, enter into the secret chambers of Queens and other women: and made to know the most secret counsels of their doings, but that avarice and commodity have so blinded their eyes, & stirred their hearts.  
Thirdly, 
Armachanus chargeth the friars with pride.  that the friars fall into the vice of pride & ambition, the said Armachanus proved thus.  
To seek or to procure any high place in the Church, is a point of pride & ambition. Chrisost. in opere perfecto: numquam sine ambitione desideratur primatus in Ecclesia.  
The friars se●k and procure a high place in the church.  
Ergo. the friars be proud and ambitious.  
The Minor he proveth: To have the state of preaching and hearing confessions, is in the church a state of honour.  
The friars seek and have procured the state of preaching and hearing confessions.  
Ergo, The friars seek and procure an high place in the Church. etc.  
His third conclusion was, 
The 3. conclusion or article.  that the Lord Christ in his human conversation was always poor, not for that he loved or desired poverty for itself. etc., Wherein this is to be noted, that Armachanus differed not from the friars in this that Christ was poor, and that he loved poverty: but here in stood the difference, in manner of loving, that is whether he loved poverty for itself, or not. Wherein the foresaid Armachanus used four probations.  
First, forsomuch as to be poor, is nothing else but to be miserable: and seeing no man coveteth to be in misery for itself: Therefore he concluded, that Christ desired not poverty for itself.  
His second reason was derived out of Aristotle. Nothing (saith he) is to be loved for itself, 
Arist, E. theo. lib. 1.  but that from which (all commodities being secluded which follow therupon) is voluntarily sought and desired. But take from poverty all respect of commodities following the same, it would be sought neither of God nor man, Ergo, he concluded, Christ loved not poverty for itself.  
Thirdly again: No effect of sin, said he, is to be loved for itself. But poverty is the effect of sin. Ergo, poverty was not loved of Christ for itself.  
Fourth, Item, no privation of the thing that is good, is to be loved for itself. Poverty is the privation of the thing that is good, that is of riches (for God himself is principally rich:) Ergo, poverty for itself was not loved of Christ.  
The fourth conclusion was, that Christ our Lord and Saviour did never beg wilfully. 
The 4. conclusion of Armachanus against the Friars.  Which he proved by sundry reasons.  
1. First, for that Christ in so doing should break the law, which saith: Thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house, his wife, his servant, his maid, his ox, his ass, or any thing that is his, Exod. 20. In the danger of which commandment, he that beggeth voluntaryly must needs incur.  
2. Item, if Christ had begged voluntaryly he should have committed against an other commandment, which saith. There shallbe no beggar, nor needy person among you etc. Deut. 6.  
3. Item, Christ in so doing should have transgressed the emperors law, under which he would himself be subject (as appeareth by giving, & bidding tribute to be given to Cesar) forasmuch as the same emperors law saith. There shall no valiant beggar be suffered in the City.  
4. Item, if Christ had been a wilful beggar, he had broke the law of loving his neighbour: whom he had vexed, having no need. For who so without need asketh or craveth of his neighbour, doth but vex him, in such sort as he would not be vexed himself. Which Christ would never do.  
5. Item. if Christ had begged wilfully, he had moved slander thereby to his own Gospel, which he with miracles did confirm. For than they that saw his miracle in feeding 5000. in wilderness, would have thought much with themselves how that miracle had been wrought, if he in feeding other, either could not, or would not feed himself.  
6. Item, if Christ had begged wilfully, than he had done that which himself condemneth by Paul: for so we read. 1. Timo. 6. That Paul condemneth them, which esteem piety to be gain and lucre. Which all they do that under the colour of piety, hunt or seek for gain, when otherwise they need not.  
7. Item, if Christ had begged wilfully, he had offended in declaring an untruth, in so doing. For he that knoweth in his mind, that he needeth not in deed that thing which in word he asketh of other: Declareth in himself an untruth as who in word pretendeth to be otherwise then he is in very deed, which Christ without doubt never did nor would ever do,  
8. Item, if Christ had begged wilfully, that is, having no ●eue●nced thereunto: then had he appeared cither to be an hypocrite, seeming to be that he was not, and to lack when he did not: or else to be a true beggar in very deed, not able to suffice his necessity. For he is a true beggar in deed, which being constrained by mere necessity, is forced to ask of other that which he is not able to give to himself. But neither of these two agreeth in Christ.  

Ex vita S. Clementis.  9 Item, if Christ had begged wilfully, then why did Peter rebuke the mother of S. Clement his disciple, finding her to stand among the beggars, whom he thought to be strong enough to labour with her hands for her living: If she in so doing had followed the example of Christ:  

Clement's example contrary to the Friars.  10. Item, if Christ had begged wilfully: And if the Friars do tightly define perfection of the Gospel by wilful poverty: them was Clement S. Peter's successor to blame, which laboured so much to remove away beggary and poverty from among all them, that were converted to the faith of Christ: and is specially for the same commended of the Church:  

13. quasi. cap. 1.  11. Again, why did the said Clement, writing to james Bishop of jerusalem, command so much to obey the doctrine and examples of the apostles: who as he showeth in that Epistle, had no beggar nor needy person amongst them, If Christian perfection (by the friars Philosophy) stadeth in wilful beggary?  
12. Item, if Christ the high priest had begged wilfully, them did holy Church err wittingly, which ordained that none without sufficient title of living & clothing, should be admitted to holy orders. And moreover, when it is said in the canonical decrees, that the bishop or clerk that beggeth, bringeth shame upon the whole order of the clergy.  
13. Item: if Christ had wilfully begged, than the example of wilful poverty had pertained to the perfection of Christian life, which is contrary to the old law: which commandeth the Priests (which lived then after the perfection of the law) to have possessions and tithes, to keep them from beggory.  
14. Item, if Christ did wilfully beg, than beggary were a point of christian perfection. And so the Church of God should err, in admitting such patrimonies and donations given to the Church, and so in taking from the Prelates their perfection.  
15. Again, what will these friars which put their perfection in begging, say to Melchisedech: who without begging or wilful poverty, was the high Priest of God, and King of Salem, and prefigured the order and Priesthood of Christ?  
16. And if beggary be such a perfection of the Gospel (as the friars say) how cometh it, that the holy Ghost given to the Apostles, which should lead them into all truth: told them no word of this beggarly perfection, neither is there any word mentioned thereof through the whole Testament of God.  
17. Moreover, where the Prophet saith, I never did see the lust man forsaken, nor his seed go begging their bread: How standeth this with the justice of Christ, which was most perfectly just, if he should be forsaken, or his seed go beg their bread? And then how agreeth this with the abominable doctrine of friars Franciscan, which put their perfection in wilful begging?  
18. Finally, doc we not read that Christ sent his disciples to preach without scripp or wallet, and bid them salute no man by the way? Meaning that they should beg nothing of no man? Did not the same Christ also labour with his hands, under joseph? S. Paul likewise did he not labour with his hands, rather than he would burden the Church of the Corinthians? And where now is the doctrine of the friars, which putteth state of perfection in wilful begging.  

The 5. conclusion of Armachanus against the Friars.  The fift conclusion of Armachanus against the friars was this: that Christ never taught any man wilfully to beg, which he proved thus. It is written Acts. 1. Christ began to do and to teach. If Christ therefore, which did never wilfully beg himself, as hath been proved, had taught men otherwise to do, than his doing and teaching had not agreed together.  
Item, if Christ which never begged himself wilfully, had taught men this doctrine of wilful begging contrary to his own doing: he had given suspicion of his doctrine, and ministered slander of the same; as hath been proved ●t the fourth conclusion before.  
Moreover in so reaching, he had taught contrary to the Emperor's just law, which expressly forbiddeth the same.  
The sixth conclusion of Armachanus against the Friars was, 
The 6. conclusion of Armachanus against the Friars.  that our Lord jesus Christ teacheth us, that we should not beg wilfully, which he proveth by seven or eight reasons.  
First where it is written Luke. 14. when thou makest a feast call the poor, weak, lame, and blind: and thou shalt be blessed, for they have not wherewith to reward thee again.  
To this also pertaineth that decree of that apostle. 1. Thes. 3. He that will not work let him not eat. Furthermore, the same Apostle addeth in the same place: For you have us for example how we were burdenous to noman, neither did we eat our bread freely: but with labour and weariness, toiling both day and night, and all because we would not burden you. etc.  
4. Item, where we read in the scripture, the slothful in Turrian reprehended, Pro. 6. why sleepest thou O sluggard, thy poverty and beggary is coming upon thee like an armed man. etc. And again in the same book of Proverbs. The slothful man (saith the scripture) for cold would not go to the plough, therefore he shall beg in summer, and no man shall give bun. etc. Also in the said book of Proverb. last chapter. The diligent labouring woman is commended, whose fingers are exercised about the rock & spindle. And all these places make against the wilful begging of sturdy Friars.  
5. Item, 
The rule of friar Frances.  Friar Frances their own founder in his own testament saith: And I have laboured with mine own hands, and will labour, and will that all my frierlings shall labour and little of their labour, whereby they may support themselves in an honest mean. And they that cannot work, let them learn to work, not for any covetousness to receive for their labour, but for example of good works, and to avoid idleness. And when the price of their labour is not given them, let them resort to the Lords table, & ask their alms from door to door. etc. Thus much in his Testament. And in his rule he saith: Such brethren to whom the Lord hath given the gift to labour, let them labour faithfully and devoutly. etc. wherefore it is to be marveled, how those friars with their wilful begging, dare transgress the rule & obedience of friar Francis their great grandfathers testament.  
6. Item, if Christ at any time did beg or did lack, it was more because he would use a miracle in his own person, them because he would beg wilfully: as when he sent Peter to that sea to find a groat in the fishes mouth. which thing ye he thought rather to do, than to beg the groat of the people, which he might soon have obtained.  
7. Item, by divers other his examples he seineth to teach the same as where he saith: The workman is worthy of his hier. Also the workman is worthy of his meat. Math. 10. Luke 10. And when he spoke to Zache, that he would turn into his house. And so likewise in Bethany and all other places he ever used rather to burden his friends than to beg of other, unacquainted.  
8. Item, with plain precept thus he sendeth forth his disciples, willing them not to go from house to house, Luke. 10. so as Friars use now to go. Many other Scriptures there be, which reprove begging: as where it is said. The foot of a fool is swift to the house of his neighbour, Eccl. 29. And in an other place: My child (saith he) see thou want not is the tune of thy life, for better it is to die then to lack. Eccl. 21.  
9 Iten, where Christ counseling the young man, had him go and sell that he had and give to the poor and follow him if he would be perfect: doth not there call him to wilful begging, but calleth him to follow him, which did not beg wilfully.  
The seventh conclusion of Armachanus is: that no wise nor true holy man can take upon him wilful poverty to be observed always, 
The seventh conclusion of Armachanus against the Friars.  which he proveth by four reasons.  
First, that wilful beggary was reproved both by the doctrine of Christ and of the Apostles, as in the conclusion before hath been declared.  
2. Item, a man in taking upon him wilful beggary, in so doing should lead himself into temptation, which were against the lords prayer. For as much as Solomon Proverb. 30. saith: 
Wilful beggary not to be promised.  O Lord, beggary and great riches give me not, but only sufficiency to live upon: lest if I have to much, I be driven to deny thee, & say: who is the Lord. Again, if I have to little, I be forced thereby to steal, and to perjure the name of my God. Wherefore saith Eccle. 27. For need many have offended. And therefore they that choose wilful poverty, take to them great occasion of temptation.  
3. Item, they that take wilful poverty upon them when they need not induce themselves voluntaryly to break the commandment of God: Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's house. etc. Again, where it is commanded, there shallbe no beggar among you. etc.  
4. Item, he that taketh upon him needles and wilfully to beg, maketh himself unapt to receive holy orders, having (as is said) no sufficient title thereunto, according to the laws of the Church.  

The 8. conclusion of Armachanus against the Friars.  The 8. conclusion of this matter: That it is not agreeing to the rule of the Friars observant, to observe wilful beggary. which (saith he) may be proved, for that Friar Frances, both in his rule and in his Testament, being left to his Franciscans, doth plainly prefer labour before begging.  

The 9 conclusion of Armachanus. Touching this book of the masters of Paris condemned, look pag. 404. Ex Clement.  The 9 and last conclusion of this matter is. That the bull of pope Alexander the 4. which condemneth the book of the masters of Paris, impugneth none of these conclusions premised. For the proof thereof, he thus inferred.  
1. First, that Pope john the 24. in his constitution, beginning thus: 
Quia quorundam Pope Nicolas the 3. revoketh the Bull of pope Alexander the fourth.  Quia quorundam, affirmeth expressly, how Pope Nicholas the 3. revoked and called back the said Bull of Pope Alexander the 4. and all other writings of his: touching all such articles, which in the same foresaid constitution of this Pope john be conreined and declared. Wherein also is declared, how straight the poverty of the friars ought to be, which they call wilful poverty.  
2. Item, it is manifest and notorious to all men, how the said Pope Nicholas the 3. in his declaration showeth, how the friars both aught to labour with their hands and how moreover the said Friars ought not to preach within the diocese of any bishop, wheresoever they be resisted. Which being so, the conclusion appeareth, that the bull of Pope Alexander the 4. as touching these articles, is void and of none effect. Beside the which articles, there is nothing else in the said Bull of Alexander (that I remember) which unpugneth any of these conclusions premised.  

The end and conclusion of this Oration of Armachanus before the pope. Ex defensor to euratorum.  Many things more (said he) I had beside these, both to object and to answer again to the same: and to confirm more surely and firmly these my reasons and assertions premised. But I have already to much wearied your holiness, and your reverend Lordships here present. Wherefore I conclude and humbly and devoutly beseech you, according to my former petition premised in the beginning of this matter: that you judge not after the outward face, but judge ye true judgement. john. 7. Ex libro Armachani, cui titulus Defensorium Curatorum.   

Notes to be observed in this former Oration of Armachanus.  

Notes to be observed.  BY this Oration of Armachanus the learned Prelate, thus made before Pope Innocent and his Cardinals, divers and sundry things there be for the utility of the Church worthy to be observed. First what troubles and vexations came to the Church of Christ by these Friars. Also what persecution followeth after by the means of them, 
Contrariety among the pope's  against so many learned men & true servants of Christ. Furthermore, what repugnance and contrariety was among the Popes, & how they could not agree among themselves about the Friars. Fourthly what pestiferous doctrine, subverting well-near the testament of jesus Christ. Fiftly what decay of ministers in Christ's church, as appeareth pag. 411. Sixtly, what robbing and circumventing of men's children, as appeareth, pag. 411. seventhly, what decay of universities, as appeareth by Oxford, pag. 411. Eightly, what damage to learning, and lack of books to students came by these friars, as appeareth pag. 411. Ninthly, to what pride under colour of feigned humility to what riches, under dissimuled poverty they grew unto, here is to be seen. In so much that at length through their subtle & most dangerous hypocrisy they crept up to be Lords, Archbishops, Cardinals & at last also, Chauncelors of realms, yea and of most secret counsel with king and queens, as appeareth pag. 411.  

Whether the Friars make up the body of Antechrist or not.  All these things well considered, now remaineth in the church to be marked: that forsomuch as these Friars (with their new found testament of friar Frances) not being contented with the testament of God in his son Christ, began to spring the same time, when as Satan was prophesied to be let lose, by the order of the Scripture, whether therefore it is to be doubted, that these Friars make up the body of Antechrist, which is prophesied to come in the Church, or not: so much more to be doubted, because who so li●t to try shall find, that of all other enemies of Christ, of whom some be manifest, some be privy, all be together cruel: yet is there no such sort of enemies which more slightly deceiveth the simple christian, or more deeply drowneth him in damnation, then doth this doctrine of the Friars.  
But of this Oration of Armachanus enough. 
The death of godly Armachanus. The testimony of a Cardinal upon Armachanus.  which Oration what success it had with the Pope, by story it is not certain. By his own life declared, it appeareth, that the Lord so wrought, that his enemies did not triumph over him. Notwithstanding, this by story appeareth, that he was 7. or 8. years in banishment for the same matter, & there died in the same at Auinion, Of whom a certain Cardinal hearing of his death openly protested, that the same day, a mighty pillar of Christ's church was fallen.  
After the death of Armachanus, 
Ex Chron. reg. Rich. 2.  the Friars had contention likewise with the monks of Benedictes order about the same year, 1360. and so removed their cause both against the monks and against the university of Oxford, unto the court of Rome, wherein saith the author, they lacked an other Richard. Ex Botonero. By this appeareth to be true, 
Friars against the university of Oxford. English writers against the Friars. Friars that writ against Armachanus.  which is testified in the first tome of Wald. that long debate continued between the friars and the university of Oxford: Against whom first stood Robert Brosted bishop of Lincoln above mentioned: Then Sevallus of York. Afterward joannes Bachothorpe, and now this Armachanus, of whom here presently we entreat. And after him again john Wickliff, of whom (Christ willing) we will speak hereafter. Ex Waldeno. Against this foresaid Armachanus wrote divers Friars, Roger Conaway a Franciscan, john Heyldeshan Carmelite, Balfridus Hardby friar Augustine. Also friar Engelbert a Dominican, in a book entitled, Defensorium privilegiorum, and divers other. I credibly hear of certain old Irish Bibles translated long since into the Irish tongue, 
Testified by certain Englishmen which are yet alive & have seen it.  which if it be true, it is not other like but to be the doing of this Armachanus. And thus much of this learned prelate and Archbishop of Ireland, a man worthy for his christian zeal of immortal commendation.  
After the death of this Innocent, next was poped in that sea of Rome, 
Pope Vibane. 5.  pope Urbane the fift, who by the father's side was an englishmen. 
Anno. 1360.  This Urbane had been a long waiter in the court of Rome: and when he saw no promotion would light upon him, complaining to a certain friend of his, made to him his moan, saying: 
Vrbane complaineth that no promotion would fall upon him. An answered again to Vrbane being made Pope.  That he thought verily, if all the Churches of the world should fall, yet none would fall in his mouth. The which friend after seeing him to be Pope, and inthronised in his threefold crown, cometh to him, & putting him in remembrance of his words to him before, saith: that where his holiness had moaned his fortune to him, that if all the Churches in the world would fall, none would fall upon his head: Now (saith he) god hath otherwise so disposed, that all the churches in the world are fallen upon your head. etc.  
This Pope maintained and kindled great wars in Italy, sending Egidius his Cardinal and Legate, and after him Arduinus a Burgundian his legate and Abbot with great puissance and much money against sundry cities in Italy: 
Ex Sabel. Enead 9 lib. 8.  By whose means, the towns and Cities which before had broken from the bishop of Rome were oppressed: also Bernabes & Baleaceus princes of Millam, vanquished. 
How the church of Rome came by their royal possessions.  By whose example other being sore feared, submitted themselves to the Church of Rome. And thus came up that wicked church to her great possessions, which her patrons would needs father upon Constantine the godly Emperor.  
In the time of this Pope Urbane the 5. and in the second year of his reign, about the beginning of the year of our Lord. 1364. I find a certain Sermon of one Nicolas Drem, made before the Pope and his Cardinalies on Christmas even. In the which Sermon, the learned man doth worthily rebuke the prelate's and priest's of his time, declaring their destruction not to be far of, by certain signs taken of their wicked and corrupt life. All the sayings of the Prophets spoken against the wicked priests of the jews, 
Nicholaus Orem.  he doth aptly apply against the clergy of his time, comparing the Church then present to the spiritual strumpet spoken of in the 16. of the Prophet Ezechiel. And proveth in conclusion the clergy of the church then, to be so much worse than the old synagogue of the jews, by how much it is worse to sell that church & Sacraments, them to suffer doves to be sold in the church. with no less judgement also and learning he answereth to the old and false objection of the papists: who albeit they be never so wicked, yet think themselves to be the church which the Lord cannot forsake. All which things to that intent they may the better appear in his own words, I have thought here to translate and exhibit the Sermon as it was spoken before the Pope.  

¶ A copy of a Sermon made before Pope Vrbane. 5. the fourth sunday in advent 1364. by Nicholas Orem.  

A Sermon made before the Pope. Esay. 56. The world divided into two sorts of men before the incarnation of Christ.  IVxta est salus mea, ut veniat, & justitia. etc. That is: My saving health is near at hand to come, and my righteousness to be revealed. etc. Esay. 56. After the sentence of S. Paul Rom. 2. and in divers other places, before the Nativity of Christ: the whole world was divided into two sorts of men, the jews and Gentiles. The jews who waited for the opening of the door of Paradise, by the blood of the Saviour to come. The Gentiles who yet sitting in darkness were to be called to light, and to be justified by faith, as is written. Rom. 5.  
This salvation pertaining both to the jew and Gentile. God promised before time to the Fathers by the Prophets, to stir up the desire thereof in their hearts the more: and to increase their firm hope and faith in the same. As first in Mich. 6. the voice of the Lord crieth: Health and salvation shall be to all men which fear my name. And Esay. 46. I will give in Zion salvation, and in jerusalem my glory. etc. with divers such other places like. And forsomuch as hope in many times which is deferred, doth afflict the soul, and conceiveth weariness of long deferring: He therefore prophesying of the dearness of the coming thereof sayeth moreover. Esay. 14. his time is near at hand to come. Also Abacuc. 2. He will come and will not tarry, with many such other places mo●. So then the holy Fathers being in Limbo, looked & hoped that he should bring out them that sat bound, and which in the house of prison sat in darkness, as is read Esay. 41. Then the time drew on in which came the fullness of the Gentiles, and in which the Lord would declare the riches of this mystery being hidden from the world, and from generations. Col. 1. Wherefore the Lord in this text doth both certify our fathers of the coming of our Saviour, 
Division.  and doth comfort them touching the dearness thereof, and also teacheth the justification of the Gentiles by faith approaching now near at hand, according to the words of my text, juxta est salus mea. etc. Which words were fulfilled them, what time the Lord did manifest his salvation, and did reveal his righteousness in the sight of all the Gentiles. And is divided in 3. parts. Of which the first speaketh of the dearness of his coming, 
1 saxta est.  where is said, juxta est salus. etc. The second concerneth the mystery of the advent of Christ and his incarnation, 
2 Vt veniat.  where he saith: Vt veniat. etc. Thirdly is considered the severity of God, 
3 Vireveletat.  his terrible revenging judgement to be revealed, where he saith: Vt reveletur. etc. which is to be expounded of his primitive justice: whereof speaketh Amos the 5. 
Amos. 5.  saying: And judgement shall be revealed like a 'slud, and righteousness like a strong stream. Wherefore for our contemplation let us receive with joy the solemnities of his holy vigil, the word I say of God the father, that is, Christ. To whom it is said Esay. 49. I have given thee to be a light to the Gentiles, and to be my salvation, through the ends of the world. Again Esay. 46. My salvation shall not slack. etc.  
As touching the nearness thereof, it is in these days opened to us by the gospel, where we read in S. Math. When the virgin Mary was dispoused unto joseph before they did come together: she was found with child by the holy Ghost. By this it was evident to understand, that our saviour ought shortly to proceed out of the chaste womb of the virgin, according as the Prophet did foretell, saying: Behold a virgin shall conceive and bring forth a son. etc. For like as the grape when it waxeth great and full, is near to the making of wine, and the flower when it shooteth abroad, it hasteth to the fruit: So the salvation of the world in the swelling and growing of the virgin's womb, began to draw nigh to mankind. For than appeared the grace and bengnity of our Saviour, when his mother was found to have in her womb by the holy Ghost as is declared in that as followeth by the Angel saying: for that which is borne of her, is of the holy Ghost.  
Touching the 2. part of that which is said, ut veniat: this may be applied to the contemplation of the mystery of Christ's coming in the flesh. 
The second part of his theme.  Whereof speaketh Aggeus the Prophet 2. He shall come, who is desired and looked for of all nations. etc. Albeit the same also may be applied to the second Advent, spoken of the 3. of Esay. The Lord shall come to judgement etc. In memorial whereof, the 4. sunday was dedicate, in the old time of the fathers. And of this day of judgement is written in the Prophet Sophon. cap. 1. The day of the Lord is near: 
Aggeus. 2.  great & mighty it is approaching at hand & wondrous shoort. etc. And albeit not in itself, yet it may be expounded in tribulations that go before, as preambles unto the same: as Greg. saith: The last tribulation is prevented with many & sundry tribulations going before, although the end of all be not yet.  
Wherefore now coming to the 3. part of my sermon or the am, 
The third part of his sermon.  let us see of those tribulations that go before the last coming of Christ, if there be any such tribulation approaching nigh at hand, whereof this last part of my theme may be verified, where is said: ut reveletur, that my righteousness shallbe revealed to wit the righteousness primitive, that righteousness may be brought, and the Prophecy of Daniel fulfilled Dan. 9 Concerning which matter. 4. things here come in order to be declared.  
First concerning the revealing of tribulation, 
1. Vt reveletur.  according to that part of my theme. Vt reveletur. etc.  
Secondly, 
2. Vt juxta est.  concerning the nearness of the tribulation coming according to the part of my theme. Quia juxta est. etc.  
Thirdly, 
3. Vt Veniat.  of the false opinions of some, upon this part of my theme. Vt veniat etc.  
Fourthly, 
4. Salus.  what means and consultation we ought to take. Vt juxta est salus.  
As for the first, 
The first part of the subdivision.  it is so notorious and so common in the scriptures that the church should suffer and abide tribulation, that I need not here to stand in alleging any thing touching either the causes to be weighed, or the term to be conjectured thereof. As concerning the which causes, 
Two rules to be noted. The kingdom of Israel signifying the false Church.  I will give 2. rules to be noted before, for the better opening of that to follow. The first rule is, that by the 2. kingdoms of the nation of hebrews, which were in the old time, to wit, by the kingdom of Israel, whose head was Samaria, is signified in the prophets the erroneous synagogue: And by the second kingdom of juda, of whose stock came Christ, whose head metropolitan was jerusalem, is signified the true Church. 
The kingdom of juda signifieth the right church.  And this rule is not mine, but is an authentic gloze of S. Jerome, and also is the rule of Origene in the last Homely upon the old testament, and is approved by the church.  
The second rule is, 
The 2. rule.  that by the brothel house and fornication mentioned in the Prophets: is signified simony, and abused dispensations, and promotions of persons unworthy, for lukers' sake, or else for any other partial favour, which by unlawful ways, by all laws of the world to come to office and honour. Merx dicitur namque a merendo, that is, for gain or price is derived of gaining: For the which gain or price, that is sold which by nature ought not to be sold. Therefore, to give any thing for respect of gain or hire, which ought to be given freely for virtues sake, is a kind of spiritual corruption & as a man would say, 
Esay. 7.  an whorish thing, whereof the prophet Esay, complaineth speaking of jerusalem, and saying: The City which once was faithful and full of judgement, 
Osee. 9  how is it now become an whorish city? And in like manner Osee also the prophet. chap. 9 jerusalem, thou hast fornicated and gone an whoring from thy God. Thou hast loved like an harlot, to get gain in every barn of corn. And in many other places of Scripture, where fornication can not be otherwise expounded.  
These two rules thus premised, now let us mark the Scriptures, and according to the same judge of the whole state of the Church, both that is past, and that is to come: first entreating of the causes of tribulation to come: secondly of the vicinity of time of the said tribulation to come.  
And first concerning the state of the Church, 
Five states of the church described.  & of causes of tribulation. Thus saith the Lord in the prophet Ezechiel. 16. cap. speaking to the Church under the name of jerusalem. In the day of thy birth I came by thee, and saw thee trodden down in thine own blood. 
1. The martyrdom of the Church.  etc. Here he speaketh of the time of the martyrdom of the Church. Then it followeth: After this thou wast cleansed from thy blood, that wast grown up, & waxed great: them washed I thee with water, I purged thy blood from thee (speaking of ceasing of persecution) I anointed thee with oil, 
2. The prosperity of the church  I gave thee change of raiments, I girded thee with white silk, I decked thee with costly apparel, I put rings upon thy fingers, a chain about thy neck, Spangs upon thy forehead, and earrings upon thine ears. Thus wast thou decked with silver & gold, & a beautiful crown set upon thine head. marvelous goodly waist thou & beautiful, even a very queen wast thou: For thou wast excellent in my beauty, which I put upon thee, saith the Lord God. etc. This prophecy or rather history speaketh of and declareth, 
3. The corruption of the church  the prosperity of the church.  
And now hear the corruption and transgression of the church, for so it followeth: But thou hast put confidence in thine own beauty, and played the harlot, when thou hadst gotten thee a name. Thou hast committed whoredom with all that went by thee, and hast fulfilled their desires: Yea thou hast taken thy garments of divers colours and decked thine altars therewith, whereupon thou mightest fulfil thy whoredom of such a fashion as never was done, nor shall be. Which whoredom can in no wise be expounded for carnal, but spiritual whoredom. And therefore, see how lively he hath painted out the corruption and falling of the Church.  
And therefore followeth now the correction and punishment of the Church. 
4. The correction of the church.  It followeth: Behold, I stretch out my hand over thee, and will diminish thy store of food, and deliver thee over into the wills of the Philistines, and of such as hate thee: And they shall break down thy stues, and destroy thy brothel houses (that is, the place wherein thou didst exercise this wickedness) they shall strip thee out of thy clothes: All thy fair and beautiful jewels shall they take from thee, and so let thee sit naked and bare. 
Ezech. 16.  etc.  
Here is plainly to be seen what shall happen to the church and followeth more in the said chapter. Thine eldest sister is Samaria, she and her daughters upon thy left hand: But the youngest sister that dwelleth on thy right hand is Sodoma with her daughters, whose sins were these: pride, fullness of meat, abundance and idleness, 
〈…〉  neither wretched they their hand to the poor. And yet neither Sodoma thy sister with her daughters, 
〈…〉  hath done so evil as thou and thy daughters: Neither hath Sumaria (that is the synagogue) done half of thy sins, yea thou hast exceeded them in wickedness. 
Ezech. 23.  Take therefore and bear thine own confusion. etc. Again in the 23. chapter of Ezechiel. After the Prophet had described at large the wickedness, corruption, and punishment of the synagogue, turning to the Church, saith: And when her sister saw this, 
〈…〉  the raged and was mad with lust, love of riches, and following voluptuousness. Her fornication and whoredom she committed with Princes and great Lords, clothed with all manner of gorgeous apparel: 
〈…〉  so that her puppes were bruised, and her breasts were marred. And then speaking of her punishment, saith: Then my hart forsook her, like as my hart was gone from her sister also. And moreover repeating again the cause thereof, addeth: Thy wickedness and thy fornications hath wrought thee all this. etc.  
The like we find also in Esay, jeremy, Ezechiel and in all the other Prophets, who prophesying all together in one meaning: and almost in one manner of words: 
Osee. 2.  Do conclude with a full agreement and prophecy to come, that the Church shall fall, and then be punished for her great excesses, and to be utterly spoiled except she repent of all her abominations. Whereof speaketh Oseas chap. 2. Let her put away her whoredom out of her sight; and her adultery from her breasts, lest I strip her naked and set her even as she came naked into the world (that is in her primitive poverty) So if she do not it, 
Nahum. 3.  it shall follow of her as in the prophet Nahum, chap. 3. For the multitude of the fornication of the fair and beautiful harlot, which is a master of witchcraft, yea and selleth the people through her whoredom, and the nations through her witchcraft. And followeth upon the same: Behold I will upon thee saith the Lord of hosts, and will pull thy clothes over thy head, that thy nakedness shall appear among the heathen, and thy shame among the kingdoms. etc.  

5. The reformation of the Church.  Wherefore by these it is to be understand, that upon this Church the primitive justice of God is to be revealed hereafter. And thus much of the first of the four members above fore touched.  

Certain notes and signs, that the tribulation of the Church draweth near. 1. Sign. 2. Thess. 2.  Now to the second member of my theme, juxta est: concerning the dearness of time. Although it is not for us to know, the moments and articles of time: yet by certain notes and signs peradventure it may be collected and gathered, that which I have here to say. For the tractation whereof, first I ground myself upon the saying of the Apostle Paul. 2. Thessal. 2. where he writeth: That unless there come a defection first. etc. By the which defection. Jerome ultima quaest. ad inquisitiones januarij, gathereth and expoundeth allegorically, 
Except there come a defection first: how it is to be understanded.  the desolation of the monarchy of Rome: Between the which desolation, and the persecution of the Church by Antechrist, he putteth no mean space. And now what is the state of that common wealth, if it be compared to the majesty of that it hath been, judge yourselves. another gloze there is that saith, how by that defection is meant: that from the Church of Rome shall come a departing of some other Churches.  

2. Note or token.  The second note and mark is this, when the Church shallbe worse in manners than was the synagogue: as appeareth by the ordinary gloze upon the 3. of jeremy where it is written. The backslider Israel, 
The Synagogue and the church compared together in manners.  may seem just and righteous in comparison of sinful juda. That is, the synagogue in comparison of the Church of God Whereof writeth Origenes saying: Think that to be spoken of us what the Lord saith in Ezech. 16. Thou hast exceeded thy sister in thine iniquities. Wherefore now (to compare the one with the other) First ye know how Christ rebuked the Phariseis, who as Jerome witnesseth were then the clergy of the jews: of covetousness, for that they suffered doves to be sold in the temple of God. Secondly, for that they did honour God with their lips and not with their mouth, & because they said, but did not. Thirdly, he rebuked them, for that they were hypocrites. To the first then let us see, whether it be worse to sell both Church & Sacraments, then to suffer doves to be sold in the Temple or not. The second, where as the phariseis were rebuked for honouring to God with their lips, and not with hart: there be some, which neither honour God with hart, nor yet with lips: And which neither do well, nor yet say well, neither do they preach any word at all, but be dumb dogs not able to bark, impudent and shameless dogs that never have enough, such pastors as have no understanding declining & straying all in their own way, every one given to covetousness from the highest to the lowest. And thirdly, as for hypocrisy there be also some, whose intolerable pride & malice is so manifest and notorious, kindled up like a fire; that no cloak or shadow of hypocrisy can cover it, but are so past all shame, that it may be well verified of them which the Prophet speaketh. Thou hast gotten thee the face of an Harlot, thou wouldst not blush etc.  
The 3. sign and token of tribulation approaching near to the Church, 
3. Note o● token.  may well be taken of the to much unequal proportion seen this day in the church. Where one is hungry and statueth, another is drunk. By reason of which so great inequality, it cannot be that the state of the Church as it is now, can long endure. For like as in good harmony to make the music perfect, is required a moderate and proportion at equality of voices, 
〈…〉  which if it do much exceed it taketh away all the sweet melody: So according to the sentence of the Philosopher, by to much immoderate inequality or dispariety of citizens, the common wealth falleth to ruin. Contrary, where mediocrity, that is, where a mean inequality with some proportion is kept; that policy standeth firm & more sure to continue. Now among all the politic regiments of the gentlle, I think none more is to be found in histories, wherein is to be seen so great and exceeding odds, then in the policy of Priests: Of whom some be so high, that they exceed all Princes of the earth, some again be so base, that they are under all rascals, so that such a policy or common wealth, may well be called Oligarchia. 
Oligarchia, is where a few bear all the sway, and all the rest be nothing worth   
This may we plainly see and learn in the body of man, to the which Plutarch (writing to Thracinius) doth semblably compare the common wealth In the which body, if the sustenance received should all run to one member, so that that member should be to much exceedingly pampered, and all the other parts to much pined, that body could nor long continue. So in the body of the wealth ecclesiastical, if some who be the heads be so enormely overgrown in riches and dignity, that the weaker members of the body be scant able to bear them up, there is a great token of dissolution and ruin shortly. Whereupon cometh well in place the saying of the Prophet Esay. 
Esay. 1.  Every head is sick, every hart is full of sorrow, of the which heads it is also spoken in the Prophet Amos. 
Amos.  chap. 6. Woe be to the secure and proud wealthy in Zion, and to such as think themselves so sure upon the mount of Samaria, taking themselves as heads and rulers over other. etc. And moreover in the said prophet Esay it followeth: From the top of the head to the sole of the foot, there is no whole part in all the body, to wit: In the inferiors, because they are not able to live for poverty: in the superiors, because for their excessive riches, they are left from doing good. And followeth in the same place: But all are wounds and botches and stripes, behold here the danger coming, the wounds of discord and division, the botch or sore of rancour and envy, the swelling stripe of rebellion and mischief.  
The 4. sign is the pride of Prelates. 
4. Sign.  Some there have been which fond have disputed of the poverty of Christ, and have inveighed against the Prelates, because they live not in poverty of the saints. But this fantasy cometh of the ignorance of moral Philosophy and divinity, 
Pride●. Prelates noted.  and of the defect of natural prudence: for that in all nations, and by common laws, priests have had and ought to have wherewith to sustain themselves more honestly than the vulgar sort, and Prelates more honestly than the subjects. But yet hereby is not permitted to them their great horses, their troops of horsemen, their superfluous pomp of their waiting men and great families, which scarcely can be maintained without pride, neither can be sustained with safe justice, and many not without fight and injuries inconvenient: not much unlike to that as justine the historician writeth of the Carthaginenses. The family (saith he) of so great Emperors was untolerable to such a free City. In semblable wise, this great pride in the Church of God (especially in these days) doth move not so few to due reverence, as many to indignation: and yet more to those things aforesaid, which think no less but to do sacrifice to God if they may rob and spoil certain fat priests and parsons namely such as neither have nobility of blood, and less learning to bear themselves upon but are liars, servile and fraudulent, to whom the Lord speaketh by his Prophet Amos fourth. 
Amos 4.  Hear you fatted kine of Samaria, ye that do poor men wrong, and oppress the needy, the day shall come upon you. etc.  
The fift sign is the tyranny of the Prelates and Presidents, 
5. Sign.  which as it is a violent thing, so it cannot be long lasting. For as Solomon saith, Sap. 16. 
Sap. 16.  For it was requisite that (without any excuse) destruction should come upon those which exercised tyranny. The property of a tyrant is to seek the commodity not of his subjects, 
The tyranny of prelate's noted. Ezech. 34.  but only his will and profit. Such were the Pastors that fed not the lords flock, but fed themselves: of whom and to whom speaketh the Prophet Ezech. 34. Woe be unto those Pastors of Israel that feed themselves. Should not the shepherds feed the flocks? With many other threatenings against them in the said chapter. Woe be unto them which rejoice at the transgressions of such whom it lieth in their power to condemn, neither do they seek what he is able to pay, to whom crieth Micheas the Prophet 3. chap. Ye hate the good and love the evil, 
Micheas 3.  ye pluck of men's skins and the flesh, from the bones: ye eat the flesh of my people, and slay of their skin: ye break their bones, ye chop them in pieces as it were into a cauldron, and as flesh into the pot. 
Ezech. 34.  etc. And therefore the foresaid Ezechiel pronounceth: Behold I will myself upon the shepherds, and require my sheep from their hands, and make them cease from feeding my sheep, yea the shepherds shall feed themselves no more, for I will deliver my sheep out of their mouths, so that they shall not devour them any more.  

6. Sign. Promoting of unworthy ministers.  The sixth sign is in promoting of the unworthy, and of neglecting them that be worthy. This as Aristotle saith, is a great cause many times of the dissolution of common weals. And often times it so happeneth in the wars of princes, that the contempt and small regarding of the valiant, and the exalting of others that be less worthy, in gendereth divers kinds & kindlinges of sedition. For by the reason partly of the same, partly of the other causes above recited: We have read not only in books, but have seen with our eyes, divers flourishing Cities well-near subverted. Where as good men be not made of, but are vexed with sorrow & grief by the evil: the contention at length brasteth out upon the prince, as Haymo reciteth out of Origen. 
Haymo.  This hath always been the per verse incredulity of man's hard heart, that not only in hearing, but also in seeing: yet will they not believe that other have perished, unless they also perish themselves.  
The seventh sign is the tribulation of outward policy & commotions of the people, 
7. Sign.  which in a great part is now happened already. And therefore forasmuch as Seneca saith: Men do complain commonly that evils only come so fast: It is to be feared lest also the ecclesiastical policy be afflicted not only outwardly but also in itself. 
jerem. 4.  And so be fulfilled in us, that in jeremy is prophesied cap. 4. Murder is cried upon murder, and the whole land shall perish and suddenly my tabernacles were destroyed, and my tents very quickly. And Ezec. 7. 
Ezech. 7.  Wherefore I will bring cruel tyrants from among the heathen, to take their houses in possession, I will make the pomp of the proud, to cease, and their sanctuaryes shall be taken. One mischief and sorrow shall follow another, and one rumour shall come after an other, then shall they seek visions in vain at their prophets, the law shall be gone from their Priests, and wisdom from their Elders & ●.  

8. Sign.  The eight sign is the refusing of correction, neither will they hear their faults told them, so that it is happened to the princes and rulers of the Church, 
Zach. 7. Refusing of correction to the clergy. Esay. 30.  as it is written in the prophet Zach. ca 7. They stopped their ears that they would not hear: yea they made their hearts as an Adamant stone, lest they should hear the law and words which the Lord of hosts sent in his holy spirit by the Prophets aforetime. Also Esay witnessing after the same effect. cap. 30. saith: For it is an obstinate people, lying children and unfaithful, children that will not hear the law of the Lord: which say to the Prophets, meddle with nothing, and tell us nothing that is true and right, but speak friendly words to us. etc. All this shall be verified when the Prelates begin to hate them that tell them truth, 
Truth shent. Amos. 5.  and have knowledge, like unto such of whom Amos speaketh, chapter. 5. They bear him evil will that reproveth them openly and who so telleth them the plain truth, they abhor him And therefore saith the Lord to the Church of jerusalem. 
Osee. 4.  Ose 4. Seing thou hast refused understanding, I have refused thee also, that thou shalt no more be my priest. And for so much as thou hast forgotten the law of thy God, I will also forget thy children, and change their honour into shame. And so shall it be like priest, like people etc. And many other sayings there be in the prophets, speaking of the dejecting and casting down of the priestly honour.  
Besides these foresaid signs and tokens hitherto recited, there be also divers other: 
Lack of learned priests.  As the backsliding from righteousness, the lack of discreet and learned Priests, promoting of children into the Church with such other like. But these being already well noted and marked, you may easily judge and understand, whether these times now present of ours be safe and clear from tribulation to be looked for, and whether the word of the Lord be true according to my theme. juxta est justitia mea ut reveletur, my righteousness is near at hand to be revealed. etc. And thus much of the second part.  

The third part of member of the subdivision.  Now to the third part or member of my subdevision, which is concerning the false and perilous opinions of some, upon this word of my theme ut veniat etc. which opinions principally be 4. repugning all against the truth of the canonical Scripture.  

The first opinion.  The first opinion is of such men, who having to much confifidence in themselves, do think and persuade with themselves, that the Prelates be the Church, which the Lord will always keep and never forsake as he hath promised in the persons of the Apostles. Matthew. 28. saying: And I will be with you to the end of the world. etc. But this is to be understanced of faith, whereof Christ speaketh Luke. 
The church where it is, and in whom it consisteth Eccle. 40.  21. I have prayed for thee, that thy faith shall not fail. Whereof we read Ecclesiast. 40. faith shall stand for ever. etc. And albeit Charity wax never so cold, yet faith notwithstanding, shall remain in few, and in all distresses of the world: of the which distresses, our Saviour doth prophecy in many places to come And least peradventure some should think themselves to be safe from tribulation because they be of the church, this opinion the Lord himself doth contrary in jeremy the 7. 
jeremy. 7.  Trust not (saith he) in false lying words, saying: the temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord, and a little after, but you trust in words and lying counsels which deceive you and do you no good.  
The second opinion is of them, 
The 2. opinion.  which defer time, for this they well grant, that the Church shall abide trouble, but not so shortly: thinking thus with themselves, that these causes & tokens afore recited, have been before at other times as well in the church. For both by Gregory and Bernard holy doctors, in time past the Prelates have been in like fort reprehended, both for their bribinges, for their Pomp and pride, for the promoting of persons and children unfit unto ecclesiastical functions and other vices more, which have reigned before this in the Church of God more than now, and yet by God his grace, the Church hath prospered and stand. Do ye not see, that if an house have stand and continued ruinous a long season, it is never more near the fall thereby, but rather to be trusted the better? Moreover, many times it cometh so to pass in Realms and Kingdoms, that the posterity is punished for the sins of the predecessors. Whereof speaketh the book of Lamentations the 5. chapter. Our fathers have sinned, and are now gone, and we must bear their wickedness. 
Thren. 5.  etc. Against this cogitation or opinion well doth the Lord answer by the Prophet Ezechiel chapter 12 saying: Behold thou son of man the house of Israel sayeth in this manner. 
Ezech. 12.  Tush as for the vision that he hath seen, it will be many a day or it come to pass: It is far of yet, the thing that he prophesieth. Therefore say unto them, thus saith the Lord God: The words that I have spoken shall be deferred no longer, look what I have said, shall come to pass saith the Lord. etc. We have seen in our days things to happen, which seemed before incredible. And the like hath been seen in other times also: as we read written in the book of Lamentations chapter. 4. The kings of the earth nor all the inhabitance of the world would not have believed, 
Thren. 4.  that the enemy and adversary should have come in at the gates of the City, for the sins of her priests, and for the wickedness of her Elders that have shed Innocentes blood within her. etc. by Jerusalem, as is said, is meant them Church.  
The third opinion or error is very perilous and perverse, of all such as say, 
The third opinion, or error.  veniat, let come that will come: Let us conform out selves to this world, and take our time with those Temporifers which say in the book of wisdom. Sap. 2. Come let us enjoy our goods and pleasures that be present, 
Sap. 2.  and let us use the creature as in youth quickly. etc. Such as these be, are in dangerous case, and be greatly prejudicial to good men in the Church: And if the heads and rulers of the Church were so vile to have any such detestable cogitation in them, there were no place in hell to deep for them. This Church founded by the Apostles in Christ, consecrated with the blood of so many Martyrs, enlarged and increased with the virtues and merits of so many Saints, and endued so richly with the devotion of so many secular princes, and so long prospered hitherto: If it now should come into the hands of such persons, it should fall in great danger of ruin, and they for their negligence and wickedness well deserved of God to be cursed, yea here also in this present world to incur temporal tribulation and destruction, which they fear more: by the sentence of the Lord saying to them in the book of proverbs cap. 1. 
prover. cap. 1.  All my counsels ye have despised, and set my correction at nought. Therefore shall I also laugh in your destruction, when tribulation and anguish shall fall upon you.  
Fourthly, an other opinion or error is of such as being unfaithful, 
The fourth opinion, or error.  believe not any such thing to come. And this error seemeth to have no remedy, but that as other things & other kingdoms have their ends and limits set unto them, which they cannot overpass: 80 it must needs be, that such a domination & government of the Church have an end, by reason of the demerits and obstinacyes of the governors provoking and requiring the same: like as we read in the Prophet jeremy cap. 8. 
jerem. 8.  There is no man that taketh repentance for his sin, that will so much as say, wherefore have I done this? But every man runneth forth still like a wild horse in a battle And the Prophet jeremy in the 13. 
jerem. 13.  chapter of his prophecy: Like as the man of Ind may change his skin, and the Cat of mountain her spots, so may ye that be exercised in evil, do good. Whereunto also accordeth that which is written of the same Prophet. chap. 17. speaking of juda signifying the Church: 
jerem. 17.  The sin of juda (saith he) is written in the table of your hearts, and graven so upon the edges of your altars with a pen of Iron, and with an Adamant claw, which is as much to say, as indelible, or which cannot be razed out: as also ezechiel speaking of the punishment, 
Ezech. 21.  chapter 21. saith: I the Lord have drawn out my sword out of the sheath, and cannot be revoked. Notwithstanding, all these signify no impossibility, but difficulty, because that wicked men are hardly converted: for otherwise the Scripture importeth no such inflexibility with God, but if conversion come, he will forgive. So we read in the Prophet jonas cap. 3. 
jonas. cap. 3.  Who can tell? God may turn and repent, and cease from his fierce wrath that we perish not. And to the like effect saith the same Lord in jeremy. cap 26 Look thou keep not one word back, 
jerem. 26.  if peradventure they will hearken and turn every man from his wicked way, that I also may repent of of the plague which I have determined to bring upon them, because of their wicked inventions. etc. For the further proof whereof Ninivy we see converted, and remained undestroyd. etc. Likewise, the Lord also had revealed destruction unto Constantinople by sundry signs and tokens, as Augustine in a certain Sermon doth declare. And thus for the third part or member of my division.  

The fourth part or member of the subdivision.  Fourthly and lastly remaineth to declare, some wholesome concluding now upon the causes preceding: That is, if by these causes and signs (heretofore declared) tribulation be prepared to fall upon the Church, then let us humble our minds mildly and wisely. And if we so return with hart and in deed unto God, verily he shall rescue and help after an inestimable wise: and will surcease from scourging us, as he promiseth by his Prophet jeremy. 18. 
jeremy. 18.  If that people against whom I have thus devised, convert from their wickedness, immediately I will repent of the plague that I devised to bring upon them: speaking here after the manner of men: etc. Now therefore, for so much as tribulation and affliction is so near coming toward us, yea lieth upon us already, let us be the more diligent to call upon God for mercy. For I think verily these many years ●here hath not bene so many and so despiteful hearts and evil willers, stout, and of such a rebellious hart against the Church of God, as be now adays: neither be they lacking that would work all that they can against it, and lovers of new fangleness: whose hearts the Lord happily will turn that they shall not hate his people and work deceit against his servants, I mean against Priests whom they have now in little or no reputation at all: 
Esay. 5.  Albeit many yet there be through God's grace, good and Godly. But yet the fury of the Lord is not turned away, but still his hand is stretched out. And unless ye be converted, he shaketh his sword, he hath bend his bow, and prepared it ready. Yet the Lord standeth waiting, that he may have mercy upon you. Esay. 30. 
Esay. 30.  And therefore as the greatness of fear ought to incite us, so hope of salvation may allure us to pray and call upon the Lord, especially now toward this holy and sacrat time and solemnity of Christ's nativity: For that holy and continual prayer without intermission is profitable and the instant devotion and vigilant deprecation of the just man, is of great force. And if terreine kings in the day of celebration of their nativity, be wont to show themself more liberal and bounteous, how much more ought we to hope well, that the heavenly king of nature most benign, now at his natal and birth day, will not deny pardon and remission to such as rightly call unto him.  

joshua. 7.  And now therefore as it is written in joshua chap. 7. Be you sanctified against to morrow. etc. And saw unto him as it is written in the first book of Kings chap. 25. Now let thy servants I pray thee find favour in thy sight, 
1. Reg. 25.  for we come to thee in a good season. Moreover ye may find that ye ask, if that ye ask that which he brought in the day of his Nativity, that is, the peace of the Church, not spiritual only but also temporal, which the angelical noise did sound, and experience the same time did prove, testified by T. Livius, Plinius, and other heathen storywriwriters, which all marveled thereat saying: that such an universal peace as that ●ould not come on earth but by the gift of God. For so God did forepromise in the Prophet Esay. chap. 66. 
Esay. 66.  Behold I will let peace into jerusalem like a waterfloud. etc. And in the Psalm. 71. 
Psal. 71.  In his time righteousness shall flourish, yea and abundance of peace. etc.  
Therefore now (O reverend fathers in the Lord,) & you here in this present assembly, behold I say the day of life and salvation: Now is the opportune time to pray unto god, that the same thing which he brought into the world at his birth, he will grant in these days to his Church that is, his peace. And like as Ninivye was subverted overturned, and not in members but in manners: so the same words of my theme, juxta est justitia mea ut reveletur, may be verified in us, not of the primitive justice, but of our sanctification by grace, so that: As to morrow is celebrated the nativity of our Saviour, our righteousness may rise together with him, and his blessing may be upon us, which God hath promised, saying: My saving health is near at hand to come. etc. Whereof speaketh Esay the Prophet, 
Esay. 51.  chapte. 51. My saving health shall endure forever. etc. This health grant unto us the Father, Son and holy Ghost. Amen.   
This Sermon was made by master Nicholas Orem before Pope Urbane and his Cardinals upon the even of the Nativity of the Lord, being the fourth Sunday of advent, in the year of our Lord, 1364. and the second of his Hopedome.  

The order of Jesuits.  In the 5. year of this forenamed Pope Urbane, began first the order of the Jesuits. And unto this time which was about the year of our Lord, 1367. 
Anno. 1367.  the offices here in England, 
The chief offices of the realm translated from the clergy, to the Lords temporal. Pope Gregory. xi.  as the Lord Chancellor, Lord Treasurer, & of the privy seal: were wont to be in the hands of the clergy. But about this year through the motion of the Lords in the Parliament, and partly (as witnesseth mine author) for hatred of the clergy: all the said offices were removed from the clergy, to the Lords temporal.  
After the death of Pope Urbane, next succeeded Pope Gregory the 11. who among his other acres, first reduced again the papacy out of France unto Rome, which had from thence been absent, the space now of 70. years, being thereto moved (as Sabellicus recordeth) by the answer of a certain bishop, whom as the Pope saw standing by him asked, why he was so long from his charge and church at home, 
Anno. 1370.  saying: not to be the part of a good Pastor, to keep him from his flock so long. 
The papacy reduced again from France to Rome.  Whereunto the Bishop answering again, said: And you yourself being the chief Bishop, who may and aught to be a spectacle to us all: why are you from the place so long where your Church doth lie? By the occasion whereof, the Pope sought all means after that to remove and to rid his Court out of France again to Rome, and so he did.  
This 11. Gregory in a certain Bull of his scent to the Archb. of prague, maketh mention of one named Militzius a Bohemian, & saith in the same bull that this Militzius should hold apinion. & teach. an. 1366. that Antechrist was already come. Also that the said Militzius had certain congregations following him: & that in the same congragation were certain harlots, who being converted from their wickedness were brought to a godly life. Which harlots being so converted, he used to say were to be preferred before all the holy religious virgins. And therefore commanded the archbishop to excommunicate and persecute the said Militzius, 
Militzius ● Bohemian, for the truth persecuted by the pope Ex Bulla Gregory. 11  which in foretime had been a religious man of prague, and after forsook his order, and gave himself to preaching, and at length was by the foresaid Archb. imprisoned.  
jacobus Misnensis a learned man and a writer in the time of I. Hus, maketh mention of this Militzius, and calleth him a worthy and a famous Preacher. Also citeth many things out of his writings: In the which writings this good Militzius thus declareth of himself how he was moved & urged by the holy Ghost to search out by the sacred Scriptures, 
The coming of Antichrist prophesied.  concerning the coming of Antechrist. And that he was compelled by the same holy spirit at Rome publicly to preach, and also before the Inquisitor there to protest plainly, that the same great Antechrist which is prophesied of in the holy Scriptures, was already come. Moreover his saying was, that the church through negligence of the pastors was desolate, did abound in temporal riches, but in spiritual riches to be empty. Also that in the Church of Christ, where certain Idols which destroyed jerusalem, and defaced the Temple, but hypocrisy caused that those Idols could not be seen. Also that many there were which denied Christ, because that knowing the truth, yet for fear of men they durst not confess their conscience. etc. And thus much of good Militzius, living in the time of Gregory 11. and king Edward the third. an. 1370.  
The which king of England holding a Parliament in the 3. year of this Pope, sent his Ambassadors to him, desiring him: that he from thenceforth would abstain from his reservations of benefices used in the court of England. And that spiritual men within his realm promoted unto Bishoprics, 
K. Edward complaineth of the pope's reservation of benefices.  might freely enjoy their elections within the realm, and be confirmed by their metropolitans, according to the ancient custom of the realm. Wherefore, upon these and such other like wherein the king and the realm thought themselves grieved, he desired of the Pope some remedy to be provided. etc. Whereunto the Pope returned ascertain answer again unto the king, requiring by his messengers to be certified again of the king's mind concerning the same. But what answer it was, it is not in the story expressed, save that the year following, which was 1374. there was a tractation at Burges upon certain of the said articles between the king & the Pope, which did bang two years in suspense, so at length it was thus agreed between them: that the pope should no more use his reservations of benefices in England, 
The Pope put from his reserving of benefices in England. Quare impedit.  and likewise the king should no more confer and give benefices upon the writ, Quare impedit. etc. But as touching the freedom of elections to be confirmed by the Metropolitan, mentioned in the year before, thereof was nothing touched.  
As touching these reservations, provisions, and collations, with the elections of Archbishops, Bishops, beneficed men and other, wherewith the Pope vexed this realm of England, as before you have heard. The king by the consent of the Lords and commons, in the 25. year of his reign enacted: that according to a statute made in the 30. year of his grandfather Edward the first, wherein was made an act against the ravenous pillage of the Pope, through the same provisions, reservations, & collations. etc. but not put in execution. By the which provisions, the state of the realm decreased more and more, the king's royalty & prerogative greatly obscured and diminished, innumerable treasure of the realm transported, aliens & strangers placed in the best and fattest by shoprickes, abbeys, and benefices within the realm. And such, as either for their offices in Rome, as Cardinalships & such like could not be here resident, 
The law of ●munire 〈◊〉 the ●●altie ●●erof.  or if resident, yet better away for causes infinite, as partly have been touched before: Not only revived the said statute made by Edward the first his grandfather, but also enlarged the same. Adding thereunto very straight and sharp penalties against the offenders therein, or in any part thereof, as exemption out of the king's protection, loss of all their lands, goods, and other possessions, and their bodies to be imprisoned at the king's pleasure: And farther, who so ever was lawfully convict, or otherwise for want of appearance by process directed forth, were within the laps of this statute or praemunire (for so bare the name thereof) should suffer all and every such molestation & injuries, as men exempted from the protection of the king. In so much, that who so ever had killed such men, had been in no more danger of law therefore, then for the kill of an outlaw, or one not worthy to live in a common weal. Like unprofitable members were they then in that time, yea of ignorance esteemed in this common weal of England, as would offer themselves to the wilful slavery and servile obedience of the pope: which thing in these days, yea and that amongst no small fools, is counted more than evangelical holiness. He that list to peruse the statute, and would see every branch and article thereof at large discussed and handled, with the penalties therefore due: 
The Pope's primacy here in eng●●● bridled.  Let him read the statute of provision and praemunire, made in the 25. year of this kings days. And let him read in the statutes made in the parliaments holden the 27, year, and 38. year of his reign: And under the same title of provision and praemunire shall find, the pope's primacy and jurisdiction within this Realm more nearly touched, and much of his papal power restrained: In so much, that who soever for any cause or controversy in law, either spiritual or temporal, the same being determinable in any of the kings courts (as all matters were) whether they were personal or real, citations or other: or should either appeal or consent to any appellation, to be made out of the realm to the pope or see of Rome: should incurve the said penalty and danger of praemunire. divers other matters wherein the Pope is restrained of his usurped power, authority & jurisdiction within this realm of England: are in the said titles and statutes expressed, & at large set forth, who ever list to peruse the same, which for brevities sake I omit, hastening to other matters.  

S. Bridget.  About this time, being the year of our Lord. 1370. lived holy Brigit, whom the Church of Rome hath canonised not only for a saint, 
Ex lib. revelationum. Diva Bridgitta.  but also for a Prophetess: who notwithstanding in her book of revelations, which hath been oft times imprinted, was a great rebuker of the pope, and of the filth of his clergy, calling him a murderer of souls, a spiller, and a pillar of the flock of Christ: more abominable than Jews, more crueler than judas: more unjust than Pilate, worse than Lucifer himself. The see of the Pope she prophesieth, shallbe thrown down into the deep, like a millstone. And that his assister shall burn with brimstone: Affirming, that the prelate's, bishops, & priests are the cause, why the doctrine of Christ is neglected, and almost extincted. And that the clergy have turned the ten commandments of God into two words, 
Da pecuniam.  to wit, Da pecuniam, that is, give money. It were long and tedious to declare all that she against them writeth. Among the rest which I omit, let this suffice for all, where as the said Bridget affirmeth in her revelations, 
Rome a fertile ground of weeds & cockle.  that when the holy virgin should say to her son, how Rome was a fruitful and fertile field: yea, said he, but of weeds only and cockle. etc.  
To this Bridget I will join also Catherina Senensis, an holy virgin, 
Catherina Senensis. Ex Antonino. part. 3. histor.  which lived much about the same time, ann. 1379. Of whom writeth Antoninus. part. historiae. 3. This Katherine having the spirit of prophesy, was wont much to complain of the corrupt state of the church, namely of the prelate's of the court of Rome, & of the pope: prophesying before of the great schism, which then followed in the Church of Rome, and dured to the Council of Constance, the space of xxxix, years. Also of the great wars ano tribulation, which ensued upon the same. And moreover declared before and foretold, of this so excellent reformation of religion in the Church now present. The words of Antoninus be these. 
The reformation of religion prophesied of before.  After this virgin in her going to Rome, had told her brother of the wars and tumults that should rise in the countries about Rome, after the schism of the two Popes. I then curious to know of things to come, & knowing that she understood by revelation what should happen, demanded of her: I pray you (good mother) said I, 
The prophecy of Katherine.  and what shall befall after these troubles in the Church of God? And she said: By these tribulations and afflictions, after a secret manner unknown unto man, God shall purge his holy Church, 
Note.  and stir up the spirit of his elect. And after these things shall follow such a reformation of the holy Church of God, and such a renovation of holy Pastors, that the only cogitation and remembrance thereof maketh my spirit to rejoice in the Lord And as I have oftentimes told you heretofore, the spouse which now is all deformed and ragged, shall be adorned and decked with most rich and precious ouches and brouches. And all the faithful shall be glad and rejoice to see themselves so beautified with so holy shepherds. Yea and also the Infidels then alured by the sweet savour of Christ, shall return to the catholic fold, and be converted to the true Bishop and shepherd of their souls. give thanks therefore to God, for after this storm, he will give to his a great calm. And after she had thus spoken, she stayd, and said no more.  
Beside these aforenamed, the Lord which never ceaseth to work in his Church: stirred up against the malignant church of Rome, the spirits of divers other good & godly teachers, 
Mathias Parisiensis a writer against the pope.  as Mathias Parisiensis, a Bohemian borne, who about the year of our Lord 1370. wrote a large book of Antechrist, and proveth him already come, and noteth the Pope to be the same. 
Antichrist already come. The doctrine & protestation of Mathias.  Which book one Illiricus a writer in these our days hath, & promiseth to put it in print. In this book he doth greatly inveigh against the wickedness and filthiness of the Clergy, and against the neglecting of their duty in governing the church. The Locusts mentioned in the apocalypse, he saith, be the hypocrites reigning in the church. The works of Antechrist he saith be these, the fables and inventions of men reigning in the Church: the Images & feigned relics that are worshipped every where. Iten, that men do worship every one his proper Saint and Saviour beside Christ, so that every man and City almost hath his divers and peculiar Christ. He taught and affirmed moreover, that godliness & true worship of God, are not bound to place, persons, or times, to be heard more in this place, than in an other, at this time more than at an other. etc. He argueth also against the cloisterers which leaving the only and true Saviour, set up to themselves their franciscans, their Dominickes, and such other: and have them for their saviours, glorying and triumphing in them, and feigning many forged lies upon them. He was greatly and much offended with Monks & friars, for neglecting or rather burying the word of Christ and in stead of him, for celebrating & setting up their own rules and canons, affirming it to be much hurtful to true godliness, for that Priests, Monks, and Nuns do account themselves only spiritual, and all other to be lay & secular, attributing only to themselves the opinion of holiness, & contemning other men, with all their politic administration & the office as profane in comparison of their own. He further writeth that Antechrist, hath seduced all Universities & Colleges of learned men, so that they teach no sincere doctrine, neither give any light to the Christians with their teaching. Finally, he forewarneth that it will come to pass, that God yet once again will raise up godly teachers, who being fervent in the spirit and zeal of Helias, shall disclose and refute the errors of Antechrist, and Antechrist himself, openly to the whole world. This Mathias in the said book of Antechrist allegeth the sayings and writings of the University of Paris, also the writings of Guilielmus de sacto amore, and of Militzius afore noted.  
About the same time, 
joannes Moū●ziger protestant against the pope  or shortly after. an. 1384. we read also of joannes of Mountziger, Rector of the University of Ulme, who openly in the schools in his Oration propounded that the body of Christ was not God, and therefore not to be worshipped as God with that kind of worship called Latria, as the Sophister termeth it, meaning thereby the Sacrament not to be adored, 
Ann. 1384.  which afterward he also defended by writing: affirming also that Christ in his resurrection took to him again all his blood which in his passion he had shed. Meaning thereby to infer, that the blood of Christ which in many places is worshipped, neither can be called the blood of Christ, neither aught to be worshipped. But by and by he was resisted and withstood by the Monks and friars: who by this kind of Idolatry were greatly enriched, 
Nilus' the archbishop of Thessalonica.  till at length the Senate & council of the city was fain to take up the matter between them.  
Nilus was Archbishop of Thessalonica, & lived much about this time. He wrote a long work against the Latins that is, against such as took part and held with the Church of Rome. His first book being written in Greek, was after translated into latin, & lately now into english, in this our time. In the first chap. of his book, he layeth all the blame and fault of the dissension & schism between the East and the West Church upon the Pope. He affirmed that the Pope only would command what him listed, were it never so contrary to all the old & ancient canons. That he would hear and follow no man's advise: that he would not permit any free counsels to be assembled. etc. And that therefore it was not possible, that the controversies between the Greek Church and Latin Church, should be decided and determined.  
In the second chap. of his book, he purposedly maketh a very learned disputation. For first he declareth that he no whit at all by God's commandment, but only by human law, hath any dignity, more than hath other bishops: which dignity, the Counsels, the fathers, & the Emperors have granted unto him: Neither did they grant the same for any other consideration more, or greater ordinance: then for that the same City than had the Empery of all the whole world: and not at all for that that Peter ever was there, or not there.  
Secondarily he declareth, that the same premacy or prerogative is not such and so great as he and his Sycophants do usurp unto themselves. Also he refuteth the chiefest propositions of the Papists one after an other. He declareth that the Pope hath no dominion more than other patriarchs have, and that he himself may err as well as other mortal men: and that he is subject both to laws & counsels, as well as other Bishops. That it belonged not to him, but to the Emperor, to call general counsels: & that in Ecclesiastical causes he could establish and ordain no more than all other Bishop's might. And lastly, that he getteth no more by Peter's succession, then that he is a Bishop as all other Bishops after the Apostles be. 
jacobus Misuensis and Militzius.  etc.  
I can not among other, following here the occasion of this matter offered, leave out the memory of jacobus Misnensis, who also wrote of the coming of Antechrist. In the same he maketh mention of a certain learned man, whose name was Militzius, which Militzius (saith he) was a famous and worthy preacher in Parga. He lived about the year. 1366. long before hus, and before Wickliff also. In the same his writings he declareth, how the same good man Militzius was by the holy spirit of God incited, and vehemently moved to search out of the holy Scriptures the manner and coming of Antechrist: and found that now in his time he was all ready come. And the same jacobus saith, that the said Militzius was constrained by the spirit of God to go up to Rome, & there publicly to preach. And that afterward before the Inquisitor he affirmed the same. That the same mighty and great Antechrist, the which the Scriptures made mention of, was already comen.  
He affirmed also, that the Church by the negligence of the Pastors, should become desolate: and that iniquity should abound, that is, by reason of Mammon, master of iniquity. Also, he said that there were in the Church of Christ idols, which should destroy jerusalem, and make the temple desolate, but were cloaked by hypocrisy. Further, that there be many which deny Christ, for that they keep silence: neither do they hear Christ, whom all the world should know and confess his verity before men, which also wittingly do detain the verity and justice of God.  

Militzius persecuted by the Pope.  There is also a certain Bull of Pope Gregory 11. to the Archbishop of Praga: wherein he is commanded to excommunicate and persecute Militzius and his auditors. The same Bull declareth, that he was once a canon of Praga, but afterward he renounced his Canonship, & began to preach: who also for that he so manifestly preached of Antichrist to be already come: was of john Archbishop of Praga put in prison, declaring what his error was. To wit, how he had his company or congregation to whom he preached, and that amongst the same were certain converted harlots, which had forsaken their evil life, and did live godly and well: which harlots he accustomed in his sermons to prefer before all the blessed virgins that never offended. He taught also openly, that in the Pope, cardinals, Bishops, prelate's, priests, & other religious men: was no truth, neither that they taught the way of truth, but that only he, & such as held with him, taught the true way of salvation. His postil in some places is yet to be seen. They allege unto him certain other inconvenient articles, which notwithstanding I think, the adversaries to deprave him with all, have slanderously invented against him. He had as appeared by the foresaid Bull, very many of every state and condition, as well rich as poor, that cleaved unto him.  
About the year of our Lord. 1371. lived Henricus de jota, whom Gerson doth much commend, and also his companion Henricus de Hassia, an excellent learned and famous man. An Epistle of this Henricus de Hassia which he wrote to the Bishop of Normacia, jacobus Cartsiensis inserted in his book De erroribus Christianorum. In the same Epistle, the author doth greatly accuse the spiritual men of every order, yea and the most holiest of all other the Pope himself, of many and great vices. He said, that the Ecclesiastical governors in the primitive Church, were compared to the sun shining in the day time, and the political governors, to the Moon, 
Henricus de Hassia.  shining in the night. But the spiritual men he said, that now are, do never shine in the day time, nor yet in the night time, but rather with their darkness do obscure both the day and night, that is: with their filthy living, ignorance, and impiety. He citeth also out of the prophecy of Hildegaris these words: Therefore doth the devil in himself speak of you Priests: Dainty banquets & feasts, wherein is all voluptuousness do I find amongst these men: In so much that mine eyes, mine ears my belly, and my veins, be even filled with the froth of them, & my breasts stand astrut with the riches of them. etc. Lastly, saith he, they every day more and more as Lucifer did, seek to climb higher and higher: till that every day with him more and more, they fall deeper and deeper.  
About the year of our Lord. 1390. there were burned at Bringa 36. Citizens of Moguntina, 
The citizen of Mogūtin●.  for the doctrine of Waldenses, as Brushius affirmeth: which opinion was no thing contrary to that they held before, wherein they affirmed the Pope to be that great Antechrist, which should come: Unless peradventure the Pope seemed then to be more evidently convicted of Antechristianity than at any other time before, he was revealed to be.  
For the like cause, 
A brief rehearsal of such as were put to death for holding against the Bishop of Rome before the time of Wickliffe●  many other beside these, are to be found in stories, which sustained the like persecution by the Pope, if leisure would serve to peruse all that might be searched. As where Masseus recordeth of divers to the number of 140. which in the province of Narbone chose rather to suffer whatsoever grievous punishment by fire, them to receive the decretals of the Romish Church, contrary to the upright truth of the Scripture.  
What should I here speak of the 24. which suffered at Paris. an. 1210? Also in the same author is testified that an. 1211. there were 400. under the name of heretics burned 80. beheaded: Prince Americus hanged, and the Lady of the Castle stoned to death.  
Moreover, in the Chronicles of Hovedon, and of other writers be recited, a marvelous number, which in the countries of France were burned for heretics. Of whom, some were called Publicans, some Catharits, some Paterines', and other by others names. What their assertions were, I find no certain report worthy of credit  
In Tritenius is signified of one Eckhardus a Dominican friar, 
Eckhardus ● friar burned.  who not long before Wickliff's time, was condemned and suffered for heresy at Hedelberge. an. 2330. who as he differeth not much in name, so may he be supposed to be the saw, whom other do name Beghardus, and is said to be burned at Erphord.  
Of Albingenses because sufficient mention is made before of whom a great number were burned about the time of king john, I pass them over.  
Likewise I let pass the eremite, 
An Heremit disputing against the Pope's sacrament. Ranulphus.  of whom john Bacon maketh relation, in his. 2. Dist. Quaest. 1. Who disputing in Paul's church, affirmed that those Sacraments, which were then used in the church, were not instituted by Christ, An. 1306. Peradventure it was the same Ranulphus, mentioned in the flower of histories, & is said to die in prison: for the time of them doth not much differ.  
In Boetius, why the Pope should so much commend a certain king, because for one man, he had slain 400. cutting away the genitals from the rest, I can not judge, except the cause were that, which the Pope calleth heresy.  
But to let these things overpass that be uncertain, because neither is it possible to comprehend all them which have withstand the corruption of the pope's sea: neither have we any such firm testimony left of their doings, credibly to stay upon: we will now (Christ willing) convert our story, to things more certain & undoubted, grounding upon no light reports of feeble credit, nor upon any fabulous legends without authority: But upon the true and substantial copies of the public records of the Realm, remaining yet to be seen under the kings most sure & faithful custody. 
E● Archivis Regi● Marestatis  Out of the which records, such matter appeareth against the Popish church of Rome, and against his usurped authority, such open standing & crying against the said sea, & that not privily, but also in open parliament, in the days of this king Edward the third: that neither will the Romish people of this our age easily think it to be true when they see it, neither yet shall they be able to deny the same, so clear standeth the force of those records.  
Ye heard a little before, pag. 381. how john Stratford Archb. of Cant. being sent for and required by the king to come unto him, 
Parcial dissimulation in our histories of the Church of England.  refused so to do. What the cause was why he denied to come at the kings sending, is neither touched of Poiidore Virgil, nor of any other monkish Chronicler, writing of those aces and times. Whose part hath been, faithfully to have dispensed the simple truth of things done to their posterity. But that which they dissemblingly and colourably have concealed, contrary to true law of story, the true cause thereof we have found out by the true Parliament rolls, declaring the story thus.  
King Edward the 3. in the 6. year of his reign, hearing that Edward Bailol had proclaimed himself king of Scotland: 
Ex anno. 6. reg. ado 3. ●ut. 1.  Required counsel of the whole estate to wit, whether were better for him to assail scotland, and to claim the demesing or demeines of the same: or cl by making him party to take his advantage. And thereby to enjoy the service, as other his ancestors before him had done. For this cause he summoned a Parliament of all estates to meet at York, about the beginning of December. Where the king was already come, waiting for the coming of such as were warned thereunto. For the want of whose coming, the parliament was reiourned till monday, and from thence to Tuesday next ensuing. But forsomuch as most of the states were absent, the assembly required the continuance of the parliament, until the vtas of S. hilary then ensuing at York, which was granted. And so a new summons was especially awarded to every person with special charge to attend, so that the affairs of the king and the realm might not be hindered, because of the debate between the Archb. of Cant. and Archbishop of York, for the superior bearing of their cross.  

The Archb. of Cant. came not to the parliament at York, and all for bearing the cross.  In conclusion, for all the kings summoning, none other of all the Clergy came, but only the Archb. of York, the bishop of Lincoln, and of Carliel, & Abbots of York and Seleby. So that hereunto came not the Archb. of Canterb. nor any other of his province, and all for bearing the cross. Whereby the same was not only a loss to the opportunity to Scotland: but also an importable charge to the whole estate by a new reassembly. And thus much out of the records. Whereby thou mayest easily judge (prudent Reader) what is to be thought of these Pope holy Catholic Churchmen) being of the Pope's brood and setting up whom such frivolous causes of contention stir up to such disquietness, both among themselves, and also to such disobedience against their Prince: excuse them who can. Ex. An. 6. Regis Edwardi 3.  

Ex an 17. reg. Edovards. 3. tit. 39 The Pope's provisions restrained. 〈◊〉.  It followeth moreover in the same records, concerning the abandoning of the pope's provisions: how that the commons find great default at provisions coming from Rome, whereby strangers were enabled within this realm to enjoy ecclesiastical dignities, & show divers inconveniences ensuing thereby, namely the decay of daily almose, the transporting of the treasure to nourish the king's enemies the discovering of the secrets of the realm, & the disabling and impoverishing of the clerks within this realm.  
They also show how the pope had in most covert wise granted to two new Cardinals within this Realm, 
The church of England spoiled by the pope & his foreigners  (and namely to Cardinal Peragotz) above ten thousand marks of yearly taxes: They therefore required the king and nobles to find some remedy, for that they never could ne would any longer bear those strange oppressions, or else to help them to expel out of this realm the Pope's power by force.  
Hereupon, the King, Lords, and commons, sent for the act made at Carliel, 
The act of K. Edward the first, reu●ued for praemunire, tit. 60.  in the 35. year of king Edward the first, upon the like complaint: thereby forbidding, that any thing should be attempted or brought into the Realm, which should tend to the blemishing of the king's prerogative, or to the prejudice of his Lords or commons. And so at this time, the statute called the act of provision was made by common consent, which generally forbiddeth the bringing in of any Bulls, or such trinkets from the Court of Rome, or the using, enjoying, or allowing of any such bill, process, instrument, or such ware, as thereby at large doth appear. Whereof sufficiently is touched before, pag. 353.  
The penalty of which statute afterward followed in the next parliament, 
Anno. Reg. Edovardi. 3 ● tit 33. Presentati●● within 4. months. ●n. reg. 18. ●. 34.  An. Reg. Ed. 18. tit. 32. the which penalty was this: the transgressors thereof to lie in perpetual prison, or to be foriured the land. And that all justices of assize, gail delivery, and yer and determiner, may determine the same. Required withal, that the same act of provision, should continue for ever.  
Item, that the said 18. year of the reign of king Edward, tit 34. it was moreover propounded: that if any archbishop, or any person religious or other, do not present within 4. months some able clerk to any dignity, where any person hath obtained from Rome any provision, Bul, etc. but surcease the same: that then the King may present some able clerk. 
No elections to be taken by the pope, but only by the K. anno. reg. 18. tit. 35.   
Item, propounded in the said Parliament, an. 18. Reg. Ed 3. that if any Bishop elect, shall refuse to take any such bishoprics, other then by such Bull: that then such elect, shall not enter ne enjoy his temporalties without his special licence.  
Also, 
Dispositions of benefices only in the kings hand. an 18. Ed. 3. tit. 36.  that the king shall dispose all such benefices and dignities of such aliens his enemies, as remain in the country of his enemies, and employ the profits thereof to the defence of the realm.  
Moreover propounded, 
Bulls from Rome forbidden. an. 18 reg. Ed. 3. tit. 37.  that commissioners be sent to all the king's ports, to apprehend all such persons as shall bring in any such instrument from Rome, and to bring them forthwith before the counsel to answer thereto.  
Propounded furthermore, 
The deanery of York taken from the Cardinal. an. 18. reg. Ed. 3. tit. 38.  that the Deanery of York which is to be recovered by judgement in the kings court, may be bestowed upon some able man within the realm, who will maintain the same against him (meaning the Cardinal, who holdeth the same by provision from Rome, being the enemy to the king and to the realm) and that the profits may be employed to the defence of the realm.  
The kings answer. 
The king's answer & agreement to the foresaid petitions.  To all which petitions answer was made in form following: It is agreed by the King, Earles, Barons, justices, & other wise men of the Realm, that the petitions aforesaid, be made in sufficient form of law, according to the petitions aforesaid.  
¶ Note in this answer of the king (good reader) that at the grant hereof, 
Note, that the Bishops be not here named, and yet the parliament standeth in force.  the consent of the bishops is neither named, nor expressed, with the other Lords of the Parliament: and yet, the Parliament standeth in his full force, notwithstanding.   

Notes of the Parliament holden in the 20. year of king Edward 3.  
TO pass farther in the 20. year of the king's reign in the Parliament holden the same year, 
Alien monks to avoid, an. 20. Ed. 3. tit. 30.  it was propounded: that all alien Monks should avoid the Realm by the day of S. Michael, and that their livings should be disposed, to young English scholars. The livings of these the king took to his hands.  
Item, that the king may take the profits of all others strangers livings, 
The livings of strangers beneficed taken into the king's hand. tit. 21. The livings of Romish strangers disposed to English men, tit. 32. tit. 33.  as Cardinals and others, during their lives. The profits of whom were also in the king's hands.  
That such aliens enemies, as be advanced to liings here in England (being in their own countries, shoemakers, tailors, or chamberlains to Cardinals) should departed before Michaelmas, and their livings disposed to poor English scholars. The livings also of these remained in the king's hands.  
The commons denied to pay any payment, to any cardinals lying in France, to entreat of war or peace: which also was granted of the king's part as reasonable.  
Item, propounded and fully agreed, that the yearly advancement of two thousand marks (granted by the pope to two Cardinals, 
Cardinals deprived of their livings in England. tit. 34.  out of the provinces of Canterb. and York) should be restrained, and such as shall pursue therefore to be out of the law.  
Likewise enacted and agreed, that no English man should take any thing in farm of any Alien religious, ne buy any of their goods, nor be of their counsel, on pain of perpetual imprisonment.  
Enacted further, that no person should bring into the realm to any Bishop or other, any Bull, or any other letters from Rome, or from any Alien: unless he show the same to the chancellor or warden of the Cinque ports, upon loss of all he hath.  
Finally, in the end of the said Parliament, the bishops were commanded before the next convocation, to certify into the Chancery the names of such Aliens, of their benefices, and the values of the same.   

Notes of the 25. year of king Edward the third.  
THe Parliament of the 25. year, 
Ex Arch 25. an. reg. Ed 3. The pope's first fruits●& reservations more hurtful to the realm than all the king wars. tit. 14.  was begun the 6. day of February, the 25. year of king Edward 3. In the which parliament beside other matters more, was propounded: that remedy might be had against the pope's reservations, by which brocage and means the pope received the first fruits of all Ecclesiastical dignities: A more consumption to the Realm, than all the king's wars.  
Also the like remedy might be had against such, as in the Court of Rome presume to undo any judgement given in the kings court, 
To break of all appeals to Rome, tit. 14.  as if they enforced to undo the laws of the realm.  
Whereunto it was answered, that there was sufficient remedy provided by law.   

Notes of the 38. year of king Edward the third.  

The request of the K. for causes not to be determined at Rome. tit. 7.  IN the Parliament holden at Westminster, the 38. year of Edward 3. in the utaves of hilary (Simon Bishop of Ely being Lord chancellor) it was required by the kings own mouth, & declared to the whole estates: How daily citations & false suggestions were made to the pope, for matters determinable in his courts within the Realm, and for procuring provisions to Ecclesiastical dignities, to the great defacing of the ancient laws, to the spoiling of his crown, to the daily conveying away of the treasure to the wasting of ecclesiastical livings, to the withdrawing of divine service, almose, hospitality, and other acceptable works, 
What mischiefs come by transporting causes to Rome, tit. co.  and to the daily increase of all mischiefs: Wherefore, in person and by his own month, the king required the whole estate to provide here of due remedy.  
To be noted finally in this parliament of the 38. year, that the Act of provisors, brought in this parliament, although in the printed copy. 
The printed statute of provision not agreeing in all terms against the pope, with the record tit. 9  cap. 1.2.3.4. doth agree with the record, in manner: yet in the said records vnprinted, are more biting words against the Pope: a mystery not to be known of all men.   

Notes of the 40. year of king Edward the third.  

Ex an. reg. Ed. 40. tit. 7. videlicet.  IT followeth moreover in the said Acts of king Edward the 3. and in the 40. year of his reign, an other Parliament was called at Westminster the 3. of May. An. 1366. the Bishop of Ely being Lord chancellor and speaker. Who in the 2. day of the said assembly in the presence of the King, Lords and commons, declared: how the day before, generally they understood the cause of this their assembly, and now more particularly should understand the same: specially how that the king understood, that the Pope (for the homage which K. john made to the sea of Rome for the Realms of England & Ireland, 
The pope mindeth to send for the king up by proce●.  and for the tribute by him granted) meant by process to cite the king of Rome, to answer thereto. Wherein, the king required their advises, what were best for him to do, if any such thing were attempted. The Bishops by their selves required respite of answer, until the next day. So did the Lords & commons every of them by their selves.  
The same next day, the whole estates reassembled together, & by common consent enacted in effect following, 
K. john could not without consent of parliament become tributary to the pope. tit. 8. Agreed by parliament, that the K. by force should resist the Pope. brawl between the 4. orders of Friars and the two universities. Ex. tit. 10.  uz. For as much as neither K. john nor any other king, could bring his realm & people in such thraldom & subjection, but by common assent of Parliament, the which was not done: and therefore done against his oath at his coronation (besides many other causes.) If therefore the Pope should attempt any thing against the King, by process or other matter in deed: That the king shall his subjects, should withal their force and power resist the same.  
Here moreover is not to be omitted, how in the said present Parliament, the Universities of Oxford & Cambridge on the one side, and the Friars of the four orders mendicants in the said universities on the other side: Made long complaints the one against the other, to the king in Parliament, and in the end submitted themselves to the king's order.  
After which, the king upon full digesting of the whole matter (by assent of Parliament) took order: that as well the Chancellor & scholars, as the friars of those orders in the said Universities: should in all graces and other school exercises, use each other in friendly wise, without any rumour as before. That none of those orders, should receive any scholars into their said orders, being under the age of 18. years.  

The friars subject to the king's order only in all their controversies, parliament. tit. 12.  That the said Friars shall take no advantage, ne procure Bulls or other process from Rome, against the said universities, or proceed therein.  
And that the king have power to redress all controversies, between them from thence forth. And the offenders to be punished at the pleasure of the King, and of the counsel.   


Ex Archivis regiae maiestatis. an. 50. Reg. Ed. 3. tit. 94.  Notes of the 50. year of king Edward the third.  
IN process of the foresaid Acts and Rolls, it followeth more, that in the 50. year of the reign of king Edward the 3. the year of our Lord 1376. an other great Parliament was assembled at Westminster the xxiv. of April: Where, Sir john Knyvet being Lord chancellor of England, a certain long Bill was put up against the usurpations of the Pope, as being the cause of all the plagues, murrions, famine, and poverty of the realm, so as thereby was not left the third person, or other commodity within the realm that lately was.  
2. That the taxes paid to the Pope of Rome for Ecclesiastical dignities, 
Against the usurpation of the pope.  do amount to five fold as much, as the tax of all profits as appertain to the king by the year of his whole Realm: And that for some one bishopric or other dignity, the Pope by way of translation and death, hath 3.4. or 5. several taxes.  
3. That the brokers of that sinful City, 
The Pope cause of all mischiefs in England.  for money promote many caitiffs (being altogether unlearned and unworthy) to a 1000 marks living by year, where the learned and worthy can hardly obtain 20. marks, wherelearning decayeth.  
4. That aliens (enemies to this land) who never saw ne care not to see their parishioners, 
The treasure of the Realm conveyed away by the pope● means. 〈◊〉 97.  have those livings whereby they despise God's service, & convey away the treasure, and are worse than jews or Saracens.  
5. Also it was put up in the said Bill to be considered, that the laws of the church, would such livings to be bestowed for charity, only without praying or paying.  
6. That reason would that livings given of devotion, should be bestowed in hospitality.  
7. That God had committed his sheep to the Pope, to be pastured and not shorn or shaven.  
8. That lay patrons perceiving the covetousness and simony of the pope, 
The Pope giveth example to 〈◊〉 benefices, tit. 99  do thereby learn to sell their benefices to beasts, none otherwise than Christ was sold to the jews.  
9 That there is none so rich a Prince in Christendom, that hath the fourth part of so much treasure, as the Pope hath out of this realm, for churches most sinfully.  
10. Over and besides in the said Bill, 
Inestimable that the P. hath here out of England, tit. 1●0  repeating again the tendering zeal, for the honour of the Church: was declared and particularly named, all the plagues which have justly fallen upon this realm, for suffering the same church to be so defaced, with declaration that it will daily increase without redress.  
11. Whereupon, 
Reservation of the church of England desired in the Parliament. tit. 111.  with much persuasion this was desired, to help to re-edify the same: and the rather for that, this was the year of Jubilee, the 50. year of the kings reign, the year of joy and gladness, than the which there could be no greater.  
12. The means how to begin this, was to write 2. letters to the Pope: the one in Latin under the kings scale, the other in French under the seals of the nobles, importing their particularities, & requiring redress, of the which letter of the Lords, the effect may be seen in a like letter mentioned before, pag. 479.  
13. And for a further accomplishment hereof to enact, 
Acts made for no money to be transported. tit. 103.  that no money were carried forth of the realm by letter of Lombary or otherwise, or pain of forfeiture and imprisonment, and to enact the articles hereafter ensuing.  
14. The king hath heretofore by statute provided sufficient remedy, and otherwise pursueth the same with the holy father the Pope, & so mindeth to do from time to time, until he hath obtained aswell for the matters before, as for the articles ensuing being in a manner all one.  
15. That the pope's collector & other strangers the king's enemies, 
Against the Pope's lyge: spies, & collectors, tit. 104. The Pope's collection what it cometh to. tit. 205. The best dignities in England, in the Cardinals. tit. 106.  and only lyger spies for English dignities, and disclosing of the secrets of the realm, may be touched.  
16. That the same collector being also receavour of the pope's pence, keepeth a house in London with clerks and officers thereto, as it were one of the kings solemn courts, transporting yearly to the Pope xx. M. marks, and most commonly more.  
17. That Cardinals & other aliens remaining at Rome, whereof one Cardinal is Deane of York, an other of Salisbury, an other of Lyncoln, an other archdeacon of Canterbury, an other Archdeacon of Duresme, an other archdeacon of Suffolk, an other Archdeacon of York, an other prebendary of Thame & Nassington, an other prebendary of Bucks in the Church of York: Have divers of the best dignities of England, 
The Pope maintaine● the king's enemies with the kings money. tit. 207. The Pope's practice in ●ngland to make m●ney. tit. 101.  & have sent over to them yearly xx. M. marks over and above that which English brokers lying there, have.  
18. That the Pope (to ransom the frenchmen the king's enemies, who defond Lombary from him) doth always at his pleasure levy a subsidy of the whole Clergy of England.  
19 That the Pope for more gain maketh sundry translations of all the bishoprics and other dignities within the Realm.  
20. That the pope's collector hath this year taken to his dic the first fruits of all benefices, by collation or provision.  

The law of 〈…〉  21. To renew all the statutes against provisors from Rome, sith that the Pope reserveth all the benefices of the world for his own proper gift, & hath this year created 12. new Cardinals, so as now there are thirty, where was wont to be but 12. and all those Cardinals, except 2. or 3. are the king's enemies.  
22. That the Pope in time, will give the temporal manors of those dignities to the kings enemies, 
Against the pope's usurption, tit. 112.  sith he so daily usurpeth upon the Realm, and the king's regalities.  
23. That all houses and corporations of religion, who unto the kings reign now had free election of heads, the Pope hath encroached the same to himself.  
24. That in all legacies from the Pope, whatsoever: the English clergy beareth the charge of the legates, 
English money payeth the Pope's legates, t●t 113. No good money in the realm for the pope and Card. 〈◊〉 114. The Pope's colector or proctor dri●●n out of the realm, 〈◊〉 115. The Pope's collector to be examined.  and all for the goodness of our money.  
25. And so it appeareth, that if the money of the Realm were as plentiful as ever it was: the Collectors aforesaid, with the Proctors of Cardinals, would soon convey the same.  
26. For remedy hereof it may be provided, that no such Collector or Proctor do remain in England, on pain of life and member. And that no English man on the like pain, become any such Collector or Proctor, or remain at Rome.  
27. For better information hereof, and namely touching the Pope's Collector, for that the whole clergy being obedient to him, dare not displease him: It were good, that sir john Strensale, parson of S. Botulphes in Holborn, may be sent to come before the Lords and commons of this Parliament. who being straightly charged, can declare much more, for that he served the same Collector in house 5. years.  

English mē●ood asses.  ¶ And thus much of this bill touching the pope's matters: whereby it may appear, not to be for nought that hath been upon us reported by the Italians and other strangers, which used to call English men good Asses: for they bear all burdens that be laid upon them.  

Orders taken in London against usury, ●●. 158.  Item, in the said parliament it was provided also, that such order as is made in London against the horrible vice of usury, may be observed throughout the whole realm.  
The commons of the diocese of York complain of the outrageous taking of the Bishop and his clerks, 
Complaint against the B. of York and his officers for their excelsive ●●ing for their admissions. tit. 171 Ex Archi●● Reg. ●●●. 3. an. regni. 51. tit. 36. Against the pope's provisions from Rome, ann. reg. ●1. tit. 36 The effect of the Chancellors Oration.  for admission of priests to their benefices.  
To these records of the parliament above prefixed of the 50. year of this king Edward: we will adjoin also other notes, collected out of the parliament, in the year next following, which was 51. and last year of this king's life and reign, An. 1377. the 27. of january: Although in the printed book, these statutes are said to be made at the parliament holden, as above in the 50. year which is much mistaken, and aught to be referred to the 51. year, as by the records of the said year, manifestly doth appear.  
In which Parliament, the Bishop of S. David's being Lord chancellor, making a long oration, taking his theme out of S. Paul: Libenter suffertis insipientes. etc. Declaring in the said Oration many things, as first, in showing the joyful news of the old king's recovery: then declaring the love of God toward the king and realm, in chastising him with sickness: afterward showing the blessing of God upon the king, in seeing his children's children: Then by a similitude of the head & members, exhorting the people as members to conform themselves to the goodness of the head. Lastly, he turned his matter to the Lords and the rest, declaring the cause of that assembly: that for somuch as the French king had allied himself with the spaniards and Scots the kings enemies, which had prepared great powers, conspiring to blot out the English tongue and name: the king therefore was willing to have therein their faithful counsel.  

The cause of this parliament chief for the Pope's usurpation against the king.  This being declared by the Bishop: Sir Robert Ashton the king's chamberlain, declaring that he was to moon them from the king, for the profit of the realm (the which words perca●e lay not in the bishops mouth, for that it touched the Pope) uz. By protesting first, that the King was ready to do all that aught to be done for the pope. But for that divers usurpations were done by the Pope to the King his crown, and Realm, as by particular bills in this parliament should be showed, 
Against the pope his provisions from Rome ●n. reg. 51. ●it. 35 The kings unswere.  he required of them to seek redress.  
In this present parliament petition was made by the commons, that all provisors of things from Rome, & their ministers, should be out of the kings protection.  
Whereunto the king answered, that the Pope had promised redress, which if he did not, the laws than should stand.  
It was also in that Parliament required, that every person of what sex soever, 
Against the P. his disp●tations tit 62.  being professed of any religion, continuing the habit of 15. years, may upon the triail of the same in any of the king's courts, be in law utterly forbarred of all inheritance, albeit he have dispensation from the pope. Against which dispensation, is the chief grudge. whereunto the king and the lords answered, saying, that they would provide.  
Item, in the said Parliament was propounded, that the statute of provisors made at any time may be executed, and that remedy may be had against such Cardinals, as have within the provinces of Caunterbury and York, purchased reservations, 
By this Anteferri, that is, 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉, the pre-eminence 〈◊〉 the king. The pope's law of preminer●, which now we corruptly call premi●ine, deba●ed by the K tit. 78.  with the clause of Anteferri, to the value of xx. or thirty. thousand Scures of gold against the Pope's Collector: who was wont to be an Englishman, and now is a mere French, residing at London, & conveyeth yearly to the Pope xx. M. marks, or xx. M. pound, who this year gathereth the first fruits whatsoever. Alleging the means to meet with these reservations and novelries, as: to command all strangers to departed the Realm during the wars, that no English man to become their farmer, or to send to them any money without special licence, on pain to be out of the king's protection: whereunto was answered by the king, that the statutes and ordinances therefore made, should be observed.  
In these rolls and records of such parliaments as was in this king's time continued, 
Ex acts parliaments in an. reg. Ed. rer●g. 15 tit. 24.  divers other things are to be noted much worthy to be marked, and not to be suppressed in silence. Wherein the Reader may learn and understand the state of the king's jurisdiction here within this realm, not to be straightened in those days (although the Pope then seemed to be in his chief ruff) as afterward since in other king's days was seen. As may appear in the parliament of the 15. year of this king Edward the 3. and in the 24. article of the said Parliament: where it is to be read, 
Punishment of the clergy in the temporal men's hands.  that the king's officers and temporal justices did then both punish usurers, an● impeached the officers of the Church for bribery, and for taking money for temporal pain, probate of wills, solemnity of Marriage. etc. all the pretenced liberties of the popish church to the contrary notwithstanding.  
Furthermore, in the Parliament of the 25. year, appeareth: 
Clerks subject to temporal law.  that the liberties of the clergy and their exemptions in claiming the deliverance of men by their book under th● name of Clerks, stood then in little force, as appeared by one Hauketyne Honby knight: who for imprisonning one of the king's subjects, till he made fine of 20. li. was therefore executed, notwithstanding the liberty of the Clergy, which by his book would have saved him, but could not.  
The like also appeared by judgement given against a priest at Nottingham, for killing of his master.  
And likewise by hanging certain monks of Comb. Ex Parliam. An. 23. Ed. 3.  
Item, in the Parliament of the 15. year, by apprehending of I. Stratford, 
The raynment of the Archb. of Cant. an. 15. Ed. 3. tit. 49.  Archbishop of Canterbury, and his arrainment: concerning which his arrainment, all things were committed to sir William of Kildisby.  
Besides these truths and notes of the king's Parliaments, wherein may appear the toward proceedings of this king & of all his commons against the pretenced church of Rome: This is moreover to be added to the commendation of the king, how in the volumes of the acts & rolls of the king appeareth. That the said king Edward the 3. sent also john Wickleffe, 
john Wickliff sent with the king's Ambassadors by the K.  reader then of the Divinity lector in Oxford, with certain other Lords & Ambassadors over into the parts of Italy, to treat with the Pope's Legates concerning affairs betwixt the King and the Pope with full commission: the tenor whereof here followeth expressed. REX universis, ad quorum notitiam presentes literae pervenerint. etc.  
In English thus.  
The King to all and singular to whom these presents shall come greeting. Know ye, that we reposing assured confidence in the fidelity and wisdom of the reverend father john Bishop of Bangor, and other our loving and faithful subjects, M. john Wickliff, reader of the divinity lecture, M. john Gunter Deane of Segobyen. and M. Simon Moulton doctor of the law, Sir William Burton Knight, M john Belknappe, & M. john Honnington, have directed them as our Ambassadors and special Commissioners to the parts beyond the seas. giving to the said our Ambassadors and Commissioners, to six or five of them, of whom I will that the said Bishop shallbe one, full power and authority, with commandment special, to treat and consult mildly and charitably with the Legates and Ambassadors of the L. Pope touching certain affairs. Where upon of late we sent heretofore the said Bishop, and M. William Vghtred monk of Duresme, and M. john Shepie to the see Apostolical: And hereof to make full relation of all things done and passed in the said assembly, that all such things which may tend to the honour of holy Church and the advancement of our crown and this our realm may by the assistance of God and the wisdom of the see Apostolical be brought to good effect, and accomplished accordingly. Witness ourselves. etc. at London dated the 26. day of july in the 48. year of our reign.  
By the which it is to be noted, what good will the king then bare to the said Wickleffe, and what small regard he had to the sinful sea of Rome.  
Of the which john wickleff, because we are now approached to his time: remaineth consequently for our story to entreat of, so as we have here to fore done of other like valiant soldiers of Christ's Church before him.   

¶ john Wickliff.  

Here beginneth the story of john Wickliff  AFter all these heretofore recited, by whom (as ye have heard) it pleased the Lord something to work against the Bishop of Rome, & to weaken the pernicious superstition of the Friars. Now remaineth consequently following the course of years, orderly to enter into the story and tractation of john Wickleffe our countryman, and other more of his time, and same country, whom the Lord (with the like zeal and power of spirit) raised up here in England, to detect more fully and amply the poison of the Pope's doctrine, & false religion set up by the Friars. In whose opinions and assertions, albeit some blemishes perhaps may be noted: yet such blemishes they be, which rather declare him to be a man that might err, than which directly did fight against Christ our Saviour, as the Pope's proceedings and the friars did. And what doctor or learned man hath been from the prime age of the church, so perfect, so absolutely sure, in whom no opinion hath sometime swerved awry? 
The blemishes of Wickliff made worse than they be.  And yet be the said articles of his, neither in number so many, nor yet so gross in themselves and so cardinal, as those Cardinal enemies of Christ perchance do give them out to be: if his books whom they abolished, were remaining to be conferred with those blemishes, which they have wrested to the worst, as evil will never said the best.  
This is certain and can not be denied, but that he being the public Reader of Divinity in the University of Oxford: was for the rude time wherein he lived, famously reputed for a great clerk, a deep schoolman, & no less expert in all kind of philosophy. 
The testimony of Walden an enemy in commendation of Wickliff.  The which doth not only appear by his own most famous and learned writings and monuments, but also by the confession of Walden his most cruel & bitter enemy. Who in a certain Epistle written unto pope Martin the fift, saith that he was wonderfully astonished at his most strong arguments, with the places of authority which he had gathered, with the vehemency and force of his reasons. etc. And thus much out of Walden. It appeareth by such as have observed the order and course of tunes, that this wickleffe flourished about the year of our Lord. 
Ann. 1371. The time of I. Wickliff.  1371. Edward the third reigning in England: for thus we do find in the Chronicles of Caxton. In the year of our Lord 1371. (sayeth he) Edward the third, king of England in his Parliament, was against the Pope's clergy: He willingly hearkened and gave ear to the voices and tales of heretics, with certain of his counsel: conceiving and following sinister opinions against the Clergy. Wherefore (afterward) he tasted and suffered much adversity & trouble. 
Anno. 1372.  And not long after, in the year of our Lord (saith he) 1372. he wrote unto the Bishop of Rome, that he should not by any means intermeddle any more within his kingdom as touching the reservation, or distribution of benefices: and that all such by shops as were under his dominion, should enjoy their former and ancient liberty, and be confirmed of their metropolitans, as hath been accustomed in tunes past. 
Ex Caxtono.  etc. Thus much writeth Caxton: But as touching the just number of the year and time, we will not be very curious or careful about, at this present. This is out of all doubt, that at what time all the world was in most desperate and vile estate, & that the lamentable ignorance and darkness of God his truth had overshadowed the whole earth: this man stepped forth like a valiant champion, unto whom it may justly be applied that is spoken in the book called Ecclesiasticus of one Simon the son of Onias. Even as the morning star being in the midst of a cloud, & as the Moon being full in her course, and as the bright beams of the Sun, so doth he shine and glister in the temple and Church of God.  
Thus doth almighty God continually succour & help, when all things are in despair: being always (according to the prophecy of the Psalm) a helper in time of need. The which thing never more plainly appeared, then in these latter days and extreme age of the Church: when as the whole state & condition (not only of worldly things, but also of Religion) was depraved and corrupted. That like as the disease named Lethargus among the Phis●uons, even so the state religion amongst the Divines, was past all men's help and remedy. The only name of Christ remained amongst Christians, but his true & lively doctrine was as far unknown unto the most part, as his name was common unto all men. As touching faith, consolation, the end & use of the law, 
A description of Wickliff's tim●.  the office of Christ, of our impotency and weakness, of the holy ghost, of the greatness & strength of sin, of true works, of grace and free justification of liberty of a Christian man, wherein consisteth and resteth the sum and matter of our profession: there was no mention or any word almost spoken of Scripture, learning & divinity, was known but unto a few, & that in the schools only: & there also turned & converted almost all into sophistry. In stead of Peter & Paul, men occupied their time in studying Aquinas and Scotus, and the master of sentence. The world leaving & forsaking the lively power of God's spiritual word and doctrine, was altogether led and blinded with outward ceremonies & humane traditions, wherein the whole scope, in a manner of all christian perfection did consist & depend. In these was all the hope of obtaining salvation fully fixed: hereunto all things were attributed. In so much, that scarcely any other thing was seen in the temples or Churches, taught or spoken of in sermons, or finally intended or gone about in their whole life, but only heaping up of certain shadowed ceremonies upon ceremonies, neither was there any end of their heaping.  
The people were taught to worship no other thing but that which they did see, and did see almost nothing which they did not worship.  
The Church being degenerated from the true Apostolic institution above all measure (reserving only the name of the Apostolic Church, but far from the truth thereof in very deed) did fall into all kind of extreme tyranny: where as the poverty and simplicity of Christ was changed into cruelty and abomination of life. In stead of the Apostolic gifts and continual labours and traveles, slothfulness & ambition was crept in amongst the priests. Besides all this, there arose & sprung up a thousand sorts and fashions of strange religions, being the only root & well head of all superstition. How great abuses and depravations were crept into the Sacraments, at what time they were compelled to worship similitudes and signs of things, for the very things themselves: and to adore such things as were instituted and ordained only for memorials? Finally what thing was there, 
All good things defled & spotted with superstition.  in the whole state of Christian religion so sincere, so sound and pure, which was not defiled and spotted with some kind of superstition? Besides this, with how many bonds & snares of daily new fangled ceremonies, the silly consciences of men redeemed by Christ to liberty, were snared and snarled? In so much, that there could be no great difference almost perceived between Christianity and juishnes, save only the name of Christ, so that the state and condition of the jews, might seem somewhat more tolerable than ours. There was nothing sought for out of the true fountains, but out of the dirty puddles of the Philistians. The christian people were wholly carried away as it were by the noses, with mere decrees and constitutions of men, even whether as pleased the bishops to lead them, and not as Christ's will did direct them. All the whole world was filled and overwhelmed with errors and darkness. And no great marvel, for why the simple and unlearned people being far from all knowledge of the holy Scripture: thought it sufficient enough for them, to know only these things which were delivered them by their pastors and shepherds, and they on the other part taught in a manner nothing else, but such things as came forth of the Court of Rome. Whereof the most part tended to the profit of their order more than to the glory of Christ.  
The Christian faith was esteemed or counted none other thing then, but that every man should know that Christ once suffered, that is to say, that all men should know and understand that thing which the devils themselves also knew. Hypocrisy was counted for wonderful holiness. All men were so addict unto outward shows, 
The captains of the church seduced as well as the inferior sort.  that even they themselves which professed that most absolute & singular knowledge of the scriptures, scarcely did understand or know any other thing. And this evidently did appear, not only in the common sort of doctors and teachers, but also in the very heads and captains of the Church: whose whole religion and holiness, consisted in a manner in the observing of days, meats, and garments, and such like rethorical circumstances, as of place, time, person, etc. Hereof sprang so many sorts & fashions of vestures and garments: so many differences of colours & meats: with so many pilgrimages to several places, as though f. james at Compostella could do that, which Christ could not do at Canterbury: Or else that God were not of like power & strength in every place, or could not be found but being sought for by running & gadding hither and thither. Thus the holiness of the whole year was transported and put of unto the Lent season. 
Palestina denied holy for Christ's walking there.  No country or land was counted holy, but only Palestina, where Christ had walked himself with his corporal feet. Such was the blindness of that tune, men did strive and fight for the cross at Jerusalem, as it had been for the chief and only force and strength of our faith. It is a wonder to read the monuments of the formore times, to see and understand what great troubles & calamities this cross hath caused almost in every Christian common wealth. For the Romish champions never ceased, by writing, admonishing, and counseling, yea and by quarreling, to move & stir up Princes minds to war & battle, even as though the faith & belief of the gospel, were of small force or little effect without that wooden cross. This was the cause of that expedition of the most noble prince K. Rich. 
Richard K. of England.  unto jerusalem. Who being taken in the same journey, and delivered unto the Emperor: could scarcely be ransomed home again, for thirty. M. marks. pag. 248. In the same enterprise or journey, 
Frederick the Emperor of Rome  Fridericus the Emperor of Rome a man of most excellent virtue, was much endamaged in the same journey. an. 1179. And also Philip the king of France, scarcely returned home again in safety not without great losses: 
Philip king of France.  so much did they esteem the recovery of the holy city and cross.  
Upon this alone, all men's eyes, minds, & devotions, were so set and bend: as though either there were no other cross but that, or that the cross of Christ were in no other place but only at Jerusalem. Such was the blindness and superstition of those days, which understood or knew nothing but such as were outwardly seen: whereas the profession of our religion standeth in much other higher matters and greater mysteries. what was the cause why that Urbanus did so vex and torment himself? Because that Antioch with the holy cross, was lost out of the hands of the Christians. For so we do find it in the Chronicles, at what time as jerusalem with king Buido, 
Pope Vrbano.  and the cross of our Lord was taken, and under the power of Sultan: Urbanus took the matter so grievously, that for very sorrow he died. 
Lambert Pope.  In whose place succeeded Lambertus which was called Gregory the 8. by whose motion it was decreed by the Cardinals, that (setting apart all riches and voluptuousness) they should preach the cross of Christ, and by their poverty and humility first of all should take the cross upon them, & go before others into the land of jerusalem. These are the words of the history, whereby it is evident unto the vigilant reader, unto what grossness the true knowledge of the spiritual doctrine of the gospel was degenerate and grown unto in those days: How great blindness & darkness was in those days, even in the first primacy, & supremacy of the bishop of Rome: as though the outward succession of Peter and the Apostles, 
The knowledge of the Gospel grossly expounded by the Romapistes.  had been of greater force and effect to that matter. What doth it force in what place. Peter did rule or not rule? It is much more to be regarded that every man should labour and study with all their endeavour to follow the life & confession of Peter: And that man seemeth unto me to be the true successor of Peter, against whom the gates of hell shall not prevail. For if that Peter in the gospel do bear the type & figure of the christian church (as all men in a manner do affirm) what more foolish or vain thing can there be: then through private usurpation, to restrain and to bind that unto one man, which by the appointment of the Lord, is of itself free and open to so many?  

The rising up of Wickliff in a troublous tyme.  Thus in these so great and troublous times and horrible darkness of ignorance, what time there seemed in a manner to be no one so little a spark of pure doctrine left or remaining: This foresaid wickliff by God's providence sprang and rose up: through whom, the Lord would first waken and raise up again the world, which was overmuch drowned and whelmed in the deep streams of humane traditions. Thus you have here the time of wickliffs original.  

Wickliff a Divine in Oxford.  Which Wickliff after he had now by a long time professed divinity in the university of Oxford, and perceiving the true doctrine of Christ's Gospel to be adulterate and defiled, with so many filthy inventions of Bishops, sects of monks, and dark errors: And that he after long debating and deliberating with himself (with many secret sighs and bewailing in his mind the general ignorance of the whole world) could no longer suffer or abide the same but that he at the last, determined with himself to help and to remedy such things as he saw to be wide and out of the way. But for so much as he saw that this dangerous meddling, could not be attempted or stirred without great trouble, neither that these things which had been so long tune with use and custom rooted and grafted in men's minds, could not be suddenly plucked up or taken away, he thought with himself that this matter should be done by little & little. Wherefore he taking his original at small occasions, thereby opened himself a way or mean to greater matters. And first he assailed his adversaries in logical & metaphisical questions, disputing with them of the first form & fashion of things, of the increase of time, and of the intelligible substance of a creature, with other such like sophemes of no great effect: but yet notwithstanding did not a little help and furnish him, which minded to dispute of greater matters. So in these matters, first began Regningham (a Carmelite) to dispute and argue against john Wickliff.  
By these originals, the way was made unto greater points, so that at the length he came to touch the matters of the sacraments, and other abuses of the Church. Touching which things this holy man took great pains, protesting (as they said) openly in the schools, that it was his chief and principal purpose and intent: to revoke and call back the Church from her Idolatry to some better amendment, especially in the matter of the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. But this boil or sore could not be touched without the great grief and pain of the whole world. For first of all, the whole glut of Monks and begging Friars were set on a rage or madness, which (even as Hornets with their sharp stings) did assail this good man on every side: fight (as is said) for their altars, paunches and bellies. After them the priests, and then after them the Archb. took the matter in hand being then S. Sudbury, who for the same cause deprived him of his benefice, 
Wickliff deprived of his benefice at Oxford by S. Sudbery. Ex Chron. D. Albani. Duke of Lancaster, & Lord H, Percy, great maintainers of I. Wickliff.  which then he had in Oxford. notwithstanding he being somewhat friended & supported by the king, as appeareth, continued and bore out the malice of the Friars, and of the Archb. all this while of his first beginning, till about the year of our Lord. 1377. After which time now to prosecute likewise of his troubles & conflict, first I must fetch about a little compass, as requisite is, to infer some mention of john of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster the king's son, and Lord Henry Percy, which were his special maintainers.  
As years and time grew on, king Edward the third, which had reigned now about 51. years, after the decease of prince Edward his son, who departed the year before: was strooken in great age, & in such feebleness withal, that he was unwieldy through lack of strength to govern the affairs of the realm. Wherefore, a parliament being called the year before his death, it was there put up by the knights & other the burgesses of the Parliament (because of the misgovernment of the realm by certain greedy persons about the king, raking all to themselves, without seeing any justice done) that 12. sage and discrete Lords and Peers, such as were free from note of all avarice, should be placed as tutors about the King, to have the doing and disposing under him (6. at one time, and in their absence 6. at an other) of matters pertinent to the public regiment. 
Alice Perris, the king's concubine. The K. bewitched by a woman through the help of a Friar.  Here by the way I omit to speak of Alice Perris the wicked harlot, which (as the story giveth) had bewitched the king's hart, & governed all and sat upon causes herself through the devilish help of a Friar Dominick: who by the duke of Lancaster was caused to be take, and was convicted, & should have suffered for the same, had not the Archb. of Cant. and the Friars (more regarding the liberty of their Church, than the punishing of vice) reclaimed him for their own prisoner. This Alice Perrys, notwithstanding she was banished by this Parliament from the king, 
The property of an whore.  yet afterward she came again, & left him not: till at his death she took all his rings upon his fingers and other jewels from him, and so fled away like an harlot. But this of her by the way.  
These 12. governors by the parliament aforesaid being appointed to have the tuition of the king, 
12. Governors assigned about the king.  & to attend to the public affairs of the realm: remained for a certain space about him, till afterward it so fell out, that they being again removed, all the regiment of the realm next under the King, was committed to the Duke of Lancaster the king's son: For as yet Richard the son of prince Edward lately departed, was very young and under age.  
This Duke of Lancaster had in his heart of long time conceived a certain displeasure against the popish clergy: whether for corrupt and impure doctrine joined with like abominable excess of life, 
Ex Chron. Monastery Albani.  or for what some other cause, it is not precisely expressed. Only by story the cause thereof may be guessed, to rise by William Wickam bishop of Winchester. The matter is this.  
The Bishop of Winchester (as the saying went then) was reported to affirm, that the foresaid John of Gaunt duke of Lancaster, was not the son of king Edward, nor of the Queen. Who being in travel at Gaunt, had no son (as he said) but a daughter: 
A practice of the prelate's against the Duke of Lancaster.  which the same time by lying upon of the mother in the bed, was there smothered. Whereupon, the Queen fearing the king's displeasure, caused a certain manchild of a woman of Flaunders (borne the very same time) to be conveyed and brought unto her in stead of her daughter aforesaid. And so brought up the child whom she bore not, who now is called duke of Lancaster. And this (said the Bishop) did the Queen tell him, lying in extremes on her death bed under seal of confession: charging him if the said Duke should ever aspire to get the crown, or if the kingdom by any means should fall unto him, he then should manifest the same, & declare it to the world, that the said Duke of Lancaster was no part of the king's blood, but a false heir of the king. This slanderous report of the wicked Bishop, as it savoureth of a contumelious lie, so seemeth it to proceed of a subtle zeal toward the Pope's religion, meaning falsehood. For that the foresaid Duke by favouring of Wickliff, declared himself to be a professed enemy against the Pope's profession. Which thing was then not unknown, neither unmarked of the Prelates and Bishops then in England. But the sequel of the story thus followed.  
This slanderous villainy of the bishops report being blazed abroad, and coming to the Duke's ear: he therewith being not a little discontented (as no marvel was) sought again by what means he could, to be revenged of this forenamed Bishop. In conclusion, the Duke having now all the government of the realm under the king his father, in his own hand: so pursued the bishop of Winchester, that by act of parliament he was condemned and deprived of all his temporal goods, 
W. Wickham B. of Wint. deprived.  which goods were assigned to prince Rich. of Burdeur, the next inheritor of the crown after the king, and furthermore inhibited the said bishop not to approach near to the court by 20. miles. Further as touching this bishop, the story thus proceedeth. Not long after in the year of our Lord. 1377. a Parliament was called by the means of the Duke of Lancaster, upon certain causes & respects: in which parliament great request, and suit was made by the clergy for the deliverance of the B. of Winchester. At length when a subsidy was asked in the kings name of the clergy, and request also made in the king's behalf for speedy expedition to be made for the dissolving of the parliament, the Archb. therefore accordingly convented the bishops for the tractation thereof. To whom the B. with great lamentation complained for lack of their fellow and brother B. of Wint. Whose injury said they, did derogate to the liberties of the whole church: 
Bishops hold together. Liberties of the Church a great matter.  And therefore denied to join themselves in tractation of any such matters, before all the members together were united with the head: And (seeing the matter touched them altogether in common, as well him as then) would not otherwise do. And seemed moreover to be moved against the Archb. for that he was not more stout in the cause, but suffered him so to be cited of the duke.  

B of Win●. sent for to the convocation.  The Archb. although having sufficient cause to excuse himself, wherefore not to send for him (as also he did) because of the perils which might ensue thereof: yet being enforced & persuaded thereunto, by the importunity of the bishops, directed down his letters to the foresaid bishop of wintch, willing him to resort unto the convocation of the clergy. Who being glad to obey the same, was received with great joy of the other bishops. And at length by that means of Alice Perris, the king's paramor, above mentioned, (giving to her a good quantity of money) the said Winchester was restored to his temporalities again.  

I. Wickliff sent for by the Duke of Lancaster.  As the Bishops had thus sent for wintch. the Duke in the mean time had sent for john Wickliff: who as is said, was then the divinity reader in Oxford, and had commenced in sundry acts and disputations, contrary to the form and teaching of the Pope's church in many things: who also for the same had been deprived of his benefice, as hath been afore touched. The opinions which he began in Oxford, first in his lectures, and sermons to entreat of, and wherefore he was deprived were these. That the Pope had no more power to excommunicate any man, then hath an other. That if it be given by any person to the pope to excommunicate, yet to absolve the same is as much in the power of an other priest, as in his. He affirmed moreover, that neither the king nor any temporal Lord could give any perpetuity to the church, or to any ecclesiastical person: for that when such ecclesiastical do sin, habitualiter, continuing in the same still, the temporal powers ought and may meritoriously, take away from them, that before hath been bestowed upon them. 
Example ●● W. Rufus.  And that he proved, to have been practised before here in England by William Rufus. which thing (said he) if he did lawfully, why may not the same also be practised now? if he did it unlawfully, then both the church err (saith he) & doth unlawfully in praying for him. 
Ex hosie. Monastery D. Albani  But of his assertions more shall follow (Christ willing) hereafter. The story which ascribeth to him these assertions being taken out (as I take it) of that monastery of S. Albon addeth withal: that in his teaching and preaching he was very eloquent, but a dissembler (saith he) and an hypocrite. Why he surmiseth him to be an hypocrite, the cause was this:  
First, because he resorted much to the orders of the begging Friars, frequenting and extolling the perfection of their poverty.  
Secondly, because he and his fellows usually accustomed in their preaching to go baretoote, and in simple russet gowns.  
By this I suppose, may sufficiently appear to the indifferent, the nature and condition of Wickliff, how far it was from the ambition & pride, 
The slanderous pene of Polydore  which in the slanderous pen of Polydore Virgil, reporting in his 19 book of him, that because he was not preferred to higher honours and dignities of the church (conceiving therefore indignation against the clergy) became their mortal enemy. How true this was, he only knoweth best, that rightly shall judge both y● one and the other.  
In the mean time, 
Wickliff falsely charged with ambition by Polydore.  by other circumstances & parts of his life, we may also partly conjecture what is to be thought of that man. But howsoever it was in him either true or false: yet it had been Polidor's part, either not so intemperately to have abused his pen, or at least to have showed some greater authority and ground of that his report. For to follow nothing else but flying fame, so rashly to defame a man whose life he knoweth not, is not the part of a faithful story writer.  
But to return from whence we digressed. 
Wickliff beginneth to touch the matter of the sacrament  Beside these his opinions and assertions above recited, with other more, which are hereafter to be brought in order: He began also than something nearly to touch the matter of the Sacrament, proving that in the said Sacrament, the accidences of bread remained not without the subject, or substance: both by the holy Scriptures, and also by the authority of the doctors, but specially by such as were most ancient. As for the latter writers, that is to say such as have written upon that argument under the thousand years since Christ's time, he utterly refused: saying, that after these years Satan was loosed & set at liberty. And that since that time the life of man hath been most subject and in danger of errors: the simple and plain truth to appear and consist in the Scriptures, whereunto all humam traditions whatsoever they be, must be referred, and specially such as are set forth & published now of late years. 
The latter writers of the Church to be misdoubted.  This was the cause why he refused the latter writers of decretals, leaning only to the Scriptures & ancient doctors: most stoutly affirming out of them that in the Sacrament of the body which is celebrate, with bread the accidence not to be present with out the substance. 
The accidences not to be in the sacrament without the substance.  That is to say, that the body of christ is not present without the bread, as the common sort of Priests in those days did dream, As for his arguments what they were: we will shortly at more opportunity by God's grace, declare them in an other place. But herein the truth (as the Poet speaketh very truly) had gotten john Wickeliffe great displeasure and hatred, at many men's hands: and specially of the Monks and richest sort of Priests.  
Albeit through the favour and supportation of the duke of Lancaster, and Lord Henry Percy, he persisted hitherto in some mean quiet against their wolvish violence & eruelty: Till at last about the year of our Lord. 1376. the Bishops still urging and inciting their Archbishop Simon Sudberye, who before had deprived him, and afterward prohibited him also not to stir any more in those sorts of matters: had obtained by process and order of citation to have him brought before them. Whereunto both place and time for him to appear after their usual form was to him assigned.  
The Duke having intelligence that Wickliff his client should come before the Bishops, fearing that he being but one, was to weak against such a multitude: calleth to him out of the orders of Friars, four Bachelors of Divinity, out of every order one, to join them with Wickliff also for more surety. When the day was come assigned to the said Wickliff to appear, which day was Thursday, the 19 of February: john Wickliff accompanied with the four Friars aforesaid, and with them also, the Duke of Lancaster, and Lord Henry Percy, Lord Marshal of England, the said Lord Percy also going before them to make room and way wherewith wickliff should come.  
Thus wickliff (through the providence of god) being sufficiently guarded, 
Ex host. Monarches. D. Albans ex accommodato ●. Math. Archsepis. ●ant.  was coming to the place where the Bishops sat: whom by the way they animated and exhorted not to fear nor shrink a whit at the company of the bishops there present, who were all unlearned (said they) in respect of him. For so proceed that words of my foresaid author, whom I follow in this narration: neither that he should dread the concourse of the people, whom they would themselves assist and defend, in such sort as he should take no harm. With these words, and with the assistance of the nobles: wickliff in hart encouraged, approacheth to that church of S. 
Striving for the Lords to pass by the people.  Paul in London. where a main press of people was gathered to hear, what should be said & done. Such was there the frequency and throng of the multitude, that the Lords (for all the puissance of the high Marshal) uneath with great difficulty could get way through. In so much, 
W. Courtney Bishop of London. The words of the B. of London to the L. Percy  that the bishop of London (whose name was William Courtney) seeing the stir that the Lord Marshal kept in the Church, among the people, speaking to that Lord Perry, said: that if he had known before what masteries he would have kept in the church, he would have stopped him out, from coming there.  
At which words of the Bishop, the Duke disdaining not a little, answered to the Bishop again, and said: that he would keep such mastery there, though he said nay.  
At last, after much wrestling they pierced through and came to our Lady's chapel. Where the Dukes and Barons were sitting together with the Archbishops & other Bishops. 
I. Wickliff bid to sit down before the Bishops. Wickliff denied by the Bishop of London to sit down Strife between the L. Martial and Bishop of London. The people set in a stir Strife between the Duke of I āca●er & B. of London. The B. overgoeth the Duke in scolding.  Before whom the foresaid john Wickliff according to the manner, stood before them, to know what should be laid unto him. To whom first spoke the Lord Percy, bidding him to sit down, saying: that he had many things to answer to, and therefore had need of some softer seat. But the bishop of London cast eftsoons into a fumish chase with those words, said: he should not sit there. Neither was it said he: according to law or reason, that he which was cited there to appear to answer before his ordinary, should sit down during the time of his answer, but should stand. Upon these words a fire began to heat & kindle between them. In so much that they began to rate and to revile one the other, that the whole multitude therewith disquieted, began to be set on a hurry.  
Then the Duke taking the Lord Percies part with hasty words began also to take up the bishop. To whom the Bishops again nothing inferior in reproachful checks and rebukes, did render & require not only to him as good as he brought: but also did so far excel him, in this railing art of scolding, that to use the words of mine author, Erubuit Dux quòd non potuit praevalere litigio. i. that the Duke blushed and was ashamed, because he could not overpass the Bishop in brawling and railing, and therefore fell to plain threatening, manasing that bishop, that he would bring down the pride not only of him, but also of all the prelacy of England: And speaking moreover unto him: Thou (said he) bearest thyself so brag upon thy parents, 
This B. of London was W. Courtney, son to the Earl of Devonshire.  which shall not be able to help thee: They shall have enough to do to help themselves. For his parents were the Earl and countess of Devonshire. To whom the bishop again answered, that to be bold to tell truth, his confidence was not in his parents, nor in any man else, but only in God in whom he trusted. 
The Duke ●●●eateneth to draw out their B. by the hear out of the Church. Londoners take part with their Bishop.  Then the Duke softly whispering in the care of him next by him, said that he would rather pluck out the Bishop by the heir of his head out of the Church, than he would take this at his hand. This was not spoke so secretly, but that the Londoners overheard him. Whereupon being set in a rage, they cried out, saying: that they would not suffer their bishop so contemptuously to be abused. But rather they would lose their lives, then that he should so be drawn out by the heir. Thus that council being broken with scolding and brawling for that day, was dissolved before 9 of the cloak. And the Duke with the Lord Percy went to the Parliament. Where the same day, before dinner a bill was put up in the name of the king by the Lord Thomas Wostock, 
Petitions put up in the Parliament against the City of London.  and Lord Henry Percy, that the City of London should no more be governed by a Mayor, but by a Captain, as in times before. And that the Marshal of England should have all the ado in taking the Arestes within the said City, as in other cities beside, with other petitions more, tending to the like derogation of the liberties of London. which bill being read, standeth up john Philpot Burgess then for the city, saying to them which read the bill, that that was never seen so before: & adding moreover that the Mayor would never suffer any such things, or other arrest to be brought into the city, with more such words of like stoutness.  
The next day following, the Londoners assembled themselves in a council, to consider among them upon the Bill for changing the Mayor, 
Hasty counsel of the Londoners.  and about the office of the Marshal, also concerning the injuries done the day before to their Bishop.  
In which mean time they being busy in long consultation of this matter, suddenly and unawares entered in the place two certain Lords, whether to come to spy, or for what other cause the author leaveth it uncertain, the one called Lord Fizwalter: the other Lord Guy Brian. At the first coming in of them, the vulgar sort was ready forthwith to flee upon them, as spies, had not they made their protestation with an oath, declaring that their coming in was for no harm toward them. And so were compelled by the citizens to swear to the city their truth and fidelity, contrary to the which oath if they should rebel, contented to forfeit whatsoever goods and possessions they had within the city.  
This done, 
The Oration of Lord Fi●walter to the Londoners.  them began the Lord Fizwalter in this wise to persuade and exhort the Citizens: first declaring how he was bound and obliged to them and to their City, not for the oath only now newly received, but of old and ancient good will from his great grandfathers tyme. Beside other divers duties, for the which he was chief bound to be one of their principal fautors: for so much as what so ever tended to their damage and detriment, redounded also no less unto his own, for which cause he could not otherwise choose, but that as he did understand to be attempted against the public profit and liberties of the City, he must needs communicate the same to them. who unless they with speedy circumspection do occur and prevent perils that may and are like to ensue, it would turn in the end to their no small incommodity. And as there were many other things, which required their vigilant care and diligence, so one thing therr was, which he could in no wise but admonish them of: which was this, necessary to be considered of them all, how the Lord Martial Henry Percy in his place within himself had one in ward and custody, whether with the knowledge, or without the knowledge of them, he could not tell: this he could tell, that the said Lord Martial was not allowed any such ward or prison in his house, within the liberties of the City. Which thing if it be not seek to in time, the example thereof being suffered, would in fine breed to such a prejudice unto their customs and liberties, as they should not hereafter, when they would reform the injury thereof.  
These words of the Lord Fizwalter were not so soon spoken, 
The Citizens of London break up the L. Peter's house at Savoy.  but they were as soon taken of the rash Citizens, who in all hasty fury running to their armour & weapons, went incontinently to the house of the Lord Percy, where breaking up the gates, by violence they took out the prisoner, & burned the stocks wherein he sat, in the midst of London. Then was the Lord Percy sought for (whom saith the story) they would doubtless have slain if they might have found him. With their bills and javelins, all corners and privy chambers were searched, beds & hangings torn a sunder. 
God's provision in saving his servants.  But the Lord Percy (as God would) was then with the Duke, whom one john Yper the same day with great instance had desired to dinner. The Londoners not finding him at home, and supposing that he was with the Duke at Savoy, in all hasty heat turned their power thither, 
The house of the Duke of lancaster searched of the Londoners.  running as fast as they could to the Duke's house. Where also in like manner they were disappointed of their cruel purpose. In that mean while as this was doing, cometh one of the Duke's men running post hast, to that Duke & to the Lord Percy, declaring what was done. The Duke being then at his oysters, without any further tarrying, and also breaking both his shins at the form for haste, took boat with the Lord Percy, and by water went to Kingston, 
The Duke and L. Percy fly to the Prince.  where then the princess with Richard the young Prince did lie. Who there declared unto the Princess all the whole matter, concerning the outrage of the Londoners as it was. To whom she promised again, such an order to be taken in the matter, as should be to his contentation. At what time the commons of London, thus as is said, were about the Duke's house at Savoy, mesteth with them a certain priest, who marveling at the sudden rage & concourse, asked what they sought. To whom answer was given again of some, that they sought for the Duke and Lord Martial, to have of them the Lord Peter de la Mare, whom they wrongfully had detained in prison. To this the Priest answered again more boldly then opportunely. That Peter (said he) is a false traitor to the king, and worthy long since to be hanged. 
A priest in the Duke of Lancaster's house cruelly killed.  At the hearing of these words, the furious people with a terrible shout cried out upon him, that he was a traitor and one that took the Duke's part and so falling upon him with their weapons strived who might first strike at him. Who after they had wounded him very sore, so being wounded they had him into prison, where within few days upon the soreness of his wounds he died.  
Neither would the rage of the people thus have ceased had not the bishop of London leaving his dinner come to them at Savoy, and putting them in remembrance of the blessed time (as they term it) of Leut, had persuaded them to cease and to be quiet.  
The Londoners seeing that they could get no vantage against the Duke: 
The villainy of the Londoners against the Duke.  who was without their reach: To bewreke their anger they took his arms, which in most despiteful wise, they hanged up in the open places of the city in sign of reproach, as for a traitor. In so much that when one of his gentlemen came through the City with a plate containing the Duke's arms, hanging by a lace about his neck the citizens not abiding the sight thereof, cast him from his horse, and plucked his scutchine from him, had were about to work the extremity against him, and not the mayor rescued him out of their hands, and sent him home safe unto the Duke his master. In such hatred was then the Duke among the vulgar people of London.  
After this, the princess understanding the hearts and broil of the Londoners set against the foresaid Duke, 
The message of the princess to the Londoners.  sent unto London 3. Knights, sir Albred Lewer, sir Simon Burle, and sir jews Cliffort, to entreat the citizens to be reconciled with the Duke. The Londoners answered: that they for the honour of the princess, would obey and do with all reverence, what she would require. But this they required & enjoined the messengers to say to the Duke, by word of mouth, that he should suffer the bishop of Winchester afore mentioned and also the Lord Peter de la Mare, to come to their answer, & to be judged by their peers. Whereby either they might be quite if they were guiltless: or otherwise, if they be found culpable, they might receive occording to their deserts after the laws of the realm. What grief and displeasure the Duke conceived and retained in his mind hereof: Again what means & suit the Londoners for their part made to the old king for their liberties: What rhymes and songs in London, were made against the Duke: How the Bishops at the Duke's request were moved to excommunicate those malicious slanderers: 
The Duke revenged of the Londoners.  And moreover, how the Duke at last was revenged of those contumelies & injuries: How he caused them to be brought before the king: How sharply they were rebuked for their misdemeanour, by the worthy oration of the Lord chamberlain, Robert Aston in the presence of the king, Archbishops, Bishops, with divers other states, the kings children, and other nobilities of the realm: In conclusion how the Londoners were compelled to this at length, by the common assent, and public charges of that city, to make a great taper of wax, which with the Duke's arms set upon it, should be brought with solemn procession to the church of S. Paul, there to burn continually before the Image of our Lady: 
The Londoners caused to bear a Taper of wax in procession, in honour of the Duke.  And at last, how both the said Duke and the Londoners were reconciled together, in the beginning of the new king, with the kiss of peace, in the same reconcilement publicly denounced in the church of Westminster, and what joy was in the whole city thereof: These because they are impertinent, and make to long a digression from the matter of Wickliff, I cut off with brevity, referring the reader to other histories, namely of S. Alban's, where they are to be found at large.  
As these aforesaid for brevity sake I pass over, so will I not be long and yet cannot omit that, 
A story of the Bishop of Norwich.  which happened the same time and year, to the Bishop of Norwich, to the intent that this posterity now may see, to what pride the clergy then of the Pope's Church was grown to. The same time as this broil was at London, 
Example of pride in the pope's clergy.  the Bish. of Norwich a little after the time of Easter coming to the town of Lennam, belonging to his Lordship: being not contented with the old accustomed honour due unto him, & used of his predecessors before in the same town, required moreover with a nue and unused kind of magnificence to be exalted: In so much, that when he saw the chief Magistrate or Mayor of that town to go in the streets with his officer going before him, holding a certain wand in his hand tipped at both ends with black horn, 
The courtesy of the townsmen toward the Bishop.  as the manner was: He reputing himself to be Lord of that town (as he was) and thinking to be higher than the highest, commanded the honour of that staff due to the Mayor, to be yielded & born before his Lordly parsonage: The Mayor or Bailiff, with other the townsmen, courtuously answered to him again that they were right willing and contented with all their hearts to exhibit that reverence unto him, and would to do, if he first of the king and counsel could obtain the iustome, and if the same might be induced after any peaceable way with the good wills of the commons and body of the town: Other else, said they, as the matter was dangerous so they durst not take in hand any such new alteration of ancient customs and liberties lest the people (which is always inclinable and prone to evil) do fall upon them with stones, & drive them out of the town. Wherefore kneeling on their knees before him, and humbly they besought him that he would require no such thing of them: that he would save his own honour and their lives, who otherwise if he intended that way, 
The sto●● answer 〈◊〉 the Bishop to the township.  were in great danger. But the bishop youthful and haughty, taking occasion by their humbleness, to swell the more in himself, answered that he would not be taught by their counsel, but that he would have it done, though all the commons (whom he named Ribals) said nay. Also rebuked the Mayor and his brethren for mecockes and dastards, for so fearing the vulgar sort of people.  
The citizens perceiving the wilful stoutness of the bishop, meekly answering again, said, they minded not to resist him, but to let him do therein what he thought good, only desired him that he would licence them to departed, and hold them excused for not waiting upon him, & conducting him out of the town with that reverence which he required. For if they should be seen in his company, all the suspicion thereof would be upon them, and so should they be all in danger, so much as their lives were worth. The Bishop not regarding their advise and counsel, commanded one of his men to take the rod borne before the Mayor, & to carry the same before him. Which being done, & perceived of the commons: the Bishop after that manner went not far, but the rude people running to shut the gates came out with their bows, some with clubs and staves some with other instruments, 
The town of Lennam riseth against the Bishop.  some with stones, & let drive at the Bishop and his men, as fast as they might: in such sort, that both the bishop & his horse under him with most part of his men were hurt & wounded. And thus the glorious pride of this jolly prelate, ruffling in his new sceptre, was received and welcomed there. That is, was so pelted with bats and stone's, so wounded with arrows and other instruments fit, for such a skirmish, that the most part of his men, with his mace bearer, & all running away from him, the poor wounded bishop was there left alone, not able to keep his old power, which went about to usurp a new power more them to him belonged. 
Pride will have a fall. Power usurped will never stand.  Thus at is commonly true in all, so is it well exemplified here, which is commonly said, and as it is commonly seen, that pride will have a fall, and power usurped will never stand. In like manner if the Citizens of Rome, following the example of these Leanam men, as they have the like cause, and greater to do by the usurped power of their Bishop, would after the same sauce handle the pope, 
The usurped power of the pope would have a bridle.  and unscepter him of his mace and regality which nothing pertaineth to him: They in so doing both should recover their own liberties, with more honour at home, and also win much more commendation abroad Ex chron. mon. D. Albani.  
This tragedy with all the parts thereof, being thus ended at Lennam, 
Anno. 1377. The death of K. Edw.  which was little after Easter (as is said) about the month of April. an. 1377. the same year upon the 12. day of the month of june next after, died the worthy and victorious Prince king Edward the 3. after he had reigned years 51. A prince no more aged in years than renowned, for many snguler & heroical virtues, but principally noted and lauded for his singular meekness & clemency toward his subjects and inferiors, ruling them by gentleness and mercy, without all rigour or austere severity. Among other noble and royal ornaments of his nature, worthily & copiously set forth of many, thus he is described of some, which may briefly suffice for the comprehension of all the rest. 
The commendation of K. Edward.  Orphanis erat quasi pater, afflictis compatiens, miseris condolens, oppressos relevans, & cunctis indigentibus impendens auxilia opportuna. That is. To the Orphans he was as a father, compacient to the afflicted, mourning with the miserable, relieving the oppressed, and to all them that wanted an helper in time of need. etc. But chief above all other things, in this Prince to be commemorate in my mind, is this: that he above all other Kings of this Realm unto the time of king Henry the eight was the greatest brideler of the pope's usurped power and outrageous oppressions during all the time of which king, neither the Pope could greatly prevail in this Realm, and also john Wickliff was maintained with favour and aid sufficient.  
But before we close up the story of this king: there cometh to hand that which I thought not good to omit a noble purpose of the king in requiring a view to be taken in all his dominions of all benefices and dignities ecclesiastical remaining in the hands of Italians and Alious with the true valuation of the same directed down by commission in the time of king Richard the second whereof the like also is to be found: the tenor of which commission of king Edward I thought here under to set down for worthy memory.  
The king directed writs unto all the Byshop's of England in this form.  

Anno. 48. Edward. tertij.  EEdward by the grace of God king etc. To the reverend father in Christ. N. By the same grace Bishop of L. greeting.  
Being willing upon certain causes to be certified what and how many benefices aswell Archdeaconries & other dignities as vicaradges personages Prebends and Chapels within your diocese be at this present in thandes of italians and other strangers, what they be of what valour, and how every of the said benefices be called by name. And how much every of the same is worth by the year, not as by way of Tax or extent, but according to the true valour of the same: likewise of the names of all & singular such strangers being now incombentes or occupying the same and every of them: moreover the names of all them, whether Englishmen or Strangers, of what state or condition soever they be which have the occupation or disposition of any such benefices with the fruits and profits of the same in the behalf or by the authority of any the foresaid Strangers by way of farm, or title or procuration or by any other ways or means whatsoever, and how long they have occupied or disposed the same: and withal if any the said strangers be now residents upon any benefices: command you as we heretofore commanded you that you send us a true certificate of all and singular the premises into our high Court of chancery under your seal distinctly and openly on this side the feast of thascension of our Lord next coming without farther delay: returning unto us this our writ withal.  
Witness ourself at Westminster 16 day of April in the 48. year of our Reign of England, and over France the 35. year.  
BY virtue hereof certificate was sent up to the king into his chancery out of every diocese of England of all such spiritual livings as were then in the occupation either of Prior's Aliens or of other strangers whereof the number was so great, as being all set down would fill almost half a choir of paper. Whereby may appear that it was high time for the king to seek remedy herein, either by treaty with the Pope or otherwise: considering so great a portion of the revenues of his realm was by this means conveyed away and employed either to the relief of his enemies, or maintenance of the foreigners: Amongst which number, the Cardinals of the court of Rome lacked not their share. As may appear by this which followeth.  

Coventrie and Lychfield.  The Lord Frances of the title of S. Sabyne, Priest and Cardinal of the holy Church of Rome doth hold and enjoy the Deanery of the Cathedral Church of Lichfield which is worth in the jurisdiction of Lichfield five hundredth marks by the year. And the Prebend of Brewood, & the parsonage of Adbaston to the same Deanery annexed, which prebend is worth by the year four score marks and the parsonage twenty pound, which deanery with the prebends & parsonage aforesaid he hath holden and occupied by the space of 3. years. And one master de in gris a stranger as proctor to the said Cardinal doth hold and occupy the same Deanery with other the premises with thappurtenances by name of Proctor during the years aforesaid, and hath taken up the fruits and profits, to the said Cardinal, dwelling not in the Realm.  

Norwytch.  L. William Cardinal of S. Angelo, a stranger doth hold the Archdeaconrye of Suff. by virtue of provision Apostolical, from the feast of S. Nicholas last passed, he is not resident upon his said Archdeaconry. And the said Archd. together with the procurations due by reason of the visitation is worth by year Lxvi. li.xiii.s.iiii.d. And master john of Helinington. etc. doth occupy the seal of thosficiall of the said Archdeaconry, etc.  

Surren.  L. Reinnald of S Adriane Deacon Cardinal: hath in the said County the personadge of Godalmonge, worth by year xl. pound, and one Edward Teweste doth farm the said personadge for ix. years past.  

Ebor.  The L. Anglicus of the holy Church of Rome priest and Cardinal, a stranger was incumbent & did hold in possession the Deanery of the Cathedral Church of York from the 11. day of November Anno. Dom. 11366. and is yearly worth according to the true valour thereof iiij. C.li and master john of Stoke Canon of the said Church, doth occupy the said Deanery and the profits of the same in the name or by the authority of the said L. Deane etc. But the said Deane was never resident upon the said Deanery since he was admitted thereunto.  
Item. L. Hewgh of our Lady in Deacon and Cardinal a stranger doth possess the Prebend of Dristild in the said Church of York from the 7. day of june Ann. Do. 1363. from which day. etc. john of Gisbourne, and George of Conpemanthorpe etc. do occupy the said Prebend worth by year. C.li the said L. Hewgh is none Resident upon the said Prebend.  
Item. L. Simon of the Title of S. sixth priest and Cardinal, etc. doth possess the Prebend of Wystow in the said Church of York worth by year C.li And the foresaid master john of Stoke doth occupy the foresaid Prebend and the profits thereof etc. But the said Lord Simon is not resident upon the said Prebend.  
Item. L. Frauncisce of the Title of S. Sabyne Priest and Cardinal, a stranger doth possess the Prebend of Stransall in the said Church of York worth by year C. marks. And master William of Merfield. etc. doth accupy the said Prebend. etc. but the said L. Frances is not resident upon the said Prebend.  
L. Peter of the title of S. Praxed priest and Cardinal a stranger doth hold the Archdeaconry of York, worth by year C.li 
Sarisbu.  and M. William of Mecfeld etc. for farmers.  
The Deanery of the cathedral church of Sar with churches and chapels underwritten to the same Deanery annexed doth remain in the hands of L. Reginald of the title of S. Adrian deacon and Cardinal and so hath remained these 26. years and is never resident his protector is Laurence de ingris a stranger & is worth by year CCLiiii. li. xiij. s.iiij.d.  
Richard Bishop doth hold vycaradse of Mere to the said Deanery annexed and hath holden the same, for nineteen. years, worth by year. xl. li.  
Robert Codford fermer of the Church of heightredbury to the same annexed worth by year l.li. 
The Deanery of Salisbury.   
The Church of Stoning and the chapel of Rescomp to the same Deanery annexed worth by year lxx. marks.  
The Chapel of herst to the same Deanery annexed worth by year xl. li.  
The Chapel of wokenhame to the same Deanery annexed worth by year xxxvi. li.  
The Chapel of Sanhurst worth by year xl.s.  
The Church of Godalininge to the same Deanery annexed in the diocese of Winchester worth by year. xl. li.  
The dignity of Treasurer in the Church of Sar. 
Treasurer of the Church of Sar.  with Church and Chapels underwritten to the same annexed is in the hands of L. john of the title of S. Mark priest & Cardinal and hath so contained 12. years who was never resident in the same, worth by year Cxxxvi li.xiij.s.iiij.d.  
The Church of Figheldon to the same annexed worth by year. xxuj. li.xiij.s.iiij.d.  
The church of Alwardbury with the chapel of Putton, worth by year. x li.  
The Prebend of Calf to the same Treasurer annexed, worth by year. C.li  
The Archdeaconry of Berck. in the Cathedral Church of Sarisbury, with the the church of Mordon to the same annexed, is in the hands of Lord William of the title of S. Stephen, who was never resident in the same: worth by year. viij. score marks.  
The Archdeaconry of Dorset in the Church of Sarisbury with the Church of Gissiche to the same annexed in the hands of L. Robert of the title of the xij. Apostles priest and Cardinal, and is worth by year. Ciij. marks.  
The Prebend of Woodforde and Wyvelefforde in the Church of Sarisbury, is in the hands of the Robert Cardinal aforesaid: and is worth xl. marks.  
The Prebend of Heiworth in the Church of Sarisbury is in the hands of the L. Cardinal of Agrisolio, who is never resident, and is worth by year. lxxx. li.  
The Prebend of Netherbarnby and Beinynster in the Church of Sarisbury one Hewgh Pelgrini a stranger d●d hold xx. years and more, and was never resident in the same worth by the year viij. score marks.  
The church Prebendary of Gillinghame in the noonery of Salisbury lately holden of L. Richard now Bishop of Elye is in the hanhs of the Lord Peter of the title of S. Praxed priest and Cardinal etc. worth by the year lxxx. li.  
L. William of the holy Church of Rome Cardinal a stranger doth hold the archdeaconry of Canterbury and is not Resident the true valour of all the yearly fruits, 
Canterbury.  Rents and profits is worth seven hundredth Florins.  
The L. Cardinal of Caunterbury is Archdeacon of Welles & hath annexed to his Archdeaconry the churches 
Bath & Welles.  of Hewish Berwes, and Sowthbrent which are worth by year with their procuration of visitations of the said Archdeaconry. C threescore pound.  
Item. the L. Cardinal is treasurer of the church of wells, and hath the moiety of the church of mertock annexed thereunto worth by year lx.li.  
Item. the Lord Cardinal of Agrifolio is archdeacon of Tawnton in the church of wells, and is worth by year with the procurations and the Prebend of Mylinerton to the same annexed Lxxx. li.  
Like maiter is also found in the time of king Richard the 2. upon what occasion it is uncertain: But as it seemeth by Record of that time, A new Pope being come in place he would take no knowledge of any matter done by his predecessors that might any way abridge his commodity. And therefore this king was forced to begin a new as may appear by this following.  

An. 2. Rich. 2.  L. Cardinal of Agrifol. is prebendary of the Prebend of Soringhame together with a portion of S. mary of Stowe to the same annexed, the fruits whereof by common estimat be worth by year Clxv. li. 
The Archdeaconry of Stowe.  Maist. john vicar of Coringhame and master Robert person of Ketelthorpe and W. Thurly be Fermoures.  
L. Cardinal Albanum is Prebendary of the Prebend of Sutton the fruits whereof be commonly esteemed worth by year CCCC. marks. Roger Skyret of Buckinhame and William Bedeford of Sutton do farm the same Prebend. The L. Cardinal Blandacen is Prebendary of the prebend of Nassington worth by estimation CCC. marks. 
The Archdeaconry of Northampt.  Robert of Nassington and john son of Robert of Abbethorpe do occupy the same Prebend.  
L. Cardinal Nonmacen is parson of Adderbury worth by estimation C.li Adam Robelyn clerk is his proctor and occupieth the same.  
L. Cardinal of S. Prebendary of Thame worth yearly by common estimation CC. 
In the Archdeaconry of Oxen.  marks. john Heyward and Thomas a lay man do occupy the same Prebend.  

In the Archdeaconry of Brick.  L. Peter de Yeverino Cardinal is Prebendary of Aylesbury worth yearly by common estimation lxxx. marks. Holy Duse of Alesbury doth occupy the same Prebend.  
The Cardinal of S. Angeli hath the Archdeaconry of Suff. 
In the diocese Norwitch.  and is worth by year by common estimation a hundredth marks.  
L, Cardinal Neminacem Treasurer of the Church of Sar. hath the Archdeaconry of Sar. the Church of Figheldon to his dignity annexed which is let to farm to Grace late wife of edmund Sawyne deceased paying yearly 1. marks, he hath also in the same Archdeaconry and county the said Church of Alwardburye with the Chapels of Putton and Farl to the same annexed which is let to farm to the L. prior of the house of Ederose for the yearly rend of xxiii. li. 
In the diocese of Sar.  he hath also the Prebend of Calne in the said Archdeaconry and County worth by year. C.ll. and farmer thereof is Raymunde. Pelegrini.  
L. Cardinal of Agrifolio. hath the Archdeaconrye of Berck. worth by year 120. marks and remaineth in his own hands. Item he hath the Prebend of worth, worth by year a hundredth pound Raymund Peregrine is farmer there.  
L. Cardinal Gebanen hath the Prebends of Wodford and Willeford county of Wiltshyre let to farm to john Bennet of Sar. worth by year xl. marks.  
Lord Andomar de Rupy is Archdeaconry of Caunterbury to the which Archdeacon belong the Church of Lymin within the same Diocese worth by year after the Taxation of the tenth. xx.li.. The Church of Tenham worth by year after the said taxation Cxxx. li.vi.s.viii.d. ●he Church of Hakington near Caunterbury worth by year xx. marks. The Church of S. Clement in Sandwich worth by year after the taxation aforesaid viij. marks. 
In the diocese of Canterbury.  The church of Saint Mary in Sandwich worth by year viiij. pound of the which the said Archdeacon receiveth only vi. marks. The profits of all which premises S. William Latimer knight hath received together with the profits arising out of the jurisdiction of the Archdeaconry worth by year. xx.li.  

In the diocese of York.  Anglicus of the Church of Rome priest and Cardinal hath the deanery of the Cathedral Church of York worth by year CCClxxiij. li.vi.s.viii.d. And the Prebend of Southcane, valued yearly at C.lx marks.  
L. Cardinal Gebaven doth hold the church of Wermouth, 
In the diocese of Durham.  and Archdeaconry of Durhame worth by year CC. marks. And john of Chambre and Thomas of Harington of Newcastle be the fermors and proctors of the said Cardinal.  
Ex Bundello Brevium Regis de An. 2. Rich. 2. part. 1.   

King Richard the second.  
AFfter king Edward the third succeeded his sons son Richard the second being yet but young, 
K. Richard. 2.  of the age of eleven years: who in the same year of his father's decease in great pomp and solemnity was crowned at Westminster, an 1377. who following his father's steps, was no great disfavorer of the way & doctrine of wickliff: albeit at the first beginning, partly through the iniquity of time partly through the pope's letters, he could not do that he would. Notwithstanding something he did in that behalf, more perhaps then in the end he had thank for of the Papists, as more (by the grace of Christ) shall appear. But as times do change, so changeth commonly the cause and state of man. The bishop now seeing the aged king to be taken away, during the time of whose old age all the government of the realm depended upon the Duke of Lancaster. And now the said Bishops again seeing the said Duke, with the Lord Percy, the Lord marshal to give over their offices, and to remain in their private houses without intermeddling, thought now the time to serve them, 
The bishops take eatage of tyme.  to have some vantage against john wickliff, who hitherto under the protection of the foresaid Duke, and Lord Martial had some rest and quiet. Concerning the story of which Wickliff, I trust (gentle reader) it is not out of thy memory what went before pag. 427. how he being brought before the Bishops, by the means of the Duke and Lord Henry Percy, the council was interrupted, and broke before ix. of the clock. By reason whereof, Wickliff at that time escaped without any further trouble. Who not withstanding being by the bishops forbidden to deal in that doctrine any more, continued yet with his fellows going barefoot, and in long frise gowns preaching diligently unto the people. Out of whose sermons these articles most chiefly at that time were collected.  
That the holy Eucharist after the consecration, 
The first article col●●ccted out of Wickliffe● sermons.  is not the very body of Christ, but figurally.  
That the church of Rome, is not the head of all churches more than any other church is: Nor that Peter hath any more power given of Christ, than any other Apostle hath.  
Item, that the Pope of Rome hath no more in the keys of the Church, then hath any other within the order of Priesthood.  
Item, if God be: the Lords temporal may lawfully and meretoriously take away their temporalties from the churchmen offending, habitualiter.  
Item, if any temporal Lord do know the Church so offending, he is bound under pain of damnation, to take the temporalties from the same.  
Item, that the Gospel is a rule sufficient of itself to rule the life of every christian man here, without any other rule.  
Item, that all other rules under whose observances, divers religious people be governed, do add no more perfection to the gospel, then doth the white colour to the wall.  
Item, that neither the Pope nor any other Prelate of the church, aught to have prisons wherein to punish transgressors.  
Beside these articles, 
The articles of john Wickliff sent to the pope. Pope Gregory the●●. Wickliff called before the Archbishop of Cant.  divers other conclusions afterward were gathered out of his writings and preachings by the bishops of England, which they sent diligently to Pope Gregory at Rome: where the said articles being red and perused, were condemned for heretical and erroneous by 23. Cardinals.  
In the mean time the Archb. of Cant. sending forth his citations, as is aforesaid: called before him the said john wickliff in the presence of the Duke of Lancaster, and Lord Percy, who upon the declaration of the Pope's letters made, bound him to silence, forbidding him not to entreat any more of those matters. But then through the disturbance of the Bishop of London and the Duke, and lord Percy that matter was soon dispatched, as hath been above recorded, pag. 427. And all this was done, in the days & last year of king Edward the 3. and pope Gregory the eleventh.  
The next year following, 
Anno. 1378.  which was the year of our Lord 1378. being the first year of king Richard the second. The said Pope Gregory taking his time, after the death of king Edward, 
edmund Stafforde bringer of the Popes Bull.  sendeth his bull by the hands & means (peradventure) of one master Edmund Stafford, directed unto the university of Oxford, rebuking them sharply, imperiously and like a Pope, for suffering so long the doctrine of john Wickliff to take root, and not plucking it up with the crooked cycle of their Catholic doctrine. Which Bull when it came to be exhibit unto their hands, 
The masters of Oxford doubt whether to re●●●ue or re●●t the Popes Bull.  by the Pope's messenger aforesaid: the proctor's and masters of the University joining together in consultation, stood long in doubt deliberating with themselves, whether to receive the Pope's Bull with honour, or to refuse and reject it with shame.  
I cannot hear but laugh in my mind to behold the authors of this story whom I follow: what exclamations, what wonder and marvels, they make at these Oxford men, for so doubting at a matter so plain, so manifest of itself, (as they say) whether the pope's Bull sent to them from Rome was to be received or contrary. Which thing to our monkish writers seemed then such a prodigious wonder, that they with blushing cheeks are feign to cut of the matter in the midst with silence.  
The copy of this wild Bull, sent to them from the Pope, was this.  

Gregory the Bishop, the servant of God's servants, to his well-beloved sons, the Chancellor and University of Oxford, in the diocese of Lincoln greeting, and Apostolical benediction.  
WE are compelled not only to marvel, 
The Pope's mad Bull sent to Oxford.  but also to lament that you considering the Apostolical seat hath given unto your university of Oxford so great favour and privilege and also for that you flow as in a large sea in the knowledge of the holy Scriptures, and aught to be champions and defenders of the ancient and Catholic faith, (without the which there is no salvation) by your great negligence and sloth, will suffer wild cockle, not only to grow up among the pure wheat of the flourishing field of your University, but also to wake more strong and choke the corn. Neither have ye any care (as we are informed) to extirp and pluck the same up by the roots, to the great bleblemishing of your renowned name, the peril of your souls, the contempt of the Church of Rome, and to the great decay of the ancient faith. And further (which grieveth us) the increase of that filthy weed was more sharply rebuked & judged of in Rome then in England where it sprang. Wherefore let there be means sought by the help of the faithful, to root out the same. grievously it is come to our ears, 
The Pope coplayning of john Wickliff.  that one john Wickliff, parson of Lutterworth in Lincoln dioces, a professor of divinity (would god he were not rather a master of errors) is run into a kind of detestable wickedness, not only and openly publishing, but also vomiting out of the filthy dungeon of his breast, divers professions false and erroneous conclusions, and most wicked and damnable heresies. Whereby he might defile the faithful sort, and bring them from the the right path headlong into the way of perdition overthrow the state of the Church, and utterly subvert the secular policy. Of which his mischievous heresies, some seem to agree: (only certain names and terms changed) with the peruers●●● opinions, and unlearned doctrine of Marcelius of Padua, & john of Gandune, of unworthy memory: whose books were utterly abolished in the realm of England, 
Marsilius ●atauinus, joan, de Ganduno, outed.  by our predecessor of happy memory john 22. Which kingdom doth notonely flourish in power, and abundance of faculties, but is much more glorious and shining in pureness of faith: Accustomed always to bring forth men excellently learned in the true knowledge of the holy scriptures, ripe in gravity of manners, men notable in devotion, and defenders of the Catholic faith. Wherefore we will and command you by our writing Apostolical, in the name of your obedience, and upon pain of privation of our favour, indulgences and privileges granted unto you and your university, from the said see Apostolical: that hereafter ye suffer not those pestilent heresies, that those subtle and false conclusions and propositions, misconstruing the right senses of faith and good works (how soever they term it, 
〈…〉  or what curious implication of words soever they use) any longer to be disputed of, or brought in question: Lest if it be not withstoood at the first, and plucked up by the roots, it might perhaps be to late hereafter to prepare medicines when a greater number is infected with the contagion. And further, that ye apprehend immediately or cause to be apprehended the said john Wickliff, 
Here the wild Bull striketh.  and deliver him to be detained in the safe custody of our well beloved brethren, the Archbishop of Caunterbury, and the bishop of London or either of them. And if you shall find any gaynesayers, corrupted with the said doctrine (which God forbidden) in your said university within your jurisdiction, that shall obstinately stand in the said errors: that then in like manner ye apprehend them, and commit them to safe custody, and otherwise to do in this case as it shall appertain unto you: So as by your careful proceedings herein, your negligence past concernying the premises, may now fully be supplied and recompensed with present diligence. Whereby you shall not only purchase unto you the favour and benevolence of the seat Apostolical, but also great reward and merit of almighty God.  
yeven at Rome at S. Mary's the greater. xi. Kalend. of june, and in the seventh year of our consecration.   
¶ Beside this Bull sent to the University of Oxford, 
Simon Sudburle Archb. of Cant. W. Courtney bishop of London.  the said Pope Gregory directed moreover his letters the same time to the archbishop of Canterbury Simon Sudbury: to the bishop of London named William Courtney, with the conclusions of john Wickliff therein enclosed, commanding them, by virtue of those his letters Apostolical, and straightly enjoining them to cause the said john Wickliff to be apprehended; and cast in prison: And that the king and the nobles of England should be admonished by them, not to give any credit to the said john Wickliff, or to his doctrine in any wise. etc.  
¶ Beside this Bill or Bull of the Pope, sent unto the Archbishop of Canterbury and to the Bishop of London, 
Three sundry letters of the pope to one person, about one matter.  bearing the date. 11. Kalend. juni. and the 7. year of the reign of the Pope: I find moreover in the said story, two other letters of the Pope concerning the same matter, but differing in form, sent unto the same Bishops, and all hearing the same date both of the day, year, and month of the reign of the said Pope Gregory. Whereby it is be supposed, that the Pope either was very exquisite and solicitous above the matter, to have Wickliff to be apprehended which wrote three divers letters to one person, and all in one day, about one business: or else that he did suspect the bearers thereof, the scruple whereof I leave to the judgement of the Reader.  
Furthermore beside these letters written to the University, and to the Bishops, he directeth also an other Epistle bearing the same date unto king Edward (as one of my stories saith) but as an other saith, to the king Richard, which soundeth more near to the truth, forasmuch as in the 7. year of Pope Gregory the xi. which was the year of our Lord. 1●78. King Edward was not alive. The copy of his letters to the king here followeth.  
The copy of the Epistle sent by the Bishop of Rome to Richard king of England, to persecute john Wickliff.  
Unto his well-beloved son in Christ, Richard the most noble king of England health. etc.  
The kingdom of England which the most highest hath put under your power and governance, 
The Pope's letter to King Richard against I. Wickliff.  being so famous and renowned in valiancy and strength, so abundant and flowing in all kind of wealth and riches: but much more glorious resplendent and shining through the brightness and clearness of all godliness and faith: hath accustomed always to bring forth men endued with the true knowledge and understanding of the holy Scriptures, grave in years, fervent in devotion, and defenders of the Catholic faith: The which have only directed and instructed their own people through their wholesome doctrine and precepts into the true path of God's commandments, but also as we have heard by the report and information of many credible persons (to our great grief & hart sorrow) that john Wickliff Parson of Lutterworth, in the Diocese of Lincoln, professor of divinity (I would to God he were no author of heresy) to be fallen into such a detestable and abominable madness: that he hath propounded and set forth divers and sundry conclusions full of errors and containing most manifest heresy, the which do tend utterly to subvert and overthrow the state of the whole Church. Of the which, some of them (albeit under coloured phrase and speech) seem to smell and savour of perverse opinions, and the foolish doctrine of condemned memory of Marsilius of Padua, and john of Ganduno, whose books were by Pope john the 22. our predecessor, a man of most happy memory reproved and condemned. etc.  
¶ hitherto gentle reader, thou hast heard how Wickliff was accused by the Bishop. Now you shall also hear the Pope's mighty reasons and arguments, by the which he did confute him to the king. It followeth.  
Therefore, for so much as our Reverend brethren the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of London have received a special commandment from us by our authority, 
Here is prisoning but no teaching.  to apprehend and commit the forenamed john Wickliff unto prison, and to transport his confession unto us: If they shall seem in the prosecution of this their business to lock your favour or help, we require and most earnestly desire your majesty even as your most noble predecessors have always been most earnest lovers of the Catholic faith (whose case or quarrel in this matter is chief handled) that you would vouchsafe even for the reverence of God, and the faith aforesaid, and also of the Apostolic seat, and and of our person, that you will with your help and favour, assist the said archbishop and all other that shall go about to execute the said business. Whereby besides the praise of men, you shall obtain a heavenly reward and great favour and good will at our hand, and of the sea aforesaid. Dated at Rome at S. Marry the greater, the 11. Kal. of june, in the 7. year of our bishopric. an. 1378.  
The Articles included in the pope's letters which he sent to the Bishops, and to the king against Wickliff, were these as in order do follow.  

The conclusions of john Wickliff exhibited in the convocation of certain Bishops at Lambeth.  
ALl the whole race of mankind here on earth besides Christ, hath no power simply, to ordain that Peter and all his offspring should politickely rule over the world for ever.  
2. God cannot give to any man for him and his heirs any civil dominion for ever.  
3. All writings invented by men, as touching perpetual heritage, are impossible.  
4. Every man being in grace justifying, hath not only right unto the thing, but also for his time hath right in deed above all the good things of God. 
Certain conclusions of john Wickliff.   
5. A man cannot only ministratoriously give any temporal or continual gift, either as well to his natural son, as to his son by imitation.  
6 If God be, the temporal Lords may lawfully and meritoriously take away the riches from the Church, when they do offend habitualiter.  
7. We know that Christ's Vicar cannot, neither is able by his Bulls, neither by his own will and consent, neither by the consent for his college, either make able or disable any man.  
8. A man cannot be excommunicated to his hurt or undoing, except he be first and principally excommunicate by himself.  
9 No man ought, but in God's cause alone, to excommunicate, suspend, or forbidden, or otherwise to proceed to revenge by any ecclesiastical censure.  
10. A curse or excommunication doth not simply bind, but in case it be pronounced and given out against the adversary of God's law.  
11. There is no power given by any example, either by Christ or by his Apostle, to excommunicate any subject, specially for the denying of any temporalties, but rather contrariwise.  
12. The disciples of Christ have no power to exact by any civil authority, temporalties by censures.  
13. It is not possible by the absolute power of God, that if the Pope or any other Christian, do pretend by any means to bind or to lose, that thereby he doth so bind and lose.  
14. We ought to believe that the Vicar of Christ, doth at such times only bind and lose, when as he worketh conformably by the law and ordinance of Christ.  
15. This ought universally to be believed that every priest rightly and duly ordered, according unto the law of grace, hath power according to his vocation, whereby he may minister the sacraments, and consequently absolve any man confessing his fault, being contrite and penitent for the same.  
16. It is lawful for kings (in causes licensed by the law) to take away the temporalties from the spiritualty, sinning habitualiter, that is, which continue in the custom of sin, and will not amend.  
17. Whether they be temporal Lords or any other men whatsoever they be, which have endowed any Church with temporalties: It is lawful for them to take away the same temporalties, as it were by way of medicine, for to avoid sin, notwithstanding any excommunication or other ecclesiastical censure, for so much as they are not given but under a condition.  
18. An ecclesiastical minister, and also the Bishop of Rome may lawfully be rebuked of his subjects, and for the profit of the Church, be accused either of the Clergy or of the laity.   
These letters with the articles enclosed being thus received from the pope, the bishops took no little hart, thinking and fully determining with themselves and that in open profession, before their provincial Council, that all manner respects offeare or favour set apart, no person neither high nor low should let them, neither would they be seduced by the entreaty of any man, nor by any threatenings or rewards, but that in this cause they would execute most surely upright justice and equity: yea albeit present danger of life should follow thereupon. But these so fierce brags, & stout promise, with the subtle practices of these Bishops, which thought them so sure before: the Lord (against whom no determination of man's counsel can prevail) by a small occasion, 
The story brags of the Bishops overthrown  did lightly confound & overthrow. For the day of examination being come: a certain parsonage of the prince's court, & yet of no great noble birth, named jews Clifford, entering in among the Bishops: commanded them that they should not proceed with any definitive sentence against john Wickliff. 
Wickliff again called before the Bishops. jews Clifford.  With which words all they were so amazed and their combs so cut, that (as in the story is mentioned) they became so mute and speechless, as men having not one word in their month to answer. And thus by the wondrous work of God his providence, escaped john Wickliff the second time out of the bishops hands, and was by them clearly dismissed upon his declaration made of his articles as anon shall follow.  
Moreover here is not to be passed over, how at the same time, 
john Wickliff again delivered from the Bishops.  and in the said Chapel of the Archb. at Lamheth, where the bishops were sitting upon john Wickliff, the story writing of the doing thereof, addeth these words, saying: Non dico cives tantùm Londinenses, sed viles ipsius civitatis se impudenter ingerere praesumpserunt in eandem capellam, & verba facere pro eodem, & istud negotium impedire, confisi, ut reor, de ipsorum praemissa negligentia praelatorum. etc. That is, I say not only, that the Citizens of London, but also the vile abjects of the City, presumed to be so bold in that same Chapel at Lamheth, where the Bishops were sitting upon john Wickliff: both to entreat for him, and also to let and stop the same matter trusting as I suppose, upon the negligence which they saw before in the Bishops. etc.  
Over and beside, here is not to be forgotten, how the said john Wickliff, the same time of his examination, offered and exhibited unto the Bishops, in writing a protestation, with a declaration or exposition of his own mind, upon the said his articles, the effect whereof here followeth.  

The protestation of john Wickliff.  
FIrst I protest (as I have often before done) that I do mind and intend with my whole hart (by the grace of God) to be a true Christian, 
The protestation of john Wickliff.  and as long as breath shall remain in me, to profess and defend the law of Christ. And if it shall happen that through ignorance or otherwise, I shall fail therein. I desire my Lord God of pardon & forgiveness. And now again as before also, I do revoke and make retractation, most humbly submitting myself, under the correction of our holy mother the church. And for somuch as the sentence of my faith, which I have holden in the schools and else where, is reported even by children, & more over, it is carried by children even unto Rome: Therefore left my dear beloved brethren should take any offence by me, I will set forth in writing the sentence and Articles, for the which I am now accused and impeached: the which also even unto the death I will defend. As I believe all Christians ought to do, and specially the Bysh. of Rome and all other priests and ministers of the Church. For I do understand the conclusions after the sense and manner of speaking of the scriptures and holy doctors, the which I am ready to expound: And if they shall be found contrary unto the faith, I am ready to revoke and speedily to call them back again.   

An exposition upon the conclusions of john Wickliff, exhibited by him to the Bishop.  
ALl the race of mankind, here in earth beside Christ, hath no power simply to ordain, that Peter. etc.  
This conclusion of itself is evident, 
Exposition of john Wickliff upon his conclusions.  for as much as it is not in man's power to stop the coming of Christ to his final judgement, but he must needs come, according to the article of our Creed, to judge both the quick and the dead. And then (as the scripture teacheth) shall surcease all civil and politic rule here, I understand the temporal and secular dominion, pertaining to men here dwelling in this mortal life. For so do the Philosophers speak of civil dominion. And although the thing which is terminable, & hath an end, is called sometimes perpetual: yet because in holy scripture, and in use of the Church, and in the books of Philosophers most commonly that is taken to be perpetual, which hath no end of time hereafter to come: according to the which sense, the Church singeth Gloria Patri. etc. nunc & perpetuum. I also after the same signification do take here this word (perpetually) and so is this conclusion consonant to the principles of the Scripture, that it is not in man's power to ordain the course and voyage of the Church, here perpetually to last.  
2. God can not give to any man. etc.  
¶ To the second conclusion I answer, understanding civil dominion, 
Exposition of the second conclusion.  as in the conclusion before. And so I hold, that God, first by his ordinate power cannot give to any person civil dominion here for ever: Secondly, by his absolute power it is not probable for him so to do. For so much as he cannot ever detain his spouse in perpetual prison of this life, nor always defer the final beatitude of his Church.  
3. To the third conclusion. Many writings or charts invented by men, as touching perpetual hereditage civil, be unpossible.  
The verity of this conclusion is incident. For we must not canonize all manner of Charts, what soever, as Catholic, or universal: for than it were not lawful by any means to take away or sequester things given by chart or charter, when any doth unjustly occupy the same. And so, if that stand confirmed and ratified by the faith of the Church, great occasion thereby should be ministered to men so chartered, to trust to their temporal charts, and so might grow thereby much liberty and licence to sin. For like as by what supposition every truth is necessary: so by the same supposition, every false thing is possible, as it is plain by the testimony of Scripture, & of holy Doctors speaking of necessity of things to come.  

Ingratia gratisicante finaliter.  4. Every man being in grace justifying finally, hath not only right unto the thing, but also for his time hath right in deed, over all the good things of God.  
The verity hereof is evident, by holy Scripture Math. 24. Where verity promiseth to every man entering into his joy: verily (saith he) I tell you, he shall set & place him over all the goods he hath. 
Note here he speaketh only of the right of things in the country 〈◊〉 come: and a●t in this exile.  For the right and title belonging to the communion of saints, in their country (he meaneth in the kingdom of heaven) Fundatur obiectiuè super universitatem bonorum Dei: That is: Hath his relation, as unto his object, to all the goods and possession of God.  
5. A man can but only ministratoriously, give any temporal dominion or gift perpetual, as well to his own natural son, as to his son by imitation.  
It is evident. For every man ought to recognise himself in all his works and doings, as an humble servant, and minister of God. As the words of Scripture doth teach us. Let a man so esteem of us as the ministers of Christ. Yea so Christ himself did teach his chief Apostles to minister, but in their country the Saints shall give unto their fellow brethren the dominion of their goods ut pater de suis corporibus & bonis eye inferioribus in natura according to the words of Luke. 6. They shall give you and put into your bosoms a good measure and perfect, well filled and heaped up, and running over.  
6. If God be, temporal Lords may lawfully and meritoriously take away the goods of fortune from the Church when they do offend, habitualiter.  
This conclusion is correlative with the first. Article of our faith: I believe in God the father almighty. etc. Where I understand this word (may) in this conclusion after the manner of authentic Scripture, which saith & granteth: that God is able, of these stones to raise up children to Abraham, for otherwise all Christian Princes were heretics. For this conclusion, thus standeth the reason: If God be, he is omnipotent: & if he be almighty, he is able to command the Lords temporal so to do: & if he way so command, them may they lawfully so take away such goods. etc. And so by the virtue of the same principle, Christian Princes have practised the said sentence upon the Church men heretofore, as did William Rufus. etc. But God forbidden that any should believe hereby my intention to have been, that secular Lords may lawfully take away what goods soever and by what means soever, by their own naked authority at their pleasure: but only by the authority of the church may so do, in cases and form limited by the law.  
7. We know that it is not possible that the vicar of Christ is able by his pure Bulls. etc.  
This is manifest by the Catholic faith, for as much as the Church doth fully believe that the abling of any man, ought first to proceed and come of God: wherefore, no man being Christ his vicar, hath any power in this matter, but only as vicar in the name of the Lord so far forth as he is enabled of the Lord, to notify unto the church whom God hath enabled. Wherefore if any man do any thing not as vicar in the name of the Lord, whom he ought to forethink to be his author and head: It is a presumption of Lucifer, for so much as Christ by his Apostle saith. 1. Cor. 3. all our ability or sufficiency cometh of God. And so consequently, it cometh not purely by the ministery of his Uicarship, that he is enabled, but the ableness or unableness of him being the vicar of Christ, cometh to him an other way from above.  
8. A man can not be excommunicate to his hurt or undoing, except he be excommunicate first and principally, of himself.  
It is evident, forasmuch as all such excommunication ought to proceed & begin originally of his own sin which is damnified: whereupon Augustine saith De verbis Domini, Sermone 51. Do not thou conculcate thyself, and man overcometh thee not. And moreover the faith of the church doth teach, quòd nulla ei nocebit adversitas, si nulla dominetur iniquitas, that is to say. No adversity shall hurt, if no miquitie have the upper hand. And yet notwithstanding, every excommunication for many causes is also to be reared, although that the excommunication of the Church to the humble man being excommunicated, be not damnable but wholesome.  
9 No man ought but in God's cause alone to excommunicate, suspend. etc.  
It is clear, for as much as every just cause is the cause of God, whose respect ought chief to be weighed and pondered. Yea the love of the person excommunicate aught to surmount the zeal of revengement, and the desire of all temporal goods whatsoever, for otherwise he that doth excommunicate, doth damnify himself. To this 9 conclusion notwithstanding it is congruent, that a Prelate may excommunicate in the cause also of man, so that his principal respect in so doing be had to the injury done to his God, as appeareth 13. quaest. 4 Inter querelas.  
10. No curse or excommunication can bind simply, but in case it be given out against the adversary of Christ's law.  
And it appeareth thus, because that God doth bind simply every one that is bound, who cannot excommunicate but only for transgression of his law. Whereunto it is consonant notwithstanding, that the censure of the Church doth not bind simply, but secondarily in that case and respect, as it is denounced against the adversary of the members of the Church.  
11. There is no example of Christ which giveth power to his disciples to excommunicate any subject (especially for denying of any temporalties) but contrary.  
Which is thus declared by the faith, whereby we believe that God is to be beloved above all things, and our neighbour and enemy are to be beloved above all temporal goods of this world necessarily, for the law of God cannot be contrary unto itself.  
12. The disciples of Christ have no power by any civil coaction, to exact temporal things by their censures.  
This appeareth by the faith of the Scripture. Luke 23. Where Christ did forbid his Apostles civilly to reign or to bear any lordship. The kings (saith he) of the Gentiles bear rule over them, but you not so. And after this sense it is expounded of S. bernard, of S. chrysostom, and other holy men: which conclusion notwithstanding, yet may they exact temporal things by ecclesistical censures incidently, if case be that it appertain to the revengement of their God.  
13. It is not possible by the absolute power of God, that if the Pope or any other Christian do pretend to bind or lose at their pleasure, by what means soever, that thereby he doth so bind and lose.  
The contrary of this conclusion will destroy the whol● Catholic faith, importing no less but him to be a blasphemer which so usurpeth such absolute power of the Lord. And yet by this conclusion I intend not to derogate from the power of the Pope or of any other Prelate of the Church, but that he may by the virtue of the head so bind and lose. But do understand the conditional of this negative (to be impossible) after this sense: that it cannot be that the Pope or any other Prelate of the Church can pretend by himself to bind or lose (how and after what manner he list himself) except in such sort, that he do in deed so bind and lose before God as he doth pretend to do.  
14. We ought to believe, that the vicar of Christ doth at such times only bind and lose, when as he worketh conformably by the law, and ordinance of Christ. etc.  
The reason thereof is this, because otherwise it is unlawful for him so to do, except he should do it in the virtue of that law, and so consequently, unless it be comformable to the law and ordinance of Christ. 
The power of all priests toward God equal. Ordo sacerdotaelis non susci●it maius & minus. Potestas ordinis. Potestasregiminis.   
15. To this conclusion, this aught universally to be believed, that every Priest rightly and duly ordered, hath power according to his vocation, etc.  
¶ The reason hereof is this, because that the order of priesthood in his own nature and substance, receiveth no such degrees, either of more, or of less. And yet notwithstanding, the power of inferior Priests, in these days be upon due consideration restrained, and some times again in time of extreme necessity released. And thus according to the Doctors, a Prelate hath a double power, to wit, the power of order, & the power of jurisdiction or regiment. And according to this second power, the Prelates are in an higher Majesty, and regiment.  
16. It is lawful for Princes and Kings (in cases by the law limited) to withdraw temporal commodities, from Church men abusing the same, habitualiter.  
The reason thereof is plain for that temporal Lords ought rather to leave to spiritual alms, which bringeth with it greater fruit, then to corporal alms the case so standing, that some time it were a necessary work of spiritual alms, to chastise such Clerks by taking from them their temporal livings, which use to abuse the same to the damnifyeng both of their soul and body. The case, which the law doth limit in this matter, were the defect of correcting his spiritual head or else for lack of correcting the faith of the Clerk which so offendeth, 
16. q. 7. filijs.  as appeareth. 16. q. 7. filijs. Dist. 40. cap. Si Papa.  
Whether they be temporal Lords, or any other men whatsoever, which have endued any Church with temporalities. etc.  
The truth thereof is evidently sin, for that, nothing ought to stop a man from the principal works of charity necessarily, because in every action and work of man is to be understand a privy condition necessary of God his good will concurring with all, as it is in the civil law de c. Conradi cap. 5. in fine collat. x. And yet God forbidden, that by these words occasion should be given to the Lords temporal to take away the goods of fortune from the Church.  
18. An Ecclesiastical minister, yea the Bishop of Rome may lawfully be rebuked of his subjects, and for the profit of the Church be accused, either of the Clergy, or of the laity.  
The proof of this is manifest hereby, because the said Bishop of Rome is subject to fall into the sin against the holy Ghost, as may be supposed, saving the sanctitude, humility and reverence due to such a Father. For so long as our brother is subject unto the infirmity of falling, he lieth under the law of brotherly correction. And when the whole College of Cardinals may be slothful in ministering due correction for the necessary prosperity of the Church: it is apparent that the residue of the body of the Church, which possibly may stand most of lay men, may wholesomely correct the same accuse and bring him to a better way. The possibility of this case is touched. Dist. 40. Si Papa. If the Pope do err from the right faith. etc. For like as such a great fall ought not to be supposed in the Lord Pope without manifest evidence: so again such an obstinacy ought not to be supposed in him, possibly being fallen, but that be will humbly receive the wholesome medicine of his superior, correcting him in the Lord. The practice of which conclusion also is testified in many Chronicles. far be it from the Church of Christ that verity should be condemned, which soundeth evil to transgressors and other slothful persons, for then the whole ●ayth of the Scripture were in a damnable case.   
Thus john Wicklesse in giving his Exposition unto his foresaid propositions and conclusions, as is above prefixed, through the favour and diligence of the Londoners, either shifted of the Bishops, or else satisfied them so: that for that time he was dismissed and scaped clearly away, only being charged and commanded by the said Bishops, that he should not teach or preach any such doctrine any more, for the offence of the lay people.  
Thus this good man being escaped from the Bishops, with this charge aforesaid, yet notwithstanding, ceased not to proceed in his godly purpose, labouring and profiting still in the Church as he had begun.  

The death of Pope Gregory. 11.  Unto whom also (as it happeneth by the providence of God) this was a great help and stay, for that in the same year, or in the beginning of the next year following, the foresaid Pope Gregory xi. which was the stirrer up of all this trouble against him, turned up his heels and died. 
V●banus. 6. Pope.  After whom ensued such a schism in Rome, between two Popes, and other succeeding after them, one striving against an other: that the schism thereof endured the space of. xxxix. years, until the time of the Council of constance.  

A schism in Rome.  The occasioner of which schism first was Pope Urbane the 6. who in the first beginning of his Popedom was so proud and insolent to his Cardinals, and other, as to Dukes, Princes, and Queens, and so set to advance his Nephew and kindred, with injuries to other Princes that the greatest number of his Cardinals and Courtyours by little and little shrunk from him, and set up an other French Pope against him, named Clement, who reigned xi. years. And after him Benedictus the 13. who reigned years 26. Again of the contrary side after Urbanus the sixth succeeded, Boniface the ninth, Innocentius the viij. Gregorius the xij. Alexander the fift, john 13.  
¶ Papae, years. month. ¶ Antipapae. years. Vrbanus. 6. 11. 8. Clement. 11 Bonifacius. 9 14. 9 Benedictus. 13. 26. Innocentius. 8. 2. 0.   Gregorius. 12. 2. 7   Alexander 5. 0. 11.   johannes. 13. 5. 10    
As touching this pestilent & most miserable schism, it would require here an other Ileade to comprehend in order all the circumstances and tragical parts thereof, what trouble in the whole Church, what parts taking in every Country, what apprehending and imprysoning of priests & prelate's, taken by land and sea, what shedding of blood did follow thereof. How Ottho duke of Brunsewyke & Prince of Tarentum, was taken and murdered. How joane Queen of Jerusalem and Sicilia his wife, who before had sent to Pope Urbane, beside other gifts at his coronation, xl. M. Ducats in pure gold: after by the said Urbane was committed to prison, and in the same prison strangled. What Cardinals were racked, and miserably without all mercy tormented on gibbettes to death, what slaughter of men, what battles were fought between the two Popes, 
Was not here a jolly agreement?  whereof 5000. on the one side were slain, beside the number of them which were taken prisoners. Of the beheading of 5. cardinals together after long torments, and how the bishop Aquilonensis, being suspected of pope Urbane, for not riding faster with the Pope, his horse being not good, was there slain by the Pope's commandment, sending his soldiers unto him, to slay him, and cut him in pieces. All which things, with other divers more acts of horrible cruelty, happening in the time of this abominable schism, because they are abundantly discoursed at full, by Theodorike Niem, who was near to the said Pope Urbane, 
Theodo. 〈◊〉 a Niem. d● schisma●●.  and present at all his doings: therefore as a thing needless, I here pretermit, referring them who covet to be certified more amply herein, unto the 3. books of the said Theodorike above mentioned.  
About the same time, 
Rebellion in England by jacke Straw. Simon the Archb. beheaded. W. Courtney Archb. of Cant.  also about 3. years after, there fell a cruel dissension in England, between the common people and the nobility, the which did not a little disturb and trouble the common wealth. In this tumult, Simon of Sudbury Archbishop of Canterbury, was taken by the rustical & rude people, and was beheaded. In whose place after, succeeded William Courtney, which was no less diligent than his predecessor had been before him, in doing his diligence to root out heretics. Notwithstanding, in the mean season Wickleffes sect increased privily, and daily grew to greater force, 
Barton chancellor of Oxford. Anno. 1380.  until the time that William Barton Uicechancellor of Oxford, about the year of our Lord 1380. had the whole rule of that university: who calling together 8. monastical doctors, and 4. other, with the consent of the rest of his affinity, putting the common seal of the university unto certain writings: he set forth an Edict, declaring unto every man, and threatening them under a grievous penalty, that no men should be so hardy, hereafter to associate themselves with any of Wickliffs' fautors or favourers: and unto Wickliff himself, he threatened the greater excommunication, and farther imprisonment, and to all his fautors, unless that they after 3. days canonical admonition or warning, or as they call it, peremptory, did repent & amend. 
An edict against the Wiclivistes.  The which thing when Wickliff understood, forsaking the pope & all the clergy, he thought to appeal unto the king's majesty: but the Duke of Lancaster coming between, forbade him that he should not hereafter attempt or begin any such matters, but rather submit himself unto the censure and judgement of his ordinary. Whereby Wickliff being beset with troubles and vexations, as it were in the midst of the waves, he was forced once again to make confession of his doctrine: in the which his confession, to avoid the rigour of things, he answered as is aforesaid, making his declaration, and qualifying his assertions after such a sort, that he did mitigate and assuage the rigour of his enemies.  
The next year after, 
Anno. 1382.  which was 1382. by the commandment of William Arch. of Cant. there was a convocation holden at London, where as john Wickliff was also commanded to be present. But whether he there appeared personally, or not, I find it not in story certainly affirmed. The mandate of the Archb. Wil Courtney (sent abroad for the conventing together of this council) here followeth under written, truly copied out of his own registers.  
Memorandum, 
The mandate of the Archb.  that where as well amongst the nobles as commons of this realm of England, there hath a certain brute ben spread of divers conclusions both erroneous, & also repugnant to the determination of the Church which tend to the subversion of the whole Church, and to our province of Canterbury, 
Ex Registro Archb. W. Courtney.  and also to the subversion of the whole realm, being preached in divers & sundry places of our said province, generally, commonly, & publicly: We William by God's permission Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and Legate of the sea Apostolical, being minded to execute our office and duty herein: have convocated or called together, certain our fellow brethren & others a great many, as well Doctors and Bachelors of divinity, as doctors of the Canon and civil law, and those whom we thought to be the most famous men, skilfullest men. and men of soundest judgement in religion, that were in all the realm, whose names here under ensue. And the same being (the 17. day of the month of May) in the year of our Lord 1382. in a certain chamber within the territories of the priory of the friars preachers of London before us and our foresaid fellow brethren assembled, then and there personally present: After that the said conclusions (the tenor whereof here under ensueth) were openly proponed, and distinctly and plainly read: We burdened our foresaid fellow brethren, doctors, and bachelors, in the faith wherein they stood bound to our Lord jesus Christ, and as they would answer before the high judge in the day of judgement, that they should speak their opinions touching the said conclusions, and what every of them thinketh therein.  
And at length, after good deliberation had upon the premises, the foresaid our brethren the bishops, doctors, & Bachelors, reassembled before us the 21. day of the same month in the foresaid chamber, the foresaid conclusions being again and again repeated and plainly read: by us and by the common consents of us all it remaineth published and declared, that some of the said conclusions are heretical, and other some erroneous and contrary to the determination of the Church, as hereafter most manifestly shall appear. And for as much as by sufficient information we find & perceive, that the said conclusions in many places of our said province, have been as is said, both taught & preached: and that divers other persons do hold and maintain the same, and be of heresy vehemently and notoriously suspected: have thought good as well generally as specially, to send out this process under written.  

¶ The names of the Iurers were these.  
IN primis viij. Bishops, Canterbury, Winchester, Durram, Exeter, Herforde, Sarum, Rochester, and Friar Botlesham. B.  
Item 3. friars preachers, Syward, Paris, Langley.  
Item 4. minorites, Foluile, Carlel, Frisley, Bernwel.  
Item, Augustine Friars. four. Ashborne, Bowkyn, Woldley, Hornyngton.  
Item, Carmelites 4. Glanuile, Dis, Loney, Kynnyngham.  
Item, Monks 4. Wells, Ramsey, Bloxam, Marton.  
Item, doctors of the Canon and Civil law 14. Appelby, Waltrom, Baketon, Chadesden, Tregision, Stow, Blaunchard, Rocombey, Lidford, Welbourne, Flayneburgh, Motrum, Brandon and Prophet.  
Item, Bachelors of Divinity 6. Humbleton, Pickweche, Lindlow, Which, Chiselden, Tomson.   
The Articles of john Wickleffe here above specified, whereof some were 10. which were by these Friars condemned as heretical, the rest as erroneous: here in order follow, and are these. Although it may be thought, that some of them were made worse by their sinister collecting, than he meant them in his own works and writings.  

¶ The articles of john Wickliff, condemned as heretical.  
1. THe substance of material bread & wine, doth remain in the Sacrament of the altar after the consecration.  
2. The accidents, do not remain without the subject in the same Sacrament, after the consecration.  
3. That Christ is not in the Sacrament of the altar truly and really, in his proper and corporal person.  

this article either is slanderously reported, or else can hardly be defended.  4. * That if a Bishop or a Priest be in deadly sin, he doth not order, consecrate, nor baptise.  
5. That if a man be duly and truly contrite & penitent: all exterior and outer confession, is but superfluous and unprofitable unto him.  
6. That it is not found or established by the Gospel, that Christ did make or ordain mass.  
7. If the pope be a reprobate and evil man, & consequently a member of the devil: he hath no power by any manner of means given unto him over faithful Christians, except peradventure it be given him from the Emperor.  
8. That since the time of Urbane the 6. there is none to be received for Pope, but to live after the manner of the Greeks, every man under his own law.  
9 
* He meaneth church goods not to be so peculiar to ministers but that they may be taken away if they so deserve.  To be against the Scripture, that ecclesiastical ministers should have any temporal possessions.   

¶ The other Articles of john Wickleffe, condemned as erroneous.  
10 THat no Prelate ought to excommunicate any man, except he knew him first to be excommunicate of God.  
11. That he which doth so excommunicate any man, is thereby himself either an heretic or excommunicated.  
12. That a Prelate or Bishop excommunicating any of the clergy, which hath appealed to the king or to the counsel, is thereby himself, a traitor to the king and realm.  
13. That all such which do leave of preaching or hearing the word of God or preaching of the Gospel, for scare of excommunication: they are already excommunicated, and in that day of judgement, shallbe counted as traitors unto god.  
14. That it is lawful for any man, either deacon or priest, to preach the word of God, without the authority or licence of the Apostolic sea or any other of his Catholics.  
15. 
¶ This article peradventure was not so straightly meant of him as it wa● gathered of them as is aforesaid.  That so long as a man is in deadly sin, he is neither Bishop nor Prelate in the Church of God.  
16. 
* This article expounde●● the ix. article above.  Also that the temporal lords, may according to their own will and discretion, take away the temporal goods from the Church men, whensoever they do offend.  
17. That tenths are pure almose, and that the Parishioners may for the offence of their curates, detain and keep them back, & bestow them upon others, at their own will and pleasures,  
18. Also, that all special prayers applied to any private or particular person, by any Prelate or religious man: do no more profit the same parson, then general or universal prayers do profit others, which be in like case or state unto him.  
19 Moreover, in that any man doth enter into any private religion, whatsoever it be, he is thereby made, the more unapt and unable to observe and keep the commandments of God.  
20. That holy men which have instituted private Religions, whatsoever they be (as well such as are endued and possessed, as also the order of begging Friars, having no possessions) in so doing, have grievously offended.  
21. That religious men, being in their private religions, are not of the Christian Religion.  
22. That Friars are bounden to get their living, by the labour of their hands and not by begging.  
23. That whosoever doth give any almose unto Friars, or to any begging observant, is accursed or in danger thereof.   
¶ The letter of the Archbishop directed to the Bishop of London, against Wickleffe and his adherentes.  
WIlliam by God's permission Archbishop of Canterbury, 
A letter of the Archb. of Cant. against Wickliff.  Metropolitan of all England, and of the Apostolical sea Legate:  
To our reverend brother by the grace of God Bishop of London, salutation. The Prelates of the Church ought to be so much the more vigilant and attentive about the charge of the Lords flock committed unto them: how much the more they shall understand the Wolves being clothed in sheeps apparel, fraudulently to go about to woory and scatter the sheep. Truly, by the continual cry and bruited fame (which it grieveth me to report) it is come to our knowledge: that although by the canonical sanctions, no man being forbidden or not admitted, should either publicly or privily without the authority of the Apostolical sea or Bishop of that place, usurp or take upon him the office of a Preacher: Some notwithstanding, such as are the children of damnation, being under the vale of blind ignorance, are brought into such a doting mind, that they take upon them to Preach, and are not afraid to affirm and teach divers and sundry propositions and conclusions here under recited, both heretical, erroneous, and false, condemned by the Church of God: and repugnant to the decree of holy Church, which tend to the subverting of the whole state of the same, of our province of Canterbury, and destruction and weakening of the tranquility of the same: and that as well in the Churches, as in the streets, as also in many other profane places of our said province, generally, commonly, and publicly, do preach the same, infecting very many good Christians, causing them lamentably to wander out of the way, & from the catholic Church, without which there is no salvation. We therefore considering, that so pernicious a mischief which may creep amongst many, we ought not to suffer, and by dissimulation to pass over, which may with deadly contagion slay the souls of men, lest their blood be required at our hands: are willing so much as God will permit us to do, to extirpate the same. Wherefore, by the counsel and consent of many of our brethren and suffragans, we have convented divers and sundry Doctors of Divinity, as also professors and other Clerks of the Canon and Civil laws, the best learned within the Realm, and of the most soundest opinion and judgement in the Catholic faith, to give their opinions and judgements concerning the foresaid conclusions. 
Had ye tried them by the truth, you should have found them otherwise.  But for as much as the said conclusions and assertions: being in the presence of us, and our fellow brethren and other convocates, openly expounded, and diligently examined, and in the end found by common counsel and consent, as well of them as of us, and so declared that some of those conclusions were heretical, and some of them erroneous & repugnant to the determination of the Church, as here under are described: We will and command your brotherhood, and by virtue of holy obedience straightly enjoin, all and singular our brethren and suffragans of our body and Church of Canterbury, that with all speedy diligence you possible can, you likewise enjoin them (as we have enjoined you) and every of them. And that every one of them in their Churches & other places of their City and Diocese, do admonish and warn, and that you in your Church and other Churches of your City and Diocese, do admonish and warn, as we by the tenor of these presents, do admonish and warn the first time, the second time, and the third time: and yet more straightly do warn, assigning for the first admonition one day, for the second admonition an other day, & for the third admonition canonical and peremptory, an other day: That no man from hence forth of what estate or condition soever, do hold, preach or defend the foresaid heresies and errors or any of them: nor that he admit to preach any one that is prohibited or not sent to preach, nor that he hear or hearken to the heresies or errors of him or any of them, or that he favour or lean unto him either publicly, or privily: But that immediately he shun him as he would avoid a Serpent putting forth most pestiferous poison, 
Druta Fulmina.  under pain of the greater curse, the which we command to be thundered against all and every one which shallbe disobedient in this behalf, and not regarding these our monitions, after that those 3. days be past which are assigned for the canonical monition, and that their delay, fault or offence, committed require the same: That then according to the tenor of these writings, we command both by every one of our fellow brethren & our suffragans in their Cities and Diocese, and by you in your City and Diocese (so much as belongeth both to you and them) that to the uttermost, both ye and they cause the same excommunications to be pronounced. 
He that killeth you, shall think he doth God good service.  And furthermore, we will and command our foresaid fellow brethren, and all & singular of you a part by yourselves, to be admonished, and by the aspersion of the blood of jesus Christ we likewise admonish you: that according to the institution of the sacred Canons, every one of them in their Cities & Diocese, be a diligent inquisitor of this heretical pravity: and that every one of you also in your Cities and Diocese, 
Yea rather for the honour of your pope, and destruction of Christian faith.  be the like inquisitor of the foresaid heretical pravity: And that of such like presumptions they and you carefully and diligently inquire, and that both they and you (according to your duties and office in this behalf) with effect do proceed against the same, to the honour and praise of his name that was crucified, and for the preservation of the Christian faith and Religion.  
Here is not to be passed over, the great miracle of gods divine admonition or warning: for when as the Archbishop and suffragans, with the other Doctors of divinity, and lawyers with a great company of babbling Friars, & religious persons were gathered together to consult, as touching john Wickleffes books, and that whole sect: When as they were gathered together at the Grey friars in London, 
An earthquake what time Wickliff was examined. Ex chron. mon. Albanensii.  to begin their business, upon S. Dunston's day after dinner, about 2. of the clock the very hour & instant that they should go forward with their business: a wonderful and terrible earthquake fell, through out all England: whereupon, divers of the suffragans being feared, by the strange and wonderful demonstration, doubting what it should mean, thought it good to leave of from their determinate purpose. But the Archbishop (as chief captain of that army, more rash and bold then wise interpreating the chance which had happened, clean contrary to an other meaning or purpose, did confirm & strengthen their hearts and minds, which were almost daunted with fear, stoutly to proceed and go forward in their attempted enterprise. Who then discoursing Wickliff's articles, not according unto the sacred Canons of the holy Scripture, but unto their own private affections and traditions, pronounced and gave sentence, that some of them were simply and plainly heretical, other some half erroneous other irreligious, some seditious, and not consonant to the Church of Rome.  
Item, 
Determination upon the articles of Wickl●●●e  the 12. day of june, in the year aforesaid, in the chamber of the friars preachers: the foresaid M. Robert Rigges Chancellor of the university of Oxford, & Thomas Brightwell professors of divinity, being appointed the same day and place, by the foresaid reverend father in God Archbishop of Canterbury: appeared before him, in the presence of the reverend father in God, Lord William, by the grace of God Bishop of Winchester, and divers others doctors and bachelors of Divinity and of the Canon and civil law, whose names are before recited. And first the said Chancellor by the said Lord Archb. of Cant. being examined what his opinion was touching the foresaid articles: Publicly affirmed and declared, that certain of those conclusions were heretical, and certain erroneous, as the other doctors and clerks afore mentioned had declared: And then immediately next after him, the foresaid Thomas Brightwel was examined, which upon some of the conclusions at first somewhat staggered, but in the end being by the said Archbishop, diligently examined upon the same, did affirm and repute the same to be heretical and erroneous, as the foresaid Chancellor had done. another Bachelor of Divinity also there was named N. stammering also at some of those conclusions, but in the end affirmed that his opinion therein was, as was the judgement of the foresaid chancellor and Thomas as is above declared. Whereupon, the said Lord Archb. of Cant. willing to let and hinder the peril of such heresies & errors: Delivered unto the foresaid chancellor there being publicly read his letters patents, to be executed, the tenor whereof in these words doth follow.  
WIlliam by the grace of God Archb. of Cant. primate of all England, 
A letter of the Archb. of Cant. to the chancellor of Oxford.  and Legate of the Apostolical see: To our well-beloved son in Christ the Chancellor of the university of Oxford, within the diocese of Lincoln, greeting, grace and benediction. The prelate's of the Church, about the Lords flock committed to their charge, ought so much to be more vigilant as that they see the wolf clothed in sheeps attire fraudulently go about to worow and scatter the sheep. doubtless, the common fame & brute is come unto our ears. etc. Vtin mandato praecedenti. We will therefore and command, straightly enjoining you, that in the Church of our blessed Lady in Oxford, upon those days the which accustomably the Sermone is made, as also in the schools of the said University upon those days the Lectures be read, ye publish and cause by others to be published to the clergy and people, as well in their vulgar tongue, as in the Latin tongue, manifestly and plainly without any curious implication, the same heretical and erroneous conclusions, so repugnant to the determination of holy Church, as is aforesaid: to have been & be condemned, and which conclusions also we declare by these our letters to be utterly condemned: And that furthermore you forbidden, and canonically admonish, and cause to be admonished, as we by the tenor of these presents do forbid and admonish you, once, twice, and thrice, and that peremptorily: that none hereafter hold, teach, preach, or defend the heresies and errors above said, or any of them either in school or out of school by any sophistical cavillation or otherwise: or that any admit to preach, hear, or hearken unto john Wyckliffe, Nicholas Hereford, Philip Reppindon canon regular, or john Ayshton, or Laurence Readman, which be vehemently and notoriously suspected of heresy, or else any other whatsoever, so suspected or defamed: or that either privily or publicly, they either aid or favour them or any of them, but that incontinently they shun and avoid the same as a Serpent which putteth forth most pestiferous poison. And furthermore, we suspend the said suspected persons from all scholastical act, till such time as they shall purge themselves before us in that behalf, and that you denounce the same publicly, by us to have been and be suspended, and that ye diligently and faithfully inquire, of all their fautors and favourers, and cause to be inquired throughout all the hauls of the said university. And that when you shall have intelligence of their names & persons, 
Make sure work.  that ye compel all and every of them to abjure their outrages by Ecclesiastical Censures and other pains Canonical whatsoever under pain of the greater curse, the which against all and singular the rebellious in this behalf, and disobeying our monitions we pronounce: so that their fault, deceit, and offence in this behalf, deserve the same (the said monition of ours being first sent) which in this behalf we exteeme and allow Canonical, that then and again according to the effect of these our letters. etc. The Absolution of all and singular such, which shall incur the sentence of this instrument by us sent forth (which God forbid) We specially reserve unto ourselves: exhorting you the Chancellor by the aspersion of the blood of JESUS CHRIST, that to the uttermost of your power hereafter you do your endeavour, that the Clergy and people being subject unto you, if there be which have strayed from the Catholic faith by such errors, may be brought home again, to the laud and honour of his name that was crucified, and preservation of the true faith. And further our will is, that whatsoever you shall do, in the premises in manner & form of our process in this behalf, to be had and done: that you for your part, when you shallbe required thereunto, plainly & distinctly do certify us by your letters patents, having the tenor hereof.  
The conclusions and articles here mentioned in this letter, are above prefixed. Of which some were condemned for heretical, some for erroneous.  
After this, within few days the foresaid Archbishop W. Courtney, directed down his letters of admonition to Robert Rig commissary of Oxford, for the repressing of this doctrine. Which yet notwithstanding both then, and yet to this day (God be praised) doth remain. The copy of his monition to the Commissary here out of his own Register, followeth.  

¶ The monition of the Archbishop, unto the foresaid Chancellor.  

Another letter of the Archb. to the Commissary of Oxford.  IN Dei nomine Amen. Where as we William by the permission of God Archbishop of Canterbury Lord Primate of England and Legate of the Apostolical sea, by the consent of our suffragans, have caused to be assembled together divers clerks both secular and regular of the university of Oxford, within our province of Canterbury and other Catholic persons to inform us of, and upon certain conclusions heretical and erroneous generally and commonly preached and published in divers places of the said province of Canterbury to the subversion of the whole state of the Church, and our said province: And also mature deliberation had upon the same: by the common counsel of the said our suffragans & their convocates, it was declared, that certain of the said conclusions, to have been and be condemned, some for heretical, and some for erroneous, and notoriously repugnant to the determination of the church, which we also ourselves have declared to be damnable: And have understood by credible information, and partly by experience that thou Robert Rig, Chancellor of the university aforesaid, hast & dost incline partly to the foresaid damnable conclusions, whom also we in this part have partly suspected, dost intend to molest these our Clerks above specified, & others adhering unto us in this behalf, as they ought to do: through thy subtle and sophistical imaginations, sundry & manifold ways, therefore we admonish thee M. Robert chancellor aforesaid, the first, second, and third time, and peremptorily: that thou dost not grieve, let, or molest, judicially or extraiudicially, apertly or privily, or cause to be grieved, let and molested, or procure directly or indirectly, by thyself, or any other, as much as in thee lieth to be grieved, the foresaid Clerks secular or regular, or such as favour them in the premises, in their scholastical acts or in any other condition whatsoever. And that thou suffer none. hereafter to teach, maintain, preach, or defend any such heresies or errors in the said University, either within or without the schools: Neither that thou do admit I. Wickliff, Nicholas Herford, Philip Repindon, john Ayshton, or Laurence Redman, which are vehemently and notoriously suspected of heresy, or any other so suspected or defamed, unto that office of preaching. But that thou denounce the said persons to be suspended, whom we have suspended from all scholastical act, whilst they clear their innocency in this part before us, under the pain of the greater curse, which we here in these writings denounce against thy person if thou shalt not obey those our admonitions, with effect, as thy crime, subtlety and offence in this behalf shall require according to this our admonition premised, which we repute in this part for canonical, as well then as now, and now as well as then, reserving the absolution of this sentence excommunicatorie, if it happen to light upon thee, as (God forbidden) specially unto ourselves. Testified with the hands of the Iurers, above in the page 410. before specified.   

¶ The examination of Nicholas Herford, Philip Repingdon, and john Ayshton.  
THe 18. day of the month and year aforesaid in the chamber of the preaching Friars afore mentioned, before the foresaid Archb. in the presence of divers Doctors and Bachelors of Divinity, and many Lawyers both Canon and Civil, whose names are under written: appeared M. Nich. Herford, Philip Repingdon, & john Ayshton Bachelors of divinity. Who after a corporal oath taken to show their judgements upon the conclusions aforesaid, were examined severally each one by himself, before the Archb. Who there required day and place to deliberate upon the conclusions aforesaid, and to give their answer unto the same in writing. And also required to have a copy of the said conclusions to be delivered unto them. The which copy, 
M. john As●eton examined.  the said Nicholas & Philip (being openly read unto them) received. Also the foresaid M. john Ayshton likewise was examined, and judicially admonished by the said Archbishop by virtue of his oath, that he setting aside all sophistical words & subtleties, he fully and plainly would say his mind upon the conclusions aforesaid. And being asked moreover by the said Archbishop whether he would have a further day to deliberate upon his answers, as the foresaid Nicholas and Philip had before: said expressly that he would not, but would answer presently to those conclusions. 
The answer of john Asheton.  And so for final answer said, as concerning all these conclusions (containing them all together) that his judgement was in this behalf to hold his peace. Wherefore the foresaid Archbishop reputing the said john herein to be suspected, admonished him in form of words as followeth: We admonish thee john Ayshton, whom we repute to be defamed, & notoriously suspected of heresy, the first, the second, and third time: that in our province of Canterbury hereafter, thou do not preach publicly or privately without our special licence, under pain of the greater curse, which we denounce here by these presents against thy person, if thou obey not our monitions, for now as for then. And consequently, for as much as the said john being asked of the Archb. confessed that he had heard before of the publication of the archbishop's Mandate, wherein was inhibited that no person prohibited or not sent, 
M. Asheton monished again to appear.  should preach hereafter: the foresaid Archb. assigned to him Friday next following, which was the 20. day of the same month, after dinner to appear before him, either at Lamheth, or in the same place: to say for himself, wherefore he might not be pronounced for an heretic, & for such a one to be denounced through his whole province. Also the said Archbishop assigned to the foresaid Nicholas and Philip, the said day & place to answer peremptorily, and to say fully & plainly to the conclusions aforesaid, all sophistication of words and disputation set a part.   

¶ The names of the Friars that sat upon them.  


friars preachers 7.  
Thom. Barnwel,  
William Swynherd,  
William Pitworth,  
Tho. Whatley,  
Laurence Grenham,  
john Leigh,  
john Haker.   

Carmelites 3.  
Walter Dish,  
john Kinningham,  
john Lovey.   

Augustine friar.  

Thomas Ashborne Doctor.      
In the 20. day aforesaid of the said month of june, 
xx. of june.  the year and place above prefixed, before the foresaid Archbishop, sitting in his tribunal seat, in the presence of divers Doctors of Divinity, and lawyers, both Civil and Canon: personally appeared M. Nicholas Herford, & Philip Repindon, 
Hertford & Repington appear.  Bachelors of Divinity, and john Ayshton master of Arte. Where, the foresaid Nicholas and Philip, being required by the said Archb. to answer and say fully and plainly their judgements upon the conclusions prefixed, whereunto the said Archbishop had assigned to the said Nicholas and Philip the same term: did exhibit to the said Archbishop there judicially sitting, certain answers in writing contained, after the manner of indenture, the tenor whereof here under is contained, and after the same form answered to the said conclusions. The tenor of which Indenture containing the foresaid conclusions unto them moved as afore, followeth in these words.  

¶ The protestation of Nicholas, Philip, and john, with their Articles and answers to the same.  
WE protest here as before, publicly in these presents: that we intent to be humble and faithful children to the church and holy scripture, 
The protestation of Hereford, and Asheton exhibited to the Archb.  and to obey in all things the determinations of the Church. And if it shall chance us at any time which god forbidden, to serve from this our intention, we submit ourselves humbly to the correction of our reverend father Lord Archbishop of Cant. and primate of all England: and of all other, which have interest to correct such swaruers. This protestation premised, thus we answer to the conclusions aforesaid.  
That the substance of material bread and wine, remaineth in the Sacrament of the altar after consecration.  
After the sense contrary to the Decretal, beginning Firmiter credimus, we grant that it is heresy.  
That the accidents do not remain without the subject after consecration of the Sacrament.  

Articles with the answers.  A●ter the sense contrary to that Decretal Cum Marthe, We grant that it is heresy.  
That Christ is not in the sacrament, the self same truly and really in his own corporal presence.  
Although this conclusion as the words stand sound to be probable and intelligible: yet in the sense contrary to the decretal in Cle, Si dudum. We grant that it is heresy. And briefly concerning this whole matter of the Sacrament of the altar as touching also all other things, we profess that we will both in word and sense, hold with the holy Scripture, with the determination of the holy church and sayings of the holy Doctors.  
Obstinately to affirm that it hath no foundation in the Gospel that Christ ordained the Mass.  
We grant that it is heresy.  
That God ought to obey the devil.  
In this sense that God in his own person or essence, aught to obey the devil with the obedience of necessity.  
We grant that it is heresy.  
If a man be duly contrite, that all external confession is to him superfluous and unprofitable.  
We grant that it is heresy.  
If the Pope be a reprobate & an evil man, and consequently a member of the devil: He hath no power over the faithful of Christ, given to him of any, unleast it be of Cesar.  
We grant that it is heresy.  
That after Pope Urbane the 6. none is to be received for Pope, but that we ought to live after the manner of the Grecians under our own laws.  
We grant that it is heresy.  
To say that it is against the holy Scripture for ecclesiastical persons to have temporal possessions.  
If obstinacy be joined withal: we grant that it is heresy.  
That no Prelate ought to excommunicate any man, unless he know him before to be excommunicate of God.  
We grant that it is an error. Understanding this knowledge to mean an experimental knowledge: so that herewith may stand the Decree of the Church. 11. q. 3. Nemo Episco.  
That he which doth so excommunicate, is thereby an heretic or excommunicate.  
After the sense agreeing with the other before, we grant to be an error.  
That a Prelate excommunicating a clerk, which appealeth to the king or counsel of the realm, in so doing is a traitor to God, the king, and the realm.  
We grant it is an error.  
That they which leave off to preach, or to hear the word of God & the gospel preached, for the excommunication of men, are excommunicate: and in the day of judgement shallbe counted for traitors to God.  
Understanding this conclusion universally so, as scripture and laws do understand such indefinite propositions: We grant it is an error.  
To affirm that it is lawful for any Deacon or Priest, to preach the word of God without the authority of the sea apostolic or catholic Bishop, or of any other whose authority he knoweth sufficient.  
We grant it is an error.  
To affirm that there is no civil Lord, no Bishop nor Prelate whilst he is in mortal sin, we grant it is an error.  
That temporal Lords may at their pleasure take away the temporal goods from Churches offending habitualiter: We grant it is an error, after this sense that they may so take away temporal goods of the churches without the cases limited in the laws of the Church and kingdoms.  
That the vulgar people may correct the Lords offending at their pleasure: understanding by this word may, that they may do it by the law: We grant it is an error, because that subjects have no power over their Lords,  
That tithes be pure alms, and that parishioners may for the offences of their Curates detain the same and bestow them to others at their pleasure: understanding by this word may, as before, to may, by the law: we grant it is an error.  
That special prayers applied to any one person by prelate's or religious men, do no more profit than the general prayers, if there be no let by the way to make them unlike: Understanding this conclusion universally negatively, & understanding by special prayers, the prayers made upon special devotion and general prayers of general devotion: then after this sense, no such special prayers applied to any one person, by special orators do profit more specially the said person, then general prayers do, which are made o● the same and for the same persons, we grant it is an error.  
He that giveth alms to the friars, or to any friar that preacheth, is excommunicate both he that giveth, & he that taketh: Understanding this proposition universally or conditionally as is aforesaid: We grant to be an error.  
That who so entereth into any private religion what so ever, is thereby made more unapt and unmeet to obey the commandments of God: We grant it is an error.  
That such holy men as did institute any private religions whatsoever, as well of secular having possessions, as of friars having none, in so instituting did sin: Understanding this reduplitatively or universally: We grant it is an error. After this sense, that what Saint soever did institute private religions, instituting the said religion upon that consideration as they did, did sin.  
That religious men living in private religions, be not of the religion of Christ: Understanding the proposition universally as is aforesaid: We grant it is an error.  
That friars are bound to get their livings by the labour of their hands and not by begging: Understanding this proposition universally as before: We grant it is an error.  
These things have we spoken reverend father & Lord, in all humility, under your gracious supportation and benign correction, according to our abilities & slender capacities for this present (the honour of god, the verity of our belief, and safe conscience in all points reserved) more humbly yet beseeching you: that if any other thing there be that seemeth meet unto your excellency & discretion to be more or otherwise said & spoken: that your gracious fatherhood would vouchsafe to inform us as children by the sacred scriptures by the determination of the church, or authorities of the holy Doctors. And doubtless with ready wills, and obedient minds we will consent and agree unto your wholesome doctrine. May it therefore please your fatherhood right reverend in God, according to the accustomed manner of your benignity, favourably to accept these our words and sayings, forasmuch as the foresaid conclusions were never by us either in schools affirmed, or else in Sermons publicly preached.    

¶ Further examinations and proceedings against the foresaid Nich. Herford, Philip Reppindon, and Io. Aishton.  
WHen all these answers were made unto the said lord Archb. of Canterb. the said Nicholas and Philip, 
Farther examinations against the said Nic. Phil. and john. Nic. Herford. Phil. Repington. john Asheton, examined. 20. Junii. an. 2382.  for that they answered not unto the meaning and words of the first conclusion expressly: but contrary to the sense of the decretal Firmiter credimus, were there judicially examined what their sense and meaning was, but they would not express the same. Then was it demanded of them according to the sense of the same conclusion declared on the behalf of the said Lord of Cant. whether the same material bread in numero, which before the consecration is laid upon the altar, remain in the proper substance and nature, after the consecration in the Sacrament of the altar, and likewise of the wine? To this the said Nicholas & Philip answered, that for that time they could say no more therein, then that they had already answered, as is afore alleged in writing. And for that unto the sense and words of the second conclusion they answered not fully and expressly, but in a sense contrary to the Decretal Cum Marthe, being asked what was the meaning, would not express the same. Therefore it was demanded of them according to the sense of the same conclusion, declared in the behalf of the said Lord of Caunterbury, whether those corporal accidences which formally were in the bread and wine before the consecration of them: after the consecration were in the same bread and wine, or else were subjecteth in any other substance? To this they answered, that better to answer, than before in their writings they already had, for that time they could not. To the meaning also and words of the third conclusion, for that they answered not plainly and expressly, but in sense contrary to the decretal in the Clementines Si dudum, being asked what was that sense and meaning, would not declare the same: Wherefore it was then demanded of them according to the sense of the same conclusion, declared on the behalf of the said Lord of Canterbury. Wither the same body of Christ which was assumpted of the virgin, be in the sacrament of the altar, secundum se ipsum, even as he is really in carnal substance, proper essence, and nature. To this they answered, that for that time they could say no more than that they had said, as before is specified in writing.  
Furthermore, to the sense and text of the sixth conclusion, for that they answered not fully and expressly, being asked whether God ought any manner of obedience to the Devil or not: they said yea, as the obedience of love, because he loveth him, and punished him as he ought. And to prove that God ought so to obey the devil, they offered themselves to the fire.  
To the 11. conclusion, for that they answered not expressly, being asked whither a prelate might excommunicate any man being in the state of grace: said yea.  
Unto the 20. conclusion, for that they answered not fully, simply, and expressly, being demanded whether special or general prayers did most profit, and were of greater force? They would not say but that special.  
Unto the last conclusion, for that they answered neither simply nor expressly, and being demanded particularly, whether any friar were bound to get his living with his manual labour, so that it might not be lawful for them to live by begging? They would make no answer at all.  
After that, the foresaid Lord Archb. of Cant. demanded of all the foresaid Doctors, 
The judgement of the ●●to●s vp●● these 〈◊〉.  what their judgement was touching the answers that were made upon all & singular such conclusions. All which doctors and every of them severally, said: the there all the answers given unto the first second, third, and sixth conclusions (as is before recited) were insufficient, heretical and subtle, and that all the answers made specially to the tenth, ninth, and last conclusions, as is above mentioned: were insufficient, erroneous and perverse. Whereupon the Lord said Archbishop of Caunterbury, considering the said answers to be heretical, subtle, erroneous and perverse, accordingly as the said Doctors (as is aforesaid) had weighed and considered: admonished the said Nicholas and Philip sufficiently▪ under these form of words.  
The name of Christ being called upon: we William by God's permission, 
Admonition and citaon of the Archb. against the ●●minates.  Archbishop of Canterbury, Metropopolitane of all England, and Legate of the apostolic see, and through all our province of Caunterbury, Inquisitor of all heretical pravity: do sufficiently and lawfully admonish and cite you Nicholas Herford and Philip Repingdon professors of Divinity, having this day and place assigned you by your own consent and our prefiction, peremptorily to answer and to say, fully and plainly your opinions touching these conclusions whereunto we do refer you (all subtle, sophistical, and Logical words set apart) being thereunto sworn, cited, & commanded: Which thing to do, without cause reasonable or any licence given thereunto, you neither have been willing nor are willing, nay rather ye contemptuously refused to answer to some of those conclusions before us judicially, according to the effect of our monition, citation and commandment before said. But for that, ye have answered unto some of them heretically, and to other some erroneously, although not fully, we admonish and cite you once, twice, and thrice, and that peremptorily: that plainly and fully (all subtle, sophistical and logical words set apart) you and every of you answer unto the same conclusions, and unto that sense and meaning by us limited: under the pain that otherwise such conclusions deserve by you confessed, and that for the same conclusions you ought to have.  
Which admonition being made and done, for that the foresaid Nicholas and Philip would make none other answer: The said Lord archbish. of Caunterbury concluded that business, prefixing and assigning unto the foresaid Nichalas and Philip 8. days space, 
another day assigned for the examinates to appear.  that is to say, until the 27. day of the same month: And that then they should appear before the said Lord Archbishop of Canterbury wheresoever within the same his province of Caunterbury he should fortune to be, to hear his decree that should be made in that behalf. This done, the foresaid Archbish. of Caunterbury, monished and cited lawfully and sufficiently, john Aishton under the the tenor of these words following.  

Process ●ade by the Archb. against john Asheton.  In the name of God: we William by God's permission, Archb. of Cant. Primate of all England, Legate of the see Apostolical, and through all our province of Cant. of all heretical pravity chief Inquisitor: do monish & cite thee, john Asheton master of art, and student in divinity appearing before us, judicially to say and speak the plain verity touching these conclusions to the which we do refer thee: and to the which we have caused thee to swear, laying thy hand upon a book: as being also otherwise by us admonished and commanded to keep this day and place by us appointed, for the third time peremptorily, to propone such reasonable cause (if thou hast any) wherefore thou oughtest not to be pronounced an heretic. And sufficiently and lawfully we monish and cite thee, the first, second and third time, and that peremptorily, that thou, fully and plainly (all subtle, sophistical, and logical words for apart) do answer unto the same conclusions, under the pain that unto such conclusions belong & on thy part confessed, and that thou for such conclusions oughtest to suffer which monition, 
I. Asheton severally examined.  being thus premised: The said Archbishop read the first conclusion, and of the said john inquired what was his opinion and meaning therein, and hereupon he said his mind concerning the foresaid monition. Then, the foresaid john Asheton being often required by the archbishop that he would answer in the ●a●me tongue to 〈◊〉 questions whi●h were demanded of him, 
The Archb. and his Friars d●e flee the English tongue for the people.  because 〈◊〉 lay people that stood about him: he crying out into the English tongue, uttered frivolous and approbrious 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 and excite the people against the sa●● Archbishop as it should seem. Neither did he unto the fi●st conclusion nor unto any of these other conclusions, effectually and pertinently seem to them to answer: but rather by the subtleties, & shifts, saying oftentimes and as expressly as Luke said, it was sufficient for him to believe as the holy Church believed. Then the said Archbishop examined him upon the first conclusion touching the Sacrament of the an●●r: whether, that after the words of consecration, there remaineth material bread particular bread, 
Whether material bread remaineth the sacrament.  or universal bread? He said the matter passed his understanding, and therefore said the would in that form and manner answer and otherwise not. But amongst other things, he spoke in deriding wise unto the said Archb. against this word Material, saying, you may put that in your purse if you have any. Whereupon the said Archbishop, calling that an unwise and foolish answer as the rest of the doctors did (of whom mention was made before) rather for that he was a graduate in the schools, farther proceeded against the said john Asheton in this wise.  
And thou john Asheton monished and commanded by us as is aforesaid, after thine oath taken: without any reasonable cause or any other other licence, neither wouldst thou nor yet will, but refused and yet dost contemptuously, to answer unto such conclusions before us, judicially according to our monition & commandment aforesad do hold all such conclusions by thee confessed, & thee the foresaid john with all thy said conclusions, convicted. And therefore we do pronounce and declare by sentence giving, that thou john Ashton concerning those conclusions, which by us with good deliberation of divers prelate's our suffragans, and also divers and sundry professors of divinity, and other wise men and learned in the law according to the Canonical sanctions, being condemned and declared for an heretic and heretical: to have been and still is, an heretic, and thy conclusions heretical. And as touching thy other conclusions by us heretofore counted erroneous, and for erroneous condemned: we do pronounce and declare sententially by these our writings, that both thou hast erred and dost err.  
Upon the same 20. day of june in the year and place above recited: 
M. Tho. Hilman suspected to be a favourer of I. Asheton. The 20. day of june.  the foresaid Lord of Caunterbury being desirous, as he pretended to be informed by Thomas Hilman bachelor of divinity there being present and somewhat favouring the said M. john Asheton what his judgement & opinion was touching the foresaid conclusions: prefixed and assigned unto the said Thomas (for that time demanding the same deliberation and day) 8. days after, that is to say, the 28. of the said month: 
Days given to Tho. Hilman to answer.  that he appear before the Bishop of Cant. wheresoever within his said province of Canterbury, he should then happen to be, to declare plainly and fully what his judgement and opinion was, touching the foresaid conclusions. Ex Regist W. Courtney.  

The names of Friars and Doctor's assistant at the examination aforesaid.  
Friars Obseruantes, Botlesham B. of Navaton, friar john Langley, William Suard.  
Friars of dominics order, john Kyngham, john Lovey, Peter Stokes, Walter Dish.  
Friars Carmelites, Thomas Ashburn, Baukine, Robert Walbey.  
Doctors and Friars Augustine's, M. john Barnet, M. Thomas Backton, M. john Blanchard, M. john Shillingford, M. Lydford, M. Thomas Southam.   
The Friday next following, 
28. day of june. an. 1312.  that is to say, the 28. day of june: the foresaid M. Nicholas, Philip, and Thom. Hilman, appeared before the said Archb. and lord Inquisitor of Canterbury, in the chapel of his manor of Otfurd, in the Diocese of Canterbury, there sitting in his Tribunal seat. To whom the said bishop of Canterbury saying, that for because at that time he had not the presence & assistance of the doctors in divinity, and of the Canon and civil law: He continued the said business touching the said Nicholas Philip, 
The 1. day of july, an 1312.  and Thomas, in the same state wherein then it was till Tewesday next & immediately ensuing: that is to say, the first day of july, the year of the Lord abovesaid, and prefixed unto the said Nicholas, Philip, and Thomas Hilman the same day to appear before him, wheresoever within his province of Caunterb. he should then chance to be, to do that which upon the said 28. day, they were purposed to do together or a part.  
Which Tuesday being come, the foresaid Archb. in the chief house of his Church at Canterbury, before the hour of 9 with the doctors, whose names are under contained and other Clerks a great multitude: Expected the foresaid Nicholas, Philip, and Thomas, long●ime by the beadle calling them and looking after them. who nevertheless appeared not before two of the clock after dinner the same day, continuing the foresaid business in the pristine state till the same hour. At which hour the foresaid Archbishop of Cant. having assistentes, the doctors, & clerks, under recited: examined the foresaid master Thomas Hilman, them and there judicially appearing, what his opinion was touching the foresaid conclusions: who at them and the meaning of them somewhat stammering, at last, to all and singular the same conclusions then to him red and expounded thus answered. 
The answer of Tho. Hilman.  I suppose and judge all & singular those conclusions lately condemned by my Lord of Canterbury that now is, together with the counsel and consent of his clerks, to be heretical and erroneous, even as the same my Lord of Caunterbury, and other doctors of Divinity of the Canon and civil law, by common consent & counsel have supposed and thought. And that the same (being for hereesies and errors as before is said condemned) do as much as in me is condemn: protesting that I will hold and affirm the contrary of those conclusions, & in the same saith live and die. 
Nic. Hereford and Phil. Repington for not appearing excommunicated.  Then said the archbishop of Caunterbury, then & there sitting as Tribunal or judge, pronouncing the said masters Nicholas and Philip (long in court called before and tarried for, and yet not appearing) guilty of contumacy and disobedience: excommunicated them for the penalty of this their contumacy, in tenor of these words following.  
We William by the grace of God archbishop of Caunterbury, Primate of England, Legate of the Apostolical see, and through all our province of Canterbury, of all heretical pravity chief Inquisitor: 
Excommunication pronounced by the Archbishop.  Do pronounce master Nicholas Herford, and master Philip Repingdon, professors of divinity, having this day and place by our prefiction appointed to heart & decree in this business of heretical pravity (being in Court by our Beadle long called & tarried for, and yet not appearing) to be stubborn and disobedient persons: and for the penalty of this their contumacy, we do excommunicate them and either of them by these presents.  

* The denouncing of the excommunication against Nicholas Herford, and Philip Reppington.  

The 12. day of july. an. 1382. Excommunication to be denounced at Paul's cross.  WIlliam by God's permission Archb. of Caunterb. etc. To our beloved son in Christ, whosoever he be, that this instant sunday shall preach at Paul's cross in London, Salutation, grace and blessing. For as much as we prefixed a certain competent day and place to master Nicholes Herford, and master Philip Reppington, Canon Regular of the Monastery of our Lady of Leicester, being Doctors of Divinity and of heretical pravity, vehemently suspected: After certain answers not fully made, but impertinently and nothing to the purpose, as also heretical and erroneous: In divers places of our said province commonly, generally, and publicly taught and preached, and therefore that they should judicially appear before us, to do & to receive peremptorily in that behalf, what thing soever the quality of that business should move unto us: and that we have for their contumacy in not appearing before us at that day and place judicially appointed as right therein required: We by these presents command & commit unto you, firmly enjoining you, that when all the multitude of people shallbe gathered together to hear your sermon: that in the day and place appointed, you publicly and solemnly denounce the foresaid Nicholas & Philip, holding up a cross, and lighting up a candle, and then throwing down the same upon the ground, to have been so and in such manner excommunicated and still be.  
Far ye well. In our Manor house at Lambeth, the 13. day of july, the year of our Lord. 1382. and first year of our translation.   

* The Citation against the said Nicholas and Philip.  
WIlliam by the grace of God. etc. To our well-beloved son M. Robbert Rig chancellor of the University of Oxford salutation etc. For as much as we have prefixed a competent day and place to M Nicholas Heerford, and M. Philip Reppington etc. as before. We straightly charge and command you that you publicly and solemnly denounce in the church of our Lady, and in the schools of the University, the foresaid Nicholas and Philip, to have been by us excommunicated and still is. And that you further cite or cause to be cited peremptorily, the foresaid Nicholas and Philip, that they and every of them appear before us within 15. days after the date of this citation, wheresoever it shall fortune us, within our said province of Caunterbury then to be: To hear and see how we mean to proceed against them, and every of them concerning the foresaid heretical and erroneous conclusions, according to the form of retroactions and quality of the business in this behalf had and used. And that both of the day of the receipt of this present citation, of the manner and form thereof, or if that you shall apprehend by personal citation the said Nicholas and Philip or either of them, or whither they shall be absent and hide themselves, as of every thing else which in this behalf you shall think meet to be done: that between this and the feast of S Laurence, you clearly certify us by your letters patents containing the effect of these things.  
Far ye well. At our Manor of Lambeth the 13. day of july, the year of our Lord. 1382. and first year of our translation.   

* The names of the Doctors and Friars assistentes at this sitting.  
Seculars, M. William Blankpayne. M. Wil Barton.  
friars Carmelits, Robert Every prior, john Reningham, prior, and john Lunne.  
Friors' Minors, William Barnwel, john Ryddin, and William Brunscombe.  
friars Augustine's, john Court, Patrington, Tomson and Reepes.   
Against this blind excommunication of the said archb. the parties excommunicate, 
The excommunication of Herforde & Repington, denounced at Paul's cross.  commenced and exhibited their appeal unto the bishop of Rome. Which appeal of theirs as insufficient, or rather to him unpleasant, the said archbishop utterly rejected (as might oftentimes overcometh right) proceeding in his preconceaved excommunication against them, and writing moreover his letters to him that should preach next at Paul's cross, as is aforesaid, to denounce and to publish openly the said Nicholas Herford, and Philip Repington to be excommunicate, for that not appearing and their term assigned. 
Xiij. day of july. anno. 1382. Other letters of the Archb. sent to the Chancellor of Oxford.  Which was in the 13. day of the month of july.  
Which archbishop moreover the said year, month and day aforesaid, sent also an other letter to M. Rig Commissary of Oxford, straightly enjoining and charging him not only to denounce the said sentence of excommunication, and to give out public citation against them, but also to make diligent search and inquisition through all Oxford for them, to have them apprehended and sent up to him, personally before him to appear, at a certain day prescribed for the same. Whereby may appear how busy this Bish. was in disquieting & persecuting these poremen, whom rather he should have nourished and cherished us his brethren. But as his labour is past, so his reward will follow at what day the great Archbishop of our souls, shall judicially appear in his tribunal seat, to judge both the quick and the dead.  
The archb. yet not contented with this, 
Hitherto no law to burn any man for religion.  doth moreover by all means possible, solicit the king to join withal, the power of his temporal sword, for that he well perceived, that hitherto as yet the popish Clergy had no authority sufficient by any public law or Statute of this land to proceed unto death against any person whatsoever, in case of Religion, but only by the usurped tyranny and example of the court of Rome. Where note (gentle reader) for thy better understanding the practice of the romish prelate's in seeking the kings help to further their bloody purpose against the good saints of God. 
The K. circumvented by the archbishop.  Which king being but young and under years of ripe judgement partly induced or rather seduced by importune suit of the foresaid Archbishop, partly also either for fear of the Bishops (for kings cannot always do in their realms what they will) or else perhaps enticed by some hope of subsidy to be gathered by the Clergy was contented to adjoin his private assent (such as it was) to the setting down of an ordinance which was in deed the very first law that is to be found made against Religion and the professors thereof bearing the name of an Acre made in the Parliament holden at Westminster Anno. 5. Rich. 2. 
The first law to be ●●and practised by the clergy for burning the professors of religion. An. 5. R. sec●nd●. This statute was made by the clergy without consent or knowledge of the commons.  where among sundry other Statutes then published and yet remaining in the printed books of Statutes, this supposed Statute is to be found Cap. 5. & ultimo. as followeth.  
Item forasmuch as, it is openly known that there be diverse evil persons within the realm going from county to county and from Town to Town in certain habits under dissimulation of great holiness and without the licence of the ordinaries of the places or other sufficient authority, preaching daily not only in Churches & churchyards, but also in markets, fairs, and other open places where a great congregation of people is (divers sermons containing heresies and notorious errors to the great emblemishing of Christian faith and destruction of the laws, and of the estate of holy Church to the great peril of the souls of the people and of all the realm of England as more plainly is found and sufficiently proved before the reverend father in God the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the bishops and other prelate's masters of Divinity, and doctors of Canon & of civil law, and a great part of the clergy of the said Realm specially assembled for this great cause, which persons do also preach divers matters of slander to engender discord and dissension betwixt divers estates of the said realm as well spiritual as temporal, in exciting of the people to the great peril of all the Realm, which preachers cited or summoned before the ordinaries of the places thereto: answer of that whereof they be impeached, they will not obey to their summons & commandements, nor care not for their monitions nor censures of the holy Church, but expressly despise them. And moreover by their subtle and ingenious words do draw the people to hear their Sermons, and do maintain them in their errors by strong hand and by great rowtes It is ordained & assented in this present parliament, 
Note that this statute was repealed afterwards at the instance of the commons.  that the kings commissions be made and directed to the Sheriffs and other ministers of our sovereign Lord the king or other sufficient persons learned, and according to the certifications of the prelate's thereof to be made in the Chancery from time to time to arrest all such preachers, and also their fautors, mayntaynours, and abbertours, and do hold them in arrest and strong prison till they will justify to them according to the law and reason of holy Church. And the king will and command that the Chancellor make such commissions at all times that he by the Prelates or any of them shallbe certified and thereof required as is aforesaid.   

An examination of the foresaid supposed Statute and of the invalidity thereof.  
WHich supposed statute for as much as it was the principal ground whereupon proceeded all the persecution of that time, it is therefore not impertinent to examine the same more particularly, whereby shall appear that as the same was fraudulently and unduly devised by the Prelates only: so was it in like manner most injuriously and unorderly executed by them. For immediately upon the publishing of this law, without further warrant either from the king or his council, commissions under the great seal of England were made in this form. Richard by the grace of God etc. 
No usual words of warrant affixed to thi● commission.  ut patet act pag. 541. Witness myself at Westminster the 26. day of june in the sixth year of our reign. Without more words of warrant under written such as in like cases are both usual and requisite. Viz. per ipsum Regem: per Regem & Concilium: or per breve de privato Sigillo: all or any of which words being utterly wanting in this place as may be seen in the kings Records of that time: it must therefore be done either by warrant of this foresaid Statute, or else without any warrant at all. Whereupon it is to be noted, that whereas the said Statute appointed the commissions to be directed to the Sheriff, or other ministers of the kings, or to other sufficient persons learned for the arresting of such persons: the said commissions are directed to the Archbishop and his Suffragans, being as it appeareth parties in the case, autorising them further without either the words or reasonable meaning of the said Statute to imprison them in their own houses or where else pleased them.  
Besides also what manner of law this was, by whom devised and by what authority the same was first made and established judge by that that followeth. Viz.  
In the Utas of S. Michael next following at a parliament summoned and holden at Westminster the sixth year of the said king, among sundry petitions made to the king by his commons, whereunto he assented, there is one in this form. Articl. 52.  
Item, 
The petition of the 〈◊〉 for the 〈◊〉 the f●r●sayd statute.  prayen the commons, that whereas an statute was made the last parliament in these words. It is ordained in this present Parliament that commissions from the king be directed to the Sheri●fes and other ministers of the king or to other sufficient persons skilful, and according to the certificates of the Prelates thereof to be made unto the Chancery from time to time to arrest all such preachers & their fautoures maintenors and abbettors. And them to detain in strong prison, until they will justify themselves according to reason, & law of holy church. And the king willeth and commandeth that the Chancellor make such commissions at all times as shallbe by the prelate's or any of them certified and thereof required as is aforesaid. 
The statute repealed.  The which was never agreed nor granted by the commons: but what soever was moved therein was without their assent. That the said statute be therefore disannulled. For it is not any wise their meaning that either themselves, or such as shall succeed them, 
The K. ratifieth the repeal.  shallbe further justified or bound by the Prelates, than were their ancestors in former times whereunto is answered, il playst aa Roy. 1. the king is pleased.  
Hereby notwithstanding the former unjust law of Anno. 5. was repealed, and the fraud of the framers thereof sufficiently discovered: yet such means was there made by the prelate's, that this act of Repeal was never published nor ever sithence imprinted with the rest of the statutes of that Parliament. In so much as the said Repeal being concealed, like commissions and other process were made from time to time by virtue of the said Bastard statute aswell during all the reign of this king as ever sithence against the professors of religion: As shall hereafter by the grace of God appear in the second year of king Henry the fourth, where the Clergy pursued the like practice. And now again to the story of our Oxford Divines, and of the Archbishop to whom the king writeth his letters patents first to the Archbishop then to the Uicechauncellor of Oxford in form as followeth.  

The kings letters patents to the Archbishop.  
RIchard by the grace of God king of England and Lord of Ireland: 
The king's letter against the savorers of Wicklisse.  To all those to whom these present letters shall come, greeting. By the petition of the reverend ●ather in God, William Archb. of Caunterbury, Primate of England exhibited unto us, we right well understand: That divers and sundry conclusions very contrary to wholesome doctrine and redounding both to the subversion of the Catholic faith, the holy Church, and his province of Cant. in divers and sundry places of the same of his province have been openly and publicly preached, although damnably preached. Of the which conclusions, some as heresies, other some as errors have been condemned: but not before good and mature deliberation first therein had and used, and by common counsel of the said Archbishop, his suffragans and many doctors in divinity and other clerks and learned men in the holy Scriptures, were sententially and wholesomely declared. Whereupon the said Archbishop hath made his supplication unto us: that both for the coercion and due castigation of such as shall henceforth of an obstinate mind preach or maintain the foresaid conclusions that we would vouchsafe to put to the arm and helping hand of our kingly power. We therefore moved by the zeal of the catholic faith, whereof we be and will be defenders, and unwilling that any such heresies or errors should spring up within the limits of our dominion: give and grant special licence and authority by the tenor of these presents, unto the foresaid Archbishop, 
The 16. day of june. and 1302.  and to his suffragans, to arrest and imprison either in their own prisons or any other, all and every such person and persons as shall either privily or apertly preach and maintain the foresaid conclusions so condemned, and the same persons so imprisoned there at their pleasures to detain, till such time as they shall repent them and amend them of such heretical pravities, or else shall be of such arestes by us and our counsel otherwise determined and provided. Further charging and commanding all and singular our liegemen ministers, and subjects, of what state and condition so ever they be, upon their fidelity & allegiance wherein they stand bound to us that by no means they either favour, counsel, or help the preachers or else maintainers of the said conclusions so condemned or their favourers, upon pain and forfeiture of all that ever they have: But that they obey and humbly attend upon the said Archbishop, his suffragans, and ministers in the execution of these presents, so that due and manifest publication against the foresaid conclusions and their maintainers, without any perturbation may be done and executed, as for the defence of our Realm and catholic faith shallbe thought most meet and requisite. In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters patents to be made.  
Witness ourself at Westminster the 16. day of june, and 6. year of our reign.   

* The kings letters patents to the Uicechauncellour.  

another letter of the K. to the Uicechancellor.  THe king: To the Chancellor and the procurators of the university of Oxford which now be, or for the time being shall be: Greeting. Moved by the zeal of christian faith, where of we be and always will be defenders, and for our soul's health induced thereunto, having a great desire to repress, and by condign punishment to restrain the impugners of the foresaid faith, which newly and wickedly go about and presume to sow their naughty and perverse doctrine within our kingdom of England, and to preach and hold damnable conclusions so notoriously repugnant and contrary to the same faith, to the perverting of our subjects and people as we understand: Before they any further proceed in their malicious errors, or else infect others: We have by these presents appointed you to be inquisitor general (all the chief divines of the said university being your assistants) and the same likewise to be done of all and singular the Graduates, Divines, & lawyers of the same university. And if they shall know any which be of the jurisdiction of the said university of Oxford, which be probably of them to be suspected in the favour, belief, or defence of any heresy or error, and especially of any of the conclusions publicly condemned by the reverend Father, William Archbishop of Canterbury, by the Counsel of his clergy, or else of any other conclusion like unto any of them in meaning or in words: and that if henceforth you shall find any that shall believe: favour, or defend any of the foresaid heresies or errors or any other such like, or else which shall be so bold to receive into their houses and Inns Master john Wickliff, M. Nich. Herforde, M Philip Repingdon, or M. john Asheton, or any other noted by probable suspicion of any the foresaid heresies or errors, or any other like unto them in meaning or in word: Or that shall presume to communicate with any of them, or else to defend or favour any of such favourers, receivers communicantes and defenders: within 7. days after the same shall appear and be manifest unto you, to banish and expel them from the University and town of Oxford, till such time as they shall declare their innocency before the Archbishop of Caunterbury for the time being, by manifest purgation. So notwithstanding, that such as be compelled to purge themselves, you certify us and the said archbishop under your seals, from time to time within one month that they be such manner of men. Commanding furthermore, that through all the halls of the said university, ye cause diligently to be searched and inquired out of hand: If any man have any book or tractation of the Edition or compiling of the foresaid M. john Wickliff, or Nicholas Herford: and that when and wheresoever ye shall chance to find any such book or tractation, ye cause the same to be arrested and taken, and unto the foresaid Archbishop within one month (without correction, corruption, or mutation, whatsoever) word for word, & sentence for sentence, to be brought and presented And therefore we straightly enjoin and command you, upon your fidelity and allegiance wherein ye stand bound unto us, and upon pain of forfeiture of all and singular your liberties and privileges of your said university, and of all that ever you have besides: that you give your diligent attendance upon the premises, and that well and faithfully you execute the same in manner and form aforesaid. And that you obey the foresaid Archbishop, and his lawful and honest mandates, that he shall think good to direct unto you in this behalf, as it is meet ye should. And we give in charge unto the Uicechauncellour and Mayor of Oxford for the time being, and to all and singular our Sheriffs, 
The 13. day of july. an. 1382. another sharp letter of K. Rich. sent to Oxford against Wicklirfe and his fellows. The effect of the king's letter briefly comprehended.  undersheriffes, Bailiffs, and subjects, by these presents: that they aid, obey, and be attendant upon you in the execution of the premises. In witness whereof, etc.  
Witness the King at Westminster, the 13. day of july, the sixth year of his reign.   
Besides these letters patents the said young King moved by the unquiet importunity of the Archb. sendeth moreover an other special letter to the Uicechancellor and proctor's of the University of Oxford. Wherein under a pretenced zeal of defence of Christian faith, he straightly and sharply enjoineth & assigneth them (for the utter abolishing of those conclusions & opinions) to make a general Inquisition through the whole university as well for the parties aforesaid, john Wickliff. Nicholas Herford, Philip Repington, john Ashton, & such other, as also for all other whom they know or judge to be suspected of that doctrine, or to be maintainers, receivers, and defenders of foresaid parties, or their conclusions any manner of way, to the intent that they being so apprehended through their diligent search, may be w'in 7. days of their admonitions expulsed the university, and cited up to the archb. of Cant. before him to appear, and to stand to their answers. Willing moreover and commanding the said vicechauncellor & proctor's with other regents their assiters, that if any person or persons in any house, hall, or college, or in any other place shallbe found to have any of their books, or treatises compiled by the said john Wickliff. Nicholas Herford etc. they will cause without delay the said person or persons, 
The persons with their books to be arrested.  with their books to be arrested and attached, & presented within one month, without correction, corruption, or mutation, to the foresaid Archbishop, upon their faith and allegiance, as they will avoid the forfeiture of all and singular the liberties and privileges to the university apertayning. And that they will be obedient to the Archb. aforesaid in the ordering hereof, and all other his injunctions to be obeyed in all things lawful and honest. Beving moreover in these our letters charge and commandment to the Mayor, Bailiffs and other the inhabitants of Oxford, to be assistant and attendant unto the foresaid vicechancellor and proctor's, touching the execution of the premises, 
The 14. day of july. an. 1382.  bearing the date of the fourteenth day of july: which was the year of our Lord. 1382.   

* Matters incident of Robert Rigges, Uicechauncellor of Oxford. Nicholas Herford, and Philip Repington, with other.  
THe vicechauncelor the same time in Oxford was M. Robert Rigges. 
Rob. Rigs Uicechauncellour of Oxford.  The 2. proctor's were john Huntman, & Walter Dish, who then as far as they durst, favoured the cause of john Wickliff and that side. In so much that the same time and year, which was an. 1382. when certain public sermons should be appointed customably at that feast of the Ascension, and of Corpus Christi, to be preached in the cloister of S. Frideswyde (now called Christ's church) before the people, by the vicechanceller aforesaid & the proctors (the doings thereof the vicechauncellor aforesaid and proctor's had committed to Philip Repington, and N. Her. so that N. Her. 
Ni. Herford preaching on the Ascension day, defended Wickliff.  should preach on the ascension day, and Repington upon Corpus Christi day) First Herford beginning was noted to defend john Wickliff, openly to be a faithful, good, & innocent man: for the which no small ado with outcries was amongst the Friars. This Herford, after he had long favoured & maintained Wickliff's part, grew first in suspicion amongst the enemies of the truth. For assoon as he began somewhat liberally and freely to pronounce & utter any thing which tended to the defence of Wickliff, by and by the Carmelites, and all the orders of religion were in his top, and laid not a few here sies unto his charge, the which they had strained here and there out of his sermons, & had compiled together in a certain form, by the hands of a certain notaries, through the industry & diligence of one Peter Stokes a Carmelite a kind of people prone & ready to all kind of mischief, 
Repington first canon of Leicester, after B. of Lincoln.  uproars, debate, and dissension. After this the feast of Corpus Christi drew near, upon which day it was looked for that Repington should preach. This man was a Canon of Leicester, & had before taken his first degree unto Doctorship: who preaching the same time at Bradgate for the same Sermon he became first suspected, and hated of the pharisaical brood of the Friars. But through the great and notable dexterity of his wit, (which all men did behold and see in him) accompanied with like modesty and honesty: he did so overcome, or at the least assuage this cruelty and persecution which was towards him, that shortly after, 
Repington commenced Doctor.  by the consent of the whole fellowship, he was admitted doctor. Who as soon as he had taken it upon him, by and by he stepped forth in the schools, and began immediately to show forth and utter, that which he had long hidden and dissembled. Protesting openly, that in all moral matters, he would defend Wickliff. But as touching the sacrament he would as yet hold his peace, until such time as the Lord shall otherwise illuminate the hearts and minds of the clergy.  
Now the day of Corpus Christi aforesaid approaching near, when the Friars understood that this man should preach shortly, fearing lest that he would rub the galls of their religion, they convented with the Archb. of Cant. that the same day a little before that Philip should preach: Wickliff's conclusions which were privately condemned, should be openly defamed in the presence of the whole university. 
Peter Stokes standard bearer to the papists.  The doing of which matter, was committed to Peter Stokes Friar, stonderd bearer and chief champion of that side against Wickliff.  
There were also letters sent unto the commissary, that he should help and aid him in publishing of the same conclusions, as is before declared.  
These things thus done and finished, Repingdon at the hour appointed proceeded to his sermon. In the which sermon among many other things, he was reported to have uttered these sayings, or to this effect  

Notes of the Sermon of Repington.  That the Popes or Bishops ought not to be recommended above temporal Lords.  
Also that in moral matters he would defend master Wickliff as a true Catholic doctor.  
Moreover that the Duke of Lancaster was very earnestly affected and minded in this matter, and would that all such should be received under his protection: Besides many things more which touched the praise and defence of Wickliff.  
And finally, in concluding his sermon, he dismissed the people with this sentence: I will (said he) in the speculative doctrine, as appertaining to the matter of the sacrament of the au●ter, keep silence and hold my peace, until such time as God otherwise shall instruct and illuminate the hearts of the Clergy.  
When the sermon was done, Repington entered into Saint Frideswides Church, accompanied with many of his friends: who, as the enemies surmised, were privily weaponed under their garments, if need had been. Friar Stokes the Carmelite aforesaid, suspecting all this to be against him, and being afraid of hurt, kept to himself within the sanctuary of the church, not daring as then to put out his head. The Vicechauncellor and Repington, friendly saluting one an other in the church porch, sent away the people, and so departed every man home to his own house. There was not a little joy through the whole university for that sermon, 
The vniuer●●e reioy●●th.  but in the meantime, the unquiet & busy Carmelite, slept not his matter. For first by his letters he declared the whole order of the matter unto the archbishop exaggerating the perils and dangers that he was in, requiring and desiring his help and aid, pretermitting nothing, whereby to move & stir up the archbishop's mind, which of his own nature was as hot as a toast as they say, 
Whether the Lords temporal were to be prayed for before the P. and Bishops. The Friar derided and mocked in the schools.  and ready enough to prosecute the matter of his own accord, though no man had pricked him forward thereunto. Besides all this (3. days after) with a fierce and bold courage, the said Friar breathing out threatenings and heresies against them, took the way unto the schools: minding there to prove, that the Pope and the Bishops ought to be prayed for before the Lords temporal. Whiles this Friar was thus occupied in the schools, he was mocked and derided of all men, and shortly after he was sent for by the Archbishop to London: whom immediately after, the Vicechauncellor & Brightwell followed up, to purge and clear themselves and their adherentes from the accusations of this Friar Peter. At the length they being examined upon Wickliff's conclusions that were condemned: they did all consent, that they were worthily condemned. The Vicechauncelor being afterward accused for the contempt of the Archbishop's letters, when as he perceived & saw, that no excuse would prevail to avoid that danger, humbling himself upon his knees, he desired pardon. The which when he had now again (as is aforesaid) albeit very hardly obtained: By the help of the Bishop of Winchester, he was sent away again with certain commandements, and suspensions of heretics. Then began the hatred on either part somewhat to appear and show, and specially all men were offended, 
Religious ●en first causers of this trouble.  and in the tops of these Friars and religious men, upon whom whatsoever trouble or mischief was raised up, they did impute it as to the authors and causers of the same. Amongst whom there was one Henry Crompe, a monk Cistertion, a well learned divine, which afterward was accused by the Bishops of heresy, He at that time was openly suspected by the Commissary, 
H. Crompe first an accuser of other, after accused himself for heresy.  because in his lectures he called the heretics Lollards, from his acts (as they term them) in the school. Then he coming by and by up to London, made his complaint unto the Archbish. and to the kings council.  
Whereupon he obtaining the letters of the king, and of his counsel, by the virtue thereof (returning again to the university) was released & restored again to his former state: the words of which letter here followeth under written.  
* The copy of the kings letter.  

The kings letter to the Vicechauncelor and proctor's of Oxford.  THe king to the vicechancellor and procuratoure of the University of Oxford, greeting.  
Where as we of late understanding by the grievous complaint of Henry Crompe monk and regent in divinity within the said university, how that he, being assisted by the reverend father in God the Archb. of Cant. and by other clerks and divines in the City of London, 
Henry Crompe complaineth to the king's counsel of the most secular masters of Oxford.  to proceed in thee condemnation of certain conclusions erroneous and heretical, hath been therefore molested by you: And that you through sinister suggestion of some adversaries (pretending the peace of the said university) to have been broken by the said Henry in his last lecture: did therefore call him before you to appear and answer: and for his not appearing, did therefore pronounce him as obstinate, and convict of peace breaking: also have suspended the said Henry from his lectures, and all scholastical acts. And whereas we, by our writ did call you up for the same, to appear and answer before our counsel, unto the premises: so that all things being well tried and examined by the said counsel, it was found and determined, that all your process against the said Henry, was void and of none effect: and commandment given, that the said Henry should be restored and admitted again to his former lectures and scholastical acts. and to his pristine state as you know. To the intent therefore that this decree aforesaid should be more duly executed of your part, we hear by these presents straightly charge and command you: That you speedily revoking again all your process against the said Henry in the university aforesaid, with all other that followed thereof: do admit and cause to be restored again the said Henry to his scholastical acts, his accustomed lectures and pristine estate, without all delay according to the form of the decree and determination aforesaid. Enjoining you moreover and your commissaries or deputies and your successors, and all other masters regent and not regent, and other presidents, officers, ministers, and scholars of the university aforesaid, upon your faith and legiance you own unto us that you do not impeach, 
Henry Crompe, Peter Stokes, Carm. Steven Packington Carm. restored by the King to their scholastical acts.  molest, or grieve, or cause to be grieved (any manner of way, privy or apertly) the said Friar Henry for the causes premised, or Friar Peter Stokes Carmelite, for the occasion of his absence from the university, or Friar Stephen Packington Carmelite, or any other religious or secular person favouring them, upon the occasion of any either word or deed whatsoever, concerning the doctrine of master john Wickliff, Nicholas Herford and Philip Repindon, or the repose and condemnation of their heresies and errors, or the correction of their favourers But that you do procure the peace, unity and quiet, within the said university, and chief between the religious and secular persons: and that you with all diligence nourish, increase, and preserve the same to the uttermost of your strength And that you in no case omit to do it accordingly, upon the forfeitures of all and singular the liberties and priviledgies of the university aforesaid.  
Witness myself at Westminster the 14. day of july.  
Mention was made, as you heard a little before, how M. Rigges Vicechancellor of Oxford, coming up with M. Bryghtwell to the archb. of Cant. was there straightly examined of the conclusions of Wickliff, Where he notwithstanding through the help of the B. of Wint. obtained pardon, and was sent away again with commandments and charges, to seek out all the favourers of john Wickliff. This commandment being received, Nicholas Herford, 
Herford & Repington fled to the Duke of Lancaster.  and Philip Repington (being privily warned by the said Vicechauncellor) in the mean season conveyed them out of sight, and fled to the Duke, of Lancaster for succour & help, but the Duke whether for fear, or what cause else, I cannot say, in the end forsook his poor and miserable clientes. 
Letters of the Archb. to the vicechancellor. Letters of the Archb. to the B. of London. Rob. Braybroke B. of London.   
In the mean time, while they were fled thus to the Duke, great search and inquisition was made for them to cite and to apprehend them where so ever they might be found. Whereupon, the archb. of W. Courtney directed out his letters first to the Vicechauncellor of Oxford, then to the Bishop of London named Rob. Braybroke● charging them not only to excommunicate the said Nicholas and Philip, within their jurisdiction, and the said excommunication to be denounced likewise throughout all the diocese of his suffragans: 
The 14. day of july. an. 1382.  but also moreover, that diligent search and watch should be laid for them, both in Ox●orde and in London, that they might be apprehended: requiring moreover by them to be certified again, what they had done in the premises. And this was written the 14. day of july. an 1382. Ex Regist.  
Unto these letters received from the archbishop, diligent certificate was given accordingly, as well of the Bishop of London his part, as also of the Vicechauncello●, the tenor whereof was this.  
* The letter certificatorie of the Vicechauncellor to the Archbishop.  

The letter of Rob. Rigges Vicechauncelor to the Archb.  TO the reverend father in Christ, Lord William Archbishop oh Caunterbury Primate of all England, and Legate of the apostolic see, Rob. Rigges professor of divinity, and Vicechancellor of the university of Oxford, greeting with due honour.  
Your letters bearing the date of the 14. of july I have received: By the authority whereof, I have denounced and caused to be denounced effectually, the foresaid Nicholas and Philip, to have been and to be excommunicate publicly and solemnly in the Church of S. Marry: and in the schools, and to be cited also personally, if by any means they might be apprehended, according as you commanded. But after diligent search laid for them of my part to have them personally cited and apprehended, I could not find neither the said M. Nicholas, not M. Philip: who have hid or conveyed themselves, unknowing to me, as here is well known. Whereof I thought here to give signification to your Fatherhood. 
The 25. day of july. an. 1382. Herford & Repington repulsed from the Duke of Lancaster.   
Sealed and testified with the seal of mine office. From Oxford the 25. of july.  
In the mean time Nicholas Herford, and Repington being repulsed of the Duke, and destitute (as was said) of his supportation, whether they were sent, or of their own accord went to the archbish. it is uncertain. This I find in a letter of the foresaid archbishop, contained in his register: 
The 23. day of October. Repington released by the Archb. I Aisheton reconciled by the Archbishop.  that Repington the the 23. day of October the same year 1382. was reconciled again to the Archbishop and also by his general letter was released and admitted to his scholastical acts in the university. And so was also john Ashton, of whom (Christ willing) more shall follow hereafter. Of Nicholas Herford all this while I find no special relation.  
In the mean time, about the 23. of the month of September the said year, 
A parliament summoned. The 15. of October. 1382.  the king sent his mandate to the Archbishop for collecting of a subsidy and to have a convocation of the clergy summoned, against the next parliament, which should begin the 18. day of November. The Archb. likewise on the 15. day of October, directed his letters monitory (as the manner is) to Robert Braybroke bishop of London, to give the same admonition to all his suffragans and other of the Clergy within his province for the assembling of the convocation aforesaid. All which done and executed, the parliament begon being holden at Oxford the 18. day of November, 
The convocation of S. Fride●●●de in Oxford. The 18. day of novemb.  where the convocation was kept in the Monastery of Frideswide in Oxford. In the which convocation, the Archbishop with the other bishops there sitting in their Pontificalibus, declared two causes of that their present assembly, whereby (saith he) to repress heresies, which began newly in the realm to spring, and for correcting other excesses in the Church. The other cause (said he) was to aid and support the king with some necessary subsidy of money to be gathered, which thus declared, the convocation was continued till the day following which was the 19 of November.  

The 19 day of novemb. anno. 1382.  At the said day and place, the Archbishop with the other Prelates assembling themselves as before: The archbishop after the used solemnity, willed the procuratoures of the clergy appointed for every diocese, to consult within themselves, in some convenient several place, what they thought for their parts touching the redress of things, to be notified and declared to him and to his brethren. etc.  
Furthermore, forsomuch (saith he) as it is so noised through all the realm, that there were certain in the university of Oxford, which did hold and maintain conclusions (as he called them) heretical and erroneous condemned by him, 
Rob. Rig displaced from Vicechauncellorship.  and by other lawyers and doctors of Divinity. He therefore assigned the bishops of Saram, Herford and Rochester, with William rug then vicechancellor of the University of Oxford (for belike Robert rig was then displaced) as also William Berton, and john Midleton Doctors: 
Inquisition made at Oxford.  giving them his full authority with cursing and banning, to compel them to search and to inquire with all diligence and ways possible, over all & singular whatsoever, either Doctors, Bachelors, or scholars of the said university, which did hold, teach, maintain and defend, in schools or out of schools, the said conclusions heretical (as he called them) or erroneous, and afterward to give certificate truly and plainly touching the premises. 
The 24. day of novemb. an. 1382  And thus for that day the assembly broke up to the next, and so to the next, and the third being monday, the 24. day of November. Ex. Regist. W. Courtney.  
On the which day, in the presence of the Prelates and the clergy in the chapter house of Saint F●ideswide, came in Philip Repington (otherwise called of the brethren afterward Rampington) who their abjured the conclusions and assertions aforesaid, in this form of words as followeth.  

The abjuration of Philip Repington.  In Dei nomine Amen. I Philip Repington, Canon of the house of Leicester, acknowledging one catholic and Apostolic saith do curse and also abjure all heresy, namely these heresies and errors under written, condemned & reproved by the decrees canonical, and by you most reverend father, touching which hitherto I have ben● dissamed: condemning moreover & reproving both them and the authors of them, & do confess the same to be catholically condemned: And swear also by these holy Euangelics, which here I hold in my hand, and do promise, never by any persuasions of men, nor by any way hereafter, to defend or hold as true, any of the said conclusions under written: but do & will stand and adhere in all things, to the determination of the holy Catholic Church, and to yours, in this behalf. Over and besides, all such as stand contrary to this faith, I do pronounce them with their doctrine & followers worthy of everlasting curse. And if I myself shall presume at any time to hold or preach any thing contrary to the premises. 
Philip ●●pington a●ter hi●●● juration ●●ca●● a t●●rible persecutor.  I shall be content to abide the severity of the Canons. Subscribed with mine own hand, & with mine own accord. Philip Repington. And thus the said Rampington was discharged, who afterward was made Bishop of Lincoln, and became at length the most bitter and extreme persecutor of this side, of all the other bishops within the realm, as in process hereafter may appear.  
After the abjuration of this Repington, 
A short time my Lord, ●●● a man in o●e for en●o●e to learn a faith aga●●● his conscience The abjuration of I●h● Aisheton. Ex chron. Monast. D. Albans. I. A●●heton.  immediately was brought in john Ayshton, student of Divinity: who being examined of those conclusions, and willed to say his mind, answered: that he was to simple and ignorant, and therefore would not, and could not answer any thing clearly or distincktly to those conclusions. Whereupon, the Archb, assigned to him Doctor W. rug the vicechancellor, and other divines such as he required himself to be instructed in the mystery of those conclusions against the after no one: who then appearing again after dinner before the archbishop and the Prelates, did in like sort and form of words abjure as did Repington before.  
Of this john Ayshton we read, that afterward by Tho. Arundel Archb. of Cant. he was cited and condemned, 
The Londoners open the door where the Archb. ●ate against joh. Aisheton.  but whether he died in prison, or was burned, we have yet no certainty to show. This is certain by the plain words of the chronicle of S. Albans, that when the arch. with his doctors and friars ●ate in examination upon this said john Ashton, in London: the Londoners broke open the door of the conclave, ipsumque Archiepiscopum in civitate sedentem impediverunt, cum processum fecissit contra Johannem Ashton. etc. That is and did let the Archbishop himself sitting in the City of London, when he would have made process against john Asheton. an. 1382. And thus much of john Asheton. 
Ni. Herford would not appear. N. Herforde appealed from the Archb. Ni. Herford cast in prison. Herford escapeth out of prison.   
As touching Nicholas Herford during the time of this convocation, he did not appear: and therefore had the sentence of excommunication. Against which he put his appeal from the archb. to the king and his Counsel. The Archb. would not admit it, but finding stays and stops caused him to be apprehended and enclosed in prison. Notwithstanding through the will of God, and good means he escaped out of the prison returning again to his former exercise, and preaching as he did before, albeit in as covert and secret manner as he could. Whereupon the Archbishop thundering out his bolts of excommunication against him, sendeth to all pastors and ministers, willing them in all churches, and all festival days, to divulge the said his excommunication against him, to all men. Writeth moreover and sendeth special charge to all and singular of the laity, to beware that their simplicity be not deceived by his doctrine, but that they like Catholic children will avoid him, and cause him of all other to be avoided.  
Furthermore, not contented with this, addresseth also his letters unto the king, requiring also the aid of his temporal sword to chop of his neck, whom he had already cast down. See and note reader, the seraphical charity of these priestly prelate's towards the poor redeemed flock of Christ And yet these be they which washing their hands with pilate, say and pretend: Nobis non licet interficere quenquam. It is not our parts to kill any man. The copy of the letter written to the king, is this.  
The letter of the Archbishop to the king.  

The cruel letter of the Archb. against Nic. Herford to the king.  TO the most excellent prince in Christ, etc. William etc. greeting in him by whom kings do reign, & princes bear rule.  
Unto your kingly celsitude by the tenor of these presents we intimate, that one M Nich. Herford D. of divinity, for his manifest contumacy and offence in not appearing before us being called at the day and place assigned, therefore is enwrapped in the sentence of the greater curse, publicly by our ordinary authority. And in the same sentence hath continued now forty days, & yet still continueth with indurate hart, wickedly contemning the keys of the Church, to the great peril both of his soul, and to the pernicious example of other. For so much therefore, as the holy mother the church hath not to do or to proceed any further in this matter: we humbly desire your kingly majesty, to direct out your letters for the apprehending of the said excommunicate according to the custom of this realm of England, 
This ●s not to seek again that which is lost by the rule of Ezechiel.  wholsomely observed and kept hitherto: to the intent, that such whom the fear of God doth not restrain from evil, the discipline of the secular arm may bridle and pluck back from offending. Your princely celsitude the Lord long continue.  
From Lambeth the 15. of january.  
To this letter of the Archb, might not the king (gentle reader) thus answer again, and answer well?  

Prosopopoia. What the king might have answered again.  YOur letters with your complaint and requests in the same contained, we have received and well considered. For the accomplishing whereof, ye shall understand that as we are readily bent to gratify and satisfy your mind in this behalf on the one side: so we must beware again on the other, that our authority be not abused either to oppress before we know, or to judge before we have tried. Wherefore for so much as you in your letters do excite and sharpen the severe discipline of our secular sword, against one Nich. Herford, for his not appearing before you: and yet showing in the said your letters no certain cause to us what you have to charge him withal: we therefore following the example of Alexander Magnus, or rather the rule of equity in opening both our ears indifferently, to hear as well the one part, as the other do assign both to him, when as he may be found, & to you when you shall be called a term to appear before us. To the intent that the controversy between you and him, standing upon points of religion, being tried by the true touchstone of God's holy word due correction indifferently may be ministered according as the offence shall be found. In the mean time, this we cannot but something marvel at in your said Letters: First, to see you men of the Church and Angels of peace to be so desirous of blood. Secondly, to consider you again so fierce in prosecuting the breach of your law: and yet so cold in pursuing the breach of the express law of God and his commandments. Thirdly, to behold the unstable doubleness in your proceed, who pretending in your public sentence, to become as intreaters for them to us in the bowels of jesus Christ, that we will withdraw from them the rigour of our severity, and yet in your letters you be they which most set us on. If not appearing before you▪ be such a matter of contumacy in case of your law, that is in no case to be spared: what should then our Princely discipline have done to men of your calling: Henry Spencer Bishop of Norwich, being at Cant. was sent for by our special commandment to come to our speech, denied to come, and yet we spared him. john Stratforde Archbishop your predecessor, being required of our progenitor king Edward the third to come to him at York, would not appear: by the occasion whereof, Scotland the same time was lost, ● yet was he suffered. The like might be said of Robert Winchelsey in the days of king Edward the first, and of edmund Archb. of Cant in the days of K. Henry 3. Stephen Langhton was sent for by K. john to come, 
Bishops of Cant, appeared not before their kings, and yet they were not persecuted.  he came not. The like contumacy was in Becket toward K. Henry. 2. Also in Anselme toward K. Henry. 1 All these for their not appearing before their princes, ye do excuse, who notwithstanding might have appeared without danger of life. This one man for not appearing before you, you think worthy of death: whose life you would have condemned notwithstanding, if he had appeared. It is no reason if the Squirill climbing to the tree from the lions claws, would not appear, being sent for to be devoured: that the Eagle therefore should seize upon him without any just cause, declared against the party. Wherefore according to this, and to that aforesaid when he shall appear, and you be called, and the cause justly weighed, due execution shall be ministered.  
And thus far concerning Nicholas Herforde, & the other aforesaid, but all this mean while what became of john Wickliff it is not certainly known. Albeit so far as may be gathered out of Walden, it appeareth that he was banished, and driven to exile. In the mean time it is not to be doubted, but he was alive during all this while, wheresoever he was as by his letter may appear, which he about this time wrote to Pope Vrbane the 6. In the which letter he doth purge himself, that being commanded to appear before the Pope at Rome, he came not: declaring also in the same a brie●● confession of his faith. The copy of which Epistle here followeth.  
¶ The Epistle of john Wickliff sent unto Pope Vrbane the 6. An. 1382.  

The Epistle of I. Wickliff to pope Vrbane.  Verily I do rejoice to open and declare the faith which I do hold unto every man. And specially unto the Bish. of Rome, the which for so much as I do suppose to be sound and true, he will most willingly confirm my said faith, or if it be erroneous amend the same.  
First I suppose, that the Gospel of Christ, is the whole body of God's law, and that Christ which did give that same law himself, I believe him to be a very man, and in that point, to exceed the law of the Gospel, and all other parts of the Scripture. Again I do give and hold, the Bishop of Rome, for so much as he is the Vicar of Christ here in earth, to be bound most of all other men unto that law of the Gospel. For the greatness amongst Christ's Disciples, did not consist in worldly dignity or honours but in the near and exact following of Christ, in his life and manners: whereupon I do gather out of the hart of the law of the Lord, that Christ for the time of his pilgrimage here, was a most poor man, abiecting and casting of all worldly rule and honour, as appeareth by the Gospel of Math. the 8. and the 2.. Corinthians. 8. chapter.  
Hereby I do fully gather, that no faithful man ought to follow, 
The true disciples of Christ seek no honour.  neither the Pope himself, neither any of the holy men, but in such points, as he hath followed the Lord jesus Christ. For Peter and the sons of zebedee by desiring worldly honour, contrary to the following of Christ's steps did offend, and therefore in those errors, they are not to be followed.  
Hereof I do gather, as a Council, that the Pope ought to leave unto the secular power, all temporal dominion and rule, & thereunto effectually to move and exhort his whole Clergy: for so did Christ, and specially by his Apostles. Wherefore, if I have erred in any of these points, I will most humbly submit myself unto correction even by death if necessity so require: And if I could labour according to my will or desire in my own person, I would surely present myself before the Bishop of Rome: but the Lord hath otherwise visited me to the contrary, and hath taught me rather to obey God then men. Fo● so much then, as God hath given unto our Pope, just and true evangelical instinctions, we ought to pray, that those motions be not extinguished by any subtle or crafty devise.  
And that the Pope and Cardinals, be not moved to do any thing, contrary unto the law of the Lord. Wherefore let us pray unto our God, that he will so stir up our Pope Vrbane the sixth as he began, that he with his clergy may follow the Lord jesus Christ, in life and manners: and that they may teach the people effectually, and that they likewise may faithfully follow them in the same. And let us specially pray, that our Pope may be preserved from all malign and evil counsel, as which do know that evil and envious men of his household would give him. And seeing the Lord will not suffer us to be tempted above our power, much less than will he require of any creature to do that thing which they are not able, forsomuch, as that is the plain condition and manner of Antichrist.  
Thus much wrote john Wickliff unto Pope Vrbane: 
The Pope occupied so in schismatical wars that he had no leisure to other matters.  but this pope Vrbane otherwise termed ●urbanus was so hot in his wars against Clement the French Pope his adversary, that he had no leisure, and less list, to attend unto Wickliff's matters. By the occasion of which schism, God so provided for poor Wickliff, that he was in some more rest & quietness. Concerning which schismatical wars of these pope's, for as much as we have here entered into the mention thereof, it shall not be unpertinent from the order of our story, disgressing a little from the matter of john Wickliff, to touch something of the tragical doings of these two holy pope's striving for the triple crown: to the intent that the Christian reader (judging by their fruits and proceed) may see and understand what difference is between these pope's, and Christ and his Apostles. For though in the story of the Gospel it is read, 
Difference between the Apostles and the Popes in striving for pre-eminence. Ann. 1383. The Pope set to war.  that certain of the disciples did strive which should be the greater, yet neither do we read that one of them took ever weapon against the other: and moreover in the said story of the Gospel it doth appear, that they in so striving as they did, were therefore sharply rebuked of our Saviour Christ, & were taught by him an other lesson.  
About the beginning of the next year following, which was an. 1383. Pope Vrbane setting all his study how to repress and conquer the contrary Pope his adversary, being then at Auinion (seeing all his other means to sail, and that his cross keys could do no good) took to him the sword of Romulus, & set upon him with open war. And first devising with himself whom he might best choose for his chief champion: thought none meeter for such affairs then Henry Spenser being then Bishop of Norwich, a young and a stout Prelate, more fit for the camping cure, then for the peaceable church of Christ, as partly also might appear before by his acts done at Lenuam in striving for the Mayres Mace, mentioned before, pag. 428. Unto this bishop of Norwich, the Pope had sent his bulls about this tune, to Cro●sy whosoever would go with him into France, to destroy the Antipope which named himself Clement, & to make war against all those that took his part. Which Bulls, for that they gave unto him such great authority, he caused to be published in the Parliament house, & caused the copies of the same to be sent all about, & to be set up & fastened upon all the church doors & monastery gates that all men might read them. In the which Bulls these privileges were granted, the copy whereof here followeth.  

1. In primis, 
The very fruits of Antichrist.  that the said Bishop of Norwich may use his sword against the Antipope, & all his adherents, favourers, and cou●ellers, and with violence put them to death.  
2. Item, that he hath full power to inquire of all & singular such schismatics, and to put them in prison: & to confiscate all their goods movable and immovable.  
3. Item, that he hath power and authority to deprive all lay men that are such schismatics of all manner secular offices whatsoever, and to give their offices to other fit and convenient persons.  
4. Item, that he may deprive all such clerks, and declare them to be schismatics, and in this behalf to give & bestow their benefices either with cure or without cure, their dignities personages or offices, to other people more meet for the same.  
5. Item, he hath power & authority over lay people that are exempt, and Clerks both secular and regular, yea although they be Friars mendicantes, or masters & professors or other houses or hospitals of S. john's of jerusalem, or S. Mary of Flaunders, or professors of what orders soever else.  
6. Item, he hath power to dispense with what secular Clerks soever▪ being beneficed either with cure or without cure; and also with such as have dignities, personages or offices, being regulars either exempt or not exempt, that every one of them may be absent with him from their dignities & benefices, etc. under the standard of the cross, without licence of any of their Prelates required, and yet to receive and take the entire commodities of their benefices, as though they had been personally resident upon the same.  
7. Iten, there is granted to all that pass the seas in this quarrel, either at their own expenses or at the expenses of any other, full remission of their sins: & as large privileges are granted to all those that go over the sea with him, as to any that pay their money, or go to fight for the holy land.  
8. Also, all such as with their proper goods & substance shall give sufficient stipend to able soldiers, at the discretion of the foresaid Lord Bishop mustered, or by any other his deputy, although he himself be not personally at this business aforesaid: yet shall he have like remission, & indulgence, as they which have been personally with him in this expedition.  
9 Iten, all they are partakers of this remission, which shall give any part of their goods to the said Bishop to fight against the said schismatics.  
10. Item, if any shall chance to die in the journey, that are soldiers under the said standard of the cross, or else before the quarrel by some means be finished: shall fully & wholly receive the said grace, and shallbe partakers of the foresaid remission and indulgence.  
11. Item, he hath power to excommunicate, suspend, and interdict what persons soever be rebellious or disturbers of him in the execution of his power & authority committed unto him: of what dignity, state, degree, pre-eminence, order, place, or condition soever they shallbe: whether they shall be either of regal, queenly, or imperial dignity, or of what dignity else soever either ecclesiastical or mundane.  
12. Item, he hath power and authority to compel and enforce what religious persons soever, to appoint them and send them over Sea, if it seem good to him: yea although they be professors of the friars mendicants, for the execution of the premises.   

¶ The Pope's absolution by the Bishop pronounced.  
BY the authority Apostolical to me in this behalf committed, we absolve the A.B. from all thy sins confessed with thy mouth, and being contrite with thy hart, and whereof thou wouldst be confessed if they came unto the memory: & we grant unto thee, plenary remission of all manner of sins, 
Christ's passion hath here no place.  and we promise unto thee thy part of the reward of all just men, and of everlasting salvation. And as many privileges as are granted to them that go to fight for the holy land, we grant unto thee: & of all the prayers & benefits of the church the universal Synod, as also of the holy Catholic Church, we make thee partaker of.   
This courageous or rather outrageous bishop armed thus with the Pope's authority, and prompt with his privileges, in the year aforesaid. 1283. about the time of lent, came to the Parliament, where great consultation & contention, & almost no less schism was about the voyage of this Popish Bishop in the Parliament, them was between the Popes themselves. In the which Parliament many there were, which thought it not safe to commit the king's people & subjects, unto a rude and unskilful Priest. So great was the diversity of judgements in that behalf, that the voyage of the said Bishop was protracted unto the saturday a●ore Passion Sunday. In the which Sunday was sung the solemn Anthem Ecce crucem Domini, fugite partes adversae. That is, Behold the cross of the Lord: Fly away all you adversaries. After which Sunday, the parties so agreed amongst themselves by common decree, that the Bishop should set forward in his voyage, having to him given the fourteen which was granted to the king in the Parliament before. Which things thus concluded in the Parliament, this warlike Bishop preparing before all things in a readiness set forward in his Pope holy journey. Who about the month of May, being come to Canterbury, and there tarrying for the wind, in the Monastery of S. Augustin, received a writ from the king that he should return to the king, and to know further of his pleasure. The Bishop fearing that if he turned again to the king, his journey should be stayed, and so all his labour & preparance lost with great derision and shame unto him: thought better to commit himself to fortune with that little army he had, then by tarrying to be made a ridicle to his adversaries. Wherefore, he sent word back again, to the king, that he was now ready prepared, well forward on his journey. And that it was not expedient now to protract the time for any kind of talk which peradventure should be to no manner of purpose: and that it was more convenient for him to hasten in his journey to God's glory, & also to the honour of the king. And thus he calling his men unto him, entered forthwith the seas, & went to Calis: where he waiting a few days for the rest of his army, after the receipt of them, took his journey first to the town of Gravenidge which he besieged, so desperately without any preparance of engines of war or counsel, or of politic men skilful in such affairs: that he seemed rather to fly upon them, then to invade them. At length through the superstition of our men, trusting upon the Pope's absolution, he so harishly approached the walls and invaded the enemies, that a great number of them were piteously slain with shot & wild fire: till at the end (the inhabiters being oppressed and vanquished) our men entered the town with their Bishop, where they at his commandment destroying both man, woman and child, left not one alive of all them, 
O bloodiness of Antichrist.  which remained in the whole town. Sicque crucis beneficio factum, ut crucis hostes ita delerentur, quòd v●us ex eye non remansit: That is. And so it came to pass by the virtue of the cross, that our men croysed so prevailed against the enemies of the cross, 
Ex Chron. Mon. D. Albani in vita Ru●▪ ●.  that not one of them remained alive. Ex Chron. Mon. D. Albani.  
From Gravenidg this warlike Bishop set forward to dunkirk, where not long after the Frenchmen meeting with him, joined with them in battle: in which battle (if the story be true) 12. thousand of the Frenchmen were slain in the chase, and of our men but seven only missing. It would require a long tractation here to discourse all thing done in these popish wars. Also it would be no less ridiculous to view & behold the glorious temerity of this new upstart captain. But certes, lamentable it is to see the pitiful slaughter & murder of Christ's people, by the means of th●se pitiless Popes, during these wars in France: As when the Bishop coming from Dunkirk to the siege of Ypres a great number of Englishmen there were lost, and much money consumed, and yet nothing done effect, to the great shame and ignominy of the Bishop. Again, after, the siege of Ypres (thus with shame broke up) the said bishop proceeding with a small power, to fight with the french kings ca●●e, contrary to the counsel of his captains, which counted him rash & unskilful in his attempt, was fain to break company with them, whereby part of the army went unto Burburgh, & the bishop with his part returned to Gravenidg, which both towns shortly after were besieged by the french army, to the great loss both of the English and French men. In fine, when the Bishop could keep Gravenidg no longer, the said Bishop with his croysies, crossing the seas, came home again as wise as he went, & thus making an end of this Pontifical war, we will return again from whence we digressed, to the story and matter of john Wickliff.  
Which john Wickliff returning again within short space, either from his banishment, or from some other place where he was secretly kept, repaired to his parish of lutterworth, where he was parson, there quietly departing this mortal life, slept in peace in the Lord, in the beginning of the year 1384. upon silvester's day.  
Here is to be noted the great providence of the Lord in this man, as in divers other: whom the Lord so long preserved in such rages of so many enemies, from all their hands, even to his old age. For so it appeareth by Thomas Walden, writing against him in his tomes entitled: De Sacramentis contra Wiclewm, 
Waldenus ●. tomo de Sacramentis.  that he was well aged before he departed: by that which the foresaid Walden writeth of him in the epilog speaking of Wickliff, in these words: Ita ut cano placeret, quod iuueni complacebat. etc. That is: so that the same thing pleased him in his old age, which did please him being young. Whereby seemeth that Wickliff lived, till he was an old man, by this report. Such a Lord is God, that whom he will have kept, nothing can hurt.  
This Wickliff, had written divers and sundry works, the which in the year of our Lord 1410. were burnt at Oxford, the Abbot of Shrewsbury being then Commissary, and sent to oversee that matter. And not only in England, but in Boheme, likewise the books of the said Wickliff were set on fire, by one Subincus Archbishop of prague, who made diligent inquisition for the same, and burned them: The number of the volumes, which he is said to have burned most excellently written, and richly adorned with bosses of gold, 
The number of Wicliffes' books came to 200. volumes. Aeneas' Syl●ius.  and rich coverings (as Aeneas silvius writeth) were above the number of two hundredth.  
joannes Cocleus in his book De historia Hussitarun, speaking of the books of Wickliff, testifieth: that he wrote very many books, sermons and tractations. Moreover the said Cocleus speaking of himself, recordeth also: that there was a certain Bishop in England which wrote unto him declaring, that he had yet remaining in his custody two huge and mighty volumes of john Wickliff's works, which for the quantity thereof might seem to be equal with the works of S. Augustine. Haec Cocleus.  
Amongst other of his Treatises I myself also have found out certain, as de censu & veritate scripturae. Item, De Ecclesia. Item, De Eucharistia confessio Wicklevi, which I intend hereafter: the Lord so granting; to publish abroad.  
As concerning certain answers of john Wickliff which he wrote to king Richard the 2. touching the right and title of the king, and of the Pope: because they are but short, I thought here to annex them. The effect whereof here followeth.   

¶ john Wickliff's answer unto K. Richard the second, as touching the right and title of the king and the Pope.  
IT was demanded, whether the kingdom of England, may lawfully in case of necessity, for his own defence, detain and keep back the treasure of the kingdom, that it be not carried away to foreign & strange nations, the pope himself demanding and requiring the same under pain of censure, and by virtue of obedience.  
Wickliff setting a part the minds of learned men, what might be said in the matter, either by the canon law, or by the law of England or the civil law, it resteth (saith he) now only to persuade and prove, the affirmative part of this doubt, by the principles of Christ's law. And first I prove it thus, Every natural body hath power given of God to resist against his contrary, and to preserve itself in due estate, as the Philosophers knew very well.  
In somuch, that bodies without life, are endued with such kind of power (as it is evident) unto whom hardness is given to resist those things that would break it, and coldness to withstand the heat that dissolveth it. Forsomuch then, as the kingdom of England (after the manner and phrase of the Scriptures) ought to be one body: & the clergy with the communality, the members thereof, it seemeth that the same kingdom hath such power given him of god, and so much the more apparent: by how much the same body is more precious unto God, adorned with virtue & knowledge. For somuch then as there is no power given of god unto any creature: for any end or purpose: but that he may lawfully use the same to that end and purpose: It followeth that our kingdom may lawfully keep back and deteyn their treasure, for the defence of itself, in what case soever necessity do require the same. 
The books of Wicliffe. The Pope's riches is but the alms of good men.   
Secondarily, the same is proved by the law of the gospel. For the Pope cannot challenge the treasure of this kingdom, but under the title of alms, & consequently under the pretence of the works of mercy, according to the rule of charity.  
But in case aforesaid, the title of alms ought utterly to cease, Ergo, the right and title of challenging the treasure of our Realm shall cease also in the presupposed necessity. 
Necessity taketh away th● Pope's alms.  For so much as all charity hath his beginning of himself, it were no work of charity, but of mere madness, to send away the treasures of the realm unto foreign nations, whereby the Realm itself may fall into ruin, under the pretence of such charity.  
It appeareth also by this, that Christ the head of the Church, whom all Christian Priests ought to follow: lived by the alms of devout women. Luke. 7.8. He hungered and thirsted, he was a stranger, and many other miseries he sustained, not only in his members, but also in his own body, as the Apostle witnesseth, Cor. viii. He was made poor for your sakes, that through his poverty, you might be rich whereby, in the first endowing of the Church, what soever he were of the Clergy that had any temporal possessions, he had the same by form of a perpetual alms, as both writings and Chronicles do witness.  
Whereupon S. Barnard, 
Note well the saying here of Bernard.  declaring in his 2. book to Eugenius, that he could not challenge any secular dominion by right of succession, as being the vicar of S. Peter, writeth thus: that if S. john should speak unto the pope himself, as Barnard doth unto Eugenius, were it to be thought that he would take it patiently? But let it be so, that you do challenge it unto you, by some other ways or means: but truly by any right or title Apostolical, you can not so do. For how could he give unto you that, which he had not himself? That which he had he gave you, that is to say, care over the Church, but did he give you any Lordships or rule. Hark what he saith: Not bearing rule (saith he) as Lords in the Clergy, but behaving yourselves as examples to the flock. And because thou shalt not think it to be spoken only in humility, and not in verity, mark the word of the Lord himself in the cospel. The kings of the people do rule over them, but you shall not do so.  
Here Lordship and dominion, 
The pope must leave his lordship or else Apostleship, let him choose whether.  is plainly forbidden to the Apostles: and darest thou then usurp the same? If thou will be a Lord, thou shalt lose thine Apostleship, or if thou wilt be an Apostle, thou shalt lose thy Lordship. For truly thou shalt departed from the one of them. If thou wilt have both, thou shalt lose both, or else think thyself to be of that number, of whom God doth so greatly complain, saying: They have reigned, but not through me. They are become Princes, and I have not known it. Now if it do suffice thee to rule with the Lord, 
The manner of the Apostles.  thou hast thy glory, but not with God. But if we will keep that which is forbidden us, let us hear what is said: he that is the greatest amongst you (saith Christ) shallbe made as the least, and he which is the highest, shallbe as the minister: and for example, set a child in the midst of them. So this then is the true form and institution of the Apostles trade. Lordship and rule is forbidden, ministration and service commanded.  
By these words of this blessed man whom the whole Church doth reverence and worship, 
How the pope ought to occupy the Church goods.  it doth appear that the Pope hath not power to occupy the Church goods as Lord thereof, but as minister, and servant, and proctor for the poor. And would to God that the same proud & greedy desire of rule & Lordship, which this seat doth challenge unto it; be not a preamble to prepare a way unto Antechrist. 
The way to obtain the kingdom of Christ.  For it is evident by the Gospel, that Christ through his poverty, humility, & suffering of injury, got unto him the children of his kingdom.  
And moreover, so far as I remember, the same blessed man Barnard in his 3. book writeth also thus unto Eugenius: I fear no other greater poison to happen unto thee, then greedy desire of rule and dominion.  
This Wickliff albeit in his life time, had many grievous enemies, yet was there none so cruel unto him, as the Clergy itself. Yet notwithstanding he had many good friends, men not only of the base and meanest sort, but also nobility, amongst whom these men are to be numbered: john Clembon, jews Clifford, Richard Sturius, Thomas Latimer, William Nevell, 
I. Cle●bon, jews Clifford, Rich. Sturius. Tho. Latimer, W. Nevell, joh. Mountegew. The Earl of Salisbury. The penance of the Earl of Salisbury.  Bohn Mountegew, who plucked down all the Images in his Church. Besides all these, there was the Earl of Salisbury, who for contempt in him noted towards the Sacrament, in carrying it home to his house: was enjoined by Radulph Ergom Bishop of Salisbury, to make in Salisbury a cross of stone, in which all the story of the matter should be written, and he every Friday during his life to come to the cross barefoot and barehead in his shirt, & there kneeling upon his knees: to do penance for his fact. Ex Chron. Mon. D. Albani in vita. Ric. 2.  
The Londoners at this time somewhat boldly trusting to the majors authority, who for that year was John of Northampton: Took upon them the office of the Bishops, in punishing the vices (belonging to Civil law) of such persons as they had found and apprehended in committing both fornication and adultery. For first they put the women in the prison which amongst them then was named Dolium. And lastly bringing them into the market place, where every man might behold them, & cutting of their goldenlockes from their heads: they caused them to be carried about the streets, with bagpipes and trumpets blown before them to the intent they should be the better known & their companies avoided: according to the manner then of certain the eves that were named Apellatores, (accusers or pechers of others that were guiltless) which were so served. And with other such like opprobrious and reproachful contumelies did they serve the men also that were taken with them in committing the forenamed wickedness and vices. 
T●e fruits of g●od and true doctrine.  Here the story recordeth how the said Londoners were encouraged hereunto by john Wickeliffe and others that followed his doctrine to perpetrat this act, in the reproach of the Prelates being of the clergy. For they said, that they did not so much abhor to see the great negligence of those to whom that charge belonged, but also their filthy avarice they did as much detest: which for greediness of money were choked with bribes and winking at the penalties due to such persons by the laws appointed, suffered such fornicators and incestuous persons favourably to continue in their wickedness. They said furthermore, that they greatly feared, least for such wickedness perpetrated within the city and so apparently dissimuled: that God would take vengeance upon them & destroy their city. Wherefore they said, that they could do no less then to purge the same: lest by the sufferance thereof, God would bring a plague upon them, or destroy them with the sword, 
Ex Chron. Monast. D. Albani.  or cause the earth to swallow up both them and their City. Haec ex Chron. Mon. D. Albani.  
This story (gentle Reader) albeit the author thereof whom I follow, doth give it out in reproachful wise, to the great discommendation of the Londyners for so doing. Yet I thought not to omit, but to commit the same to memory, which seemeth to me rather to tend unto the worthy commendation both of the Londoners that so did: & to the necessary example of all other Cities to follow the same. After these things thus declared, let us now adjoin the testimonial of the University of Oxford, of john Wickliff.  

* The public testimony given out by the University of Oxford, touching the commendation of the great learning and good life of john Wickliff.  
Unto all and singular the Children of our holy Mother the Church, to whom this present Letter shall come: the Vicechauncellor of the University of Oxford with the whole congregation of the Masters, 
Ex tomo operum. joan. Husse fol. v●t.  wish perpetual health in the Lord. Forsomuch, as it is not commonly seen, that the Acts and Mmonumentes of valiant men, nor the praise and merits of good men should be passed over and hidden with perpetual silence, but that true report and fame should continually spread abroad the same in strange & far distant places, both for the witness of the same, and example of others: Forsomuch also as the provident discretion of man's nature being recompensed with cruelty, hath devised and ordained this buckler and defence, against such as do blaspheme and slander other men's doings, that whensoever witness by word of mouth can not be present, the pen by writing may supply the same.  
Hereupon it followeth, that the special good will and care which we bore unto I. Wickliff, sometime child of this our University, and professor of Divinity: moving and stirring our minds (as his manners and conditions required no less) with one mind, voice and testimony, 
Great learning joined with good life and godliness.  we do witness all his conditions & doings throughout his whole life, to have been most sincere & commendable: whose honest manners and conditions, profoundness of learning, and most redolent renown and fame, we desire the more earnestly to be notified & known unto all faithful, for that we understand the maturity and ripeness of his cowersation, his diligent labours and travels to tend to the praise of God, the help & safeguard of others, and the profit of the Church.  
Wherefore we signify unto you by these presents, that his conversation (even from his youth upwards, unto the time of his death) was so praise worthy and honest, that never at any time was there any note or spot of suspicion noised of him. But in his answering, reading, preaching and determining, he behaved himself laudably, and as a stout and valiant champion of the faith: vanquishing by the force of the Scriptures, all such who by their wilful beggary blasphemed and slandered Christ's Religion. 
The bones of Wickliff were not yet commanded by the council of Const. to be burned. Ex ● tomo operum I. Hussi fol. vit.  Neither was this said Doctor convict of any heresy, either burned by our Prelates after his burial. God forbid that our Prelates should have condemned a man of such honesty, for an heretic: who amongst all the rest of the university, had written in Logic, philosophy, divinity, Moralitye, and the Speculative art without peer. The knowledge of which all & singular things, we do desire to testify and deliver forth: to the intent, that the fame and renown of this said Doctor, may be the more evident and had in reputation amongst them, unto whose hands these present letters testimonial shall come.  
In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters testimonial to be sealed with our common seal.  
Dated at Oxford in our congregation house, the fift day of October in the year of our Lord. 1406.   

The testimony and words of Master john Hus, as touching master john Wickliff.  
Verily, 
The testimony and judgement of M. john Hus concerning john Wickliff.  as I do not believe neither grant that M. john Wickliff is an horeticke: so do I not deny, but firmly hope that he is no heretic: For so much as in all matters of doubt I ought, as near as I can, to choose the best part. Wherefore I surely trust, that M. I. Wickliff is one of the number of them which are saved. The words of Christ month me thereunto, saying Math. 7. Do ye not judge that ye be not judged, & Luke the 6. Do not condemn, & ye shall not be condemned: and the words of the Apostle. 1. Cor. 4 Do ye not judge before the Lord himself do come, the which shall open those things that are hid in darkness, to manifest the privities of all hearts.  
Secondly, the love and charity which I ought to bear unto my neighbour (loving him as myself) doth move me thereunto. Luk. 10.  
Thirdly his good fame & report month me, the which he hath of the good Priests, of the university of Oxford, & not of the wicked, & commonly of the vulgar sort, although not of the covetous, proud, and luxurious Prelates.  
Fourthly, his own works & writings do stir me thereunto, by the which he goeth about with his whole endeavour, to reduce all men unto the law of Christ, & specially the clergy: that they should forsake the pomp & dominion of this world, and with the Apostles lead the life of Christ.  
Fiftly, his own protestations, which he doth oftentimes use in his sentences, often repeating the same, doth not a little move me.  
sixthly, his earnest desire and affection which he had unto the law of Christ, doth not a little allure me thereunto, disputing of the verity thereof, the which cannot fail in any one jot or title. 
Lib. de sen● sum & veritate scriptura per l. Wicklewm.  Whereupon he made a book of the verity of the holy Scripture, approving even unto the utter most, the truth of God's law.  
Wherefore it were too foolish a consequent to say, that because the number of the Prelates and clergy in England. France, and Boheme do count john Wickeliffe for an heretic, 
True judgement standeth not upon number and multitude.  that therefore he is an heretic. etc. Like as the reason for burning of the books, for it is written in the first book of Maccabees first chapter: that they did burn the books of the Lord, tearing them in pieces, and whosoever was found to have kept any books of the Testament or will of the Lord, or the which observed and kept the law of the Lord, they were by the kings commaundemen put to death. If then the burning of these books by wicked men did argue or prove the evilness of the books, them was the law of God evil and nought.  
So likewise the burning of S. Gregory's books, and divers other saints and good men, should argue & prove that they were evil & naughty men. 
Burning of books proveth not by and by an heretic.  Whereupon as it doth not follow, that because the Bishops, Scribes, and Phariseis, with the elders of the people, condemned Christ jesus as an heretic, that therefore he is an heretic: So likewise doth it not follow of any other man. The Bishops, masters of divity, monks and prelate's condemned this man as an heretic. 
A false consequent reproved by I. chrysostom.  Ergo he is an heretic. For this consequent is reproved by john Chrisostom, which was twice condemned as an heretic by the Bishops and the whole clergy. Likewise S. Gregory in his books, was condemned by the Cardinals.  
By like proof also as they affirm M. john Wickliff to be an heretic: 
john Duke of Lancaster defender of I. Wickliff.  john Duke of Lancaster (a man of worthy memory and progenitor of Henry king of England) should also be an heretic. For the said Duke defended, favoured, and greatly loved M. john Wickliff, Ergo, the said Duke is or was an heretic, the consequent is good. The Minor is well known unto the Englishmen. The Mayor appeareth in the Canon, where it is said, he which defendeth an heretic. etc.  
But these things set apart, I demand of the adversary, whether M. john Wickliff be damned for ever or no? If he say that he is damned because he is an heretic: 
I. Wickliff proved no heretic.  I propound this unto him, whether M. john Wickeliffe whiles he lived held any false doctrine contrary to the holy Scripture: If he do affirm it, let him then show what doctrine it is, and afterward declare that he held it obstinately: And he shall find, that in his books he always wrote most commendable protestations against obstinacy and stiffneckedness. And by and by after, M. john Stokes in his intimation saith, that M. john Wickliff in England, is counted for an heretic. This seemeth also false by the letter testimonial of the University of Oxford: unto the which there is more credit to be given, then unto him. And this shall suffice for this present.   
Now as we have declared the testimony of the University of Oxford, & of john Hus, concerning the praise of john Wickliff: It followeth likewise, that we set forth and express the contrary censure and judgements of his enemies, blinded with malicious hatred and corrupt affections against him: especially of the Pope's Council gathered at Constance, 
The council of Constance against I. Wickliff.  proceeding first in condemning his books, then of his articles, and afterward burning of his bones. The copy of which their sentence given against him by that counsel here followeth.  

* The sentence given by the Council of Constance, in condemning the doctrine and 45. Articles of john Wickliff.  
THe most holy and sacred council of Constance, 
The sentence of the council of Constance against I. Wickliff.  making and representing the catholic Church for the extirpation of this present schism, and of all other errors and heresies, springing and growing under the shadow and pretence of the same: and for the reformation and amendment of the Church, being lawfully congregate and gathered together in the holy Ghost, for the perpetual memory of the time to come.  
We are taught by the acts and histories of the holy fathers, that the catholic faith without the which, as the holy Apostle S. Paul saith, it is unpossible to please God hath been always defended by the faithful and spiritual soldiers of the Church, by the shield of faith, against the false worshippers of the same faith, or rather perverse impugners: which through their proud curiosity will seem to know more, and to be wiser than they ought to be, & for the desire of the glory of the world, have gone about oft times to overthrow the same. These kinds of wars and battles have been prefigured to us before in those carnal wars of the Israelites against the Idolatrous people. For in those spiritual wars the holy catholic Church, through the virtue & power of faith, being illustrate●●●) the beams of the heavenly light, by the providence of God, and being helped by the help and defence of the Saints & holy men, hath always continued immaculate, & (the darkness of errors, as her most cruel enemies being put to flight) ●he hath most gloriously triumphed over all. But in these our days, the old and unclean enemy hath raised up new contentions & strifes, that the elect of this world might be known, whose Prince and captain in time past was one john Wickliff a false Christian. Who during his life time, taught and sowed very obstinately many articles, contrary and against the Christian Religion, 
The dialogue and trialoge of I. Wickkliffe.  and the Catholic faith. And the same john Wickliff wrote certain books which he called a Dialogue, & a Trialogue, besides many other treatises and works, the which he both wrote and taught, in the which he wrote the aforesaid, and many other damnable & execrable articles: The which his books for the publication and advancement of his perverse doctrine, he did set forth openly for every man to read. Whereby beside many offences, great hurt & damages of souls, hath ensued in divers regions & countries, but specially in the kingdoms of England and Boheme. Against whom the masters and Doctors of the Universities of Oxford and Prage, rising up in the truth and verity of God, according to the order of schools, within a while after did reprove and condemn the said Arcicles.  
Moreover, 
The books of Wickliff condemned to be burned.  the most reverent fathers the archbishops, and bishops, (for that time present) of Canterbury, York, and prague, Legates of the Apostolic sea, in the kingdom of England and Boheme, did condemn the books of the said Wickliff to be burnt. And the said Archbishop of prague, commissary of the Apostolic sea, did likewise in this behalf determine & judge. And moreover he did forbid, that any of those books which did remain unburned, should not be hereafter any more read. And again these things being brought to the knowledge & understanding of the Apostolic sea, and the general council: The Bishop of Rome in his last Council, condemned the said books, treatises and volumes, commanding them to be openly burned. Most straightly forbidding, that any men which should bear the name of Christ, should be so hardy either to keep, read, or expound any of the said books or treatises, volumes, or works, or by any means to use or occupy them: either else to allege them openly or privily, but to their reproof & infamy. And to the intent that this most dangerous and filthy doctrine should be utterly wiped away out of the Church, 
Words of authority without due probation.  he gave commandment through out all places: that the Ordinaries should diligently inquire and seek out by the Apostolic authority and Ecclesiastical censure, for all such books, treatises, volumes, & works. And the same so being found, to burn & consume them with fire: providing withal; that if there be any such found, which will not obey the same: process to be made against them, as against the favourers and maintainers of heresies. And this most holy Synod hath caused the said 45. Articles to be examined and oft times perused, 
Ask my fellow if I be a thief.  by many most reverend fathers of the Church of Rome, Cardinal's Bishops, Abbots, masters of divinity and Doctors of both laws, 
So we hear you say.  besides a great number of other learned men: the which Articles being so examined, it was found (as in truth it was no less) that many, yea a great number of them to be notoriously for heretical reproved and condemned by the holy fathers: other some not to be Catholic, but erroneous: some full of offence and blasphemy: Certain of them offensive unto godly ears and many of them to be rashfull and seditious. It is found also, that his books do contain many Articles of like effect and quality, and that they do induce and bring into the Church, vn●ound and unwholesome doctrine, contrary unto the faith and ordinance of the Church. 

Unwholesome, because they teach against the pomp of the pope.  
So thought the soldiers perpetually to keep down Christ from rising. O marvelous sacred Synod.   Wherefore in the name of our Lord jesus Christ, this sacred Synod, ratefying and approving the sentences and judgements of the Archbishops & counsel of Rome: do by this their decree and ordinance, perpetually for ever more condemn and reprove, the said Articles and every one of them, his books which he entitled his Dialogue and Trialogue, & all other books of the same author, volumes, treatises & works, by what name so ever they be entitled or called, the which we will here to be sufficiently expressed and named. Also we forbidden the reading, learning, exposition, or alleging of any of the said books, unto all faithful Christians, but so farforth as shall tend to the reproof of the same: 

Rub a galled horse on the back and he will wince.  
At Rome etc. neither barrel better hearing. Though the sepulchre be watched Christ will rise.   forbidding all and singular Catholic persons under the pain of curse, that from henceforth they be not so hardy openly to preach, teach, or hold, or by any means to allege the said Articles or any of them, except (as is aforesaid) that it do tend unto the reproof of them: commanding all those books, treatises, works, and volumes aforesaid to be openly burned, as it was decreed in the Synod at Rome, as is afore expressed. For the execution whereof duly to be observed and done, the said sacred Synod doth straightly charge & command the ordinaries of the places, diligently to attend & look unto the matter, according as it appertaineth unto every man's duty, by the Canonical laws and ordinances.   
What were these articles here condemned by this council, collected out of all his works, and exhibited to the said Council, to the number of 45. The copy of them followeth under written.  

* Certain other Articles gathered out of Wickeliffes' books by his adversaries, to the number of 45. exhibited up to the Council of Constance, after his death, and in the same council condemned.  
BEsides the 24. Articles above mentioned, 
Other articles of Wickliff to the number of 45. condemned by the council of Const.  there were other also gathered out of his books, to the number of 45. in all, which his malicious adversaries perversely collecting, and maliciously expounding, did exhibit up to the Council of Constance: which to repeat all, though it be not here needful, yet to recite certain of them as they stand in that Council it shall not be superfluous.  
25. All such as be hired for temporal living to pray for other, offend and sin of simony.  
26. The prayer of the reprobate prevaileth for no man.  
27. Hallowing of Churches, confirmation of children, the Sacrament of orders, be reserved to the Pope & Bishops only for the respect of temporal lucre.  
28. Graduations, and Doctorships in Universities and Colleges as they be used, conduce nothing to the church.  
29. The excommunication of the Pope and his Prelates, is not to be feared, because it is the censure of Antechrist.  
30. Such as found & build Monasteries, do offend & sin, and all such as enter into the same be members of the devil.  
31. To enrich the Clergy, is against the rule of Christ.  
32. Silvester the Pope, & Constantine the Emperor were deceived in giving & taking possessions into the Church.  
33. A Deacon or Priest my preach the word of God with out the authority of the Apostolic sea.  
34. Such as enter into order, or religion monastical, are thereby unable to keep God's commandments, and also to attain to the kingdom of heaven except they reurne from the same.  
35. The Pope with all his clergy, having those great possessions as they have, be heretics in so having, & the secular powers in so suffering them do not well.  
36. The Church of Rome is the synagogue of Satan, neither is the Pope immediately the vicar of Christ, nor of the Apostles.  
37. The Decretals of the Pope be apocrypha and seduce from the saith of Christ, and the Clergy that study them, be fools.  
38. The Emperor and secular Lords be seduced, which so every the Church with such ample possessions.  
39 It is not necessary to salvation to believe the church of Rome to be supreme head over all Churches.  
40. It is but folly to believe the Pope's pardons.  
41. All oaths which be made for any contract or civil bargain betwixt man and man, be unlawful.  
43. Benedict, Frances, Dominicke, Bern, with all such as have been patrons of private religion, except they have repent, with such also as have entered into the same: be in a damnable state, and so from the Pope to the lowest novice they be all together heretics.   
Besides these Articles to the number of 45. condemned (as is said) by the Counsel of Constance: Other articles also I find diversly collected or rather wrested out of the books and writings of Wickliff: 
W. Wodford, Tho. Walden, Tyssington, writers against I. Wickliff.  some by William Wodford, some by Walden, by Friar Tyssington & other, whom they in their books have impugned rather than confuted. In the number of whom, William Wodford especially findeth out these Articles, and writeth against the same, to the number of 18. as here under follow.  

1. The bread remaineth in his own substance, 
Articles against Wickliff by W. Woodford.  after the consecration thereof upon the altar, and ceaseth not to be bread still.  
2. As john was figuratively Helias, and not personally, so the bread figuratively is the body of Christ, and not naturally. And that without all doubt, this is a figurative speech, to say: this is my body, as to say: This john, is ●elias.  
3. In the Decree, Ergo Berengarius, the Court of Rome hath determined that the Sacrament of the holy Eucharist, is naturally true bread.  
4. They which do affirm, that the infants of the faithful departing without the Sacrament of baptism, are not to be saved: be presumptuous, and fools in so affirming.  
5. The administration of the Sacrament of confirmation, is not only reserved to the Bishops.  
6. In the time of S. Paul, only two orders of Clerks did suffice in the Church: Priests, and Deacons. Neither was there in the time of the Apostles any distinction of Popes, patriarchs and Archbishops, and Bishops, but these the Emperor's pride did find it out.  
7. Such as in times past either for covetousness of temporal lucre, or of hope of mutual succour by kindred, or for cause to excuse their lust (although they despaired of issue) were married: were coupled together, not by true Matrimony.  
8. The causes of divorcement, either for spiritual consanguinity or for affinity, be not founded in Scripture, but are only ordinances of men.  
9, These words, I will take thee to wife, are rather to be taken in con●ract of matrimony, than these words I do take thee to wife. And the contract with any party by the words of the future tense, ought not to be frustrate for the contract with any party afterward made, by the words of the present time.  
10. There be 12. disciples of Antechrist, Popes, Cardinals, patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, Archdeacon's, Officials, Deans, Monks, Canons, Friars, and Pardoners.  
11. In the book of Numbers the 18. chapter & in ezechiel. 44. chapter it is commanded simply, that neither the Priests of Aaron, nor the Levites should have any part of inheritance with other tribes, but should live merely of tithes and oblations.  
12. There is no greater heretic or Antechrist, than that Clerk which teacheth that it is lawful for Priests and Levites of the law of grace, to be endued with temporal possessions. And if there be any heretics, Apostates, or blasphemers, these Clerks be such.  
13. It is not only lawful for the Lords temporal to take away goods of fortune from the Churchmen, sinning usually: but also are bound so to do, under pain of eternal damnation.  
14. He that is the more humble and more serviceable to the Church, and more enamoured with the love of Christ, he is in the church militant, the greater and the more nearest Vicar of Christ.  
15. If corporal unction or aneling were a Sacrament (as now it is feigned to be) Christ and his Apostles would not have left the ordinance thereof untouched.  
16. Unto the true dominion secular, is required virtuous life of him that ruleth.  
17. All things that happen, do come absolutely of necessity.  
18. Whatsoever the Pope or his Cardinals can deduce clearly out of the Scripture: that only is to be believed, or to be done at their monition: & whatsoever otherwise they do command is to be condemned as heretical.   
Besides this W. Woodford afore mentioved, divers other there were which wrote against these articles of Wicliffe aforesay, 
Tra●●atus frat. W. W●dford conti a trialogun Wickleus.  maintaining the Pope's part, as seemeth for flattery, rather than following any just cause so to do, or showing forth any reason or learning in disproving the same. Notwithstanding, on the contrary part some there were again both learned and godly, which taking the part of Wickliff, without all flattery, defended the most of the said articles, openly in schools and other places, as appeareth by the works of john Hus: who in his public determinations in the university of prague, stood in defence of the same against all his adversaries. As partly is here to be seen in these tractations under following.  
¶ THE PUBLIC DEFENCE of certain Articles of john Wickliff, in the first Act before the whole University of prague, in Charles College  

¶ The determination of I. Hus upon the xiv. Article of Wickliff as touching the preaching and hearing of the word of God, made in the year of our Lord. 1412.  
FOr so much as to condemn the truth wittingly or without reasonable examination doth tend to great danger of salvation, 
The whole University is against the judgement of the doctors which condemned the 45. articles.  as the Lord saith. Luke the sixth, do ye not condemn, and ye shall not be condemned: Therefore to avoid this great danger, the University of prague, and the whole communality there of the Rector Masters, Doctors, Bachelors and Students, in their general assembly, not agreeing to the condemnation pronounced by the Doctors in their council house, requireth of the said Doctors a reasonable proof of their condemnation, and that they should by scripture, authority or infallible reason prove the falsehood of every those five and forty Articles. The which being once done, 
August. lib. de doct. ch●●. lib. 2.  the said University will agree to the said condemnation as just: For the University doth well know, that as Augustine saith, in the end of his second book of Christian doctrine: That what so ever a man doth learn besides the holy scriptures, if it be hurtful, there it is condemned: If it be profitable, there it is found. And when a man hath found all things therein which he hath profitably learned else where, he shall much more abundantly find those things which are found in no place else, but are learned in the marvelous depth, and marvelous profoundness of those most sacred Scriptures only.  
Thus writeth Augustine: 
Grego. moral, lib. 23.  And Gregory in his three & twenty book of morals, saith thus, God in the holy scripture hath comprehended whatsoever thing may happen unto any man, and in the same hath, by the examples of those which are gone afore, taught them which are to come, how to reform their lives. Whereby it appeareth that if every of the five and forty Articles containeth in it wholly the thing that is false and untruth, the same is either plainly or darkly condemned in the holy Scriptures.  
Secondly it followeth by the sentence and mind of this holy man that if the condemation of the five and forty Articles be profitable, the same is found in the holy scriptures. And where as again Saint Augustine writeth unto Saint hierome in his ●ight Epistle and the ninth Distinction. I (saith he) have learned to attribute this honour and reverence unto those writers only which are called Canonical, that I dare affirm none of them to have erred in their works or writings. As for all other writers I do so read them that although they abound with vever so much holiness, or excel in doctrine, I do not by and by think it true because they themselves do so judge: but if they can by other Canonical Authors or probable reasons persuade or prove that they do not degress from the truth.  
Also the said Augustine in his book De unico Baptismo Lib. 2. sayeth thus: Who doth not know or understand that the holy canonical scripture to be contained in his own bonds and limits, and the same to be preferred before all other letters and decrees of Bishops. etc. And a little after he hath the like saying: as for the letters of other Bishops, which have been written or be written (after the Canon. being confirmed) they may lawfully be reprehended and reproved both by the word of them that be more skilful in that matter, and also by the ancient authority of other Bishops, or by the prudence and wisdom of such as be better learned, or more expert, or else by general counsels if it so chance that they in any point have erred and gone a stray from the sincere truth.  
By these sayings of S. Austen and other like. etc. The University of prague hath concluded and determined that they will not receive the condemnation of the five and forty Articles made by the Doctors in their council house as just and true, except they which condemned them, will prove their condemnation by the holy Scriptures and probable reasons upon every of the five and forty Articles.  
Wherefore for the due examination of the foresaid condemnation, whether it be effectual or no, we will at this present take in hand the fouretenth Article of the number of the five and forty, which Article is this.  
They which leave of preaching and hearing of the word of God for fear of excommudication of men, 
T●e 14. article of I. Wickliff.  are already excommunicate, and in the day of judgement shallbe counted the betrayers of Christ.  
This Article containeth first that all priests omitting the preaching of the word of God for fear of the excommunication of men they are already excommunicate. 
The defence of this 14. Article.   
Secondly, it containeth that all such as do omit the hearing of the word of God, for fear of excommunication, are already excommunicated.  
thirdly that both these sorts of men in the day of judgement shallbe counted traitors of Christ. 
The preaching of the Gospel commanded of God.   
As concerning the first point, it is presupposed that the preaching of the word of God, is commanded unto the Apostles and their followers, as it appeareth in Matthew the tenth, where it is said. jesus sent his xii. Disciples, commanding them and saying go and preach, that the kingdom of heaven is at hand. Also in the last of Matthew, and the tenth of Luke. Whereupon, Peter the Apostle of Christ, acknowledging this precept and commandment for himself and for the other Apostles and successors in the 10. of the Acts, saith thus, he commanded us to preach and to testify, that it is he which is ordained of God the judge both of the quick and the dead. This commandment also, the other Apostles did acknowledge, & specially the chosen vessel pronouncing under a great threatening in the first Corinthians 9 chap. Woe be unto me if I do not preach the Gospel. And Pope Nicholas considering that great threatening in 43. Distinction, sayeth: the dispensation and distribution of the heavenly seed is commanded and enjoined unto us. Woe be unto us, if we do not sow it abroad or if we hold our peace. Which thing when as the vessel of election did fear and cry out upon, how much more ought all other inferiors to fear and dread the same. To the same purpose doth S. Gregory write in his pastoral in the distinction. 
Gregorius. Dis●. 44. cap. Si● rector.  Sat rector. It is also evident by many other doctors and holy men as by S. Augustine, Jerome, Isidore, Bernard, whose words it were here to long to rehearse.  
As touching the second point that the hearing of the word and law of God, 
The hearing of the word commanded by God  is commanded unto the people it is evident both by the old and new law, for it is said in the 28. of the proverbs, he that turneth away his ear & will not hear the law of God, his prayer shall be cursed. And our Saviour rebuking the Scribes and pharisees concludeth thus in the 8. of S. john saying, he that is of God heareth God's word: But forsomuch as you are not of God therefore you hear not his word.  
Thirdly it is to be noted that excommunication is a separation from the Communion, 
Excommunication.  the 11. Question 3. Nihil & cap Canonica. And 27. question, first, Viduas. 34. Question 3. Cum sacerdos. And this excommunication is double that is to say, either secret or manifest. The secret excommunication is, whereby a man is separated from the mystical body of Christ, and so from God through sin according unto the 59 Psalm. Your iniquities have made separation between your God and you. And with this excommunication doth the Apostle excommunicate every man which doth not love the Lord jesus Christ. Saying in the first Corinth. and the last Chapter. If any man do not love the Lord jesus Christ, 
Excommunication double.  let him be accursed. The manifest and apert excommunication may be divided into a manifest excommunication by God: Whereof it is spoken. Math. 25. go ye curied. etc. And often times else in the law of God: Also into a manifest excommunication by men, whereby the Prelate doth either justly or unjustly cast out any man from the participation of the Communion of the Church. Whereof this shall suffice at this present.  
Then as touching the first part of the article, 
The probation of the first part.  it is thus argued. etc.  
Whosoever forsaketh or leaveth the commandments of God undone, they are excommunicate of God. But the Priests which leave of the preaching of the word of God for fear of the unjust excommunication of men do leave the commandment of God undone. Ergo those Priests which do leave of preaching of the word of God are excommunicated of God.  
The first part of this Article is true: The mayor appeareth by the Psalm. Cursed be they which do decline and serve from thy precepts. The Minor is evident by the first proposition which proveth that the preaching of the word of God, is the commaundemeut of God enjoined unto those Priests and ministers: Whereupon the saying of our Saviour, Matthew 15. is spoken unto them. Wherefore do you transgress the commandments of God for your own traditions, preaching the word of God for fear of unjust excommunication and so dishonouring the Father Christ and the mother the holy Church.  
It is thus confirmed all they which do omit or let slip any manner of work, principally and straightly enjoined them of the Lord jesus Christ, under the cloak and colour of grace for fear of any excommunication of men, they are already excommunicate. But Priests and specially Curates admonished by the spirit of God, leaving of the preaching of the word of God for fear of the excommunication of men, they omit and leave of for fear of the same excommunication a work principally and straightly enjoined unto them of the Lord jesus Christ, under the cloak and colour of grace: Ergo, Priests and specially Curates and such as be admonished and warned by the spirit of God, omitting the preaching of the word of God for fear of excommunication, are excommunicate. The consequence is well known. The Mayor appeareth by the Psalm, Cursed be they which do decline and go away from the commandments. The Minor is also evident, again by the first suposition.  
Item, if the apostles of Christ had left of the preaching of the word of God for fear of the excommunication of men which the Lord did foreshow unto them in the 16. of S. john, 
The Apostles did not obey no wicked inhibition.  saying. They shall excommunicate you out of their synagogues. They had been excommunicated of God. Ergo, by like evidence the Priests and Ministers of Christ, being inspired with the same spirit to preach and declare the word of God, if they leave it undone for fear of the excommunication of men: They are already excommunicate. The consequent dependeth upon a similitude. And the Antecedent is evident, for if the Apostles had left of preaching for fear of excommunication, they had broken the commandments of God. And consequently had been accursed. Wherefore they willing to observe and keep the commandments of God, and to put of the excommunication of men, said unto the high Priests, Elders and Scribes at jerusalem, to Annas, Cayphas, to john and Alexander, and all other of the kindred of the Priests which were gathered together and commanded them that they should not preach nor teach in the name of jesus: If it be just in the sight of God, that we should rather obey you then God, that judge you? Acts 4. and in the 5. of the Acts, they said unto them: we ought rather to obey God then man. By this saying of the Holy Ghost, it is concluded that the Priests and ministers o● Christ, inspired by the holy Ghost to preach the word of God, 
Anacletus. Dist. xliiij.  ought rather obey the holy Ghost then those which shall prohibit and command them to the contrary, and to suffer the excommunication of men patiently. Whereupon ●. Anacl●tus spoke very well in this, as it is writ●en distinction 43. We know (saith he) that many do go about to molest and trouble the Doctors and Teach us to this end that they might utterly destroy them, and fulful their own prope● lusts & desires: yet notwithstanding the said Doctors as much as in them lieth ought not to departed or go back from their good doings and intent, knowing assuredly that blessed are they which suffer persecution for righteousness sake. Thus much writeth he: And the reverend Bede (upon these words: Ye shall find an Ass tied up, and an he fool with her, lose her and bring her unto me, & if any man say any thing unto you, say ye that the Lord hath need of them) writeth thus. Here it is mystically commanded unto the Doctors and Teachers, that if any adversity do let or hinder, or any man do prohibit or stop, that sinners cannot be loosed from their bonds or snares, and be brought unto the Lord, by the confession of their faith that they notwithstanding should not leave of preaching but constantly & boldly affirm and say that the Lord hath need of such, to edify & build again his Church. For so did the Apostles: so likewise ought all the humb●e and meek Ministers of Christ to do. 
Hieronim●● ad R●sticum.  And S. Jerome writing unto Rusticus the Bishop of Narbone saith thus, Let no Bishop from hencefore be puffed up or inflamed with the envy of devilish temptation, if the Priests now and then do exhort and teach the people or preach openly in the Churches, or as it is said do bless the people. For unto him which should deny unto me the doing hereof, I would say in this manner: He that will not that Priests should do those things which they are commanded by God, let him say that he is greater and above Christ, by the which words S. Jerome doth openly declare, that Priests are commanded to exhort and teach the people and to preach in the Churches. Secondly that a Bishop denying or forbidding the same to be done, specially the Priests or Ministers being apt men there unto is extolled above Christ. And therefore consequently is not to be obeyed or heard in his doings.  
Item, 
If the pope be an heretic the godly Bishops may preach against him.  admit that the Pope be an Heretic and teach perverse and contrary doctrine unto the holy scriptures, and that the Bishop be a catholic man unto whom the Pope giveth in commandment that he shall not suffer no man to preach contrary to his opinion. As it happened in Pope Leo and Saint hilary the Bishop, adding this also that the Bishop do execute the Pope's commandment under pain of excommunication, this notwithstanding if the Catholic Priests, learned in the law of God do leave of preaching against the Pope's heresies for fear of excommunication of men they are already excommunicate. The which thing is evident for so much as they are accursed through the consent of their silence, as S. Isidor saith 11. Question. 1. He that doth consent unto sinners or defendeth a sinner, he shall be cursed both before God and man, and shallbe punished with a most severe rebuke, and in the 7. Question. 4. Omnis, It is said without he that doth neglect to amend that which he may correct committeth no less fault than he which had before offended, for not only they which do commit the offence, but also they which consent thereunto, are judged partakers thereof. In like case Priests which do not preach against the heresy which the Pope teacheth, are dumb dogs not able to open their mouths or bark against the Wolf which will kill the sheep of jesus Christ: Ergo, how can it then be otherwise but they must needs be betrayers of the sheep of their own shepherd.  
Item, let it so be that the Bishop with the chief Prelates be an adulterer or otherwise an open offender and that he together with his Prelates do command under pain of excommunication, 
Albeit the chief priests be adulterers yet ought the ministers to preach against adultery.  that none be so hardy to preach against adultery, in such a case they which do omit their duty in preaching against adultery for fear of excommunication of men, are already excommunicated of God. Ergo the first part of the Article is true. The Antecedent is proved, for our saviour in the 8. of Mark saith thus. He that acknowledgeth me and my words in this wicked and adulterous generation, the son of man shall also acknowledge and confess him when he shall come in the glory of his Father with his Angels. Therefore he that shall confess Christ and these words of Christ Math. 5. you have heard, that it was said to them in old time, thou shalt not commit adultery: But I say unto you, that every one, which shall behold a woman to lust after her, he hath already committed adultery, with her in his heart: He I say that shall confess these things, before an adoulterous Bishop, with his chief Prelates, the which perchance are the wicked and adoulterous generation, the son of man shall also acknowledge him, when he shall come in the glory of his Father, and so consequently is he blessed. Contrary wise he which for the fear of excommunication of men will not confess Christ and his words, before the sinful and adoulterous generation, is accursed. The consequent holdeth by the words of Christ. Luk. 9 He that is ashamed of me and my words, him shall the son of man be ashamed of, when he shall come in his majesty, and in the glory of his Father and his holy Angels, pronouncing that which is spoken Math. 25. Verily, I say unto you, I know you not, go you cursed into everlasting fire.  
Also our Saviour jesus Christ, 
The example of Christ.  did not omit or leave of the preaching of the kingdom of God, for any pretended excommunication of the Bishops, Scribes and pharisees: So likewise his true and humble Priests, ought not to omit their preaching, for any pretenced excommunication of men, the consequent holdeth by the saying of Christ. john. 15. be ye mindful of the words which I have spoken unto you, the servant is not greater than his master: If they have persecuted me, they will persecute you also. The Antecedent is apparent by the saying of Saint john in his 9 chapter. Even now the jews had conspired, that whosoever did confess him to be Christ, should be excommunicate. And likewise john. 7. Whether did any of the Princes or rulers, or any of the pharisees believe in him. But this people which knoweth not the law are accursed.  
Also the humble and just ministers of God, 
The obedience of christian priests toward their Prelates.  ought not under pain of sin to cease from the fruitful preaching of the law of God for any unjust excommunication, or unlawful commandment, and it is proved thus: the humble and just ministers of Christ, aught to obey their Prelates, in such things as are not contrary to God: as all the holy Doctors, and such as are learned in the Law of God, do wholly with one consent affirm. And forsomuch, as an unjust excommunication, and unlawful commandment, are against God, therefore the just and true ministers of God, ought not to obey such unlawful excommunication, and commandments, and consequently ought not to cease for them, from the fruitful preaching of the Gospel of our Lord jesus Christ. But ought boldly and gladly to preach the same. For so much, as the Lord doth comfort them in the 5. of Matthew, saying thus, blessed and happy are ye, when as men do curse you, and persecute you, and speak all kind of evil against you, making lies and slanders upon you, for my sake, rejoice and be glad, for great is your reward in heaven.  
Also every Minister having power given him from above, 
The power of preaching to edification ought not to ce●se.  to preach the Gospel, he hath the same given unto him for the edifying of the Church, and not for the destruction of the same.  
As the Apostle saith 2. Corinth. 10. But every one, leaving of the preaching of the Gospel, for fear of any pretenced excommunication of men, he should frustrate the power given him, for the edifying of the Church. And therefore in so doing should sin against God and his church: And consequently ought rather to choose, not to cease from preaching, for ●eare of any such excommunication, lest that he be excommunicate of our Lord jesus Christ.  
Item, 
The preaching of the Gospel is not to be left of for all the pope● prohibition.  set case that the Pope doth command that there shall be no preaching in any place, than the Ministers of Christ, leaving of their preaching, for fear of the Pope's curse, are already excommunicated of God. It is evident, for so much as they have neglected the commandment of God for the commandment of men. And this case is possible: For by what reason the Pope may command under pain of excommunication that there shallbe no preaching in any place, neither in the parish Churches, by the same reason, he may command that no man should preach in any place.  
The first part is evident by the prohibition of Pope Alexander, who in his bull, did prohibit to preach the word of God, unto the people in Chapels, although the said Chapels were confirmed by the privilege of the Sea apostolicke. The which Bull, the Lord Subincon Archbishop of prague, with his Canons, obtained. By these aforesaid, the first part of the Article is evident, which is this that all Priests omitting the preaching of the word of God, for fear of the excommunication of men, are already excommunicate.  
The second part of the Article is this, 
The second part of the article.  that all they which do omit, the hearing of the word of God, for fear of the excommunication of men are already excommunicate.  
And it is proved thus, all such as neglect the commandments of God, are excommunicate. But they which neglect the hearing of the word of God, for the excommunication of men, are they which neglect the commandments of God. Therefore they which omit the hearing of the word of God for the excommunication of men are already excommunicate.  
The Mayor, is apparent by the 118. Psalm. Cursed be they which decline from thy commandments. And the Minor is evident, by the second supposition, which saith, that the hearing of the word of God is commanded unto the people.  
This is confirmed, 
Means necessary unto salvation are not to be omitted.  all such as omit the necessary mean unto salvation, are excommunicate: but such as omit the hearing of the word of God for the excommunication by men, be such as do omit the necessary mean unto salvation. Therefore, in so doing they are excommunicate: The consequent is plain: The Mayor is made evident by this: That all such as do omit the necessary mean unto salvation do also neglect their salvation, and so are out of the way of salvation, and be excommunicated of God. The Minor appeareth hereby that to hear the word of God is the mean more necessary unto salvation, as the apostle doth prove in his 10. chapter to the Romans. How saith he, shall they believe on him, whom they never heard of? And how shall they hear without a preacher? And by & by after the Apostle inferreth unto the purpose. That saith cometh by hearing, and hearing by the word of God.  
Item, what so ever is done contrary unto conscience, doth edify unto eternal damnation: 
A man ought to do nothing against his conscience.  As it is said, as touching the restitution of the spoiled goods. Chap. Literas porro: But to omit the hearing of the word of God, for fear of excommunication of men, is a thing which is done against conscience. Therefore to omit the hearing of the word of God for excommunication, doth edify unto eternal damnation. And therefore consequently ought not to be done, for fear of any excommunication: Wherefore a woman being judged unto a man, whom she knoweth to be within the degrees of consanguinity, which Gods law hath prohibited, ought not to obey that judgement lest that she offend against God: but meekly & patiently to sustain the excommunication, as it appeareth in the chapter before alleged: So likewise all true christians ought rather than to offend against God, meekly to suffer the excommunication of men, them to omit the hearing of the word of God. To this purpose also, serveth that which is spoken in the 11. quest. 3. He that feareth the omnipotent God, will not presume by any means to do any thing contrary unto the gospel or apostles, either contrary unto the Prophets, or the institutions of the holy fathers. By these premises, the 2. part o. this article is manifest, that all such as do omit, the hearing of the word of God, for fear of excommunication of men, they are already excommunicated.  
And forsomuch, as all christians, being of lawful age, not repenting at the end, 
The profess of the third part.  shallbe counted, in a manner as traitors of Christ, in the day of judgement, because that they were unfaithful servants of Christ. Therefore they which through fear omit the preaching & hearing the word of God, for the excommunication of men, shall be counted as trayers of Christ, and shall render account thereof, unto the Lord: whereupon chrysostom, touching both those sorts in the 41, 
Chrisostom in his xli. Homely.  Homely, showing how the Lord would have some to be teachers, and other some to be disciples: saith thus. For unto those which he would have to be teachers, he speaketh thus by his Prophet Esay: Ye priests, speak in the hearts of the people, for if the priests do not manifest all the truth unto the people, they shall tender account thereof at the day of judgement. And likewise if the people do not learn the truth they shall also give an account at the day of judgement. It is also made more evident by him, upon the tenth of Matthew. Do not fear them which kill the body, lest that through the fear of death, you do not freely speak that which you have heard, neither boldly preach that unto all men, which you alone have heard in your ears. So that hereby alone it is evident, that not only he is a betrayer of the truth, which transgressing the truth, doth openly speak lies in the stead of truth: But he also, which doth not freely pronounce or doth not freely defend the truth, 
Chrisostom although he was excommunicate yet he did preach.  which he ought boldly to defend, is also a traitor unto the truth. For like as the Priest is a debtor to preach the truth which he hath heard of the Lord: even so the lay man is bound to defend the truth, which he hath heard of the minister approved by the scriptures, which if he do not, then is he a traitor unto the truth. For steadfast belief, with the hart prevaileth unto righteousness, the confession which is made with the mouth, helpeth unto salvation. Thus much writeth chrysostom: Who together with the people meekly bearing the excommunication of the Bishops freely preached truth, and the people heard him, and so by his word and his works he freely taught the truth, lest he should be a Traitor unto the truth, & consequently be counted as a Traitor unto our Lord jesus Christ, in the day of judgement. And thus the third part of the Article aforesaid, is manifest.   

¶ The defension of the xv. Article of john Wickliff by john hus.  

The xv. article of Wickliff.  IT is lawful for any Deacon or Priest, to preach the word of God without the authority of the Apostolic Sea, or of his Catholics.  
Fir I understand here, by the authority of the Apostolic Sea, 
The confirmation of the article  properly his special consent, authorising. And likewise I understand by authority of the Bishop, a special consent of the Bishop, authorising the said Deacon or Priest to preach.  
Now as touching the truth of this Article, I thus argue, like as after matrimony once complete, the man and wife may lawfully without any special licence of the Pope or Bishop, 
Every man being lawfully called of the church ought to preach the word of God without the Pope's licence.  procreate carnal children: So likewise Deacons or Priests by the motion of God through the Gospel of jesus Christ may lawfully without any special licence either of the Pope or Bishop generate spiritual children. Ergo, this Article is true and the antecedent is thus proved. For as it is an acceptable work unto God for man and wife without the special licence of the Pope or Bishop to generate carnal children, so it is acceptable unto him, that Deacons or Priests by the motion of God through the Gospel of jesus Christ, should lawfully generate spiritual children without the special licence of the Pope or of any other Bishop, Ergo, the assumptio is true.  
But if any man will deny this similitude, let him show the diversity. Yea seeing it is worse not to receive, or to choke the seed of God's word, than the carnal seed: So contrariwise, is it better to receive and sow abroad that seed of the word of God whereby children might be raised up unto God, then to receive or give such seed, whereby carnal children may be gotten. Whereupon our Saviour in the 10. of Matthew saith thus: whosoever doth not receive you, neither heareth your words, wipe of the dust from your feet, verily I say unto you that in the day of judgement, it shallbe more better unto the Land of Sodom and Gomer then to that City.  
Also a Deacon or Priest being stirred by the spirit of jesus Christ may preach the word of God without the special licence of the Pope or Bishop. Ergo, it is lawful for him so to do. The consequent is thus manifest, for so much as the spirit of God moo●ing the Deacon or Priest unto the preaching of the Gospel, is of greater force than any prohibition of Pope or Bishop invented by man: Ergo, according unto the rule of the Apostles they ought infallibly to be obedient unto the spirit of Christ which doth so move them thereunto, and rather to obey God then man. Acts. 5. Also by like reason as Heldad and Medad upon whom the spirit of God did rest, did lawfully prophesy without requiring any licence at Moses' hands, as it is written. Numery. 11. by the same reason may the meeek minister of Christ, upon whom the spirit of God doth rest, without the requiring any licence, either of the Pope or Bishop, may lawfully preach the word of God unto the people. And would to God in this behalf all Prelates had the spirit of Moses, 
God grant that all the people may prophecy.  for it is said: Numeri. 11. That when as Heldad and Medad were prophesying in the tents, a child ran unto Moses and told him, saying, Heldad and Medad do prophecy in the Tents, and by and by joshua the son of Nun the servant of Moses which he had chosen out amongst many, (said) my master Moses forbidden them, and he said, why enviest thou for my sake, would God that all the people could prophesy, and that the Lord would give them his spirit. O would to God the Pope and Bishops had the affection which this holy man the friend of God had. Then would he not prohibit the meek Deacons and Ministers of jesus Christ, to preach the Gospel of jesus Christ. The like affection had the blessed man Gregory which in his 22. book of Morals writeth upon these words of job. And I have afflicted the soul of his husbandmen, he saith thus, the husbandmen of this earth are these, which being set in small authority, with as fervent desire as they can, and with as great labour as they may, do work by the preaching, of grace to the erudition of the holy Church, the which husbandmen of this world not to afflict, is not to envy their labours and doings: neither aught the ruler of the Church, albeit he do challenge unto himself alone the title of preaching, through envy gainsay others which do preach truly and uprightly. For the godly mind of the pasture which seeketh not his own glory amongst men, desireth to be helped, the which thing also the faithful preacher doth wish, if it might by any means, be brought to pass, that the truth which he alone can not sufficiently express, all men's mouths might declare.  
Wherefore when as joshua would have resisted the 2. which were prophesying in the host, why dost thou envy (said he) for my sake, for he did not envy that good in other which he himself had, this writeth S. Gregory. 
The course of the word of God ought not to be stopped.   
Also the meek ministers of Christ have by a special gift of God, knowledge and mind to preach the Gospel, but neither is it lawful for the Pope or Bishop or any other man to let or hinder them, lest thereby they should let the word of God, that it have not his free course. Ergo, this article is true, for the king doth not so much rule over the goods of his subjects, no not of his own sons, but that they may give alms to whom they will: much more the bishop hath not so great authority over the knowledge of the meek minister, with his other gifts of God, but that he may freely under the title of spiritual alms freely preach the gospel unto the people. Ergo, forasmuch it should seem strange that a Bishop should forbid any man to give any corporal alms to the poor that are a hungered, much more strange and marvelous would it be, if that he should prohibit the spiritual minister of Christ to give spiritual alms, by the preaching of the gospel of the word of God.  
Item no catholic man ought to doubt, but that a man able for the purpose is more bound to teach them which are ignorant, to council & comfort the weak in spirit, to correct such as are unruly, to forgive those that do them wrong, them to do any other work of mercy, forsomuch then as he that hath sufficient, is bound under pain of damnation to give corporal alms as it appeareth Math. 25. much more he which is able, is bound to do spiritual alms. And this alms S. Barnard writing unto Eugenius in his 3. book perceived to be very necessary for the Bishop of Rome, 
bernard.  where as he said thus: I fear no greater poison, nor greater sword or mischief will happen unto thee, then this unsatiable desire of dominion. With what face then can the faithful minister withdraw or keep back, the spiritual alms from the Pope and any other, even without the special licence of the Pope or of the Bishop, which licence through the far distance from the Pope, the ministers can not so easily obtain or come by. For all prohibition of any Prelate being broken through necessity is not to be blamed. 11. Quest. 3. Intercessor, and also in the chapter following.  
Item, all authority of preaching given unto deacons and priests in their consecration were but vain, except that in 〈◊〉 of necessity without any special licence they might pr●ach the gospel. It is evident, forsomuch as it is not lawful for them to use that authority, by their adversary without a special licence. Ergo, it is given them in vain. The consequent is evident by the common saying of the Philosopher, that power is but vain, whereof proceedeth no use of action. But forsomuch as this Article doth as it were depend upon the article before passed, therefore this shall suffice, 
Objection.  spoken thereof at this present.  
But against the affirmations o● both these Articles, this is objected, out of the 16. quest. 1. All faithful people, and specially all priests deacons and all others of the clergy, aught to take heed that they do nothing without the licence of their bishop. It is also objected out of the 5. book of Decretals, Titulo de hereticis cap. cum ex iniuncto. Where it is no man ought to usurp to himself, indifferently the office of preaching, forsomuch as the Apostle saith, how shall they preach except they be sent. Where as also Innocentius doth declare, 
The answers to the objection.  that it is not sufficient for a man to say, that he is sent of God to preach except he do show the same. As touching the first point, the Gloze doth sufficiently answer upon this word without licence, that is to be expounded, saith he, without general licence: the which is obtained and given, when as a bishop doth appoint any priest to govern the people. For thereby (saith he) it seemeth a bishop is thought to give him general power to minister unto the people and to rule the church. Thus much in the gloze. And to the same end and purpose it is said in the 7. quest. 1. chap. Episcopi Bishops or Priests, if they come unto the church of an other Bishop, for to visit the same, as it is said, 
What it is falsely to usurp the office of a preacher.  gloze. 1. in honore suo. Let them be received in their degree, and desired as well to preach the word, as to do any other consecration or oblation. Secondly it is to be noted, that which is very well spoken in the same place, no man ought to usurp unto himself the office of preaching, as a thing indifferent. For to usurp, is unlawfully to use any thing: ergo, the same deacon or priest, doth then usurp the office of preaching as indifferently, 
Who is a true minister of the church.  who living viciously, contrary unto the law of Christ, or being ignorant of the law of God, doth preach either for gain, or covetousness of living, either for his belly or dainty life, or for any vainglory, but he which doth live according unto the laws of Christ, & being moved with the affection of sincere charity intending purely the honour of God and the salvation of himself & his neighbours, doth preach no lies nor vain jests or other things not authorised, but only the law of Christ, & the minds of the holy doctors. And he that doth so preach, necessity occationing or moving him thereunto, in case there be no Pope or Bishop, or in case possible to withstand the preaching of heretics, or false preachers, he in so doing doth not usurp the office of preaching, and in such case there is no doubt but he is sent of God, and this doth also answer unto that, which is consequently said, that if any man will peradventure craftily answer, that such preachers are invisibly sent of God, although not visibly of men, when as that invisible sending of God is much more better than the visible sending of men: A man may reasonably answer thereunto, that forsomuch as that interval sending is secret, it is not sufficient for a man only to say that he is sent of God, forsomuch as every heretic may so say, but he ought to prove the same his invisible calling, by the working of some miracle, or by some special testimony of the scripture.  
Here it is to be noted, 
Four kinds of sending or calling.  according to S. Augustine in his 65. book of quest. unto Orosius, that there is 4. kinds of sending. The first is from God only, whereof we read in Moses & other, which were inspired by God. And this kind sending, loseth from the danger of the statute: so that he whom the spirit of God hath inspired, this prelate giving thanks, may proceed unto a better life. Whereupon Pope Urbane said 19 quest. 2. There be (said he) 2. laws the one public the other private. 
The common law.  The public law is that which is confirmed in writing by the holy fathers, such as is the canon law: which is only given for transgressions: As for example, it is decreed in the canons, that none of the clergy shall go from one bishopric unto an other, without the letters commendatory of his bishop, the which was ordained only for offenders, that no infamed persons should be received of any bishop. For they were wont when they could not celebrate or do their office under their own Bishopric, to go unto another: which now is forbidden by the laws and precepts. 
The private law.  The private law is that which by the instruction of the holy Ghost, is written in the hart as the Apostle speaketh, of many, which have the law of God, written in their hearts. And in an other place: Forsomuch as the Gentiles have not the law of God, but naturally do those things, 
Private law that is the secret and inward working of gods spirit in the heart. The words of pope Vrbane.  which are of the law, they are laws unto themselves. And afterward he saith, the private law is much more worthy, than the public law. For the spirit of god, is a law: And they which are moved by the spirit of God, are led by the law of God: And who is he, that can worthily resist against the holy Ghost? Whosoever therefore is led by the spirit of God, albeit his bishop do say him nay, let him go freely by our authority, for the law is not appointed for the just man, for where as the spirit of God is, there is liberty, and if ye be led by the spirit of God, ye are not under the law.  
Behold here it is affirmed, that the sending by God, through inspiration, is not bound under the bondage of the law, for that law is more worthy than the public law. Secondly that the law is made for transgressors & offenders, and not for the just. Thirdly, that whosoever is led by the spirit of God, although his Bishop stand against him, he may proceed unto a better life. Whereby it is evident that a deacon or priest, disposed to preach, and being led by the spirit of God, he may freely preach the gospel of christ without the spiritual licence of his bishop. It is evident for somuch as it is good, that a deacon or priest, do live well & preach fruitfully. Ergo, he may proceed from idleness unto the labour & office of preaching, and so unto a better life.  
But where as it is said afore, 
Every man may pretend to be sent of God, immediately.  that for so much as the inward sending or calling is secret, therefore it is not sufficient for a man, barely to affirm only, the he is sent of god, when as every heretic may so say, but it is necessary, that he do confirm & prove his invisible sending, by the working of some miracle, or by some special testimony of the scripture. 
Two kind of preachers  Here is to be noted, that there are 2. kinds of preachers, some true preachers of our saviour Christ, & other seducers of Antechrist. The first sort following the master Christ, teach the people in truth: The other sort, being of a corrupt mind, and reprobate touching faith, resist against the verity. And through covetousness, by their feigned words do make merchandise of the people: And these men do give & shall give miracles, as our saviour saith, Math. 24. There shall arise false Christ's, and false prophets, the which shall show great signs and wonders, in so much that even the elect themselves, if it were by any means possible, should be brought into error. And the apostle in ●he 2. to the Thes. 2. as touching their head Antechrist, writeth thus, whose coming shallbe according to the operation of sathan with all power and signs, false miracles, seducing unto iniquity, those which do perish, because they have not received the charity and love of truth, that they might be saved: Therefore will the Lord send upon them the operation of error, that they shall give credit unto lies. That all such as have not belued the truth, but consent unto wickedness, should be judged: Behold, how expressly our Saviour by himself, and by his Apostle doth teach us, how the disciples of Antechrist, with their head, 
Of the signs and wonders of Antichrist.  should shine through their great signs and wonders: But the true disciples of Christ, shall not so do, in the time of Antechrist. For as S. Isidor saith in his first book, 22. De summo bono: Before that Antechrist shall appear, all virtues and signs shall cease from the Church, that he may the boldlier persecute the same, as an abject. For this profit, shall all miracles and signs cease, under Antechrist, that thereby the patience of the holy men might be known, and the lightness of the reprobate, which are offended, may be opened, & also that the cruelty of the persecutors should be made more scare. Thus writeth S. Isidor, & S. Gregory in his 24. book of Morals, 
Why true miracles shall cease under Antechrist.  saith: For why by a terrible examination of God's secret dispensation, shall all signs of virtue, or power be taken away from the holy church, before that the Leviathan appear, in the most wicked and damnable man, whose shape, he doth take upon him. For prophecy is hidden, the gift of healing is taken away, the virtue of long abstinence, is diminished, the words of doctrine is put to silence, and the wonderful works of miracles are extinguished, which things, nothing can utterly take away: but only the dispensation of God. But this dispensation, is not so openly & manifoldly declared, as it hath been in times past, the which also is done by a marvelous dispensation, that through one only thing, both God's love & justice should be fulfilled. For a while the power of miracles, being taken away, the holy church appeareth the more abject and forsaken, and the reward of good men doth cease, which reverenced the same for the hope of heavenvly riches, & not for any present signs: And that the minds of evil men against the same, might that sooner be known, which neglect to follow the invisible things, which the church doth promise, whiles they be led with visible signs.  
Forsomuch then, as the humility of the faithful is, as it were destitute of the multitude, and appearing of signs, by the terrible working of God's secret dispensation, whereby mercy is given unto the good and just, wrath heaped upon the evil. For so much than it is truly said, that before this Liviathan, shall plainly and manifestly come, poverty shall go before his face, for before that time, the riches of miracles shallbe taken away from the faithful. Then shall that ancient enemy, show himself against them, by open wonders: That as he is extolled through signs & wonders, so shall he the more manly be vanquished of the faithful, without any signs or miracles. Also, in his 16. book upon this word, 
job. xxiv.  which the blessed man job said, who shall reprehend his way before him, or who shall cast in his teeth, what he hath done, whilst he did speak of the body of all evil, he suddenly connected his speech unto the head of all the wicked, 
The description of Antichrist out of S. Gregory.  for he did see, that toward the end of the world Satan should enter into man whom the scripture calleth Antechrist, he shallbe extolled with such pride, he shall rule with such power, he shall be exalted with such signs, & wonders, under the pretence of holmes, that his doing can not be controlled of men, for somuch, as his signs & tokens are joined with power, & terror, & with a certain show of holiness. Wherefore he saith who shall control his ways before him, what man is he, that dare once rebuke or check him, whose look or countenance, is he afeard of? But notwithstanding, not only Enoc & Elias the which are brought as ample for his exprobration, but also all the elect do argue & reprove his way, whiles that they do contemn and by the force and power of their mind, resist his malice: But for somuch as this thing is not done by their own power or strength, but by God's help and grace, therefore is it very well said, who shall argue or reprove his ways before him who but only God? By whose help the elect are aided, and made able to resist.  
And a little after, upon the same book of job Gregory saith, in so much as holy men do withstand his iniquity: It is not they themselves which do so rebuke his ways, but it is he, thorough whose help they are strengthened. Also, in his second book, he saith: now the holy Church doth not regard, 
The proof of holiness.  but despise the signs and miracles of the heretics if they do any: for so much as the Church doth sufficiently understand, that it is no kind of holiness: for why, the prose of holiness, is not to make signs or wonders, but to love every man as himself, to think truly of the very true God, & to think better of thy neighbour then of thyself: for true virtue & holiness, consists in love, and not in showing of miracles. This the veretie declareth, saying: hereby shall all men know that ye are my disciples, if ye love one an other, but he saith not, that hereby men shall know that ye are my disciples, because ye work miracles, but contrary wise: if ye love one an other, declaring plainly thereby, that it is not miracles, but the mere charity & love of God, which maketh us the servants of God. Wherefore the chief testimony of being God's disciple, is to have the gift of brotherly love. This thorough out doth S. Gregory write, and often times in other places, he speaketh very much of miracles, how that they shall cease amongst the just, and abound amongst the wicked.  
Also chrysostom in his lv. Homily, 
Signs common and indifferent to the ministers of Christ and Antichrist.  saith thus, it is a common & an indifferent work between the ministers of God & the ministers of the devil, to cast out devils, but to confess the truth and to work righteousness, is the only work of the saints and holy men, therefore whomsoever thou dost see casting out of devils, if he have not the confession of the truth in his mouth, neither righteousness in his hands, he is not a man of God, but if thou dost see a man openly confessing & declaring the truth and doing justice, although he do not cast out no devils, yet he is the man of God. And it followeth: let us know that like as at the coming of Christ, before him, the Prophets, and with him th'apostles wrought miracles thorough the holy ghost, for such as the thing is which is stirred, such sent & savour will proceed from the same. He writeth also upon the beginning of Matthew. The whole world did marvel & wonder at three things, that Christ rose again after his death, that flesh ascendeth into heaven, 
The principal miracles.  & that he did convert the whole world by his xi. apostles: There is iiii. causes which wrought the same. That is to say, the contempt of riches or money. The despising of pomp and glory. The separation of themselves from all worldly occupation and business, and the patient suffering of torments. Thus much writeth Chisostome, also saint Isydore in his first book and xxv. cha. De summo bono, writeth thus, like as in the apostles the marvelous effect & power of works was much more commendable than the virtue of their signs, even so now in the Church is it much more better, to live well than to work any signs or miracles. 
The cause why the church now worketh not miracles.  And the cause why that the church of God doth not at this present work miracles as it did in the time of the Apostles, is this. That it was necessary at that time that the world should believe miracles, and now at this present every faithful believer ought to shine with good works, for to this end were signs & miracles then outwardly wrought, that their saith thereby might be inwardly strengthened and established, for what soever faithful man he be that seeketh to work miracles, he seeketh vain glory to be praised of men, for it is written, miracles are signs and tokens unto the infidels, & misbelievers, and not unto the faithful. Thus much writeth Isidore.  
Item Saint Augustine in his Book of confession saith thus, 
A great miracle to love a man's enemy.  there is no greater miracle amongst men, than to love our enemies. By these words of these holy men, a man may easily gather that both in our days and in the time to come, the disciples of Antichrist both do & shall more flourish and show themselves by strannge signs & miracles, them the disciples of Christ, according to the saying of our saviour jesus Christ. There shall rise up amongst you false prophets which shall work strange miracles. Secondly, it is approved, that they are greater & stranger miracles, to confess the truth & to do justice, then to work any other kind of miracle. Thirdly, it is gathered thereby, that what soever minister or deacon doth love his enemies, contemneth riches, despiseth the glory of the world, and flieth from all worldly troubles, meekly sustaineth & suffereth most terrible and cruel threatenings and strokes for the gospel sake, he worketh miracles, having thereby a testimony and witness, that he is the true disciple of jesus Christ. And it is evident by the saying of our saviour jesus Christ. Matthew. 
The true miracles of Christ's ministers.  V Let your good works so shine before men: that they may see your good works & glorify your father which is in heaven. And likewise john x. Trust unto your good works, whereupon Saint Gregory in his first book of Dialoges, writeth thus: the estimation of a true life, consisteth in the virtue of his works, and not in the showing of signs, whereby it is four concluded, by that which is aforesaid, that it is a more effectual testimony and witness for a priest or a deacon, that he is sent of God to confess the truth and follow Christ in the aforesaid virtues then to cast out devils, or to do any other miracles. As it is evident by the saying of chrysostom before alleged, whomsoever thou dost see to cast out devils, if the confession, or acknowledging of the truth be not in his mouth, neither righteousness nor justice in his hands, he is not a man of God. This is also confirmed by the words of Christ. Math. 7. Many shall say unto me in that day, Lord, Lord, have not we prophesied in thy name: have not we cast out Devils in thy name: and have not we also wrought many great wonders and miracles in thy name? Then I will answer & say unto them, forsomuch as I have not known you any time, depart from me ye workers of iniquity, & as touching the second part, Chrisostom saith: If you see a man confessing & preaching the truth, & working righteousness, although he do not cast out devils he is a man of God.  
Hereby it appeareth that every deacon, priest, or minister confessing the truth, 
The testimony of a true priest.  and working justice, hath a perfect & sure testimony that he is sent of God, & that it is not necessary for him to approve this his sending by the working of any miracle, in stead of working righteousness, neither by any testimonial, the which should plainly declare hint by name, that he was sent of the Lord to preach.  
The first part appeareth manifest, by that which is already spoken, that all miracles in the time of Antichrist shall cease in the elect.  
The second part is also evident, for so much as none of the present preachers, can show by the scripture of that law of God, that he is specially named thereunto.  
And likewise do I also affirm & say, as touching all preachers which shall come hereafter, that they are not named by name: But let no man here object Enoc & Elias, which were ancient preachers, & prophesied by the holy spirit of God. And it is apparent, that like as it is not a cause sufficient to prove, that this priest or deacon is sent of God to preach, because he worketh miracles, so is it not a cause sufficient to prove, that he is not sent of God to preach, because he doth no miracles, but to confess the truth, to work righteousness, to contemn the world with the glory thereof, patiently to suffer rebukes is a sufficient testimony for any priest or deacon having knowledge of the law of God, freely to preach the gospel of jesus Christ. For so much as in such case he is sent of God, & this is the sending which the Apostles speaketh of in the x. Romans. How should they preach without they be sent? Whereupon that gloze of S. Augustine writeth thus. These things serve to set forth gods grace, declaring that all our goodness, is prevented of grace.  
For be saith, belief cometh of hearing, hearing cometh of preaching, & preaching by the sending of God, so that altogether holly cometh out of the fountain of grace, & preaching truly, cometh of sending. This hath the gloze how shall they then preach, without they be sent of God? And this is evident, that the first & principal sending is from God alone, as it is proved by Moses.  
The second sending is both from God & man, as by the example of joshua & others, which were sent both by God and the rulers to preach.  
The third sending is from man alone, the which is not founded in the law of God, but in men's traditions, which they rather esteem.  
The fourth sending which hath but the name only, is proper to them, which of themselves unworthily usurp the office of preaching, as those false prophets, of whom god speaketh in that xxiii. of jeremy, I did not send them, & they ran. I spoke not unto them, and they prophesied. If they had continued in my counsels, & had declared my words unto my people. I would have converted them from their ruill ways, & wicked imaginations, & our saviour speaketh of these Prophets in Matthew, saying, There shall arise false Prophets. And peter his true vicar in his second Epistle, and second chapter prophesying unto the faithful believers in Christ, speaketh thus of them: There were amongst the people false Prophets, as there shallbe amongst you also masters of lies, thorough whom the truth shallbe blasphemed and slandered. And that he might the better instruct the people to know them, he addeth that they shall go about with feigned words, for covetousness sake, to make merchaundice of you.  

The difference between the ministers of Christ and Antichrist.  Wherefore every faithful man, diligently weighing these things in his mind, may now easily perceive how great a number of false Prophets there be, thorough whom the Christian truth is blasphemed. And all covetous dealing is exercised, & these are they which freely preach lies. But the humble & true ministers of Christ, wheresoever they do apneare, by & by they are persecuted, whereby the prophecy of that Apostle is verified, which is written in the second Epistle to Timothe the iij. All men saith he which desire to live godly, shall suffer persecution, but the evil men & seducers shall prosper in their wickedness running daily more & more into all kind of errors. The wicked have now so much prevailed that they do preach lies, making heretics of the faithful christians, neither is there any man that dare prohibet them their lying, so that they do not preach against the byces of the prelate's. How then can you say that antichrist is not exalted above all that which is called God, 
The ministers of Antichrist do cloak the vices of their prelate's  suppressing down the members of Christ in his office, fortifying and fostering his members in lying? Therefore the true and faithful disciples of Christ ought to stand ready girt about their loins, and shows upon their feet in defence of the Gospel, taking the sword in hand, which is the word of God. Ephes. 6. And to fight against the crafts of Antichrist, who goeth about utterly to extinguish the true preaching of the Gospel of our Lord jesus Christ.   

¶ The Second disputation in the University of prague, upon the 17. Article of john Wickliff, most fruitful to be read, proving by 24. reasons out of the Scriptures, how that Princes and Lords temporal, have lawful authority and jurisdiction, over the spiritualty and Church men, both in taking from them, and correcting their abuses, according to their doings and deserts.  
TO the honour of almighty God, and of our Lord jesus Christ, both for the trying out of truth, and the profit of holy mother the church, according to the congregation of our university of prague, which avoiding always to do that shall be prejudicial to the truth, hath differred to give their consent unto the condemnation of the 45. 
The condenation of the xlv articles lacketh re●son, and therefore is not to be allowed.  Articles, wishing even unto this present, sufficient probation to be given of the condemnation of the said Articles, and particularly of every one of them. Whereupon the said University, doth always require due proof of the same, for so much as Pope Damasus in his Canon distinction 68 chapter. Chorepiscopi, saith thus. That it is necessary that what so ever thing standeth not by due reason, should be rooted out, whereby it appeareth that the condemnation of the 45. Articles, if it stand not with proof and sufficient demonstration for every Article; it is necessary to be rooted out.  
But if any man will object and say, that to require a reason of every thing is to derogate From God's divine power. Unto this objection Master William doth answer himself in his Philosophy, the first book almost at the end, where he entreating of the place, in Genes. 2. God made man of the slime of the earth etc. hath these words: For in what point (saith he) are we contrary to the holy scriptures, if we seek by reason to declare, Wherefore any thing is done, which is said in the scriptures to be done, for if that a wise man should say that a thing is done, and do not declare how it is done: And another man speaketh the very self same thing, & declareth how it is done what contrariety is there? But forsomuch as they themselves, know not the force of nature, to the intent that they might have all men partakers with them of their ignorance, they would have no man to inquire it out. But they would have us believe as ignorant people, neither to seek any reason of our belief, that the Prophecy might be fulfilled, such as the people is, such shall be the priest. But we truly do say, that in all things a reason is to be sought, if it may by any means be found. But if that any man do stay at any thing, which the scripture doth affirm, let him commit the same unto faith, & unto the holy ghost. For Moses saith, if the Lamb cannot be eaten, let it not be by and by consumed in the fire: But let him first call his neighbour, which dwelleth next house unto him, and if they also be not sufficient to eat the Lamb, then let it be burned in the fire: So likewise when as we go about to seek any thing as touching the Godhead, and that we be not able of ourselves to comprehend the same, 
An Allegory upon the paschal Lamb.  let us call our neighbour which dwelleth next house unto us: That is to say, let us seek out such a one, as dwelleth in the same catholic saith with us, and if then, neither we, neither yet he be able to comprehend the same, let it then be burned with the fire of faith.  
But these men, albeit they have many neighbours dwelling near unto them, yet for very pride, they will not call any man unto them, choosing rather to continue still ignorant, than to ask any question. And if they do know any man to inquire for his neighbour in such case, by & by they cry out upon him, as an heretic. Presuming more upon their own heads, then having confidence in their wisdom. But I exhort you give no credit, unto their out ward appearance, for already it is verified in them which the satirical Poet saith, no credit is to be guen unto the outward show for which of them all is it that doth not abound with most strame full and detestable vices? And in another place he saith. They are very dainty of their speech, and have great desire to keep silence. And thus much hath master Wilhelmus. Let all such here whom this parable doth touch. For I with the rest of the masters, bachelors and students of our university considering how heard a matter the condemnation of the 45. articles of Wickliff without reason is, and how grievous a thing it were, if we should thereunto consent, do call together my neighbours, the doctors of this University, & all others which would object any thing against the same, that we might presently find out the reason of the comdennation of this Article, concerning the taking away the temporalityes from the Clergy.  
Notwithstanding I do profess that it is not my intent, 
A protestation whereby he giveth light unto the ●●ider, how ●● proportion afore●●d is to be understanded, and addeth that the goods of the clergy is not utterly to be taken away, but in case they do abuse the 〈◊〉. The 17. article proved by 44. arguments.  like as it is not the meaning of the university, to persuade that Princes or secular Lords should take away the goods from the clergy when they would, or how they would, and convert them to what use they list. But our whole intent is, diligently to search out whether this article, as touching the taking away of temporalities from the clergy may have in it any true sense, whereby it may be defended without reproof Wherefore this article being the 17. in the number of the 45. is propounded under this form. The Lords temporal may at their own will and pleasure, take away the temporal goods from the clergy, if they do offend, and therein continue: It is thus proved. The kings of the old Testament took away the temporal goods at God's commandment from the clergy. That is to say from the priests offending. Therefore the kings also of the new Testament, at God's commandment, may do the like. When as the priests of the new law do offend. The consequent dependeth upon a similitude. And the antecedent is evident. First it is proved by Solomon in the 3. of the kings 2. chapter. Which Solomon deposed Abiathar the high priest, because he had took part with Adonias, the brother of Solomon, to make him king, without the advice either of David, or of Solomon himself which ought to reign: And set up Sadoc the priest in the place of Abiathar, because he had not consented with Abiathar unto Adonias, as it is written in the 3. book of kings 1. chapter. Where it is said, Adonias the son of Agithe, exalted himself, saying: I will reign, and made unto himself chariotes and horsemen, and 40. men which should run before him: neither did his father rebuke him at any time, saying: Wherefore hast thou done this? For he was very comely being second son, next to Absalon, and his talk was with joab the son of Saruia and Abia●har the priest, which took part with Adonias. But Sadoc the priest, and Banaias the son of joaida and Nathan the Prophet, and Semei, and Serethi, and Felethi, and all the power of David's host, were not on Adonias' part.  
This was the cause of the deposing of Abiathar, because he took part with Adonia, that he should be king against Solomon the eldest son of king David, wherefore it is written in the third book and second chapter of the kings. The king said unto Abiathar the priest, go your ways unto Anatoth thine own field, for thou art a man of death, but this day I will not slay thee, because thou hast carried the Ark of the Lord before my father David, and didst labour in all things wherein my father laboured. Then did Solomon cast out Abiathar, that he should be no more the priest of the Lord, that the word of the Lord might be fulfilled which he spoke upon the house of Hely in Sylo.  
Behold the most prudent king Solomon, according to the wisdom which was given him of God, did exercise his power upon the said priests, putting him out of his priesthood, & setting in his place Sadoc the priest this was a greater matter than to take away the temporalities. If then in the law of Christ which now reigneth over us, a bishop, should likewise rebel against the true heir of the kingdom, willing to set up another for king, why should not the king or his heir, have power in like case, to take away the temporalities from him so offending?  

1. Nabuchodonozor.  Item, it is also evident by the king Nabuchodonozor which had power given him of God, to lead away the children of Israel with their priests and Levites, into the captivity of Babylon, as it is written 4. book of the kings 25. chapter.  

3. josias.  Item it is red in the 4. book of kings and 12. chapter. How that josias the most godly king of juda according to the wisdom which God had granted him, took away all the consecrate vessels, which josaphat, joram, and Ochosias, his forefather's kings of juda had consecrated, and those which he himself had offered, and all the treasure that could be found in the temple of the Lord, and in the king's palace, and sent it unto Azahel king of Syria, & he departed from jerusalem. Mark how this most holy king exercised his power, not only in taking away the temporalities of the priests, but also those things which were consecrate in the temple of the Lord, to procure unto the common wealth, the benefit of peace.  

4. Ezechias.  Item, in the 4. book and 18. chapter of the kings, it is written how that the holy king Ezechias took all the treasure that was found in the house of the Lord, and in the king's treasury, & broke down the pillars of the temple of the Lord, and all the plates of gold which he himself had fastened thereupon, and gave them unto the king of the Assyrians, yet was he not rebuked of the Lord therefore, as he was for his other sins, as it appeareth in the 2. book of Paral. 32. chapter, for so much then as in time of necessity, all things ought to be in common unto Christians, it followeth then that the seculere Lords in case of necessity, in many other common cases, may lawfully take away the movable goods from the clergy, when they do offend.  
Item, it is also read in the 12. of matthew, that the disciples of jesus for to slake their hunger upon the Saboth day, pulled the ears of corn, and did eat them, and the pharisees rebuked them therefore, unto whom Christ answered. Have ye not read what David did, 
5. David.  when he was hungry, and those that were with him, how he entered into the house of the Lord, and did eat the show breads, which it was not lawful for him, neither for them that were with him to eat, but only for the priests. This story is written in the 1 book of the kings and 21. chapter. And the commandment in the 12. of Deuteronomie. Whereby it appeareth that it is lawful in time of necessity to use any thing, be it never so much consecrate. 
Case of necessity.  Otherwise children by giving their movables to the consecration of any temple, should not be bound to help their parents, which is contrary and against the Gospel of S Matthew in the 16. chapter: whereas our Saviour sharply rebuked the pharisees, that for their own traditions they did transgress the commandment of God.  
Item, Titus and Vespasian secular princes had power given them of God 24. years after the lords Ascension to take away the temporalities from the priests which had offended against the Lords holy one. And thereby also bearest them of their lives, and it seemeth unto many they did, 
6. Titus and Vespasian.  and might worthily do the same according to God's good will and pleasure. Then forsomuch as our priests in these days may transgress and offend as much, and rather more against the Lords anointed, it followeth that by the pleasure of God, the secular Lords, may likewise punish them for their offence.  
Our saviour being king of kings, and high bishop with his disciples did give tribute unto Cesar, as it appeareth matthew 17. and commanded the Scribes and pharisees to give the like unto Cesar Mat. 22. Whereby he gave example unto all priests that should come after him to render tribute unto their kings, 
The example of Christ paying of tribute. S. Ambrose mind.  whereupon blessed S Ambrose in his 4 book upon these words in the 5. of Luke, (cast out your nets) writeth thus. There is an other kind of fishing amongst the Apostles, after which manner the Lord commanded Peter only to fish, saying, cast out thy hook, and that fish, which cometh first up, take him. And then unto the purpose he saith. It is truly a great & spiritual document, whereby all Christian men are taught, that they ought to be subject unto the higher powers, and that no man ought to think that the laws of a king here on earth are to be broken. For if the son of God did pay tribute, who art thou so great a man, that thinkest thou oughtest not to pay tribute? He paid tribute which had no possessions: and thou which daily seekest after the lucre of the world, why dost thou not acknowledge the obedience and duty of the world? Why dost thou thorough the arrogancy of thy mind exalt thyself above the world, when as thorough thine own miserable covetousness, thou art subject unto the world? Thus writeth S. Ambrose, and it is put in the 11. quest. 1. Magnum quidem. He also writeth upon these words in the 20 of Luke, show me a penny, 
Christ commanded tribute to be paid unto th'emperor.  whose Image it hath, if Christ had not the Image of Cesar, why did he pay any tribute? He gave it not of his own, but rendered unto the world, that which was the worlds: And if thou wilt not be in danger of Cesar, possess not those things which are the worlds, for if thou hast richesse, thou art in danger of Cesar.  
Wherefore if thou wilt owe nothing unto any earthly king, forsake all chose things, and follow Christ If then all ecclesiastical ministers, having richesses, aught to be under the subjection of kings, and give unto them tribute: It followeth that kings may lawfully by the authority which is given them, take away their temporalities from them.  
Here upon S. Paul acknowledging himself to be under the jurisdiction of the Emperor, appealed unto Cesar, as it appeareth Acts 25.  
I stand saith he, 
Paul appealed to th'emperor. S. Ambrose there in the viij. distin.  at Caesar's judgement seat, there I ought to be judged Whereupon in the 8: distinction, chapter quo iure. S. Ambrose allegeth, that all things are lawful unto the Emperor, & all things under his power. For the confirmation whereof, it is said Daniel second chapter, the God of heaven hath given unto thee a kingdom, 
Daniel. 2.  strength, Empire, and glory, and all places, wherein the children of men do dwell, and hath given into thy power, the beasts of the field, and fowls of the air, and set all things under thy subjection.  
Also in the 11. question and 1. He sayeth, if the Emperor require tribute, we do not deny that the lands of the Church shall pay tribute, if the Emperor have need of our lands, he hath power to challenge them, let him take them, if he will, I do not give them unto the Emperor, neither do I deny them. This writeth S. Ambrose, expressly declaring that the seculare Lord hath power at his pleasure to take away the lands of the Church, and so consequently the secular Lords have power at their own pleasures to take away the temporal goods from the Ecclesiastical ministers, when they do offend.  
Item S. Augustine writeth, if thou sayest, what have we to do with the Emperor. But now as I said, we speak of man's law. 
10. S. Augustine.  The Apostle would be obedient unto the kings, and honour them, saying. Reverence your kings: and do not say what have I to do with the king? What haste thou then to do with possessions. By the king's law the possessions are possessed, thou hast said, what have I to do with the king: but do not say, what hath thy possessions to do with the king? For then haste thou renounced the laws of men, whereby thou didst possess thy lands. Thus writeth S. Augustine in his 8. distinction, by whose words it is manifest that the king hath power over the church goods, & consequently may take them away from the clergy, transgressing or offending.  
Item in his 33 Epistle unto Boniface, he sayeth, what sober man will say unto our kings, 
11. Magistrates, keepers of both laws.  care not you in our kingdom, by whom the church of the Lord is maintained, or by whom it is oppressed, it pertaineth not unto you, who will be either a religious man, or who will be a church robber? Unto whom it may be thus answered. Doth it not pertain unto us in our kingdom, who will either live a chaste life, or who will be an unchaste whoremonger? Behold this holy man showeth here how that it is the duty of kings, 
The duty of kings to punish the clery. 12.  to punish such as are robbers of Churches, and consequently the proud clergy when as they do offend.  
Item, he writeth in the 33. quest. 7. si de rebus. The seculare Lords may lawfully take away the temporal goods from heretics, and for so much that it is a case greatly possible that many of the clergy are users of Simony, and thereby heretics: Therefore the seculare Lords may very lawfully take away their temporalities from them. For what unworthy thing is it sayeth Saint Augustine, if the Catholics do possess according unto the will of the Lord, those things which the heretics held? For so much as this is the word of the Lord unto all wicked men. 
Math. 21.  Matthew 21. the kingdom of God shall be taken away from you, and given unto an nation, which shall do the righteousness thereof, is it in vain which is written in the 11. chapter of the book of Wisdom? 
Sapien. 11.  The just shall eat the labours of the wicked.  
And whereas it may be objected as touching the desire of other men's goods, 
An objection of the desire of other men's goods  saint Augustine aunsweareth that by that evidence the seven nations, which did abuse the land of promise, and were driven out from thence by the power of God, may object the same unto the people of God, which inhabit the same. And the jews themselves from whom according unto the word of the Lord, the kingdom is taken away and given unto a people, which shall do the works of righteousness may object the same unto the Church of Christ, as touching the desire of other men's goods, but saint Augustine's answer is thus.  
We, sayeth he, do not desire another man's goods, for so much as they are ours by the commandment of him, by whom all things were made. By like evidence the clergy having offended, their temporal goods are made the goods of others, for the profit of the church, 
S. Augustine. 4. question. 4.  to this purpose also, according to S. Augustine, serveth the 14. question 4. unto a misbeleever, it is not a halfpenny matter, but unto the faithful is a whole world of richesse, shall we not then convince all such to possess an other man's goods, which seemed to have gathered great richesses together, and know not how to use them, for that truly is not an others, which is possessed by right, and that is lawfully possessed, which is justly possessed, and that is justly possessed, which is well possessed. Ergo, all that is evil possessed is another man's, and he doth ill possess it, which doth evil use it.  
If then any of the clergy do abuse the temporal goods, the temporal Lords may at their own pleasure, according unto the rule of charity take away the said temporal goods from the clergy so transgressing. For then according to the allegation aforesaid, the clergy doth not justly possess those temporal goods, but the temporal Lords proceeding according to the rule of charity: Do justly possess those temporalities, for so much as all things are the just man's. 1. Corrinth. 3. chapter. 
1. Cor. 3.  All things sayeth the Apostle are yours. Whether it be Paul or Apollo, or Cephas, either the world, either life, or death, or things present, or things to come, for all things be yours, you be Christ's, and Christ is Gods. Also 23. quest. 7. Quicunque. 
By God's law cuncta justorum esse dicuntur.  It is written. jure divino omnia sunt justorum. The words of saint Augustine in that place, ad Vincentium, be these: Who so ever sayeth he, upon the occasion of this law or ordinance of the Emperor doth molest or persecute you, not for love of any charitable correction, but only for hatred and malice to do you displeasure, I hold not with him in so doing.  
And although there is nothing here in this earth, that any man may possess assuredly, but either he must hold it, by God's law, by which cuncta justorum esse dicuntur: that is, all things be said to pertain to the possession of the just: or else by man's law, which standeth in the kings power to set and to ordain. etc. Hereby the words of Augustine alleged. Ye see all things belong to the possession of the just, by God's law.  

13. The clergy subject unto th'emperor and king by means of their possessions.  Item, for so much as the clergy by means of their possessions are in danger of the Emperor and King: It followeth that if they do offend, the Emperor or King, may lawfully take away their possessions from them. The consequent dependeth on this point, for so much as otherwise they were not in subjection under the Emperor or king, and the antecedent is manifest by the 11. question and 1. Parag. His ita respondetur. Where as it is specified in Latin thus. [His ita respondetur, clerici ex officio Episcopo sunt suppositi, ex possessionibus praediorum imperatori sunt obnoxij, ab Episcopo unctionem, decimas, & primitias accipiunt: ab imperatore vero praediorum possessiones nanciscuntur:] that is to say. The clergy by means of their office are under the bishop, but by reason of their possessions they be subject unto the Emperor: Of the bishop they receive unction, tithes and first fruits of the Emperor, they receive possessions. This than it is decreed by the Imperial law, that livelyhoodes should be possessed, whereby it appeareth that the clergy by the possession of their livelyhodes are in danger of the Emperor, for him to take away from them, or to correct them according to their deservings, and to have the controllement of them, as it shall seem good unto him.  
Item, 
14. users of Simony are punished by the civil magistrate.  the temporal Lords may take away the temporalities from such as use Simony, because they are heretics. Ergo, this Article is true.  
The antecedent is manifest, for so much as the secular Lords may refuse such as use simony, and punish them except they do repent. For by the decree of Pope Paschasius in the first and last question it appeareth, 
Paschasius in i q●uit. cap. pater.  that all such as used Simony, were to be refused of all faithful people, as chief and principal heretics, and if they do not repent after they be warned, they are also to be punished by the extern power. For all other faults and crimes, in comparison of Simony, be counted but light, and seem small offences.  
Where upon the gloze expounding the same text, 
The laity corre●● of the 〈◊〉.  saith that by this word extern, is understand the laity, which have power over the clergy, besides the Church, as in the 17 distinct. [Non licuit, & 23 quest. 5. principes.] Whereby it is evident that the temporal Lords may take away the temporal goods from the clergy when as they do offend.  
Item, 
Gregory writeth to the French Queen.  Saint Gregory in the Register upon his 7. book 9 Chapter, writeth thus unto the French Queen. For so much as it is written that righteousness helpeth the people, and sin maketh them miserable: then is that kingdom counted stable, when as the offence which is known, is soon amended.  
Therefore, 
Wicked priests the destruction of the people.  for so much as wicked priests are the cause of the ruin of the people, (for who shall take upon him, to be intercessor for the sins of the people, if the priest which ought to entreat for the same, have committed greater offences) and under your dominions the priests do live wickedly and unchastely: therefore that the offence of a few might not turn to the destruction of many, we ought earnestly to seek the punishment of the same. And it followeth, if we do command any person, we do send him forth, with the consent of your authority, who together with other Priests, shall diligently seek out, and according unto God's word correct and amend the same. Neither are these things to be dissimuled, the which we have spoken of, for he that may correct any thing, and doth neglect the same without all doubt, he maketh himself partaker of the sin or offence.  
Therefore foresee unto your own soul, provide for your nephews, and for such as you do desire to reign after you, provide for your country, and with diligence provide for the correction and punishment of that sin, before our creature do stretch out his hand to strike.  
And in his next Chapter, he writeth unto the French king, what so ever you do understand, to pertain either unto the honour and glory of our God, to the reverence of the church, or to the honour of the priests, that do you diligently cause to be decreed and in all points to be observed. Wherefore once again we do move you, 
S. Gregory to the fréch king.  that you command a Synod to be congregate, and as we wrote lately unto you, to cause all the carnal vices which reigneth amongst your Priests, and all the wickedness and Simony of your bishops, which is most hard to be condemned and reproved: utterly to be banished out of your kingdom, and that you will not suffer them to possess any more substance under your dominion, than God's commandment doth allow.  
Behold how carefully blessed Gregory doth exhort the Queen and the King to punish the vices of the clergy, least through their negligence they should be partakers of the same: and how they ought to correct their subjects. For as it is convenient to be circumspect and careful against the outward enemies, even so likewise ought they to be against the inward enemies of the soul. And like as in just war against the outward enemies, it is lawful to take away their goods, so long as they continue in their malice, so also is it lawful to take away the goods of the clergy, being the inward enemy. The consequent is proved thus, for so much as the domestical enemies are most hurtful.  
Item, it is thus argued, if God be, the temporal Lords may meritoriously and lawfully take away the temporal goods from the Clergy, if they do offend. For this point let us suppose that we speak of power, as the true authentic scripture doth speak. Matt. 13. God is able even of these stones to raise up children unto Abraham.  
Whereupon it is thus argued, for if God be, he is omnipotent, and if he so be, he may give like power unto the secular Lords. And so consequently they may meritoriously and lawfully use the same power. But least that any man may object that a proof made by a strange thing is not sufficient, it is therefore declared how that the temporal Lords have power to take away their alms bestowed upon the church. The church abusing the same, as ie shall be proved hereafter. And first thus, it is lawful for kings in cases limited by the law to take away the movables from the clergy when they do offend, it is thus proved. For the temporal Lords are most bound unto the works of greatest mercy most easy for them, but in case possible, it should be greater alms, & easier temporal dominion, to take away their alms from such as build therewithal unto eternal damnation, through the abuse thereof, then to give the said alms for any bodily relief, Ergo the assumption is true.  
Whereupon first this sentence of the law of Christ in the 2. Thes. 3. is noted whereas the Apostle writeth thus. When we were amongst you, we declared this unto you, that he that would not work should not eat. Wherefore the law of nature doth licence all such as have the governance of kingdoms, to correct the abuse of the temporalities which would be the chief cause of the destruction of their kingdoms: whether the temporal Lords or any other had endowed the Church with those temporalities or not. It is lawful for them in some case to take away the temporalities as it were by way of physic to withstand sin, notwithstanding any excommunication or other Ecclesiastical censure. For so much as they are not endowed, but only with condition thereunto annexed.  
Hereby it appeareth that the condition annexed to the endowing or enriching of any church, is that God should be honoured, the which condition if it once fail the contrary taking place, the title of the gift is lost: and consequently the Lord which gave the alms ought to correct the offence. Excommunication ought not to let the fulfilling of justice, 
When and how the title of any gift is lost.  Secondly according to the Canon law. 16. quest. 7. This sentence is noted where it is thus spoken as touching the children nephews and the most honest of the kindred of him which hath builded or endowed any church. That it is lawful for them to be thus circumspect, that if they perceive the priest do defraud any part of that which is bestowed, they should either gently admonish or warn him, or else complain on him to the bishop, that he may be corrected. But if the bishop himself attempt to do the like, let them complain of him to his Metropolitan, and if the Metropolitan do the like, let them not defer the time, to report it in the ears of the king. For so saith the canon. Let them not defer to report it in the ears of the king. To what end I pray you? but that he should do correction, neither is it to be doubted but that correction doth more appertain unto he king in this point for their goods whereof he is chief Lord by a substraction proportional, according to the fault or offence.  
Item it is thus proved. It is lawful for the secular Lords by their power to do correction upon the clergy by some kind of fearful discipline appertaining to their secular power. Ergo, by like reason it is lawful for them by their power to do such correction, by all kind of fearful discipline pertaining unto their secular power. 
It is lawful for the civil rulers to cone●t the clergy.  For so much then as the taking of their temporalities is in kind of fearful discipline pertaining unto the secular power: It followeth that it is lawful for them thereby to do such correction. And consequently it followeth that the truth is thus to be proved. The consequent is evident and the antecedent is proved by Isidore 23 quest. 5. Principes. Where it is thus written. There should be no secular powers within the church, but only for this purpose, that whatsoever thing the priests or ministers cannot bring to pass by preaching or teachings the secular powers, may command the same by the terror and fear of discipline: For oftentimes the heavenvly kingdom is profited and helped by the earthly kingdom, that they which are in the church and do any thing contrary unto faith and discipline by the rigour of the princes, may be trodden down. And that the power of the rulers may lay that discipline upon the necks of the proud and stiff-necked, which the utility and profit of the church can not exercise or use.  
Item all things that by power ought to work or bring to any perfect end by the reasonable measuring of the mean thereto; it may lawfully use by power, the substraction or taking away of the excess and the addition of the want of the means according as shall be convenient or meet for the measure to be made. For so much then as the secular Lords ought by their power to provide for the necessary sustentation of the Christian clergy by the reasonable measuring of their temporalties which they are bounden to bestow upon the Christian clergy, it followeth that they may lawfully by their power use the taking away or putting unto of those temporalities according as shall be convenient for the performance of that reasonable matter.  
Item, it is lawful for the clergy, by their power to take away the sacraments of the Church from the laity customably offending forsomuch as it doth pertain to the office of the Christian ministers by their power to minister the same unto the lay people. Wherefore, for so much as it doth pertain unto the office of the laity, according unto their power to minister, and give temporalities to the clergy of Christ, as the Apostle sayeth. 1. Cor 9 It followeth that it is also lawful for them by their power to take away the temporalities from the clergy, when they do customably sin and offend.  
Item, by like power may he which giveth a stipend or exhibition withdraw and take away the same from the unworthy labourers, as he hath power to give the same unto the worthy labourers, for so much then as temporalities of the clergy, are the stipends of the laity: it followeth that the lay people may by as good authority, take away the same again from the clergy, which will not worthily labour, as they might by their power bestow the same upon those, which would worthily labour according to the saying of the Gospel. Mat. 21 The kingdom shallbe taken away from you, and given unto a people which shall bring forth the fruits thereof.  
Item, it is also lawful for the secular Lords, by their power to chastise and punish the lay people when they do offend, by taking away of their temporalties, according to the exigent of their offence, forsomuch as the lay people are subject under their dominion. Wherefore the clergy being also subject under the dominion of the secular Lords, as appeareth Rom. 13. and many other places, it is evident that it is lawful by their power to punish the clergy, by taking away of their temporalities, if their offence do so deserve.  
Item, the true and easy direction of the clergy unto the life of Christ and the Apostles and most profitable unto the laity: that the clergy should not live contrary unto Christ's institution, seemeth to be the taking away of their alms, and those things which they had bestowed upon them. And it is thus proved, that medicine is most apt to be laid unto the sore, whereby the infirmity might soon be helped, and were most agreeable unto the patient: Such is the taking away of the temporalities. Ergo, this article is true: The minor is thus proved, for so much as by the abundance of temporalities the worm or serpent of pride is sprung up, where upon unsatiable desire and lust is inflamed, and thereby proceedeth all kind of gluttony and lechery. It is evident in this point, for so much as the temporalities being once taken away, every one of those sins is either utterly taken away, or at the least diminished, by the contrary, virtue induced and brought in: It seemeth also most pertinent unto the laity, forsomuch as they ought not to lay violent hands upon their ministers or to abject the priestly dignity, neither to judge any of the clergy in their open courts: It seemeth also by the law of conscience, to pertain unto the lay people, for so much as every man which worketh any work of mercy, ought diligently to have respect unto the ability of them that he bestoweth his alms upon, lest that by nourishing or helping loiterers, he be made partaker of his offence. Whereupon if a priest do not minister of their spiritualties, as Hostyensis teacheth in his 3. book, of their tithes, first fruits and oblations, that the people ought to take away the alms of their tithes from them.  
Item, it is confirmed by the last chapter of the 17. question, out of the decree of rents appropriate unto the church, quicunque Whereas the case is put thus, that a certain man having no children, neither hoping to have any, gave all his goods unto the church, reserving unto himself the only use and profits thereof: it happened afterward that he had children, and the bishop restored again his goods unto him, hoping not for it. The bishop had it in his power, whether to tender again or no, those things which were given him, but that was by the law of man, and not by the law of conscience. If then by the decree of the holy doctor S. Augustine in his sermone of the life of the clergy Aurelius the Bishop of Carthage had no power by God's law to with hold that which is bestowed upon the church, for the necessity of children, by the which law the wanton, proud, and unstable clergy being more than sufficiently possessed, and enriched, do detain and keep back the temporalities to the detriment and hurt of their own state, and of the whole Militant church, the seculare patrons being thereby so impoverished that they are compelled by penury to rob and steal to oppress their tenants, to spoil and undo others, and oftentimes by very necessity are driven to beggary.  
Item, suppose that a priest and minister, how grievously so ever he do offend by what kind or sign of offence so ever it be, as it was in the bishop judas Iscarioth of the religious monk Sergius, of Pope Leo the heretic, and many other priests, of whom the scripture and chronicles make mention, and daily experience doth teach us the same: It is evident that as it is supposed, the priests in the kingdom of Boheme grievously offending, it is the king's part, forsomuch as he is supreme head next under God, and Lord of the kingdom of Boheme, to correct and punish those priests. And for so much as the gentillest correction, & punishment of such as be indurate in their malice, is the casting away of their temporal goods, it followeth, that it is lawful for the king to take away temporalities. Wherefore it should seem very marvelous and strange, if that priests riding about, should spoil virgins, violently corrupt & defile honest matrons, if in such case it were not lawful for them to take away their armours, weapons, horses, guns and sword from them. The like reason were it also, if they had unlawfully conspired the death of the king, or that they would betray the king unto his enemies.  
Item, whatsoever any of the clergy doth require, or desire of the secular power, according unto the law & ordinance of Christ, the secular power ought to perform & grant the same. But the clergy being letted by riches, aught to require help of the secular power, for the dispensation of the said riches. Ergo the secular power ought in such case by the law of Christ, to take upon them the office or duty of getting, keeping, & distributing all such manner of riches, the Minor is hereby proved, that no man ought to have riches, but to that end, that they be helps, preferring & helping unto the office which is appointed of God. Therefore in case that secular possession do hinder the clergy from their duty. The secular power ought to take it away, for so did the Apostles, Acts 6. saying, it is not lawful for us to leave the word of God untaught, and to minister to Tables.  
And thus hitherto hath john Hus prosecuted Wyckleffs articles, with long arguments and reasons, the which were to long a travail, neither agreeable for this place, to allege all the whole order of his reasons and profess, which he used in that desputation, above the number of 20. more besides the testimonies of all the writers before recited, the which he allegeth out of the scriptures, decretals, S. Ambrose in his book of offices, S. August in his 5. book & 5. quest. and also unto Macedo, Isydore, the council of Nice, Greg his 11. quest. Bernard unto Eugenius in his 3. book, and out of Lyncolniensis 61. Epistle, besides many other more. The sum of all which testimonies tend unto this end, that he might utterly take away all earthly rule & dominion from the clergy, and to bring them under the subjection and censure of kings & Emperors, as it were within certain bonds, the which is not only agreeable unto equity and God's word, but also profitable for the clergy themselves. He teacheth it also to be necessary, that they should rather be subject under the secular power, then to be above them, because that else it were dangerous, lest that they being entangled with such kind of business, they should be an easier prey unto sathan, and sooner trapped in his snares. And thereby it should come to pass that the governance & principality of all things being at the length brought into the hands of the clergy, the lawful authority of kings & princes should not only be given over unto them, but in a manner as it were grow out of use: specially for so much as already in certain kingdoms and common wealths, the ecclesiastical power is grown unto such height, that not only in Boheme, but also almost throughout all the common welths, they do occupy the 3. or at least the 4. part of the rents and revenues. And last of all, he allegeth the example of Greg. and of Mauritius, & afterward the prophecy of Hildegardis writing in this manner. 
Hildegardis.   
As the Ecclesiastical ministers do willingly receive reward and praise of kings & rulers for their good deeds: So also ought they when they do offend willingly suffer and receive punishment at their hands for their evil doings. The consequent holdeth thus, forsomuch as the punishment meekly and humbly received for his offence doth more profit a man, than his praise received for any good work. 
Gregorius ad Maurium.  Whereupon S. Greg. writeth thus unto Mauritius the Emperor when he did persecute him, saying: I believe that you do please almighty God so much the better, in so cruelly afflicting me, which have been so evil a servant unto him. If then this holy Pope did so humbly and meekly, without any offence suffer this affliction of the Emperor, why should not any of the clergy, when they do offend, meekly sustain punishment, at the kings or rulers hands, under whom he is bound to be subject? When as the true vicar of Christ saith the 1. of Peter and 2. chap. Be ye subject unto every creature for God's cause, whether it be unto the king, as most excellent, or unto the rulers, as men sent of God, for the punishing of the wicked, and to the praise of the good, for so is the good will of God.  

Pope Leo submitteth himself unto the Emperor Ludodicus.  Whereupon Pope Leo, leaning unto this rule, submitted himself unto Ludovicus the Emperor, as it is written the 2. quest. 7. Under these words: if we have done any thing incompetently, or that we have not observed the upright path and way of equity amongst subjects, we will amend the same, either by your own judgement, either else by the advise or judgement of those which you shall appoint for that purpose. For if we which ought to correct and punish other men's fauts, do commit more grievous ourselves, we are not then the disciples of the truth (but as with sorrow we speak it) we shallbe above all other, the masters of error.  
And in the 10. distinction he writeth thus, as touching the obedience unto the Emperor, as concerning the precepts and commandments of our Emperors, and our predecessors bishops (the which the gloze nameth Emperors, which are anointed after the manner of Bishops) to be observed & kept unbroken, we do profess ourselves by all means possible, as much as in us lieth; or that we may and can by the help of God preserve and keep them both now and ever. And if peradventure any man do inform, or hereafter shall inform you otherwise, know you him assuredly, to be a liar and slanderer.  
Mark how this devout and holy Pope, calling the Emperor's bishops, submitted himself according to the rule of S. Peter the apostle under the obedience, and also punishment of the Emperor. Wherefore then should not the clergy of the kingdom of Boheme submit themselves under the obedience of their king, for God's cause, 
The tyranny & pride of the clergy.  for to be punished if they do offend, and not only submit themselves unto the king, but also unto the rulers, and not only unto the rulers, but unto every other creature? For by how much they do so humble, and abase themselves in this world for God's sake, so much the more shall they be exalted with him, but what is the let thereof, but only pride whereby Antichrist doth exalt himself above the most humble and meek Lord jesus Christ?  
Also it seemeth to appear by that which is aforesaid upon the taking away of the temporalities out of the prophecy of Hildegardis the virgin, 
The Prophecy of Hildegardis.  the which he writeth in his books under Eugenius the Pope in the council of Treverse approved & allowed by many bishops of France, Italy, & Almany, which were there present, whereas also S. Bernard himself was present, the which virgin prophesying, spoke in this manner. The kings & other rulers of the world, being stirred up by the just judgement of God shall set themselves against them & run upon them saying, we will not have these men to reign over us with their rich houses, & great possessions, and other worldly riches, over the which we are ordained to be Lords and rulers, and how is it meet or comely that those shavelings with their stoles and chisils should have more soldiers or more, or richer armour or artillery than we? So is it not connenient that one of the clergy should be a man of war, neither a soldier to be one of the clergy. Wherefore let us take away from them, that which they do not justly, but wrongfully possess. And immediately after she sayeth thus: The omnipotent father equally divided all things: that is to say, the heavens he gave unto heavenly creatures, and the earth unto the earthly. And by this means was there a just division made between the children of men, that the spiritualty should have such things as belongeth unto them, and the secular people, such things as are meet & necessary for them, so that neither of these 2. sorts should oppress each other by violence, for God doth not command that the one son or child should have both the cloak and the cote, and the other should go naked, but he willed that the one should have the cloak, and the other the cote. Wherefore the secular sort ought to have the cloak for the greatness of their worldly cares, and for their children, which daily increase and multiply. The cote he giveth unto the spiritualty, that they should not lack clothing, & that they should not possess more than necessity doth require. Wherefore we judge and think it good that all these aforesaid be divided by reason & equity. And whereas the cloak and the cote are both found, there the cloak be taken away, & given unto the needy, that they do not perish for lack or want. These aforesaid spoke the virgin Hildegardis, plainly for showing the taking away of the temporalities from the clergy by the secular Lords, and showing for what cause they shall be so taken away. And what manner of division shallbe made of those things that are taken away, that they be not consumed, and spent unprofitably.  
For so much as mention is here made of Hildegardis, it shall not seem impertinent, moved by the occasion hereof to give forth unto the reader such things as we have found in certain old volumes, touching her prophecy of the coming of certain false Prophets, only meaning as it seemeth, the begging friars, which sprang up shortly after her time. The tenor whereof is this, word for word, as we find it written.  
In those days, 
Hildegardis prophesying of Friars & mō●●s  there shall rise up a people without understanding, proud, covetous, untrusty, and deceitful, the which shall eat the sins of the people, holding a certain order of foolish devotion, under the feigned cloak of beggary, preferring themselves above all other, by their feigned devotion, arrogant understanding, and pretended holiness, walking without shamefastness, or the fear of God, inventing many new mischiefs being strong & stout, but this order shallbe accursed of all wise men, and faithful Christians, they shall cease from labour, and give themselves over unto idleness. Choosing rather to live thorough flattery, than by begging. More over they shall together study, how they may perversely resist the teachers of the truth. And slay them together with the noble men, how to seduce and deceive the nobility, for the necessity of their living and pleasures of this world, for the Devil will graft in them four principal vices: that is to say, flattery, envy, hypocrisy and slander. Flattery, that they may have large gifts given them. Envy, when they see gifts given unto other, and not unto them. Hypocrisy, that by false dissimulation, they may please men Detraction, that they may extol and commend themselves, and backbite others, for the praise of men and seducing of the simple. Also they shall instantly preach without devotion or example of the Martyrs, and shall detract the secular princes, taking away the sacraments of the church from the true pastors, receiving alms of the poor, diseased, and miserable, and also associating themselves with the common people, having familiarity with women, instructing them how they shall deceive their husbands and friends by their flattery and deceitful words, and rob their husbands to give it unto them, for they will take all these stolen and evil gotten, and say, give it unto us, and we will pray for you, so that they being curious to hide other men's faults, do utterly forget their own, and alas, they will receive all things of rovers, pickers, spoilers, thieves and robbers, of sacrilegious persons, usurers, adulterers, Heretics, Schismatics, Apostataies, whores and bawds, of noble men, perjurers, merchants, false judges, soldiers, tyrants, princes, of such as live contrary to the law, and of many perverse and wicked men, following the persuasion of the devil, the sweetness of sin, a delicate and transitory life, and fullness even unto eternal damnation. All these things shall manifestly appear in them unto all people, and they day by day, shall wax more wicked and hard hearted, & when as their wickedness and disceits shallbe found out, then shall their gifts cease, and then shall they go about their houses hungry, & as mad dogs looking down upon the earth, & drawing in their necks as doves, that they might be satisfied with bread, then shall the people cry out upon them. Woe be unto you ye miserable children of sorrow, the world hath seduced you, the devil hath bridled your mouths, your flesh is frail, and your hearts without savour, your minds have been unsteadfast, and your eyes delighted in much vanity and folly, your dainty bellies desire delicate meats. Your feet swift to run unto mischief, remember when you were apparently blessed, yet envious, poor but rich, simple, mighty devout flatterers, unfaithful betrayers, perverse detractors, holy hypocrites, subverters of the truth, overmuch upright, proud, unshamefast, unsteadfast teachers, delicate martyrs, confessors for gain, meek slanderers, religious, covetous, humble, proud pitiful, hard hearted liars, pleasant flatterers, peace makers, persecutors, oppressors of the poor, bringing in new sects newly invented of yourselves, merciful, wicked, lovers of the world, sellers of pardons, spoilers of benefices, unprofitable orators, seditious conspirators, drunkards, desirers of honour, maintainers of mischief, robbers of the world, unsatiable, preachers, men pleasers, seducers of women, and sowers of discord, for Moses' the glorious prophet, spoke very well of you in his song. A people without council or understanding, would to God they did know, understand and foresee the end. You have builded up an high, and when you could ascend no hire, than did you fall even as Simon Magus, whom God overthrew, and did strike with a cruel plague, so you likewise thorough your false doctrine, naughtiness, lies, detractions and wickedness, are come to ruin, and the people shall say unto them go ye teachers of wickedness, subverters of the truth, brethren of the Sunamitie, fathers of heresies, false apostles, which have feigned yourselves to follow the life of the Apostles, and yet have not fulfilled it in no part, sons of iniquity, we will not follow the knowledge of your ways, for pride & presumption hath deceived you, and insatiable concupiscence hath subverted your erroneous hearts. And when as yet would ascend hire than was meet or comely for you, by the just judgement of God, you are fallen back into perpetual opprobry and shame. This blessed Hildegardis whose prophecy this is, flourished about the year of our Lord a 1546. as it is written in Martin's chronicles.  

Hugo de sacramentis part. 2.  Also Hugo in his second book of sacraments, in the 2. part, 3. chapter and 7. saith, the laity forsomuch as they intermeddle with earthly matters necessary unto an earthly life, they are the least part of the body of Christ. And the clergy for so much as they do dispose those things which pertain unto a spiritual life, are as it were the right side of the body of Christ, and afterward interpreting both these parts himself, he sayeth: A spiritual man ought to have nothing, but such as pertaineth unto God, unto whom it is appointed to be sustained by the tithes and oblations which are offered unto God: But unto the Christian and faithful laity, the possession of the earth is granted, and unto the clergy the hole charge of spiritual matters is committed, as it was in the old Testament. And in his 7. chapter he declareth how that certain things are given unto the Church of Christ, by the devotion of the faithful, the power and authority of the secular power reserved, lest there might happen any confusion: For so much as God himself cannot allow no disordered thing. Whereupon oftentimes the worldly princes do grant the bare use of the church, and oftentimes use and power to exercise justice, which the clergy cannot exercise by any Ecclesiastical minister, or any one person of the clergy. Notwithstanding they may have certain lay people, ministers unto that office. But in such sort sayeth he, that they do acknowledge the power which they have to come from the secular prince or ruler, and that they do understand their possessions can never be alternate away from the king's power, but (if that necessity or reason do require) the same possessions in all such case of necessity do owe him obeisance and service. For like as the king's power ought not to turn away the defence or safeguard which he oweth unto other: so likewise the possessions obtained and possessed by the clergy, according to the duty and homage which is due unto the patronage of the king's power cannot by right be denied. Thus much writeth Hugo:   

In the third act the same year, after the feast of S. Vitis, as touching Tithes. etc.  
¶ Tithes are pure alms.  
Upon this article it is to be noted, that for so much as alms is a work of mercy, as S. Augustine, chrysostom, and others do jointly affirm, 
Alms. Mercy.  and that mercy (according to Lincolniensis mind) for the present is a love or desire to help the miserable out of his misery: and for so much as the misery of mankind is double: 
Two kinds of miseries. Two kinds of goodness.  that is to say spiritual and bodily: the which is the want or taking away of the good, and the goods of man is either the goods of the soul or of the body: And the goods of the soul is double (That is to say: the lighting of the mind, & the uprightness of affection) the misery of the soul is also double as the darkness of ignorance and a froward and wilful swerving from the truth. And both the goods of the soul are wont to be comprehended under one title of name: 
Wisdom. Folly.  that is to say; wisdom, and both the miseries of the soul under the name of folly. Whereupon all the hole goodness of the soul is wisdom, and all the hole misery thereof is ignorance, the miseries of the body are lack of meat, that is to say, hunger, and lack of drink called thirst: and briefly all misery is the want of something which is desired. 
The miseries of the mind and body.  Also these are bodily miseries, nakedness, lack of harbour, sickness, and imprisonment. All the miseries therefore being numbered together, are but one of the soul, the which is folly and lack of wisdom, and 6. of the body, the which the Lord in the 25. of Matthew doth plainly rehearse. There are also commonly appointed 7. bodily alms, that is to say, to feed the hungry, to give drink unto the thirsty: To cloth the naked, to harbour the stranger or haberles, to visit the sick, & to bury the dead, the which altogether are contained in these verses.  
Visito, poto, cibo, redimo, tego, colligo, condo.  
The which verse is thus Englished, word for word.  
Visit the sick, the hungry feed,  
give drink to the thirsty, cloth the naked:  
Bury the dead, the captive redeem,  
The harbourles receive to thy lodging.  
There be also 7. other spiritual alms appointed, 
What is alms.  which are these, to teach the ignorant, to council him that is in doubt. To comfort him which is in heaviness. To correct the offender. To forgive him which hath offended against thee. To bear those which are grievous. And to pray for all men, the which are also contained in these verses following.  
Consul castiga solare remit far ora.  
The which verse is thus Englished, word for word.  
Instruct the ignorant, the weak confirm,  
Comfort the heavy hart, and correct sinner  
forgive the offender, bear with the rude,  
Pray for all men both evil and good.  
So that notwithstanding under the same, counsels and doctrine be comprehended. Thus writeth Thomas in the 2. part of the 2. quest. 32, article. 2.  
Secondly it is to be noted, that in this present article our intent is only to entreat of bodily alms (the which as Thomas writeth in his 2. part 2. questi. 32. Arti. 1.) according unto some men's minds is this defined. 
What alms is.  Alms is a work whereby any thing is given unto the needy of compassion for God's sake. And for so much as this definition serveth as well for the spiritual, as for the corporal alms. Therefore to the purpose, alms is a work, whereby any thing is given unto the needy in body for compassion, & for God's sake. Or that is given of compassion or pity unto the bodily needy for God's sake.  
Whereupon it is manifest that alms as S. Augustin & other holy men say, is a work of mercy, as also to give alms. As it appeareth by the name, for in the Greek it is derived from this word Misericordia, which is mercy, for as in the Latin, this word Miseratio, which signifieth pity, is derived of Misericordia, which is mercy, so this word Eleemosyna, which signifieth alms, is derived of the Greek word Elemonia, which is to say mercy, and of the word Sina, which is to say commandment, as it were a commandment of mercy, or otherwise of this word Elemonia. By this letter I, which is to say God, and this word Sina, which is commandment As if it were said, the commandment of God as januensis in his book entitled Catholicon affirmeth.  
For our Saviour doth command in the xj. of Luke to give alms, saying, give alms and behold all things are clean unto you: lest that in this point there may be any equivocation it is supposed presently, that the alms given of men is a corporal alms given simply under the name of alms. Secondly, it is to be noted, that Tithes in this effect are the tenth part of goods of fortune, given by a man simply under the name of alms for God's sake. 
Tithes.   
These things being thus noted and supposed the article is thus proved. Every gift of fortune, or temporal gift, simply given under the name of alms is alms. But some tithes are the gift of fortune, or temporal gift under the name of alms. Therefore some tithes are alms. This consequent is manifest of his self. The Mayor appeareth by the first supposition. And the Minor by the second.  
Item, every gift given by a man even of love, to relieve and help the miserable out of his misery is an alms. The 10. part of the goods of fortune given by a man, simply under the name of alms, for God's sake, is given by the same man even of love, to help the miserable out of his misery: Therefore the 10. part of the goods of fortune being given by any man simply under the name of alms for God's sake is alms. The consequent is manifest. The Mayor appeareth by this, that every such gift is either a spiritual or bodily alms. The Minor seemeth hereby true, for so much as many holy men have given, and do give, even for love to relieve the miserable out of his misery. Neither is it to be doubted, but that such kind of tithes are alms. For S. Augustine upon these words of the Lord in the Gospel writeth thus. Woe be unto you pharisees which do tithe mint and anise. If they cannot be cleansed without they believe in him, he which doth cleanse his heart thorough faith, to what purpose is it, that he saith, give alms, and behold all things are clean unto you. Let us give care, and peradventure he doth expound it himself. 
S. Augustine proveth tithes to be pure alms  They did take out the 10. part of all their fruits, and gave it for alms, the which any Christian man doth not willingly. Then they mocked him, when he spoke these words to them, as unto men which would do no alms. This the Lord forknowing, said: Woe be unto you Pharises which tithe mint and rue, and all kind of herbs. And pass over the judgement & charity of God, for this it is to do alms, if thou dost understand it, begin with thyself: For how canst thou be merciful unto an other, which art unmerciful unto thyself. This writeth S. Augustine, in plainly saying that tithes are alms.  
Also in his Enchiridion 76. chap. upon these words of Luke in the 11 chapter. 
August in Enchiri.  Notwithstanding that which is more than sufficient, give in alms and all things shall be clean unto you, he saith thus: when he had rebuked them that they washed themselves outwardly, and inwardly were full of iniquity & abomination, admonishing them, what, and how a man ought first to bestow alms upon himself, and first to cleanse himself inwardly, he saith. That which doth remain, give in alms, & behold all things are clean unto you. Afterward, that he might the better declare what he had given them warning of, & what they neglected to do, that they should not judge him ignorant of their alms: he saith, Woe be unto you pharisees, as though he should say, I verily gave you warning that you should give such alms, whereby all things might be clean unto you: but woe be unto you which do tith mint, rue, and all kind of herbs, for I do know these your alms, that you should not think with yourselves that you had given me warning thereof: and neglect and pass over the judgement and charity of God, by the which alms ye might be cleansed from all your inward filthiness. And your bodies also which you do wash should be clean For all these things both inward, and also outward, as it is said in an other place, cleanse that which is within, and the outward things shallbe also clean.  
But least that he should seem to refuse those alms which are given of the fruits of the earth, he said, you ought to have done these things: That is to say, the judgement and love of God, & not to neglect the same. That is to say, the alms of the fruit of the earth This writeth S. Aug expressly calling the tithes alms.  
Also chrysostom upon the same words in the 11. of Luke, that which remaineth give in alms, he saith thus: whereas it was spoken of the jewish kind of cleansing it is wholly passed. But for so much as tithes is a certain alms, 
Chrisostomas in 11. Luce.  and the time was not yet expressly come to kill the sacrifices of the law, for this cause he saith, ye ought to do those things, & not to omit the other. And S. Thomas allegeth him in his gloze upon S. Luke. And chrysostom himself doth touch two points. First that tithes is alms. Secondly, that tithes are in a manner lawful, forsomuch as the gift thereof unto the priests did not cease in the time of Christ.  
Also Augustin in a certain Sermon of giving alms, sayeth thus, what is to say: give alms: And behold all things are clean unto you. Let us give ear, and peradventure he doth expound it himself. When he had spoken these words, without doubt they thought within themselves, who did give alms, and how they did give it. They tithed all that they had, and took out the 10. part of all their fruits. And gave it for alms: the which no Christian lightly doth so. Mark what the jews did, they tithed not only their wheat, but their wine and oil, and not that only, but also vile things. For the commandment of the Lord, as cumin, rue, and anise, of the which they took the 10. part, and gave it for alms. I think therefore, for so much as they called unto their minds and thought with themselves, that our Lord Christ spoke in vain unto them that they did no alms, when as they knew their own works, that they tithed the smallest, and worst of all their fruits, and gave alms thereof: They mocked him amongst themselves, because he did speak in such sort unto them, as unto men that did no alms. The which the Lord fore seeing, by and by added notwithstanding, woe be unto you Scribes, pharisees & hypocrites, which tithe your mint, cumin, and rue, and all kind of herbs: that you may know; I do understand your alms Truly, these are your tithes. These are your alms, you tithe out the least and worst of all your fruits, and have left the weighty matters of the law undone Here S. Augustin often expoundeth, that tithes are alms: Also he writeth the like in his book of homilies in his 6. homely.  
Item, for the proof of this article that tithes are pure alms, it is thus argued. For this proposition, tithes are pure alms is infinite, taking the truth for many of his particularities. It is most certain that it is not damnable, but most catholic, that God is something the which being false in all particulars, it is only true for that alone which doth surmount all kind. Ergo, by like reason this particular is true, tenths are pure alms: For it is thus proved. These tenths of a good lay man being wholly distributed by a faithful minister unto a needy lay man, according to a good intent, how can they be but pure alms, yea, and more pure than any alms given by any of the clergy being a fornicator. The whole Antecedent I suppose as possible, and doubtful unto the condemners, if it be true.  
Item, it is also thus proved, these tithes, and all other goods of fortune, are pure alms in respect of God. Forsomuch as every man, Emperor and king, is a beggar of God. As S. Augustin doth oftentimes affirm, and consequently if he do receive fruitfully any such goodness at the hand of God, the same is pure alms in respect of God: neither is there any faithful man that will deny the same, but that it simply followeth that the same is pure alms before God, Ergo it is pure alms.  
It is also thus argued, all tithes are by themselves, and every part of them alms, neither is there any reason contrary unto this, that they are alms. Ergo, they are pure alms. For they are by no other means or reason, than alms, if they be all together themselves alms: Forsomuch as it followeth, if they be by any other means or otherwise then alms, than they are otherwise then some alms, and forsomuch as they themselves are some alms, it followeth that they are otherwise then they are in deed, the which is false.  
But now to pass beyond the bonds of Logic, 
Sustenance & clothing given to the Apostles, was alms ergo also tithes.  it is to be demanded, whether before the church was endowed, or that sustenance and clothing were given unto the Apostles, there was any pure alms, or that they were given by any other means by bond of det, amongst men. And forsomuch as the reason is not to be feigned, but that they were pure alms, so afterward the custom of the same thing according unto like reason doth not alter the kind of the reason. For so might beggars challenge by custom beyond the purity of alms, the temporalities which they do beg. Neither doth det utterly exclude the purity of alms before God: for every man duly giving alms, doth as he ought to do: as every man duly receiving his alms, ought so to receive it as according to Gods will. And simply to establish any humane title, upon the continuance of any such alms, it is altogether contrary unto the reason of alms. Therefore they do continually observe, and keep the reason of the purity of alms, which they had from the beginning, when as the bond conditioned, doth not destroy the purity thereof. Wherefore there is no cause why it should be denied that tithes are pure alms: except that the proud should be marvelously extolled, contrary to the humility of Christ. For they do challenge by the title of their lack or want so to be pleased for their tithes. For so might the begging Friar, by the continuance of his daily begging challenge according unto the like quantity or circumstance But it is no argument, that if the curate do perform his corporal ministry, that he ought therefore to challenge tithes by any civil title, because that as well on the behalf of him, which giveth the tithe, as also in the behalf of the Curate, every such ministry ought freely to be given, and not by any civil exchange. Forsomuch as it is not required, but that rather the comparison of such exchanges are repugnant, forsomuch as also no man freely giveth any alms except he do look for the duty of recompense, by the law of conscience.  
Item, all temporal goods bestowed upon the clergy, by the lay people under condition, as the goods of the church are the alms of them which give it, it is proved thus, for so much as all those goods are the goods of the poor, as it appeareth by many sayings of holy men and by the laws.  
But they were not the goods of the poor, after they were mere secular goods, but only by the mean of the work of mercy, whereby they were bestowed upon the poor Ergo, they were pure alms. The consequent dependeth upon the definition of pure alms.  
Item, all things changed to the use and power of an other, either by civil exchange or evangelical is changed But the church goods are so changed by one of these ministries. But the evangelical exchange is not to be feigned, because it is not done, neither by buying or selling, or any other civil exchange. Therefore there doth not remain, but only a pure gift, for hope of a heavenly reward, the which is mercy, and so pure alms. And it seemeth to follow consequently that all the Clergy receiving such alms, are not only in respect of God, as all other men: But in respect of men beggars. For they would not so instantly require those alms except they had need of them: neither ought we to be ashamed thereof, 
The clergy beggars.  or to be proud beggars: for so much as Christ touching his humanity became a beggar for us, because he declared his need unto his Father saying. etc.  
Item, when any King, Prince, Knight, Citizen, or any other man doth give unto the clergy, or to any priest for his stipend, he giveth the same unto the Church of God, and to the private party, as a perpetual alms, that he should attend to his vocation, preaching, praying and studying. But this kind of giving doth not suffice to ground any secular dominion amongst the clergy it followeth that the bare use remaineth in them, or the secular use without any secular power.  
The mayor appeareth hereby, forsomuch as otherwise alms should not be a work of mercy. Whereby it may also appear, that tenths are pure alms given to the church, to the use of the poor.  
And hereupon the holy men do say that tenths are the tributes of the needy souls. Whereupon S. Augustine in a sermon made upon the restoring of tithes saith. 
Tithes are to be given 〈◊〉 ninth part of 〈◊〉.  The giving of Tithes most dear brethren are the tributes of the poor souls therefore pay your tribute unto the poor. And by and by after, he saith, therefore who desireth either to get any reward, or to have any remission of sins, by giving of his tenths, let him study to give alms even of the ninth part: so that what soever shall remain more than a competent living, and decent clothing: that it be not reserved for riot, but that it be laid up in the heavenly treasure, by giving it in alms to the poor. For what so ever God doth give unto us more than we have need of: he doth not give it us specially for ourselves: but doth send it us to be bestowed upon others by our hands, if we do not give it, we invade an other man's possessions.  
Thus much writeth S. Augustine, and is repeated in the xvi. question 1. Decime.  
Also S. Jerome in an Epistle, and it is put in the 16. question, and 2. chap Quicquid. What soever the clergy hath it is the goods of the poor.  
Also S. Augustine in his 33. Epistle unto Boniface, and it is alleged in the 1. question and 12.  
Also in the 23. question 7. If we do possess any thing privately, the which doth suffice us, they are not ours, but the goods of the poor, whose stewards we are, except we do challenge to ourselves a property by some damnable usurpation. The gloze upon that part of the 23. question 7. saith. The Prelates are but only the stewards of the church goods, and not Lords thereof.  
S. Ambrose also upon this saying of the Gospel. Luke the 16. give account of your bailiship, or stewardship: Hereby then do we learn, that they are not Lords, but rather stewards and bailiffs of other men's substance.  
And S. Jerome, writing to Nepotianus saith, how can they be of the clergy, which are commanded to contemn and despise their own substance, and to take away from a friend, it is theft, to deceive the Church it is sacrilege, and to take away that, which should be given unto the poor.  
¶ The order and manner of taking up the body of john Wickliff and burning his bones 41. years after his death.  
And S. Bernard in his sermon, 
The clergy are stewards of the church goods, and not Lords thereof.  upon these words (Simon Peter said unto jesus, chap. 17) said. Truly the goods of the Church, are the patrimony of the poor: And whatsoever thing the ministers and stewards of the same, not Lords or possessors do take unto themselves more then sufficient, for a competent living, the same is taken away from the poor, by a sacrilegious cruelty.  
And Eusebius in his treatise upon the pilgrimage of S. jerom writeth thus, if thou dost possess a garment, or any other thing more than extreme necessity doth require and dost not help the needy, thou art a thief & a robber. Wherefore dearly beloved children, let us be stewards of our temporalities, and not possessors.  
And Isidore in his treatise De summo Bono chap. 42. saith. Let the bishop know that he is the servant of the people, 
Isidonus de summo bono.  and not Lord over them.  
Also in the 5. book of decretals, extra de donationibus, sub authoritate Alexandri tertij. Episcopi paristensis. He saith, we believe that it is not unknown unto your brotherhood, that a Bishop, and every other Prelate is but a steward of the Church goods, and not Lord thereof. By these sayings of these holy men it is evidently declared, that not only tithes, but also all other substance which the clergy hath by gift of work of mercy, are pure alms, which after the necessity of the clergy once satisfied, aught to be transported unto the poor.  
Secondly it is declared how that the clergy are not Lords and possessors of those goods, but ministers & stewards thereof.  
Thirdly it is showed, that if the clergy do abuse the same, they are thieves, robbers, and sacrilegious persons, and except they do repent, by the just judgement of God they are to be condemned.   
ANd thus hitherto I may peradventure seem to have made sufficient long resitall out of John Does, but so notwithstanding that the commodity of those things, may abundantly recompense the prolixity thereof. Wherefore if I shall seem unto any man in the rehearsal of this disputation to have passed very far the bounds of the history: let him think thus of me, that at what time I took in hand to write of these Ecclesiastical matters, I could not omit these things which were so straightly joined with the cause of the Church.  
Neither that I did make more account of the history which I had taken in hand then of the common utility, whereunto I had chief respect. There were besides these certain other articles. Whereupon the said john Does had very wisely and learnedly disputed, but these shall suffice us for this present. And for the residue we will pass them over, to the intent we may the more speedily return whereas our story left, declaring what cruelty they used not only against the books and articles of john Wickliff, but also in burning his body and bones, commanding them to be taken up 41. years after he was buried, as appeareth by the decree of the said Synod, the form whereof, we thought hereunto to annex as followeth.  

The decree of the Synod of Constance touching the taking up of the body and bones of john Wickliff to be burned 41. years after he was buried in his own parish at Lutterworth.  

The decree of the council for the burning of Wickliff's dead bones.  FOrsomuch as by the authority of the sentence & decree of the Council of Rome, and by the commandment of the Church and the Apostolical see after due delays being given, they proceeded unto the condemnation of the said I. Wickliff, and his memory: having first made proclamation, & given commandment to call forth whosoever would defend the said Wickliff, or his memory (if there were any such) but there did none appear, 
Ex acts concily Constant.  which would either defend him or his memory. And moreover witnesses being examined by Commissioners appointed by Pope john & this Council, upon the impenitency and final obstinacy and stubborns of the said john Wickliff (reserving that which is to be reserved, as in such business, the order of the law requireth) and his impenitency and obstinacy even unto his end, being sufficiently proved by evident signs and tokens, and also by lawful witnesses of credit, was lawfully given thereunto. Wherefore at the instance of the steward of the treasury, proclamation being made to hear & understand the sentence against this day: the sacred Synod declareth, determineth and giveth sentence, that the said john Wickliff was a notorious obstinate heretic, and that he died in his heresy, cursing and condemning both him and his memory.  
This Synod also decreeth and ordaineth, that the body & bones of the said john Wickliff, if it might be discerned and known from the bodies of other faithful people to be taken out of the ground, & thrown away far from the burial of any church, according unto the canon laws & decrees. Which determination and sentence definitive being red & pronounced, the lord precedent, & the foresaid presidents of the 4. nations, being demanded & asked whether it did please them or no? They all answered (and first Hostiensis the precedent, and after him the other precedents of the nations) that it pleased them very well, and so they allowed and confirmed all the premises, etc.   
¶ What Heraclitus would not laugh, or what Democritus would not weep, to see these so sage & reverend Catoes, to occupy their heads to take up a poor man's body, so long dead and buried before, by the space of 41. years? & yet peradventure were not able to find his right bones, but took up some other body, & so of a catholic made an heretic. Albeit, herein Wickliff had some cause to give them thanks that they would at least spare him so long till he was dead, and also to give him so long respite after his death 41. years to rest in his sepulchre before they ungraved him, and turned him from earth to ashes: which ashes also, they took & threw into the river. And so was he resolved into 3. elements, earth, fire, and water, thinking thereby utterly to extinct and abolish both the name and doctrine of Wickliff for ever. Not much unlike to the example of the old Phariseis & sepulchre knights, which when they had brought the Lord unto the grave, thought to make him sure never to rise again. But these and all other must know, that as there is no counsel against the Lord: so there is no keeping down of verity, but it will spring and come out of dust and ashes, as appeared right well in this man. For though they digged up his body, burnt his bones, & drowned his ashes, yet the word of God and truth of his doctrine with the fruit & success thereof they could not burn: which yet to this day for the most part of his articles do remain. Notwithstanding, the transitory body and bones of the man was thus consumed and dispersed, as by this picture here above set forth to thine eyes (gentle reader may appear.  
These things thus finished and accomplished, which pertain to the story and time of Wickliff: let us now (by the supportation of the Lord) proceed to entreat & write of the rest, which either in his time or after his time, springing out of the same university, and raised up (as ye would say) out of his ashes were partakers of the same persecution. 
Ex Th. Walden. lib. de sacrament.  Of whom speaketh Thomas Walden in his book, De sacramentis & sacramentalibus. cap. 53. Where he saith, that after Wickliff many suffered most cruel death, and many more did forsake the realm.  
In the number of whom was William Swinderby, Walter Brute: john Purvey: Richard White: William Thorpe: 
Laurence Redman, David Sawtre, john Aschwerbe.  Raynold peacock B. of S. Assaph, and afterward of Chichester.  
To this Catalogue also pertaineth (mentioned in ancient writers) Laurence Redman master of Art, David Sautre divine, john Aschwarby vicar as they call him of S. Marry Church at Oxford, William james an excellent young man well learned, 
W. Ia●●, Th. B●●●●well, William Haw●● Ralph Grenhurt, john Scut, Philip Norice, Peter Pa● Lord Co●ham.  Thomas Brightwell, & William Haulam a civilian, Ralph Grenhurst. joh. Scut: and Philip Norice: which being excommunicated by P. Eugenius the 4. in the year of our Lord, 1446. appealed unto a general or ecumenical Council.  
Peter pain, who flying from Oxford into Boheme, did stoutly contend against the Sophisters, as touching both kinds of the sacrament of the last supper. Who afterward among the rest of the Orators was one of the 14. that was sent into the Council at basil: whereas by the space of 3. days, he disputed upon the 4. article, which was as touching the civil dominion of the clergy, an. 1438. Also the Lord Cobham. etc. with divers others besides whose names are mentioned in the kings writ sent to the Sheriff of Northampton which writ of the king, followith in this Tevor. Rex vicecomiti Northamptoniae salutem. etc. For so much as john Attyate of Cheping warden: john Warryner. Ro. Brewoode etc. be Recettours & fautoures of heretics and especially of one john Woodward priest publicly defamed and condemned of heresy will not be justified by the censures of the Church as the reverend father I. Bish. of Lincoln hath certified us. we therefore willing to withstand all defenders and fautors of such heresies do will and command as well the forenamed as namely the foresaid john Woodward to be apprehended straightly charging the same to be imprisoned by their bodies or otherwise punished as shall seem good to the justices, until they and every of them shall submit themselves to the obedience of the foresaid Bishop in this behalf: accordingly. Whereof fail you not under pain of C.li witness ourselves, yeven at our Manor of Langley the viii. day of March, the 12. year of our Reign.  
To these above rehearsed and other favourers of Wickliff within this our country of England we may add also the Bohemians: for so much as the propagation of the said doctrine of Wickliff, in that Country also take root, coming from England to Boheme, by this occasion as in story here followeth.  
There chanced at that time a certain student of the country of Bohemia to be at Oxford, 
The occasion how the doctrine of Wickliff came to Boheme.  one of a wealthy house and also of a noble stock. Who returning home from the university of Oxford, to the university of prague: carried with him certain books of Wickliff, De realibus Vniversalibus, De civili iure, & Divino: De ecclesia, De questionibus varijs contra clerum etc. It chanced the same time, a certain noble man in the City of prague, had founded and builded a great Church of Mathias and Matheus, which Church was called Bethleem: giving to it great lands, & finding in it two preachers every day, to preach both holy day and working day to the people. Of the which two preachers, this john Hus was one, a man of great knowledge, of a pregnant wit, and excellently favoured for his worthy life amongst them. 
Wicleuu● vir bonus, sanctus c●● dignus. The great affection of I. Hus to I. Wickliff.  This john Hus having familiarity with this young man, in reading and perusing these books of Wickliff, took such pleasure and fruit in reading thereof, that not only he began to defend this author openly in the schools, but also in his sermons: commending him for a good man, an holy man and heavenly man, wishing himself when he should die, to be there placed, where as the soul of Wickliff should be. And thus for the spreading of Wickliff's doctrine enough.  
And thus much briefly concerning the favourers & adherentes of john Wickliff, in general. Now particularly & in order let us (by Christ's grace) prosecute the stories and persecutions of the said parties aforenamed, as the course of their times shall require, first beginning with the valiant champions wil Swinderby and Walter Brute.   

The history of William Swinderby.  
IN the year 1389. 
Anno. 1389. Ex Regi●●●n Episcopi Herfor●●●. W. Swinderby first examined. Denouncer● of W. Swinderby. 3. Friars, Fresby, Hinkby, Blaxton.  William Swinderby priest within the diocese of Lincoln being accused and detected upon certain opinions, was presented before john bishop of Lincoln, and examined upon certain articles in the Church of Lincoln, after the form and order of the pope's law, according to their usual rite observed, his denouncers were these: Friar Frisby observant, Friar Hincely Angustine: & Tho. Blaxton Dominican. The articles wherewith they charged him, although in form of words as they put them up, might seem something strange here to be recited: yet to the intent that all men may see the spiteful malice of these spider Friars, in sucking all things to poison, and in forging that is not true, as in process (Christ willing) here after shall better appear by his answers, I thought good here to notify the same.  
That men may ask their debts by charity, but in no manner for debt to imprison any man: and that he so imprisoning is accursed.  
That if parishners do know their Curate to be a lecher incontinent, and an evil man: they ought to withdraw from him their tithes, or else they be fautors of his sins.  
That tithes purely be almose, and in case that Curates be evil men, the same may lawfully be conferred to other men.  
That for an evil Curate to curse his subject for withholding of tithes: is nothing else, but to take with extortion wickedly and unduly from them their money.  
That no prelate may curse a man, except he know before that he is cursed of God.  
That every Priest may absolute any sinner being contrite and is bound (notwithstanding the inhibition of the Bishop) to preach the Gospel unto the people.  
That a Priest taking any annual pension upon covenant, is in so doing a simoniacke and accursed.  
That any priest being in deadly sin, if he give himself to consecrate the body of the Lord, he committeth idolatry rather than doth consecrate.  
That no priest entereth into any house, but to evil entreat the wife, the daughter or maid. And therefore he admonished the goodman of the house, to take heed what priest he let into his house.  
another conclusion falsely to him objected. That a child is not truly baptized, if the priest that baptiseth, or the godfather or godmother be in deadly sin.  
Item, that no man living against the law of God is a priest, how ever he were ordained priest of any Bishop.  
These articles or conclusions untruly collected, were as cruelly exhibited against him by the Friars in the Bishop of Lincoln's court. The which articles although he never preached, taught or at any time defended, as appeareth more in the process following: yet the Friars with their witnesses standing forth against him, 
W. Swinterby compiled by the Friars to ●●uc arti●●, which ●● never ●●●ht.  declared him to be convict: bringing also dry wood with them to the town to burn him, and would not leave him, before he made them promise and swear for fear of death never to hold them, teach them, nor preach them privily, nor apertly under pain of relapse: and that he should go to certain churches to revoke the foresaid conclusions, which he never affirmed. As first in the Church of Loncolne, then in S. Margaret's Church of Leycester. Also in S. Martin's Church in Leycester, and in our Lady's churches at Newarke: and in other Parish Churches also, of Melton Mowbray, of Haloughton, Hareburgh, and Lenthburgh. Which penance being to him enjoined, he did obediently accomplish: with this form of revocation, which they bond him unto, under these words.  


The forced revocation of W. Swinderby.  The revocation of William Swinderby whereunto he was forced by the Friars.  
I William Swinderby priest, although unworthy of the diocese of Lincoln, acknowledging one true Catholic, and apostolic faith of the holy Church of Rome, do abjure all heresy and error repugning to the determination of the holy mother church whereof I have been hitherto infamed, namely the conclusions and articles above prefixed, and every one of them to me judicially objected, by the Commissary of the reverend father in Christ and Lord, L. john by the grace of God Bishop of Lincoln: and do revoke the same, & every one of them, some as heretical, some as erroneous, and false, and do affirm and believe them to be so, and hereafter will never teach, preach, or affirm publicly or privily the same. Neither will make any sermon within the diocese of Lincoln, but ask first and obtaining the licence, of the foresaid reverend father and Lord the Bishop of Lincoln. Contrary to the which if I shall presume hereafter, to say or do, to hold or preach: I shallbe content to abide the severity of the Canon, as I have judicially by the necessity of the law, sworn, and do swear etc.   
Thus have you the conclusions and articles of this good man, falsely objected to him by the malicious and lying Friars: and also the retractation, whereunto they by force compelled him: whereby it may likewise be conjectured, what credit is to be given to the articles and conclusions which these caviling Friars wresting all things to the worst, have objected and imputed both to Wickliff & all other of that sort, whom they so falsely do infame, so slannderously do belly, and so maliciously do persecute. After these things thus done and wrought in the diocese of Lincoln: it so befell, the said W. Swinderby to remove to the diocese and country of Herford, where, he was as much or more molested by the friars again, & by joh. Tresnant B. of Herford, as by the process & story here ensuing set out at large out of their own registers may appear.   

Here followeth the process of john Tresnant Bishop of Herford had against the aforesaid William Swinderby in the cause of heretical pravity as the popish heretics call it. 
The process of the B. of Hereford against W. Swinderby.   
THe glorious name of the prince of peace, and his counsel (whose counsellor no man is, 
The flourishing invocation of of God's name.  & whose providence in his disposition is never deceived) being invocated: To all and singular believers of Christ, which shall see or hear this our process underwritten, john by the sub●erance of God B. of Herford: greeting, and peaceable charity in the Lord. Forasmuch as God the creator of all things, the keeper of justice, the lover of right, and the hater of malice, beholding from the high throne of his providence the sons of men, now through the fall of their first father, prone and and declining to dishonest and filthy & detestable mischiefs and to keep under their malice (which wicked transgression did first gender) hath appointed divers presidents of the world established in sundry degrees, by whom and their circumspect providence, man's audacity should be restrained, innocency should be nourished amongst the good, & terror should be stricken into the wicked not to deceive: also that their power to hurt, & their insolency should be bridled in all places. And whereas amongst many kinds of cares which come to our thoughts, by the duty of the office committed unto us, we are specially bound to extend our strength, chief that the catholic faith may prosper in our times, and heretical pravity may be rooted from out of the borders of the faithful: we therefore being excited through the information of many credible and faithful Christians of our diocese, 
Lollards by the pope's interpretation, is a word derived of lolium.  to root out pestiferous plants, as sheep diseased with an incurable sickness, going about to infect the whole and sound flock, are by the care of the shepherd to be removed from the flock, that is to say, Preachers, or more truly execrable offenders of the new sect, vulgarly called Lollards, which under a certain cloaked show of holiness, running abroad through divers places of our diocese, & endeavouring to cut a sunder the Lords unsowed coat that is to say, to rend the unity of the holy Church, & of the Catholic faith, and also to tear in pieces with their tempestuous blasts the power of S. Peter, that is to say, to weaken the strength of the ecclesiastical states and degrees, and the determination of the same holy church, have wickedly presumed & do presume from day to day to speak, to teach, to maintain (and that which is more horrible to be uttered) to preach openly many things heretical, 
They counterfeit in the prophets words as Apes do in prince's apparel. Who expoundeth the scripture more after the letter, let the reader judge by Hoc est corpus ineum.  blasphemies schisms, and slanderous diffaminge, even quite contrary to the sacred Canons and decrees of the holy fathers so that they know not to direct their paths in the ways of righteousness and truth, in that, that they expound to the people the holy scripture, as the letter soundeth, after a judicial sort, otherwise then the holy Ghost will needs have it: whereas the words wander from their proper significations, and appear to bring in by guessing new meanings: whereas the words must not be judged by the sense that they make but by the sense whereby they be made, where as the constructions is not bound to Donates' rules: where as faith is far placed from the capacity of reason: But they labour by their pernicious doctrines & teachings pu● like and privy, 
If such medicines should be ministered to you, ye would can your Physician little thank.  to boil out the poison of schisms between the clergy and the people. We to encounter against such kind of preachers, nay rather deceivers, and horrible seducers amongst the people, advancing and rousing up ourselves in God's behalf, and holy mother Church, with the spiritual sword, which may strike them wisely, and wound them medicinably, for their health and welfare: and namely William Swynderby Priest (so pretending himself to be) as a teacher of such kind of pernicious doctrine, 
Anno. 1391.  and an horrible seducer amongst the people: to whom personally appearing before us on the wednesday to wit, the 14. of the month of june, in the parish Church of Kington of our diocese, in the year of our Lord. 1391. he being vehemently defamed to us of heresy, schism and his perverse doctrines both manifest and privy: we therefore have caused many cases and articles concerning the catholic faith to be ministered unto him, that he should answer to the same at a day and place for him meet and convenient, of his own choice and free-will: that is to say, on the Friday, being the last of the same month of june, next following assigned to him, at the Church of Bodenhame of the same our diocese. Of which cases and articles exhibited unto us, by many of Christ's faithful people, 
* Such as were in Queen Mary's days, as john Beard, john Auales, Robin Papist, and other like murderers. Lord, Lord, a larine word of their own making. The denunciation of the promoters to the B. of Hereford.  zealous followers of the catholic faith to make information to our office (which cases and articles also were by us administered, as is before said, to the same William Swinderby) the tenor thereof followeth, and is thus.  
¶ Reverend father and high Lord, Lord john. by god's sufferance bishop of Hereford: It is lamentably declared to your reverend fatherhood on the behalf of Christ's faithful people your devout children of your diocese of Herford that notwithstanding the misbelief of very many lollards, which hath to long a time sprung up here in your diocese, there is newly come a certain child of wickedness, named William Swinderby: who by his horrible persuasions & mischievous endeavours, and also by his open preachings and private teachings, doth pervert as much as in him is the whole ecclesiastical state, and stirreth up with all his possible power, schism between the clergy and the people. And that your reverend fatherhood may be the more fully informed, who and what manner of man the same William Swinderby is: there be proposed and exhibited hereafter to the same your fatherhood on the behalf of the same faithful people of Christ, against the same William Swinderby, cases and articles. Which if the same William shall deny, them shall the same cases and articles most evidently be proved against him by credible witness worthy of belief, & by other lawful proof and evidences to the end that those being proved, the same fatherhood of yours, may do and ordain therein, as to your pastoral office belongeth.  

Matter articulated against W. Swinderby.  ¶ In primis, the same William Swinderby pretending himself priest, was openly and publicly convicted of certain articles and conclusions being erroneous, schismatical, and heretical, preached by him at divers places and times before a multitude of faithful christian people. And the same Articles and conclusions did he by force of law revoke and abjure, some as heretical, and some as erroneous and false. Aduouching and believing them for such, as that from thenceforth he would never preach, teach, or affirm openly or privily any of the same conclusions. And if by preaching or avouching he should presume to do the contrary: that then he should be subject to the severity of the Canons, accordingly as he did take a corporal oath, judicially upon the holy Gospels.  
2. Also the conclusions, which by the same William were first openly taught and preached, and afterward abjured & revoked as is aforesaid: are contained before in the process of the B. of Lincoln, even as they be there written word by word. And for the cases and articles, they were consequently exhibited by the forenamed faithful christian people against the said William Swinderby together, with the conclusions before said, & hereafter written: of which cases and articles, the tenor hereof ensueth.  
3. Item, the said William, contrary to the former revocation & abjuration, not converting to repentance, but perverted from ill to worse, and given up to a reprobate sense came into your diocese, where, he running about in sundry places hath presumed to preach or rather to pervert and to teach of his own rashness many heretical, erroneous, blasphemous, and other slanderous things contrary and repugnant to the sacred Canons and the determination of the holy Catholic Church. What those things were, at what place and what time, it shall hereafter more particularly be declared.  
Item, the same William, notwithstanding your commandments and admonitions sealed with your seal, & to all the Curates of your diocese directed: containing amongst other things, that no person of what state, degree, or condition soever he were, should presume to preach or to teach or else expound the holy scripture to the people, either in hallowed or profane places, within your diocese, with out sufficient authority, by any manner of pretence that could be sought, as in the same your letters monitory & of inhibition (the tenor whereof hereafter ensueth) is more largely contained: which letters the same William did receive into his hands, & did read them word by word in the town of Monemouth of your diocese, in the year of our Lord .1390. so that these your letters and the contents thereof came to true and undoubted knowledge of the same William: yet notwithstanding hath the same William presumed in divers places and times to preach within the same your diocese, after and against your commandment aforesaid. The tenor of the same letters before mentioned followeth and is this. 
The letter monitory of the B. of Hereford inhibiting to preach without his licence.   
IOhn by the sufferance of God Bishop of Hereford, to the dean and Chapter of our Church of Hereford, and to all and singular Abbots, Priors, provosts, Deans rural, Parsons and vicars of Monasteries, Priores Churches, Colleges and Parishes, and to other having cure of souls within the City and diocese of Herford, and to all and every other being within the same City and diocese. Greeting, grace, and blessing. Forasmuch as the golden laurel of teaching doctoral, is not from above indifferently every man's gift, neither is the office of preaching granted, save to such as are called, and especially by the Church admitted thereunto: we do admonish and require you all and singular Clerks aforesaid, and do straightly enjoin you all in the virtue of holy obedience, that you nor any of you do admit any man to preach or to teach the Catholic faith, saving such as the same office of preaching shall by the authority Apostolical or else your Bishop be specially committed unto: but that as much as in you shall lie, you do by word and deed, labour to let those that would attempt the contrary. And you Lords, Ladies, Knights, Barons, Esquires, 
Would God both th●● and 〈◊〉 did bew●● of that ●●uen.  and all and singular persons, of what estate, degree, pre-eminence, or condition soever ye be, remaining within the city and diocese of Herford, we do beseech and exhort in our lord that following the words of our saviour, you beware of the leaven of the Phariseis.  
Item according to the saying of the Apostle, be not ye carried away with divers and strange doctrines: and that in the mean while (as saith the Apostle) you be not removed from the sense of the holy ancient fathers, lest that any man by any means should seduce you, but you agreeing together in one mind see that you honour God with one mouth. But if any man to whom that thing is not specially (as is aforesaid) committed, shall attempt to instruct or in this your life to direct you into the Catholic faith do ye deny to give them audience, and refuse you to be present at their assembles and shun ye their teachings, because they be wicked and perverse. And as for us we will not omit to proceed according to the sacred Canons and precepts of the holy fathers, against such as do the contrary. Dated at London in the house of our habitation under our seal, the last day save one of December, in the year of our Lord, 1389. and of our consecration the first.  
5. Item, the same William in his preaching to the people, on Monday being the first of August, in the year of our Lord 1390. in the parish of Whitney of your diocese, did hold and affirm: That no Prelate of the world of what estate, pre-eminence or degree so ever he were of, having cure & charge of soul, he being in deadly sin, & hearing the confession of any under his hand in giving him absolution, doth nothing: As who neither doth lose him from his sin, nor in correcting or excommunicating him for his demerits doth bind him by his sentence, 
That is one of Wiclives blemishes.  except the prelate shall be free himself from deadly sin, as S. Peter was, to whom our Lord gave power to bind and lose.  
6. Item the same William in many places said & affirmed in the presence of many faithful christian people, that after the sacramental words uttered by the priest having the purpose to consecrate: there is not made the very body of Christ in the sacrament of the altar.  
7. Item, that accidencies cannot be in the sacrament of the altar without a subject: 
Bread he● m●aneth a● substance.  and that there remaineth material bread there to such as be partakers communicant with the body of Christ, in the same sacrament.  
8. Item, that a priest being in deadly sin, cannot be able by the strength of the sacramental words, to make the body of Christ, or bring to perfection any other sacrament of the Church, neither yet to minister it to the members of the Church.  
9 Item, that all priests are of like power in all things, notwithstanding that some of them, in this world● are of higher and greater honour, degree, or pre-eminence.  
10. Item, that only contrition putteth away sin, if so be that a man shall be duly contrite: and that, all auricular and outward confession is superfluous, and not requisite of necessity to salvation.  
11. Item, inferior Curates have not their power of hynding and losing immediately from the pope or Bishop, but immediately from Christ. And therefore, neither can the pope nor bishop, revoke to themselves such kind of power, when they see time and place at their lust and pleasure.  
12, Item, that the pope cannot grant such kind of annual & yearly pardons, because there shall not be so many years to the day of judgement, as are in the Pope's bulls or pardons contained. Whereby it followeth that the pardons are not of such like value as they speak of, & praised to be.  
13. Item, it is not in the pope's power to grant unto any person penitent, forgiveness of the punishment or of the fault.  
14. Item, that person that giveth his alms to any, which in his judgement is not in necessity, doth sin in so giving it.  
15. Item, that it stands not in the power of any Prelate, of what religion soever he be of, privately to give letters for the benefit of his order, neither doth such benefit granted, profit them to the salvation of their soul, to whom they be granted.  
16. Item, that the same William unmindful of his own salvation, hath many and oftentimes come into a certain desert wood, called Derualdwood of your diocese, & there in a certain chapel not hallowed, or rather in a profane cottage: hath in contempt of the keys, presumed of his own rashness to celebrate, nay rather to prophanate.  
17. Item, the same William hath also presumed to do such things in a certain profane Chapel being situate in the park of Newton nigh to the town of Leintwarbin of the same your diocese.  
Upon Friday being the last of the month of june, in the year abovesaid, about 6 of the clock, in the said parish Church of Bodenhone, hath the said William Swinderby personally appeared before us. And he willing to satisfy the term to him assigned as before specified, hath read out, word by word before all the multitude of faithful christian people, many answers made and placed by the same William (in a certain paper book of the sheet folded into four parts) to the said Articles, and the same answers for sufficient hath he really to us exhibited, avouching them to be agreeable to the law of Christ. Which thing being done the same William (without any more with him) did depart from our presence, because that we, at the instance of certain noble personages, had promised to the same William free access, that is to wit, on that day for the exhibiting of those answers, and also free departing without prefixing of any term, or without citation, or else any other offence or harm in body or in goods.  
¶ As for the tenor of the same answers, exhibited unto them by the same William, as is before specified: we have here under annexed word for word, and in the same old language, used at that time, when it was exhibited. And followeth in these words.  

The protestation of William Swinderby with his answers to the articles by the promoters, laid against him to the bishop of Herford, taken out of the Registers in the same old English wherein he wrote it.  

To● protestation of W. Swinderby with his answers.  IN the name of God amen. I William Swinderby priest unworthy, coventing and purposing wholly with all my hart to be a true christian man, with open confession knowledging mine own defaults and unwise deeds: making openly this protestation, cleping god to record here before our worshipful Bishop john, through the sufferance of God Bish. of Herford, with witness of all this people: that it is not mine intent any thing to say or affirm, to maintain or to defend that is, contrary to holy writ, against the belief of holy church, or that should offend the holy determination of Christ's Church, or the true sentences of holy doctors. And if I have here before through mine uncunning, been unordered, or by evil counsel been deceived, or any thing said, preached, holden, maintained or taught contrary to the law of God: wholly and fully for that time for now and ever with full will I revoke it and withdraw it, as every christian man should: Praying and beseeching ●che christian man, to whom this writing shall come to, that give I ought err (as God forbidden that I do) or ever erred in any point, contrary to holy writ, that it be had and holden of them, as for thing nought said. And all the troths that I have said according with the law of God, that they maintain them, and stand by them for life or death to God's worship, as a true Christian man should, submitting me meekly to the correction of our Bishop that here is, or of any other christian man, after Christ's laws and holy writ: in will ever ready to be amended, and with this protestation I say and answer to these conclusions and articles that here followen after, the which been put to me to answer to.  

1. Objection.  The first is this: that I William of Swinderby pretending (he saith) myself a priest, was judicially convented of certain articles, & conclusions of error, false schismatic & heresy, by me in divers places & times preached (he saith) before multitudes of the true christian men: & the s●●e articles and conclusions by need of law revoked & for sworn some as heresies, and some as errors and false: & such I affirmed and veleved them to be. And that none of them from that time forth I should preach, teach, or affirm, openly or privily, ne that I should make no sermon to the people, ne preach but by lawful leave asked and gotten. And if I would presume in doing or affirming the contrary then to the severity of the law, I should be buxom, as by need of the law I swore.  
To this I say, witnessing God that is in heaven, to my wit and understanding, that I never preached, held, ne taught these conclusions and articles, the which falsely of Friars were put upon me, and of lecherous priests to the Bishop of Lincoln. For I was ordained by process 
* Yet said, that is, before said. Witnesses with W. Swinderby. 13. priests, & 30. other with the letter of the mayor of Leicester, and burgesses with 12. scales.  yet said, of their law, by the bishop and his commissaries, so as I granted them to bring my purgation of 13. priests of good same. And so I did, with a letter, & 12. scales thereby, from the Mayor of Leycester, and from true burgesses and 30. men to witness with me, as the Duke of Lancaster knew and heard, the Earl of Derby, and other many great men that were that time in the town, that I never said them, taught them, ne preached them. But when I should have made my purgation, there stooden forth five friars or more, that some of them never saw me before, we heard me, 
The chastity of Votaries to be noted.  and three lecherous priests openly known, some living in their lechery xx. year (men saiden) or more as by their children was openly known. Some of these they clepinden, denounciations, and some weren cleped comprobations, that weren there falsely forsworn, they suing busily and crying with many an other Friar, with great instance to give the doom, upon me, to burn me & boughten dry wood before, as men tolden in that town: & these sleights, and swearing, and money giving, as men faiden, with favour of the bishop (by what law I wot not, but soothly not by God's law) they saiden they held me as convicted, and might not have forth my purgation. So as I fully forsook them, and never granted that I said them. Over this they made me swear never to hold them, teach them, ne preach them, privily ne apertly: and that I would go to certain Churches to revoke the conclusions that I never said, in slander of myself, by great instance of the Friars. And so for dread of death and for fleshly counsel that I had, I assented, and so I did. And also they maden me to swear, that I should not preach (by instance of the Friars) within that diocese, withouten licence asked & granted, and never sithen I did. And now the same conclusions been rehearsed to me again: whether by friars counsel I will not dame, God wots, but in slander of me it is: and therefore I will answer now (with God's help) to the conclusions. Of the which the first is this.  
That men mown asken their debts by charity, 
1. Conclusion.  but in no manner for debt to imprison any man: and that he so emprisoning, is accursed.  
So I said not: but thus I have said, 
Answer. How debt is to be pursued.  and yet say with protestation put before: that who so pursues his brother with malice, prisoneth him cruelly for debt without mercy that fain would pay it if he might: he sinneth against Christ's teaching, estote misericordes, sicut pater vester misericors est.  
The second conclusion, 
2. Conclusion.  that false Friars and lecherous priests putten upon me was this: that if the parochiens know her Curate to been a lecher, incontinent, and an evil man: they owen to withdraw from him tithe, and else they been fautors of his sins.  
Thus I said not but on this wise, 
Answer.  and yet I say with protestation put before: that if it be known openly to the people, that persons or Curates come to her benefice by simony, and liven in notory fornication, and done not their office & her duties to her parochiens by good ensample of holy life, in true preaching, living & residence, wending away from his cure, occupied insecular office: he owes nought to have of the parochiens, tithes, ne offerings, ne hemowes not to hold him for her Curate, nigh hemowes not to given him tithes, left they been guilty to GOD of consent and maintaining of her open sin. Nemo militans deo, implicat se negotijs secularibus. 1. q. 1. ca quisquis per pecuniam, & dist. 8 o. ca Siquis.  
The third conclusion was this, 
3. Conclusion.  that friars and priests putten upon me, that tithes purely been almesses: And in case that curates been evil men, they mown leefully be given to othermen, by temporal Lords, and other temporalties been done away from men of the Church, actually and openly trespassing.  
This I said not in these terms, 
Answer.  but thus I say with protestation made before: that it were meedful and leeful to secular Lords by way of charity, and power given to him of God, in default of prelate's that amend not by gods law, cursed curates that openly misusen the goods of holy church, that been poor men's goods and customably against the law of God: the which poor men, Lords been holden to maintain and defend, to take away & withdraw from such curates, poor men's goods, the which they wrongfully holden in help of the poor, and their own wilful offerings, and their bodily alms deeds, and give them to such that duly serve God in the Church, and been needy in upbearing of the charge that prelate's shoulden do, and done it not. Alter alterius onera portate & sic adimplebitis legem Christi. And as anent taking away of temporalties I say thus with protestation made before: that it is leeful to Kings, Princes, Dukes, and Lords of the world to take away fro pope's, Cardinals, fro Bishops and prelate's, possessions in the Church, their temporalties, and their alms that they have given them, upon condition they shoulden serve God the better, when they verily seen that their giving and their taking been contrary to the law of God, to Christ's living and his Apostles: and namely in that, that they taken upon them (that shoulden be next followers of Christ and his Apostles in poorness & meekness) to be secular Lords: against the teaching of Christ and Saint Peter, Luc. xxii. Reges gentium. Et. 1. Pet. 5. Neque dominantes in clero. And namely when such temporalties maken them the more proud, both in hart and in array, than they shoulden been else, more in strife and debate against peace and charity, and in evil ensample to the world more to be occupied in worldly business. Omnem solicitudinem proiicientes in eum. And draws them from the service of God, from edifying of Christ's Church, in impoverishing and making less the state and the power of kings, princes Dukes, and Lords that God hath set them in: in wrongful oppression of commons for unmightfulnes of realms. For Paul saith to men of the Church (whose lore, Prelates shoulden soverainly followen) Habentes victum, & vestitum, hiis contenti simus.  

4. Conclusion.  The fourth conclusion is this, that Friars and priests putten upon me falsely: that an evil Curate cursing his  
Soget for withholding of tithes, is nought else, but to take with extortion wickedly and unduly money from them.  
Thus said I not, but thus I said, and yet do with pro testation made before: 
Answer. Here may you see the falsehood of the papists gathering articles against good men, which they never said nor meant.  that an evil Curate cursing his parochiens, unmighty to pay their tithing, with vengeance without pity, for his singular worldly winning against charity, and not for heed of their souls, there he is hold by his power reasonably to help his needy parochiens, and doth nought of the goods of the Church: wickedly and unduly he withholds from them, that which is due to them by the law of God. Dimittite & dimittetur vobis: date, & dabitur vobis: verùm mihi vindictam, & ego retribuam, dicit dominus.  

5. Conclusion.  The fift conclusion is this, that Friars and Priests falsely putten upon me: that no man may curse any man, but if he were were him cursed of God, ne the comers with him rennen not into sentence of cursing in any manner.  
Thus said I not, but thus I said, and say with protestation put before: 
Answer.  that no man ought to curse any man, but for charity and with charity. Omnia vestra cum charitate fiant. And sikerly I say, that no wrongful cursing of Pope or any Prelate in earth, binds 
* Against.  anent God, but when they wrongfully and wittingly cursen men, for that men will not do their singular will, unreasonable bidding, with highness of hart and cruelty (standing patience and charity in them that they cursen wrongfully) he is blessed of almighty God, and they themself been cursed. Math. 5. Beati eritis cum maledixerint homines. etc. Et in Psalmo: Maledicent illi, et tu benedices Et Augustinus. xi. q. iij chap. illud.  

6. Conclusion.  The sixth conclusion is this, that Friars and priests putten upon me falsely: that each Priest may assoil him that sinneth, contrition had: and notwithstanding forbiddinges of the Bishop, is 
* Holden, that is, bound. Answer.  holden to preach to the people the Gospel.  
Thus I said not, but thus I said, and yet say with protestation made before: that each true Priest may counsel sinful men, that shown to him her sins, after the wit and cunning that God had given him, to turn fro sin to virtuous life. And as touching preaching of the Gospel, I say that no B. owes to let a true priest, that god had given grace, wit, and cunning to do that office: for both Priests and Deacons, that God had ordained Deacons and Priests, been holden by power given hem of God to preach to the people the Gospel, and namely & somely, pope's, bishops, prelate's, and curates: For this is due to the people and parochiens, for to have and ask of 'em, and they duly and freely owen to done it: Math. 5. Luke. 5. Ite, ecce ego mitto vos Et Math. 16. Euntes in mundum universum. Et Math 5. Euntes autem praedicate. Et dist. 21. ca In novo testamento. Et Ysidor. de summo bono. 44. Et Chrisost. distinct, 34 ca Nolite. Et August. distinct. 34 ca Quisquis. Et Greg in suo pastorali ca 38. Et in Tollitano. ca ignorantia Et jerom. distinct. 95. ca Ecce Ego.  

7. Conclusion.  The 7. conclusion is this, that Friars and Priests falsely putten upon me, that a Priest taking any thing for annual, through covenant: in that, he is schismatic & cursed.  
This said I, 
Auns●re.  never in these terms: But thus I said, & yet say with protestation put before: that no Priest owes to sell by bargaining and covenant, his ghostly travail, ne his masses, ne his prayers, ne God's word, ne hallowings, baptism, ne confirming, order giving, for a codinges, for Christ, for housel, or for ennoynting, any worldly men's reward to ask or take for these or for any of there, or for any ghostly thing, he errs and doth simony. Vt patet 1. q. 2. ca Nullus. Et ex consilio Triburenti. capit. Dictum est. Et Christus in evangelio vendentes, et ementes eiecit de templo. Math. 22.  
The viii. 
8. Conclusion.  conclusion is this, that Friars and priests putten unto me falsely, saying that I believe sadly as my tell says: that each priest being in deadly sin, yet he put him to make Christ's body, rather he does idolatry then makes it.  
Thus said I not, 
Answer.  but thus I said, and yet say with a protestation put before: that what Priest that puts himself presumptuously and unworthily in deadly sin, wittingly to minister and to receive that holy sacrament, and so records hit cursedly and damnably, he receives his doom. Qui manducat et bibit indignè, judicium sibi manducat & bibit 1. Corin. 11.  
The ix. 
9 Conclusion.  conclusion is this, that Friars & Priests falsely putten upon me: that no Priests entries into any house but evil for to treat the wife, the daughter, or the wench: and therefore they saiden, that I prayed the people that their husbands should beware, that they suffer no priest to enter into her house.  
And if I had said thus, 
Answer.  than I had prayed against myself, for I come oft into men's houses: But thus I said, and yet I do, praying christian men to beware that they nourish nor maintain no lecherous Priests in their sins: for there be where (as men well known) they been maintained in many places, continuing homely with her women And ich man there sayne they pain therefore a certain to the B. alms. Et ideo ait Ysido. 11. q. 4. Qui consentit peccantibus & defendit alium delinquentem, maledictus erit apud deum & homines.  
The x. 
10. Conclusion.  conclusion is this, that Friars and priests putten upon me falsely: that a child is not verily baptized, if the priest that baptiseth, the godfather, or the godmother, been in deadly sin.  
God wots in heaven they said full false: 
Answer  but thus I said and yet I say: that the prayers that an evil Priest prays (living in lechery or other deadly sin) over the child when it shallbe hollowed, been not acceptable to God as ben the prayers of a good priest. And the better & clenner the priest is, the Godfather, and the godmother: the more graciously God will hear him, if all they been not greatest nor most rich in this world. unde gg. xiij. q. seven. cap. in gravibus. Cum is qui displicet ad intercedendum peccator admittitur, irati animus proculdubio ad deteriora provocatur.  
The xi. 
11. Conclusion.  conclusion is this, that Friars and priests putten upon me falsely: that no man, living against the law of God is a priest, how ever he were ordained Priest of any Bishop.  
Certes this is false, for I said never thus in these terms: but thus I said, 
Answer  and thus I say with a protestation put before, that what every pope, or Cardinal, Bishop or Priest, or any Prelate of the Church comes to his state or dignity by Simony, & in simony occupies that office, & holy churches goods: I say that he is a thief, and that by the doom of God, and comes but to steal and kill. job. 10. Fur non venit nisi ut furetur, & mactet, & pardat. And furthermore I say, that what Pope, Cardinal, Bishop, prelate, or priest, in manner of living, or teaching, or laws making contrary to Christ's living and his laws, or any other ground put in ruling of the church of Christ, but by Christ & his laws: 
The true description who was Antichrist.  is very Antichrist, adversary to jesus Christ and his Apostles. Aliud fundamentum nemo potest ponere, praeter id quod positum est, quod est Christus. Et patet 1. q. 3. c. Si quis Et 1. q. 6. c. Ego autem. Quicunque.  
But this worshipful father B. of Hereford, that here is, says thus in his writing: that I William of Swinderby, notwithstanding the foresaid revocation and abjuration (not setting at hart, but from evil to worse he says perverted so his diocese) he says I come running about by divers places: and by mine own folly he says that I have presinner to preach many heresies, errors, blasphemies, schisms, and other diffavies, and to holy canons and determination of holy church contrary and repugnant, which where & when within forth more specially it shallbe showed, that ye be false informed that I have presumed in divers places in your diocese to preach heresies, errors, blasphemies, schisms and other diffames. And sir, all the country knows whether this be sooth or not: for sire I presum not, sithen it is the office of a priest, by the law of Christ to preach the Gospel? ne nought I did it for presumption, but for the charge that I have of God by priesthood (if all I be unworthy) & to the worship of God, & help of christian souls, freely without gathering of her goods for my preaching. If I erred in this, I will be amended. And sir touching your mandment that ye senden to me, there was sent none. And sir I made never yet disobedience unto you, ne to your ministers: & yef all I had, me owes more to obeyche to God thou to you, in that that ye bidden contrary to Christ's bidding. And sir as ye sayne, that I had no mind of my hele, it is to lightly demet: for God forbidden, but yef there lie hele more than in your bidding. For God w●t for hele I did it, of mine and of the people, and that was in any mind. But sir it seems me that ye charge not by evidence of the punishing so greatly the breaking of God's hests, as ye done of your own. And sir if it be your will, in default that the people wanted, you to teach 'em (and her curates did not) by the desire of the people that weren hungry and thirsty after gods word, ichone to bear up others charge as gods law bids: I preached, not for disobedience to you, but sir in fulfilling of the obedience that God's law bids me do in excusing of myself to you of that ye blame me of, in open showing to holy Church, with y protestation that I first made, I answer thus to the Articles that ye have put to me.  

1. Article.  The first is this, that I William of Swinderby, the Monday the first of August, the year of our Lord. 1390. 
Anno. 1390.  preaching to the people in the Church of Whitney of your Diocese, held and affirmed (as ye sayne) that no Prelate of the world, of what state or degree that he be, having cure of souls, being in deadly sin, and hearing confession of his subject, 
Note here how the papists use falsely to wrastlegood nes sayings and articles  does nought in assoiling him, ne he assoiles him not of his sin: and also in amending his subject openly sinning and him for his deserts cursing, his sentence binds nor, but if that Prelate be as clean out of deadly sin as was S. Peter, to whom our Lord gave power of binding and unbinding.  

Answer.  I never thought this ne spoke this, ne heard it to the time that I saw it written in our book, and that will witness the Lord of the town that has the same sermon written, and many gentiles and other that hearden me that day: But thus I said, and thus I say with protestation put before: that there is no man, 
The pope's binding how far it extendeth.  Pope, ne bishop, prelate ne Curate, that binds sooth, verily and ghostly, but in as much as his binding or unbinding accords with the keys of heaven that God gave to Peter. And as S. Gregory says that power han they only, that hold together the ensample of the apostles with here teaching. Illi soli in hac carne positiligandi atque soluendi potestatem habent, 
Greg. lib. 4. 〈◊〉.  sicut sancti Apostoli qui eorum exempla simul cum doctrina tenent: gg. li. quarto sententiarum.  

Article.  The second article that is put upon me, is this, that I should have said, preached, & affirmed in many places before many true men of Christ: 
And what if he had said it?  that after the Sacramental words said of the priest, having intention of consecration: That in the Sacrament of God's body, is not very God's body.  

Answer.  This said I never God wot, and true men that have heard me.  

3. Article.  The third article is this, that our bishop puts upon me, that I should have said in many places, and affirmed, that accidents mow not be in the sacrament of the altar without subject, and that material bread leaves not therewith God's body in the sacrament.  

Answer.  This conclusion I have not held, ne taught, ne preached: for I have not meddled me of that matter, my wit sufficeth not thereto. But here I tell my belief with protestation put before: that the Sacrament of the altar made by virtue of heavenly words, 
Bread and Christ's body in the sacrament.  that Christ himself said in the Cene, when he made this sacrament, that it is bread & christes body, so as Christ himself says in the Gospel, & S. Paul says, and as Doctors in the common law have determined to this sentence. Math. 26. Mar. 14. Lu. 22. Pa. 1. Cor. 10. & 11. de con. distinct. 2. panis: & de consecra. dist. 2. Corpus. john. 6 verus panis.  

4. article.  The 4. article is this, that our Bishop accuseth me of, that I should have preached about and said: that a Priest being in deadly sin, may not by the strength of the Sacramental words make gods body, or none other Sacrament of the Church, either perform to minister them to members of the same.  

Answer. The wickedness of the priest impaureth no sacrament.  Thus I never said, thought it, preached it, ne taught it for well I wots, the wickedness of a Priest may appair no very sacrament: but the wickedness of the Priest appayres himselfen, and all that boldness & example of his sin causen the people to liven the worse against God's law. unde Greg. Et si sacerdos in peccatis fuerit, totus populus ad peccandum convertitur.  
The 5. 
5. Article.  article is this, that our bishop puts unto me: that all priests been of even power in all things, not withstanding that some of this world been of higher dignity or more passing in highness of degree.  
Certes no man would say thus as I suppose, 
Answer. Equality of priests.  no more did I, ne never heard it that I wots of: But this I say with protestation made before, that what Priest lives most holily next following the law of God, he is most lover of God, and most profitable to the Church. If men speak of world lie power and Lordships and worships, with other vices that raignen therein, what Priest that desires and has most hereof (in what degree so he be) he is most Antichrist of all the priests that been in earth. 
Aug ad Valerius.  unde Augustinus ad Valerium scribens ait. Nihil est in hac vita, & maximè hoc tempore facilius & levius, & hominibus acceptabilius, Episcopi, praensbiteri aut decani officijs: sed si profunctoriè aut adulatoriè, nihil apud Deum miserabilius aut tristius & damnabilius.  
The sixth Article is this, 
6. Article.  that only contrition does away sin, if a man be duly contrite: and all outward confession by word is superfluous and not requiret of need of health.  
This conclusion said I never that I know of. 
Answer.  But thus I say with protestation put before, that very contrition of hart, 
Confession.  that is never without charity and grace: does away all sins before done of that man that is verily contrite. And all true confession made by mouth outward to a wise priest, and a good, profiteth much to man, and it is needful & helping that men show their life to such, 
God forgiveth sin. Aug. de conse. dist. 4.  trusting full to god's mercy, and that he forgeues thy sin. unde August. de conse. distict. 4. Nemo tollit peccata mundi nisi solus Christus qui est agnus, tollens peccata mundi.  
The 7. article is this, 
7. Article.  that I should say that lower curates have not here power of binding & assoiling, by mean of pope and bishop, but of Christ without money. And there fore neither pope ne bishop may revoke such manner power for time and place at her will. 
Answer.   
Thus said I not, but 
* Not for ●hy, that is, notwithstanding.  not for thy it seems me thus, that no man should grant any thing after his own will, ghostly, ne bodily. But everich man should be well adviser, that he grant nothing but if it be the will of God that he so grant it. And it is no doubt that ne God grants 
* Some thing here lacket in the copy.  by mean persons, as does Antichrist to torment Christ's people. unde & joh. 19 ait Pilatus Nessis quia potestatem habeo dimittere te Et Christus. Non haberes potestatem adversum me ullam, nisi esset tibi datum desuper.  
The 8. article that our bishop puts me to, 
8. Article.  is this: that I should say that the pope may not grant such manner indulgence of years, for there shall not be so many years unto the day of doom, as bene contained in his bulls, or in the Pope's indulgences: whereof it follows that indulgences been not so much worth as they semen and been preached.  
This article I said not thus: 
Answer.  but I say that the Pope may grant indulgences written in his letter of years, all so far forth that he may grant him in God's law, so far to grant, and farther not: years may he grant no more than God hath set. 
Against pardons  If indulgence been forgiveness of sin, I wots well all only God forgeues sin. If it be releasing of pains in Purgatory ordeiner of God, if God have bidden him release so many, or ordained that be should release so many, he may then release him: if it be in his own disposing to release whom him likes, & how much, than he may destroy Purgatory and let none come there and release his own pain, as charity wottes. So it seems he may be liker to be saved, if himself list. If any go to Purgatory, them it seems he full fails charity. If Bulls been the indulgence that men bringen from the Court, then been they not so much worth, as they costen there: for lightly they might be lost, drenched, or burnt, or a rat might eaten them: his indulgence then were lost. Therefore sir have me excuser, I know not these terms: teach me these terms by God's law, and truly I will learn 'em.  
The 9 Article is this that I should have said: 
9 Article.  that it is not in the pope's power to grant to any man (doing penance) remission from pain, ne from blame.  
Lewd I am, but this Article said I not thus lewdly: But thus I say, 
The pope proved a blasphemer.  that sithen it is only due to God to give and to grant plenary remission from pains & from blame: that what ever he be, Pope or other, that presumptuously mistakes upon him that power that is only due to God: in that (in as much as in him is) he makes himself Christ, & blasphemeth in God, as Lucifer did, when he said: Ascendam & ero similis altissimo. Farther I say, if the Pope hold men of arms, in maintaining his temporalties & Lordship to venge him on 'em that gilten & offenden him, and gives remission to fight & to slay 'em that contraryen hem, 
Of this Henry Spenser B. of Norwich see the pag 428.  as men saiden he did by the bishop of Norwich, not putting his sword into his sheath, as God commanded Peter. Mitte. etc. he is Antichristus, for he does contrary to the commandments of jesus, that bad Peter forgive to his brother seventy scythe seven scythe. Si peccaverit in me frater meus, quotiens demittam ei? Septies? etc. Et Christus: non dico tibi septies, sed septuagesies septies.  

10 Article.  The 10. Article is this, that our Bishop puts to me that I should have said: that a man giving his alms to any man after his doom (not having need) sins, in so giving,  

Answer.  This article soothly I said not in these terms: But of this matter I have spoken, & will with protestation made before on this wise: that it is meedful to give alms to ich man that asketh it bodily or ghostly, 
He meaneth of begging friars.  but not to give to ich shameless beggar, strong & mighty of body, to get his lifeloode levefull & will not, in what degree so he be, men owen not to give it to such a one, that he unreasonably asketh, for if he give it to him wittingly, he sins as fautor of his idleness. unde Sap. 12. Si benefeceris, scito cui benefeceris, & erit gloria in bonis tuis multa.  

11. Article.  The 11. Article is this, that is put to me, that I should have said, that it is not in the power of any prelate of what ever private Religion, to grant letters of the good deeds of her order, ne such benefices grauntet profits not to hele of souls to 'em that they ben grauntet to. 
Answer.   
I said never thus i●●hese terms: but thus I say with protestation, that prelate's of private religion mown grant letters of the good deeds of her order: But the ghostly meed that comes of good deeds, 
Good deeds of the order profit nothing.  they mow not grant, for that is only propriet to God. And if they blind, the people in misbelief for her worldly winning, wittingly behetting 'em of her own grant ghostly medes in heaven by her letters and her seal (uncertain, who shall be damned) but make the people bolder to sin by trust of her prayers: hit is none heal to the souls, but harms to that one & to that other. For God shall yield to eachone after here works. Ipse reddet unicuique secundum opera suay  

12. Article.  The 12. Article is this: that our Bishops puts to me, that I money times and oft have come (he says) to a desert wood, cleped Derwaldswode of his diocese: and there in a Chapel not hallowed, 
Or shepcotte.  but accurset*shepherds' hulk, by mine own folly he says have presumed to sing (but rather to curse) in contempt of the keys. 
Answer.   
Hereto I say, that this is falsely put upon me of 'em that told you this. 
The accusers proved with a lie.  For it is a chapel where a priest sings certain days in the year, with great solemnity: and certes I never song therein seth I was borne into this world.  

13. Article.  The 13. Article is this, that I should also presume to sing in an unhallowet Chapel, that stondes in the park of Newton, 
another lie.  besides the town of Leyntwardy of this same Diocese.  
Truly I wots not where the place stondes.  

Answer. 14. Article.  The 14. Article is this, that I should say that no man owes to swear for any thing, but simply withouten oath to affirm or to deny, and if he swear he sins.  

Answer.  This article said I not that I have mind of, in this manner: But oft I have said and yet will, that men should not swear by any creature by the law of God, and that no man should swear in idle, 
To swear by no creature.  as well nigh all the people useth, & therefore me thinks it is no need to comfort the people in swearing. For from the old unto the young, & namely men of holy Church, breken his hest, and few bishops pursuen 'em therefore.  

15. Article.  The 15. Article is this, that I should have taught to true men of Christ, that on no manner they should worship the Image of him that was done on the cross, or the Image of the blessed maid his mother, or of other Saints into honour and worship of the same ordeinet in the mind of them. And oft scythes, the worshipper of such Image, he has reprovet, saying and strongly affirming, that Church men sin and done Idolatry.  
This conclusion have I not said in these terms. But this I say with protestation. 
Answer.  that God commands in his law in divers places. Exod. 20. levit. 19 & 26. Deut. 5. & 7. Tobiae 1. Baruc. 6.2. ad Corin. 10. Esay. 45. jere. 2.6.8. & 10.22. & ultimo, 
Images not to be worshipped.  Sapient. 13. & 14. & 15. Mac. 5. & Threnorum 4. & postremo: that men should not worshippen graven Images that been works of men's hands: And also he bids that men should not make to hem graven Images in likeness of the things that been in heaven, to that end to worshippen hem: sethen neither God ne Christ by his manhood gave never commandment to make thes Images, ne express counsel, ne his Apostles in all his law, ne to worship such that been made. But well I wot, that by men's own relation that have misbelevet in hem, that many men sin in manmetry worshipping such dead Images: 
* Not for ● thy, that i●, notwithstanding.  Notforthy, to though men been Images good to whom they been but calendars, and through the sight of 'em they known the better and worshippen oft God and his Saints. And to such men they done harm that setten her hope and trust in hem or done any worship to 'em against God's law & his hest. unde ait Gregorius in Registro libro. 10. in Epistola ad Serenum Episcopum. Si quis imagines facere volverit, 
Greg. Regist. lib. 10.  minimè prohibe: adorare omnino prohibe. Sed hoc solicitè fraternitas tua admoneat, ut ex visione rei gestae, ardorem compunctionis percipiant, ut in adoratione totius trinitatis prosternantur.  
These conclusions, points, and articles that I have under protestation, in this book affirmed: I will stand by 'em, and maintain 'em (with the grace of almighty god) to the time that the contrary be provet duly by God's law: And this protestation I make for my faith and my belief as I did the beginning: that whensoever this worshipful or any other Christian man shows me verily by god's law the contrary of this, I will holy forsake 'em, and take me to the very troth and better understanding of wiser men, ready to be amended by the law of jesus Christ, and be a true Christian man & faithful son of holy church: And of these I beseech you all bear witness where ye comen.  
Subsequenter vero, 
W. Swinderby keeping himself from the B. was cited as followeth.  quia fide dignorum relatione recepimus, quod idem Gulielmus Swinderby latitabat, quo minus posset in propria person a citari, ipsum Gulielmum vijs & modis per Edictum publicum ad instar albi praetoris in Ecclesia nostra cathedrali Herfordensi & parochialibus ecclesijs de Kington Croste, & Whitney nostrae diocesis: ubi idem Gulielmus solebat commorari citari fecimus, prout & quemadmodum in modo citatorio continetur, cuius tenor sequitur in haec verba.   

¶ The Citation.  
IOhn by God's permission Bishop of Hereford, to his dear sons our Dean of Leamster, 
The teno● of the citation.  to the persons of Croft, Almaly, and Whitney, and also to the Vicars of Kingston, jardersley, Wiggemore, and Monmouth Clifford, and of S. john's altar in our cathedral Church of Hereford, and to the rest of the Deans, Parsons, Vicars, Chapleines, parish Priests, and to other, whosoever in any place are appointed through our city and diocese of Hereford: sendeth greeting, grace, and benediction.  
We bid and command, charging you straightly, in the virtue of holy obedience, that you cite or cause to be cited peremptorily (and under the pain of excommunication) William Swinderby, pretending himself to be a Priest: That he appear before us, or our Commissaries the 20. day of this present month of july, at North Lodebury, within our diocese, which the continuance of the days following in other places also to be assigned unto him if it be expedient, till such things as have been and shall be laid against him be fully discussed, to answer more at large to certain positions and articles, touching the Catholic faith, and the holy mother Churches determination, that have been exhibited and ministered unto the said William. And to see and hear also many things that have openly in judgement before us and a great number of faithful Christians by him been even in writing confessed, to be condemned as heretical, false, schismatical and erroneous. And to see and hear positions and Articles denied by the said William, to be proved by faithful witnesses and other lawful trials against the said William. And to receive for his false heretical, erroneous and schismatical doctrine that justice shall appoint, or else to show causes why the premises should not be done.  
And if the said William lieth privily, or else cannot be so cited in his proper person: we will that in your Churches when most people shall then come together to divine service, you openly with a loud voice, and that may be understanded, cause the said William peremptorely to be cited unto the premises: certifying the same William, that whether he shall appear the day and place appointed or no, we notwithstanding will proceed unto the premises against the said William according to the canonical decrees by form of law, in the absence or contumacy of the said William notwithstanding. We will moreover if the said William shall appear at the said day and place as is aforesaid before us, friendly hear him, and honestly, and favourably, as far as we may with God's leave, deal with him: granting free licence to come and to go for his natural liberty without any hurt either in body or goods. And see that you fully certify us of the things that you or any of you shall do about the execution of this our commandment, and that by your letters patents signed with your seal authentical: giving also faythsully to the said William or to his lawful Proctor, if he require it, a copy of this our present commandment.  
Given at our house of Whitburne under our seal the fift day of the month of july, in the year of our Lord. 1391.    

¶ The act of the first day.  
On Thursday, the xx. of july, in that year of the Lord aforesaid: 
The first sitting against W. Swinderby.  We in the parish church of North Lidebury afore said, about 6, of the clock, sitting in judgement, after that it was reported unto us how the foresaid William was personally taken and lawfully cited: Caused the said William then and there openly in judgement to be called out, 
Anno. 1391.  to do, hear and receive such things, whereto he was afore cited, & to do otherwise that which justice should persuade. And the said William appeared neither by himself, nor by proctor: but only by a servant (whose name we know not) he sent a certain schedule of paper, made like an indenture unto us to excuse him. After which schedule seen, read and with ripe deliberation weighed, and in any wise notwithstanding we adjudged the said William, after he was often called, & long even to the due hour tarried for, & by no means appearing: worthily for his obstinacy, & for his stubbornness assigned unto him the 29. day of july in the Church of Ponsley, to appear before us with the foresaid safeguard, to answer more fully to such articles, and otherwise to hear, receive, and do as before is noted.   

¶ The second days act.  

The 2. fitting against W. Swinderby.  Upon Saturday being the 29. of july, and in the year of the Lord aforesaid, we john by God's permission the fore remembered Bishop in the Church of Pontesbury, of our Diocese, at six of the clock, or there about, sitting in judgement: made the said William of Swinderby to be openly called, that (as was to him appointed and assigned) he should appear before us, to answer to the foresaid articles more fully and to declare the said articles as the darkness of his answers did worthily require. And that the said William being called, & long for a due time looked for, did make no means to appear: and so we pronounced him to be obstinate, and for his obstinatnes (to overcome his malice, & of our exceeding favour) thought good to appoint and did appoint the 8. of August, them next following, at Cleobury Mortemere of the same our diocese, unto the said William for the same thing.   

¶ The third days act.  
Upon Tuesday, 
The 3. sitting against W. Swinderby.  the 8. of August, the year aforesaid, I john by God's permission Bishop of Hereford aforesaid, in the Church of Cleobury Mor●emere, about 6. of the clock, sitting in judgement, caused the foresaid William Swinderby, to be called many times openly to do and receive about the premises, according to the appointment of the same day that justice should advise, which William did not appear at all. Whereupon, we after that the said William was called, and often proclaimed, and long looked for but not appearing at all, did judge him worthily (as of right appertained) obstinate: and for his obstinatnes, assigned him the 16. day of the same month of August next following, in the parish Church of Whithorne of the same our diocese, to bring forth, or to see brought forth, all laws, muniments, and other kinds of proofs, & to see also witnesses brought forth, admitted and sworn, by whom and which things we intent to prove the foresaid articles, or at least wise some of the same.   

¶ The fourth days act.  

The 4. sitting against W. Swinderby.  Upon wednesday the 16. day of the month of august the year aforesaid we john the bishop in the parish Church of Whithorn aforesaid of our diocese, sitting in judgement, caused the said William Swinderby often times to be called, who (as is aforesaid) appeared not at all: 
Of this process mention is made before pag. 465.  whom after that he was so called, proclaimed & long looked for, & yet by no means appearing, we pronounced to be obstinate. We received also by certain faithful Christians, and zealous men for the catholic faith of our diocese a certain process made and had at an other time against the same William, before the reverend father in God and Lord, Lord john by the grace of God, Bishop of Lincoln confirmed by the hanging on of the seal of the same reverend father, the Lord Bishop of Lincoln. The tenor whereof word for word is contained before. And these faithful Christians moreover against the obstinatenes of the said William Swynderby brought forth discreet men, M. William Leviet, parson of the parish Church of Kyuers●y, and also edmund Waterdon parish Chaplain of the Chapel of N. & Roger Newton, and Hugh Sheppert, lay men of the diocese of Lincoln, ask instantly that they might be received for witnesses, to prove some of the foresaid articles who against the obstinatenes of the said William Swinderby we thought good to receive and did receive, and their oaths to the holy Gospels of God being laid hands on corporally in our hand. And did diligently ●ramine them in proper person severally in form or law: whose sayings & depositions are afterward brought in, & at the instance of the same faithful Christians, we assigned the second day of September than next following, to the said William Swinderby, to say and allege against the said process: witnesses, and their sayings, in the said Church of Whythorne: decreeing, that a copy should be made for him of these things that were brought forth, and of the depositions of the witnesses. 
Here we fail in our copy, till the Register come to our hands again.  by the door, but wendith upon an other half, he is a night thief and a day thief. And there he relieth how he that ●ieth from their flock, is not the shepherd but an hired man, and it pertaineth not to him of the sheep.  
☞ To the second conclusion that he saien is error or heresy, 
2. Conclusion.  that toucheth taking away of the temporalties and of Lordships of priests that been evil livers.  
I say me seemeth that the conclusion is true, 
Declaration.  & is this: that it were meedful and leeful to secular Lords by way of charity, and by power given to them of God, in default of Prelates that amend nought by God's law: cursed Curates that openly misuse the goods of the holy Church, that been poor men's goods: and customably against the law of God, (the which poor men, Lords been holden to maintain and defend) to take away and to draw from such curates, poor men's goods in help of the poor, and their own wilful offerings, and their bodily almose deeds of worldly goods, and give them to such as duly serven God in the Church: and been ready in upbearing of the charge that prelates shoulden do and done it not. And as anences taking away of temporalties: 
Every 〈◊〉 upon 〈◊〉 is 〈…〉 the brea● 〈◊〉 very such condition.  I say thus, that it is leeful to Kings, to Princes, to Dukes, and to Lords of the world to take away from Popes, from Cardinals, from Bishops, Prelates, and possessioners in the Church, their temporalties, and their alms that they have given them upon condition, that they shoulden serve God the better: when they verily seen that their giving & taking been contrary to the law of God, contrary to Christ's living, and his Apostles, and namely in that that they taken upon them, that they shoulden be next followers of Christ & his apostles, in poorness and meekness, to be secular Lords against the teaching of Christ and of S. Peter. Truly me seemeth that all Christian men, and namely Priests shoulden take keep, that their doing were according with the law of god, either the old law either the new. The Priests of the old law wern forbidden, to have Lordships among their brethren, for God said, that he would be their part and their heritage. And Christ that was the highest Priest of the new Testament forsook worldly Lordship, and was here in form of a servant, and forbade his Priests such Lordships, and said, Reges gentium dominantur eorum. etc. vos autem non sic. That is. The kings of the heathen, bear dominion and rule. etc. But you shall not do so. And as Saint Peter sayeth. Neque dominantes in clero etc. Not bearing rule and dominion over the Clergy. etc. So it seemeth me: that it is against both laws of God, that they have such Lordships, and that their title to such lordships is not full good: And so it seemeth me, that zif they been thereto of evil lining, it is no great peril to take away from them, such Lordships but rather meedful, if the taking away were in charity, and not for singular covetousness ne wrath. And I suppose that if friars, 
If the pope may take from the Friars to cause them keep S. France's rule, may not the Emperor take from the pope to cause him keep Christ's rule?  that be bounden to their founders, to live in poverty, would break their rule and take worldly Lordships: might not men lawfully take from them such Lordships, and make them to live in poverty as their rule would? And forsooth it seemeth me, that Priests oughten also well to keep Christ's rule, as Friars own to keep the rule of their founder. jeremy witnesseth, how God commended Rachabs' children, for they would not break their faders bidding in drinking of wine. And yet jeremy proffered them wine to drink. And so I trow, that God would commend his Priests, if they woulden forsake worldly Lordships, and holden them a paid with lifelot, and with clothing: and busy them fast about their heritage of heaven. And God saith. Numeri. 18. In terra eorum nihil possidebitis, nec tenebitis partem inter eos: Ego pars & haereditas vestra in me dio filiorum Israel. etc. Et Deut. 18. Non habebitis sacerdotes & levitae & omnes qui de eadem tribu estis, partem & haereditatem cum reliquo Israel, quia Sacrificia Domini & oblationes eius cō●dent, & nihil accipient de possessione fratrum suorum. Dominus enim ●ipse hereditas ipsorum, sicut locutus est illis. Et Lucae 14. Sic ergo omnis ex vobis, qui non renunciauerit omnibus quae possidet, non potest meus esse discipulus. Et Ieronimus in Epistola. 34. Et Bernardus libro. 20. ad. Eugeneum Papam. Et Hugo de Sacramentis, part. 2. libri Secundi. cap. 7. Et 12. q. pri cap duo sunt: Et ca clericus. Et Bernardus in Sermone de Apostolis, super illud. Ecce nos reliquimus omnia. Et Chrisost super Math. & vetus Testamentum. That is, You shall have no inheritance in their land, nor have no part amongst them: I will be your part and inheritance amongst the children of Israel. etc. Deut. 18. The Priests and Levites, and all that be of the same tribe shall have no part nor inheritance with the rest of Israel: because they shall eat the sacrifices of the Lord and his oblations, and they shall take nothing of the possession of their brethren. The Lord himself is their possession, as he spoke unto them. And the 14. chap. of Luke: Even so every one of you, which forsaketh not all that he possesseth, cannot be my disciple. And Jerome in his 14. Epistle hath the like words. And Bernard in his 20 book to Eugenius the Pope. And also Hugo in his book De Sacramentis, the second part of his second book the 7. chap. Also in the 12. q. first. chap Duo sunt, and in the chap. Clericus. And again, Bernard in his book De sermone de Apostolis, upon this place: Ecce nos reliquimus omnia. Behold we leave all. etc. & chrysostom upon the Gospel of S. Math. etc.  

3. Conclusion.  ☞ The third conclusion toucheth the matter of preaching of Priests, withouten leave of Bishops, and is this that such true Priests may counsel sinful men: that shown to them their sins, after the wit and cunning that God hath given, to turn 'em from sin to virtuous life, & as touching preaching of the Gospel.  
I say, that no Bishop oweth to let a true Priest, that God hath giffen grace, 
Declaration.  wit and cunning to do that office. For both Priests and Deacons that God hath ordained Deacons or Priests, been holden by power given to them of God, to preach to the people the Gospel: and namely, & soverenly Popes, Bishops, Prelates and Curates: for this is due to the people and the parishners, to have it and ask it. And hereto seemeth me, that Christ said generally to his Disciples: Ite & praedicate evangelium omni creaturae, Go and preach the Gospel to all creatures, as well as he said Ite & baptizate omnes gentes, Go and baptise all nations, that also as well longeth preaching to Priests without leave of a Bishop as doth baptising: 
A priest admitted aught to preach, though the prince & bishop forbid, so that he preach the word.  and then why may he not preach God's word withouten a Bishop's leave. And sithen Christ bod his Priests preach, who should forbidden them preaching? The Apostles were forbidden of a bishop at jerusalem to speak more of the name of jesus, but Peter said: Si justum est in conspectu Dei, vos potiùs audire quàm Dominum judicate. That is. Whether it be just in the sight of God to hear and obey you before the Lord: be yourselves judges. A Bishop may not let a Priest of giving bodily alms in his Diocese: much more may he not let the doing of spiritual alms in his diocese by gods law. A Priest may say his Matins withouten the bishops leave: for the Pope that is above the Bishop, hath charged Priests therewith: And me thinketh that Christ's bidding should be all so much of charge as the Popes. Math. 10 Euntes autem praedicate, Ite ecce ego mitto vos Et Mar. 16. Euntes in mundum universum. etc. Lucae. 10. Ft Anacletus pap dis. 21 cap. In novo Testamento. Et Beda super illud: Messis quidem multa. Et Isydorus de summo bono. ca 44. Et Gregorius in canone dis. 43. Preconis quip officium suscipit etc. & Chrisostom. distinct. 43. Nolite timere. Et Aug. dis. 34. cap. quisquis. & Gregorius in suo pastorali ca 38. qui enim est. Et Chrisost. om. 31. & in Tollitano concilio: Ignorantia. & Aug. in Prologo sermonum suorum & jeronimus dis. 9 Ecce ego. Et Aug. super id: Homo quidam peregrinus. That is. Go you forth and preach. And again, Behold I send you. etc. Mar. 16. Go you into all the world. etc. and Luk. 10. cap. in novo Testamento. And Beda upon this place. Messis quidem multa: the harvest is great. Also Isidorus, De summo bono. cap. 44. And Gregorius in the Canon dist. 43. Preconis quip officium suscipit. etc. and chrysostom in his 34. distinction: Nolite timere: And Augustine in the 34. dystinction cap. quisquis. And Gregorius in his Pastoral. cap. 38. Qui enim est. And chrysostom in his 31. Homely. Et in Tollitano concilio ignorantia. And Augustine in the Prologue of his Sermons. And Hiereme in the 95. distinct. Ecce ego. And Augustine upon this place. Homo quidam peregrinus. A certain traveler.  

4. Conclusion.  ☞ The fourth conclusion toucheth the Sacrament of the altar, 
Declaration.  and is this.  
That wholly I believe that the Sacrament of the altar made by virtue of heavenly words, is bread and Christ's body, so as Christ himself saith in the Gospel and as S. Paul saith, and as Doctors in the common law have determined: To this sentence john. 6. Moses hath not given you bread from heaven, but my father will give you bread from heaven. He is the true bread that came down from heaven and giveth life unto the world. My father giveth unto you bread in deed: the very true bread of God is that, which came down from heaven and giveth life unto the world. I am the bread of life: The bread which I will give is my flesh. And in the Canon of the Mass Panem sanctum vitae aeternae: the holy bread of life. And Corinth. the 10. cap. and first Epistle. The bread which we break, is it not the communicating of the body of the Lord? Let a man prove himself and so eat of that bread. etc. And Canon De consecratione distinction. 2. Under the authority of Hilarius the Pope: Corpus Christi quod sumitur de altari etc. And Augustine in the foresaid distinction. That which is seen, is bread etc. That which faith requireth, is bread and is the body of Christ. And in the foresaid distinction. cap. Omnia quaecunque etc. By these two sentences it is manifestly declared, that that bread & this, be not two but one bread and one flesh. Note the words for that he saith, the bread and flesh. And the author, De divinis officijs, and also Augustine in his book De remedijs poenitentiae: why preparest thou thy teeth etc. And Ambrose, De Sacramentis: de consecratione: distinct. 2. Revera mirabile est. etc. This meat which you receive, & this bread of one which descended from heaven: doth minister the substance of eternal life, and whosoever shall eat the same shall not die everlastingly, and is the body of Christ. Note how he saith and is the body of Christ.  
☞ The 5. article telleth of forgiveness of sins & is this. 
5. Conclusion.  That very contrition withouten charity and grace, do away all sins before done of that man, that is verily contrite, and all true confession made by mouth outward to a wise Priest and a good, profiteth much to a man and it is needful and helping, that men show their life to such, trusting fully to God's mercy, 
Declaration  that he forgiveth the sin.  
And herto I say, that there been 2. remissions of sins: one that longeth only to God: And that remission is the cleansing of the soul from sin. And the other remission, a certifying that one man certifieth an other, that his sins been forgiven of God, if he be sorry with all his hart for them: and is in full will to leave them for ever: and this manner of forgiveness longeth to Priests. 
Remission double.  Of the first manner of forgiveness. David saith: And I said I will confess my unrighteousness unto the Lord, & thou forgavest me my misdeed. And Zachary saith. And thou O child shalt be called the Prophet of the highest. etc. To give knowledge of salvation unto his people for the remission of their sins, by the bowels of God's mercy. And john Baptist. Behold the lamb of God that taketh away the sins of the world. And S. john the Evangelist saith in his Epistle: If we confess our sins, he is faithful & just to forgive us our sins and cleanse us from all our iniquity. And it followeth. If any man sin, we have an advocate with the father, even jesus Christ and he it is that is the propitiation for our sins. And of the other remission of sins Christ speaketh in the Gospel, and saith. Whose sins ye forgive, they shallbe forgiven. 
6. Conclusion.  And man's forgiveness availeth little, but zif God forgive our sins through his grace.  
☞ The 6. conclusion teacheth indulgences and pardons, that the Pope granteth in his Bulls, and men callen it an absolution A poena & a culpa. 
Declaration   
Of this manner of speech I cannot find in the Gospel, ne in no place of holy write, 
Either there is purgatory, or else the pope is cruel and uncharitable. The Pope's power can keep none from bodily pain, Ergo, much less from spiritual.  ne I have not read that christ used this manner of remission, ne none of his Apostles. But as me seemeth, if the pope had such a power sithen the pains after a man's death been much greater than any bodily pains of the world: me thinketh he should of charity keep men out of such pains, and then men needed not to find so many vicious Priests after their life, to bring their souls out of Purgatory. another thing me thinketh, that sith the pope's power ne may not keep us in this world fro bodily pains as from cold, from hunger, from dread, from sorrow, and other such pains, how should his power help us from spiritual pains, when we been dead? But for that no man cometh after his death to tell us the sooth in what pain they been, men mow tell thereof what him lust. S. john saith in his apocalypse, that he saw under the altar, the souls of them which were slain for the word of God, and for the testimony which they had. And they did cry with a loud voice, saying: how long Lord holy and true, dost not thou revenge our blood of them which dwell on the earth. And white stoles were given to every of them, 
If the Martyrs being dead, be not assured from grief of tarrying, much less can they assoil other from pains of purgatory.  to rest a while, till the number of their fellow servants & brethren should be fulfilled, which also remained to be slain as they were. etc. Here seemeth it, that these souls were not assoiled a poena, that is from pain: for their desire is not fulfillen. And they were bidden abide a while, and that is a pain. And if Martyrs were not assoiled from pain, it is hard for any man to to say, that he assoileth other men a poena. Also good men's souls have not but spiritual bliss, and they want bodily bliss, until their resurrection in the day of doom. 
The Pope hath no power grounded upon scripture, to bring from pain of purgatory. 7. Conclusion.  And after they desiren to have that bliss, and abiden it, and that is pain to them. And I cannot see that the Pope hath power to bring him from this pain. But it any man can show me, that he hath such a power granted in the troth of holy write, I will gladly leefen it.  
☞ The seven. point speaketh of the Pope and is this: Sith it is only due to God, as I have said before, to give & to grant plener remission, from pain, and from blame: that whatsoever he be Pope or other that presumptuously mistaketh upon him the power that only is due to God, in that, 
The Pope maketh himself even with Christ  in as much as in him is, he maketh himself even with Christ, & blasphemeth God, as Lucifer did, when he said: Ascendam, & ero similis altissimo, That is, I will ascend, and be like the highest etc.  

Declaration  For that I say, if the Pope hold men of arms in maintaining of his temporal Lordship, to venge him on them that gilten and offenden him, & giveth remission to fight and to slay them, that contraricn him, as men saiden he did by the Bishop of Norwich, 
The Bishop of Norwich Hea. Spenser the pope's warrior set up of the pope to slay his enemies. page 428.  not putting his sword in his sheath, as God commanded to Peter: he is Antichrist. For he doth the contrary of the commandment of jesus Christ, that had Peter forgiven to his brother. 70. scythe. 7. scythe. well I find in the Gospel, that when Christ sent his Disciples to Samary, the Samaritans would not receiven them. And some of them bidden christ, that he should make a fire come down from heaven, to destroy the City. And he blamed them and said: Nescitis cuius spiritus estis: Filius hominis non venitanimas perdere, sed saluare. That is, ye know not of what spirit ye are: The son of man is not come down to destroy, 
The Pope contrary to Christ.  but to save the lives and souls of men. etc. If Christ then come to save men, and not to slay them: who that doth the reverses hereof, is against Christ, and then he is Antichrist. Christ bad Peter put his sword in his sheath and said: 
The pope again proved Antichrist.  Omnes qui gladium acceperunt, gladio peribunt. That is: All which take the sword, shall perish with the sword. And I cannot find that Peter drew out his sword after that time, but suffered as Christ said: Cum senueris, alius cinget te, & ducet quò tu non vis. That is, when thou shalt wax old, an other shall gird thee and lead thee whether thou wilt not. And therefore said Peter, Christ suffered for us, leaving us example that we should follow his steps. And Paul saith: Not defending yourselves, but give place to anger: leave revenging to me, and I shall reward them etc. And therefore it, seemeth to me, that it is much against Christ's lore, that his vicar should be a fighter, sithen that he moat be a shepherd, that should go before his sheep, and let them come after him, and not with sword to drive them away from him. For as Christ saith, a good shepherd shall put his life for his sheep. And zif all that Christ had two sword when that he was taken of the jews, he said himself, it was for that the Scriptures moten zit be fulfilled: 
2. sword never given to the pope.  Quoniam cum iniquis deputatus est, that is: he was reputed among the wicked: and not to figure two sword, that men say the Pope hath to govern with the church. And when I see such doings of the Pope, & many other that accorden not with Christ's lore, ne his living: And when I read divers Scriptures of holy writ, I am foul astenied whether they shoulder be understanded of him, or of any other. And I pray you for God's love tell me the sooth. christ saith: Many shall come in my name, saying: I am Christ, and shall seduce many. etc. Christ (I wots well) is as much to say, 
Two sorts of annoyntinges in Scripture.  as he that is anointed, & two annointinges there weren in the law, one of Kings, an other of Priests. And Christ was both King and Priest, and so the Pope saith that he is. And if all that have been Emperors of Rome, and other heathen kings have been Antichrists, they come not in Christ's name. But who so cometh in Christ's name, and feigneth him Christ's friend, and he be privily his enemy, he may lightly beguile many. S. Paul saith: before there cometh a defection first, and the son of perdition shallbe revealed, which is the adversary, and is extolled above all that is named God, or which is worshipped: so that he shall sit in the temple of God, showing himself as God. And it followeth in the same place: And now ye know what holdeth till he be revealed in his time, for he worketh already the mystery of iniquity. 
A defection in Antichrist's time.  Only he that holdeth, let him hold till he come abroad, & then that wicked one shall be revealed, whom the Lord jesus shall slay with the spirit of his mouth. etc. And S. john saith in the apocalypse: I saw an other beast ascending out of the earth, and two horns like to the lamb. He spoke like the Dragon, & had the power of the first beast. Many such authorities astonicth me oft scythes: and therefore I pray you for the love of God, to tell me what they mean.   

¶ The sentence.  
THe which schedule afore mentioned, 
Mention was made of this schedule before in the first days Act. pag. 471.  with the contents thereof diligently of us perused, we considering the diseases which be not easily cured with gentle remedy, must have harder plasters. Considering moreover these his articles with his answers to the same, & to other articles also lastly against him produced, first mature deliberation had before upon the whole matter with the foresaid masters & Doctors, as well secular as regular, to a great number, observing in the same all things to be observed in this behalf, have given sentence against the said w. in form as followeth.  
The name of Christ being invocated, we john, by the permission of God, 
The sentence given against him.  Bishop of Hereford, sitting in tribunal seat, having God before our eyes, weighing & considering the articles by the foresaid faithful Christians put up against the said Swinderby, pretending himself to be priest, with his answers upon the same, acts & Actitatis before us in the cause of heretical perversity, with mature deliberation had before in this behalf, with masters & doctors of divinity, and also of other faculties, with their counsel and consent: Do pronounce, decree, and declare the said w. to have been and to be an heretic, schismatic, and a false informer of the people, & such as is to be avoided of faithful Christians. wherefore we admonish, under the pain of the law, all & singular Christians, of what sex, state, condition, or pre-eminence soever: that neither they, nor any of them within our diocese, or any other, do believe, receive, defend, or favour the said w. till he shall deserve fully to be reconciled to the bosom again of holy Church.  

¶ The appeal of W. Swynderby from this sentence of the Bishop prefixed, unto the king and his counsel.  
IN nomine patris, 
The appeal of W. Swinderby from the B. to the king and his counsel.  et filii, et spiritus sancti, Amen. I. W. Swynderby priest, knowledge openly to all men, that I was before the Bishop of Hereford, the third day of October, and before many other good clerks, to answer to certain conclusions of the faith that I was accused of. And mine answer was this, that if the Bishop or any man couth show me by God's law, that my conclusions or mine answers were error or heresy, I would be amended, and openly revoke them before all the people. 
* Some thing there lacketh 〈◊〉 the copy.  Knows in any of my conclusions, but saiden singly with word, that there was errors in them, and bidden me subject me to the Bishop, & put me into his grace & revoke mine error, and showed me nought by God's law ne reason, ne proved which they weren. And for I would not knowledge me guilty, so as I knew no error in them, of which I should be guilty, therefore the Bishop sat in doom in mine absence, and deemed me an heretic, a schismatic, and a teacher of errors, and denounced me accursed, that I come not to correction of the Church. And therefore for this unrightful judgement, I appeal to the kings justices for many other causes.  
One cause is, for the kings Court, in such matter is above the bishops court: 
The kings court above the bishops court.  For after that the Bishop has accursed, he may no fear by his law, but then moat he sech secure of the kings law, and by a writ of Significavit, put a man in prison.  
The second cause is, for in cause of heresy there liggeth judgement of death, & that doom may not be given without the kings justices. For the Bishop will say: Nobis non licet interficere quenquam, That is: It is not lawful for us to kill any man: as they saiden to Pilate, when Christ should be deemed. And for I think that no justice will give suddenly & untrue doom as the Bishop did, and therefore openly I appeal to hem and send my conclusions to the Knights of the Parliament, to be showed to the Lords, and to be taken to the justices, to be well aviset or that they given doom.  
The third cause is, 
What is an heretic.  for it was a false doom: for no man is an heretic, but he, that maisterfully defends his error or heresy and stiffly maintains it. And mine answer has been always conditional, as the people openly knows, for ever I say, & yet say & always will: that if they ca●nen show me by God's law that I have erret, I will gladly ben amendet, and revoke mine errors and so I am no heretic, ne never more in God's grace will ben en no wise.  
The fourth cause is. 
The bishops law of condemnation full of heresies and errors.  For the Bishop's law, that they dame men by, is full of errors and heresies, contrary to the truth of Christ's law of the Gospel.  
For there as Christ's law bids us love our enemies, the Pope's law gives us leave to hate them & to slay them, and grants men pardon to werren again heathen men, and slay 'em. And there as Christ's law teach us to be merciful, the Bishop's law teaches to be wretchfull. For death is the greatest wretch that men mown done on him that guilty is.  
There as Christ's law teaches us, to blessen him that diseazen us, and to pray for him: the pope's law teacheth to curse them, and in their great sentence that they usen, they presume to damn 'em to hell that they cursen. And this is a foul heresy of blaspheme, there as Christ's law bids us be patiented, the Pope's law justifies two swords, that wherewith he smiteth the sheep of the Church. And he has made Lords and Kings to swear to defend him and his Church.  
There as Christ's law forbiddeth us lechery, the pope's law justifies the abominable whoredom of common women, and the Bishops in some place have a great tribute or rent of whoredom.  
There as Christ's law bids to minister spiritual things freely to the people: the Pope with his law sells for money, after the quantity of the gift, as pardons, orders, blessing, and Sacraments, & prayers, & benefices, & preaching to the people, as it is known amongst them.  
There as Christ's law teaches peace: the Pope with his law assoyles men for money to gather the people, priests, and other to fight for his cause.  

The contrariety between the pope & Christ.  There as Christ's law forbids swearing: The pope's law justifieth swearing, and compels men thereto.  
Whereas Christ's law teacheth his Priests to be poor; the Pope with his law, justifies and mayntaynes Priests to be Lords.  
And yet the 5 cause is, for the Pope's law that bishops demen men by, is the same unrightful law that Christ was demet by of the Bishops, with the Scribes and with the Pharises. For right as at that time they gaven more credens to the 2. false witnesses that witnessed against Christ than they deden to all the people that witnesseden to his true preaching and his miracles: so the Bishops of the Pope's law given more leaven by their law to two heretics & apostates, or two comen women that woulden witnesseden against a man in the cause of heresy, than to thousands of people that were true and good. And for the Pope is this Antechrist and his law contrary to Christ his law, 
The cause why Swinderby forsook the pope.  fully I forsake this law and so I read all Christian men. For thus by an other point of this law, they mighten conquer much of this world: For when they can by this law present a man an heretic: his goods shulen be forfeit from him & from his heirs, and so might they lightly have 2. or. 3. false witnesses to record an heresy again what true man so hem liked. Herefore me thinks, that whatsoever that I am a christian man I may lawful appeal from a false doom of the law, to be righteously demet by the troth of God's law. And if this appeal will not serve, I appeal openly to my Lord jesus Christ that shall dame all the world, for he I wots well, will not spare for no man to deem a troth. And therefore I pray GOD almighty with David in the Sauter book Deus judicium tuum regi da, & justitiam tuam filio regis: judicare populum tuum in justitia & pauperes tuos in judicio. That is. O God give they judgement to the king, and thy justice to the king's son: to judge thy people in justice, and thy poor ones in judgement. etc.   
¶ A letter sent to the Nobles and Burgesies of the Parliament, by M. William Swinderby.  

A fruitful letter to the Lords & Burgesies of the Parliament.  IEsu that art both God and man help thy people that loven thy law, and make known through thy grace thy teaching to all christian men. Dear sirs, so as we seen by many tokens that this world draws to an end, & all that ever have been forth brought of Adam's kind into this world shulen come together at doomsday rich and poor, ichone to give account and receive after his deeds, joy or paynen for evermore: Therefore make we our werks good, ye while that God of mercy abides, and be ye stable and true to God, and ye shulen see his help about you. Constantes estore & videbitis auxilium Domini super vos. This land is full of Ghostly cowards, in Ghostly battle few dare stand. But Christ the comforter of all that falleth (to that his hart barst for our love) against the fiend the doughty Duke comforteth us thus: Estote fortes in bello. etc. Be ye strong in battle, he says, and fight ye with the old adder. State in fide, viriliter agite. etc. Wake ye & pray ye, stand ye in believe, do ye manly and be ye comfortet, and let all your things be done with charity: For Saint Paul bids thus in his Epistle, that saw the prevetyes of God in heaven: Euigilate justi. etc. Awake ye that been righteous men, be ye stable and unmovable: Awake ye quickly and sleep nought, and stand now strongly for God's law. For Saint john in the Apocalypse says, blesset be he that awakes: for nought to sleepers but to wakers God has behite the crown of life. For the hour is now as Paul saith to us, from sleep for to arise, for he that early awakes to me, he shall find me saith Christ himseluen. This waking ghostly is good living out of sin: this sleep betokens that which cowardeth a man's hart from ghostly comfort and to stand in the same through a deceivable sleep is this that lets a man of the bliss of heaven: the fiend makes men bold in sin and feared to do worship to God: death is a likening to a thief that privily steals upon a man that now is rich, and full of we'll, an one he makes him a needy wrech: therefore said God by S. john in the apocalypse in this wise: Be thou waking, for if thou wake nought, I shall come to thee as a thief, and thou shalt not wit what hour. And if the husbandman (says Christ) witted what hour the thief should come, he should wake and suffer him not to undermine his house. Saint Peter therefore warneth and saith: wake and be ye ware, suffer ye no man (he says) as a thief but wilfully for God's love, for it is time (as Peter says) that doom begin from the house of God: Ye been the body of Christ (says Poule) that needs must suffer with the head, or else your bodies been but dead and departed from Christ that is the head. And therefore curset be he (says Poule) that loves not jesus Christ. And who it is that loves him, Christ himself tells in the Gospel: he that has my hests, and keeps them, he it is that loves me. Cursed he be therefore (says Poule) that doth Christ's works deceiveably. Be ye not therefore (says Poule) ashamed of the true witness of jesus Christ, for Christ our God says in his Gospel, he that shames me and my words, him shall man's son ashame when he shall come for to set in the siege of his Majesty. And each man he says, that knows me and my words before men in this sinful generation and whorish, man's son shall knowledge him before my father says Christ himself, when he shall come with his Angels in the glory of his Father: Scythe ye therefore been Christenmen, that is to say, Christ's men, show in deed that ye been such as ye daren show you the king's men: for hit h●d been, as Peter says, better not to have known the way of truth, then after the knowing thereof to be converted backward there from. We known Christ, that is trought, we said all through our belief if we turn from him for dread, truly we deny the troth: And therefore sith our time is short, how short no man knows but God, do we the good that we may to God's worship, when we have time: Be true (says God) to the death and you shall have the crown of life: And think on judas Machabeus, that was Gods true knight, that comforted heartily God's true people, to be the followers of his law. And give ye, he said, your lives for the Testament of your fathers. And ye shulen win, he said, great joy, and a name for evermore. Was not Abraham, he said, in temptation founden true, and was 
* Reckoned.  arectet unto him evermore to righteousness, joseph in time of his anguish he kept truly God's hest, he was made by God's providence Lord of Egypt, for his troth. Phinees our fadure loving, he saith, the zeal of God took the testament of everlasting Priesthood. joshua for he fulfillet the word of God was domes man in Israel. Caleph that witnessed in the Church, he took therefore the heritage, he saith: David in his mercy he got the siege of the kingdom in worlds. Hely for that he loved the zeal of God's law, was taken up into heaven. Ananie, Azary, and misael, he says, weren deliverer thoore through true belief out of the hot flame of fire. 
Daniel. 14.  True Daniel in his simpleness was deliveret from the lions mouth. Bethink ye therefore, he says, by generation and generation, and thou shalt never find that he sailed that man that truly trusted in him. And therefore dread you nought, he says of the words of a sinful man: his glory is, he says, but worms and tordes: he is to day, he saith, y made high, to morrow he says he is not founden for he is turned, he says, into his earth again, & the mind of him is perisher. sons therefore he says, be ye comforter, and die manly in the law: for when ye han done that that Gods commands you to do, ye shulen be glorious in him. And David the king says also on this wise in the Psalter book: 
Psal. 119.  blesset be they (Lord) that keepen thy law, in worlds of worlds they shall praise thee. And in Leviticus says God thus, 
levit. 26.  give that ye wenden in mine hests & keepen my commandments, and done 'em, I shall I shall bring forth theyt fruit,, and trees shall be fulfilled with apples. And ye shallen eat your bread in fullness, ye shoulen dwell in your land without dread, I shall give peace in your costs, ye shall sleep and no man shall fear you. Evil beasts I shall done away from you, and sword shall not pass your terms, ye shuln pursue your enemies, and they shall fall before you, fifty of yours shulne pursue an hundredth of herens, an hundret of yours, a thousand of theirs: your enemies, he saith shulen fall through sword, and your suit. I shall he says behold you and make you to wax, and ye shall be multiplier: And I shall strength with you my covenant, ye shall eat the aulis', and the new shall come in thereon. And ye shuln cast forth the old, I shall dwell in the midst of you. And I shall wend amongs you, and shallbe your God, and ye shulne be my people. If that ye hear me not, ne done nought all my hests but dispisen my law and my domes, and that ye done not tho things that of me been ordener, and breken my commandments and my covenant: I shall do these things to you. I shall visit you surely in need and brenning, which shall dim your eghenen, and shall waste your lives about nought: Ye shulne sow your seed for hit shallbe devouret of enemies, I shall put my face against you, and ye shall fall before your enemies. And ye shulen be underlings to them that han hatet you, ye shall flee, no man pursuing. And if ye will not be buxom to me, I shall add thereunto thorns and seven fold blame. And I shall all to braced the hardness of you, I shall give the heaven above you as iron, & the earth as brass. About nought shall your labour be, for the earth shall bring you forth no fruit, ne tree shall give none apples to you. If that ye wenden against me, and will not hear me, I shall add hereto, seven fold wounds for your sins, I shall send amongst you beasts of the field that shall devour you and your beasts, I shall bring you into a field, and ways shuln be desert. And if that ye will not receive lore, but wenden against me, I will also wenden against you, and I shall smite you seven scythes for your sins. I shall lead in upon you, sword, venger of my covenant and upon the fleen into Cities, I shall send pestilence in the midst of you. So that ten women shall bake their bread in one furnace, and yield them again by weight, and ye shall eat, & not be fillet. If that ye hear me not by these things, but wenden against me, I shall wend in against you in a contrary woodness, and blame you with seven plagues for your sins, so that they shoulen eat the flesh of your sons and of your daughters. And in so much my soul shall loath you, that I shall bring your Cities into wilderness, and your Sanctuaryes I shall make desert, ne I shall not over that receive sweet oder of your mouth. And I shall disperkle your land, and enemies shulen marvel thereon, when they shulen inhabit it, I shall disperpel you among Heathen, and draw my sword after you. These vengeances and many more, God said should fall on them that break his bidding, and despiseth his laws, and his domes. Than scythe Christ become man, and bought us with his hart blood, and has showed us so great love, and given us an easy law, of the best that ever might be made, and to bring us to the joy of heaven, and we despise it and loven it nought: what vengeance will be taken here on, so long as he has suffered us, and somercifully abidden, when he shall come that righteous judge in the clouds to dame this world? Therefore turn we us to him, and leave sin that he hates and over all things maintain his law that he confirmed with his death. For other laws that men had made, should be deemed at that day by the just law of Christ, and the maker that them made, and then we won that long life and that joy that Paul speaketh of, that eye ne see not, ne ear heard not, ne into man's hart ascended not, the bliss and joy that God hath ordained to them that loven him and his laws.  
Dear worshipful sirs in this world I beseech you for Christ's love, 
The faithful request of W. Swinderby.  as ye that I trow loven God's law & troth (that in these days is greatly borne aback) that they woollen vouchsafe these things that I send you written to God's worship, to let them be showed in the Parliament as your wits can best conceive, to most worship to our God, and to showing of the troth and amending of holy Church. My conclusions and mine appeal & other true matters of God's law (give any man can find therein error, falseness, or default, provet by the law of Christ clearly to christian men's knowledge) I shall revoke my wrong conceit, and by God's law be amendet: ever ready to hold with God's law openly & privily with God's grace, and nothing to hold, teach, or maintain that is contrary to his law.  
Of the process, answers, & condemnation of this worthy priest and true servant of Christ, William Swinderby, you have heard, what afterward became upon him, I have not certainly to say or affirm, whether he in prison died, or whether he escaped their hands, or whether he was burned there is no certain relation made. This remaineth out of doubt that during the time of K. Richard. 2. no great harm was done unto him. Which was to the year. 1401. at what time K. Richard being wrongfully deposed, Henry the 4. invaded the kingdom of England. About the beginning of whose reign we read of a certain Parliament holden at London, mentioned also of Thomas Walden (as is above specified) in which parliament it was decreed: that whosoever showed themselves to be favourers of Wickliff they should be apprehended, who at that time were called Lollards, and if so be they did obstinately persevere in that doctrine, they should be delivered over unto the bishop of the diocese, & from him should be committed to the correction of the secular magistrate. This law (saith the story) brought a certain priest unto punishment the same year, who was burned in Smithfielde in the presence of a great number. This we have drawn out of a piece of an old story, & it is most certain that there such a Priest was burned for the affirmation of the true faith, but it doth not appear by the story, what the priests name was. Notwithstanding by divers conjectures it appeareth unto me that his name was Swinderby that was forced to recant before by the Bishop of Lincol●2. Whereby what is to be conicetured by the premises, let other men judge what they think. I have nothing here of expressly to affirm. This is plain for all men to judge (which have here seen and read his story) that if he were burned, than the bishops, Friars & priests, which were the causes thereof, have a great thing to answer to the Lord, when he shall come to judge the quick and the dead, & seculum perignem.   

¶ The story and process against Walter Brute.  
AFter the story of William Swinderby, 
The story of Walter Bruce a Britton.  I thought good and convenient, next to adjoin the acts and doings of Gualther Brute his joint fellow and companion, being a lay man, and learned: brought up as it seemeth in the University of Oxford, being there also graduate. The tractation of whose discourse as it is something long, so therein may appear divers things worthy to be read and considered.  
First, the mighty operation of god's spirit in him, his ripe knowledge, modest simplicity; his valiant constancy, his learned reactations and manifold conflicts sustained again Gods enemies. 
Ex Registro Epis. Herford.  On the contrary part in his adversaries may appear, might against right man's authority against plain verity: against which they having nothing directly to answer, proceed in condemnation against whom they are able to bring forth no confixation. The chiefest occasion that seemed to stir up the heart and zeal of this Walter against the pope: was the in●pudent pardons and indulgenses of Pope 〈◊〉, granted to Henry Spenser Bishop of Norwich 〈◊〉 against pope Clement, mentioned before pag. 428. Secondly the ●orōgfull condemnation of the articles and conclusions of William Swinderby, the whole order whereof, in the process here following more plainly may appear.   

The process had by Bohn Bishop of Hereford, against Walter Brute lay man, and learned, of the diocese of Hereford, touching the cause of heresy, as they called it, set forward by the way of the bishops office etc. at the instruction of certain faithful Christians, as he termed them, but in deed cruel and false promoters.  
IN the name of God, 
Murdering hearts lurking under loving words.  Amen. To all manner of faithful christian people that shall see and hear this our present process. john by the sufferance of God bishop of Hereford sendeth greeting & continual chartitie in the Lord. We would that you all should know, that of late by many faithful christian people, & specially zealous followers of the catholic faith, it was lamentably done us to understand by way of complain: that a certain son of ours going out of kind, named Walter Brute lay person, learned, of our diocese, hath under a cloaked show of holiness, damnably seduced the people: & setting behind him the fear of God, doth seduce them as much as he can, from day to day, informing & teaching openly and privily, as well the nobles as the commons, in certain conclusions heretical, schismatical, and erroveous & also heretofore condemned. And they have also probably exhibited against the same Walter, articles under written, u● manner and form as followeth.  

¶ Articles exhibited and denounced to the bishop, against Walter Brute.  
Reverend father and Lord, we the faithful people of Christ, 
Articles denounced against W. Brute by priests and Friars.  we the faithful people of Christ, & zealous lovers of the catholic faith, and also your humble and devout children: do minister & exhibit to your reverend fatherhood, the articles under written, touching the catholic faith, contrary and against malicious persons, & detractors of the same faith, & the determinations of holy mother church, & namely against the child of Belial, one Walter Brute, a false teacher and seducer amongst the people. Humbly beseeching, that you would vouchsafe to have regard to the correction of the enormities under written, according unto the Canonical constitutions, even as to your office pastoral doth lie and belong.  
In primis, 
The first article.  we do give and exhibit and intend to prove, that the same Walter Brute being unmindful of his salvation, hath been by many and divers faithful Christian people sundry times accused of the cursedness of heresy: As by the swift report, slander, and rumour of the people, proceeding before the most reverend father & Lord, Lord William Archb. of Caunterbury, and also before the reverend father & Lord, Lord johu late B. of Herford, your predecessor, and now Bishop of S. Ass, hath been testified, and also hath been many & divers times cited to answer unto articles by him against the Catholic faith avouched, & openly and publicly taught: But he in this matter of heretical cursedness (so grievously and shamefully spoken of) hath never regarded to purge his innocency, but luckingly and running into corners, hath many and sundry years laboured to advance things erroneous, schismatical, and also heresies, & to emprint them in the hearts of faithful people.  

2. Article.  Item, the foresaid Walter Brute hath openly, publicly, and notoriously avouched, and commonly said & taught and stubbornly affirmed: that every Christian man (yea & woman) being without sin may make the body of christ so well as the priest.  

3. Article.  Item, the same Walter hath notoriously, openly & publicly avouched and taught, that in the Sacrament of the altar there is not the very body, but a sign and a memorial only.  

4. Article.  Item, the foresaid Walter hath said commonly and avouched, and also hath laboured to inform men and companies, that no man is bound to give tithes, nor oblations: and if any man will needs give, he may give his tithes, and oblations to whom he will, excluding thereby their curates.  

5. Article.  Iten, that such as do preach and prefer croised matters, and pardons (granted by the high bishop to them that help the purpose of the reverend father Lord Henry by the grace of God Bishop of Norwich, when as he took his journey upon him to fight for the holy father the Pope) are schismatics and heretics, and that the Pope cannot grant such manner of pardons.  

6. Article.  Item, the said Walter hath oftentimes said, and commonly advouched, that the Pope is Antichrist, and a seducer of the people, and utterly against the law and life of Christ.  

7. Article.  Item, whereas of late your reverence did (at the instance of faithful christian people) proceed in form of law against William Swinderby, and that the said William Swinderby had unto the said articles objected against him, given up his answers in writing, containing in them errors, schisms & heresies, even as you with the mature counsel of masters & doctors in divinity, & other faculties have determined & given sentence, and have pronounced the same William Swinderby to be an heretic, & a schismatic, and an erroneous teacher of the people: Nevertheless the forenamed Walter hath openly, publicly, & notoriously said, advouched, & stubbornly affirmed, that the said William's answers (whereof notice hath been given before) are good, righteous, and not able to be convinced, in that they contain none error, and that your sentence beforesaid, given against the same William, is evil, false & unjust: And that your assistants have wickedly, naughtily, perversely, & unjustly condemned the answers aforesaid.  

Otherwise bloody promoters. These conclusions and articles of W. Swinderby here repeated, & objected to Walt. Brute are to be found before, pag. 466. and 467.  Now thereupon immediately, those same faithful christian people have instantly required that we would vouch safe that other articles given by the same faithful christians against the said William Swinderby, together with the writings and answers of the same William thereunto: should be admitted against Walter Brute, mentioned of in this matter of cursed heresy: of which Articles and answers, the tenors do follow in these words.  
In primis, that one William Swinderby pretending himself priest, was of certain articles and conclussions erroneous, false, schismatical & heretical, by him preached, at divers places & times, before a great multitude of faithful Christians, judicially convinced: and the same articles and conclusions did he (enforced by necessity of law) revoke and abjure, some as heretical, and other as erroneous & false: and for such did he avouch them ever afterward promising so to take and believe them & that from thenceforth he would openly or privily preach, teach, or affirm none of them: nor that he should make sermon or preach within your diocese without licence demanded and obtained. And in case he should to the contrary presume, by preaching or avouching that then he should be subject to the severity of the Canons even as he judicially swore accordingly as the law enforced. Also the conclusions abjured by the said William do follow and are such.  


1. Conclusion.  1. In primis, that men by the rule of charity, may demand debts, but by no means imprison any man for debts: and that the party so imprisoning a body, is excommunicated, before. pag. 466.  
2. Item, that if the parishioners shall know their Curate to be incontinent and naughty: they ought to withdraw from him their tithes. etc. pag. 467.  
3. Item, that tithes are mere almosies, and in case that the Curates shall be ill, that they may be lawfully bestowed upon others by the temporal owners. etc. pag. 467.  
4, Item, that an evil Curate to excommunicate any under his jurisdiction for withholding of tithes, is nought else. etc. pag. 467.  
5. Item, that no man may excommunicate any body, except that first he know him excommunicate of God: Neither do those that communicate with such a one, incur the sentence of excommunication by any manner of means. ibid.  
6. Item, that every Priest may absolve every sinner being contrite, and is bound to preach the Gospel unto the people, notwithstanding the prohibition of the Bishops, pag. 467.  
7. Item, that a priest receiving by bargain any thing of yearly annuity, is in so doing a schismatic, and excommunicate. pag. 467.  
8. Item, he doth assuredly believe (as he avoucheth) that every priest being in deadly sin, if he dispose himself to make the body of Christ, doth rather commit idolatry than make Christ's body. pag. 467.  
9 Item, that no priest doth enter into any house, but to handle ill the wife, the daughter, or the maid, and therefore etc. pag. 467.  
10. Item, that the child is not rightly baptized, if the priest etc. ibid.  
11. Item that no manner of person if he live against God's law. etc. ibid.  
12. Item, the same William against the things premised, and his revocation and abjuration (not to his hart converting, but from evil to worse perverting) did turn aside into our diocese: where running to and fro in divers places, hath of his own rash head presumed to preach or rather to pervert. etc. 467.  
13. Item, after that we had heard divers rumours, & slanders of very many, we directed divers monitions and commandments comminatory, to be sent abroad by our Commissaries to sundry places of our diocese: that no person of what estate, degree or condition so ever he were of, should presume to preach or to teach the sacred scripture to the people in places holy or profane, within our diocese. etc. page. 466.  
14. Item, that the same sort of monitions, inhibitions and precepts confirmed by our seal, came to the true & undoubted knowledge of the said William.  
15. Item, the same William unmindful of his own salvation hath sithence & against those monitions, 
Infan●um facinussci● licet.  inhibitions and precepts, and (that which is more abominable to be spoken) in contempt of the high Bishop's dignity, & to the slander & offence of many people, presumed in divers places of our said diocese, to preach or rather to pervert & to teach the forementioned, & other heretical, erroneous and schismatical devices.  
16, Item, the same William in preaching to the people: on monday, to wit, the first of August, in the year of our Lord 1390. in the Church of Whitney in our diocese, held and affirmed: that no Prelate of the world, of what state, pre-eminence or degree soever he were of, having cure of soul & being in deadly sin. etc. pag. 466.  
17. Item, 
A perilous door to open.  the same William in many places said & affirmed in the presence of many faithful ●hristian people, after the sacramental words uttered by the priest, having the intent to consecrate, there is not made the very body of Christ in the sacrament of the Eucharist. pag. 466.  
18. Item, that accidences cannot be in the sacrament of the altar without their subject: & that there remaineth material bread Concomitanter with the body of Christ in the sacrament. Vide supra pag. 466.  
19 Item, that a priest being in deadly sin cannot by the power of the sacramental words, make the body of Christ, etc. pag. 466.  
20. Item, that all priests are of like power in all points, notwithstanding that some of them are in this world of higher dignity, degree, or pre-eminence. pag. 466.  
21. Item, that contrition only putteth away sin, if a man shall be duly contrite: and that all vocal confession and exercise, is superfluous, and not requisite of necessity to salvation. Ibidem.  
22. Item, that inferior Curates have not their power of binding and losing mediately from the pope or bishop, but immediately of Christ. etc. pag. 466.  
23. Item, that the pope cannot grant such kind of annual pardons, because there shall not be so many years to the day of judgement as is contained in the pope's bulls or pardons. Whereby it followeth, that pardons are not so much worth as they are noised and praised to be. Ibid.  
24. Item that it is not in the Pope's power to grant to any penitent body forgiveness of the pain or of the trespass. pag. 466.  
25 Item that one giving his alms to any body which as he judgeth hath no need thereof, doth sin in so giving it. pag. 466.  
26 Item that it stands not in the power of any prelate, of what private religion soever he be, to give by letters benefits of their order. Neither do such kind of benefits given profit them to whom they be given for the salvation of souls. Vide supra. pag. 466.  
27 Item that the same William unmindful of his own salvation, hath many times and often resorted to a certain desert wood called Derwalswood of our diocese, and there in a certain unhallowed Chapel (nay a profane cottage) hath presumed of his own proper rashness, 
A foul fault forsooth.  to celebrate. etc. pag. 466.  
28 Item the same William hath also presumed to do the like things in a certain profane chapel, situate in the park of Newton, nigh to the town of Leyntwardyn, in the same our diocese. pag. 466.   
¶ 
Walter Pride promoters, or rather a proud promoter.  Which things being done, the same faithful Christian people, and specially sir Walter Pride the penitentiary of our Cathedral Church of Hereforde, personally appearing before us, sitting in our judgement seat in the parish Church of Whiteborne of our diocese: brought forth and exhibited two public instruments against the same Walter Brute, in the case of cursed heresy aforesaid, of which instruments here followeth the tenours and Articles in this sort.  
In the name of God Amen. Be it evidently known to all people by this present public instrument: 
The first instrument exhibited by certain Cha ●●s of Herford, against Walter Bruce.  the in the year from the incarnation, after the course and computation of the church of England. 1391. the indiction xv. of the pontifical office of our most holy father and Lord in Christ, Lord Boniface the ix. by God's Wisdom Pope, the second year the xv. day of the month of October, in the dwelling house of the worshipful man master john Godemoston, canon of the Cathedral Church of Hereford, in the presence of me the public Notary under written, and of witnesses subscribed: Walter Brute lay man learned, of Hereford diocese, personally appearing said, avouched, and stiffly maintained: that the said Bishop of Hereforde and his assistaunces, which were with him the third day of the foresaid month of October, the year of our Lord aforesaid, in the Church of Hereford: 
B. of Herford unjustly condemned the articles of sir W. Swinderby.  did naughtily, wickedly, perversely, and unjustly condemn the answers of sir William Swinderby Chaplain, given by the same sir William to the same Lord bishop in writing, and also the articles ministered by the same sir William.  
And furthermore he said, held, and advouched, that the same conclusions given by the same sir William, even as they were given, are true and Catholic.  

Matters objected against Walter Brute.  Item, as touching the matters objected against him by them that stood by, concerning the sacrament of the altar: he said, that after the sacramental words: there doth remain very bread, and the substance thereof after the consecration of the body of Christ, and that there do not remain accidencies without substance or subject after the consecration of the body of Christ. And touching this matter, the doctors hold divers opinions.  

The P. Antichrist.  Furthermore as concerning the Pope, he said, held, and avouched: that he is the very Antichrist, because that in life and manners he is contrary to the laws, doctrines, and deeds of Christ our Lord.  
All and every of these things were done, even as they be above written and rehearsed in the year of our Lord, pontifical office, month, day, & place aforesaid, at supper time of the day aforenamed, them and there being present the worshipful and discrete men. 
Witnesses against Wal-Brute.  sir Walter Ramsbury, chief chanter of the said Cathedral Church of Hereforde, Roger whore canon of the same Church, Walter Wall, Chaplain of the said church of Hereford, being a vicar of the Choral & certain other worthy witnesses of credit, that were specially called and desired to the premises. Ex Regist. Herford.  

Richard Lee Register & writer hereof.  And I Richard Lee whelar, clerk of Worcester, being a public notary, by the authority apostolic: was personally present at all and singular the premises, whilst that (as is before rehearsed) they were done and a doing, in the year of our lord. 1391. pontisical office, month, day, place, & the hour aforesaid: & I did see, writ, and hear all and singular those things thus to be done, and have reduced them into this public manner and form: & being desired truly to testify the premises, have sealed the said instrument, made hereupon, with mine accustomed scale and name.  
In the name of God, 
The form of the second instrument.  Amen. Be it plainly known to all persons, by this present public instrument: that in the year from the incarnation of the lord after the course and co●●p●●tation of the church of England. 1391. the indiction fifteen, in the 3. year of the pontifical office of the most holy father in Christ, and our Lord, Lord Boniface Pope by the providence of God the 9 & in the 19 day of the month of january. Walter Brute layman, of Hereford diocese, personally appearing before the reverend father in Christ and Lord. Lord john by god's grace B. of Herford, in the presence of me being a public notary, & one of the witnesses under written: did say, 
Matters & co●clusions ministered against Walter Brute. This conclusion seemeth to be falsely collected, as were before the articles of W. Swinderby. This conclusion also is not ●ightly gathered.  hold, publish, & affirm, the conclusions hereafter written, the is to say: the christian people are not bound to pay tithes neither by the law of Moses, nor by the law of Christ.  
Item, that it is not lawful for Christians for any cause in any case, to swear by the creator neither by the creature.  
Item he confesseth openly and of his own accord: that within the same month of january, he did eat, drink, and communicate with William Swinderby, not being ignorant of the sentence of the said reverend father: whereby the same William Swinderby was pronounced an heretic, schismatic, and a false seducer of the common people. Which conclusions, the same reverend father caused to be written, and in writing to be delivered to the same Walter. Which when he had seen and red, he said also that he did maintain and justify them according to the laws aforesaid. These things were done in the chamber o● the said bishop of Herford, 
Witnesses against W. Brute.  at his manor of Whitborne of the said diocese of Hereford: then being there present the same Bishop abovesaid. M. Reynold of Wolsten, Canon of Hereford, sir Philip Dileske parson of the parish church of Blamurin, Thomas Guldefeld parson of the Church of Englisbyknore, john Cresset parson of the church of Whytborne, and Thomas Wallewayne household servant, for witnesses specially called and desired to the premises of the dioces of Hereford and S. Ass.  
And I Benedict Come clerk of the diocese of S. Ass, 
Benedict Come Register, witness and writer of this instrument against William Bruit.  public notary by the apostolic authority of the diocese of S. Ass, was personally present together with the witness before named, at all and singular these and other things here premised whilst they were so done and a doing, & did see, hear, & write those things so to be done, as is before mentioned: and did write the same and reduce them into this public form, & with my wont & accustomed seal and name have sealed it, being desired and required truly to testify the premises.  
At the last, the aforesaid Walter Brute, did present and cause to be presented to us (at divers places and times assigned by us to the same Walter, to answer to the former conclusions and articles) divers scrolls of paper written with his own proper hand, for his answers to the same Articles and conclusions above written: he partly appearing by his own self, before us sitting in our judgement seat, and partly by his messengers, specially appointed to that purpose: of which scrolls, the tenors do follow in order word by word, and be on this manner.  
In the name of the father, 
Certain exhibits of Walter Brute in writing presented to the B. for his defence. Walter Brute a Britone borne.  and of the son, and the holy ghost, Amen: I Walter Brute, sinner, layman, husbandman & a Christian (having mine offspring of the Britons, both by my father & mother's side) of the Britons, have been accused to the B. of Hereford, that I did err in many matters concerning the catholic Christian faith: by whom I am required, that I should write an answer in Latin to all those matters. whose desire I will satisfy to my power, protesting first of all, before God & before all the world: the like as it is not my mind through God's grace, to refuse the known truth, 
Protestation made.  for any reward greater or smaller, yea be it never so big, nor yet for the fear of any temporal punishment: even so it is not my mind to maintain any erroneous doctrine for any commodities sake. And if any man, of what state, sect or condition so ever he be, will show me that I err in my writings or sayings by the authority of the sacred scripture, or by probable reason grounded in the sacred scripture, I will humbly and gladly receive his information. 
No writer odoctor without his error, the Scripture only excepted. Error in the Apostles. Error in the Doctors. Errors and contrarieties among the popish writers.  But as for the bare words of any teacher (Christ only excepted) I will not simply believe, except he shallbe able to 'stablish them by the truth of experience, or of the Scripture: for because, that in the holy Apostles elected by Christ, there hath been found error by the testimony of the holy scripture, because that Paul himself doth confess that he rebuked Peter, for that he was worthy to be rebuked, Galat. the 2. Chapter. There hath been errors found in the holy doctors, that have been before us, as they themselves confess of themselves. And oftentimes it falleth out, that there is error found in the teachers in our age: who are of contrary opinions among themselves, and s●me of them do sometimes determine mine one thing for truth, and others do condemn the self same thing to be heresy or error. Which protestation premised, I will here place 1. suppositions or cases for a ground and a foundation of all things that I shall say, out of which I would gather two probable conclusions established upon the same, and upon the sacred Scripture. By which conclusions, when as they shall be declared after my manner and fashion, it shall plainly appear what my opinion & judgement is concerning all matters that I am accused of. 
Brate modestly excuseth his learning.  But because I am ignorant & unlearned, I will get me under the mighty defences of the Lord. O Lord I will remember thine only righteousness.  

The first case or 〈◊〉 position.  God the father almighty uncreate, the maker of heaven and earth, hath sent his son (that was everlastingly begotten) into this world: that he should be incarnated, for the salvation and redemption of mankind, who was conceived by the holy ghost, everlastingly proceeding from the father and the son, and was borne of Mary the virgin, to the end that we might be borne a new. He suffered Passion under Pontius Pilate for our sins, laying down his life for us, that we should lay down our life, for our brethren. He was crucified, that we should be crucified to the world, and the world to us. He was dead, that he might redeem us from death, by purchasing for us forgiveness of sins. He was buried, that we being buried together with him into death by Baptism, and that we dead to sins, should live to righteousness. He descended into hell, thereby delivering man from thraldom, and from the bondage of the Devil, & restoring him to his inheritance, which he lost by sin. The third day he rose from the dead, through the glory of his father, that we also should walk in newness of life. He ascended up to the heavens, to which no body hath ascended, saving he that descended from heaven, even the son of man which is in heaven. He sitteth at the right hand of God the father almighty, until his enemies be made his footstool. He being in very deed so much better than the Angels, as he hath obtained by inheritance a more excellentname than they. From thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead, accordingly to their works, because the father hath given all judgement to the son. In whose terrible judgement we shall rise again, and shall all of us stand before his judgement seat, and receive joy as well bodily, as spiritually for ever to endure, if we be of the sheep placed at the right hand: or else punishment both of body and soul if we shall be found amongst goats, placed on the left hand. etc.  
jesus Christ the son of God, very God & very man a king for ever, by stablishing an everlasting kingdom, breaking to ponder all the kingdoms of the world: 
The second case or assertion.  Dan. 2. a priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech, whereby also he is able evermore to save such as by him come unto god & always liveth to entreat for us. Hebr. 7. He offering one sacrifice for our sins, hath made perfect for ever by one oblation, those that be sanctified. Heb. 10. Being that wisdom that cannot be deceived, & the truth that cannot be uttered: he hath in this world taught the will of the godhead of his father, which will he hath in work fulfilled, to the intent that he might faithfully instruct us, and hath given the law of charity to be of his faithful people observed, which he hath written in the hearts and minds of the faithful with the finger of God, where is the spirit of God, searching the inward secrets of the Godhead. Wherefore his doctrine must be observed above all other doctrines, whether they be of Angels or of men, because that he could not nor would not err in his teaching. But in men's doctrines there chanceth oftentimes to be error, and therefore we must forsake their doctrines, if clokedly or expressly they be repuguaunt to the doctrine of Christ. men's doctrines being made for the people's profit must be allowed and observed, so that they be grounded upon Christ's doctrine, or at least be not repuguant to his words.  
If the high bishop of Rome, calling himself the servant of the servants of God, 
The first conclusion.  and the chief vicar of Christ in this world, do make & maintain many laws contrary to the Gospel of jesus Christ: then is he of those that have come in Christ's name, 
The pope an idol of desolation sitting in the temple of God. The pope if his laws be contrary to Christ, is the pestiferous mountain infecting the whole earth. jerem. 31.  saying, I am Christ, & have seduced many a one, by the testimony of our saviour in Math. cap. 24. and the idol of desolation sitting in the Temple of God, and taking away from him the continual sacrifice for a time, times, and half a time. Which idol must be revealed to the christian people by the testimony of Daniel. Whereof Christ speaketh in the Gospel. When you shall see the abomination of desolation that was told of by Daniel the Prophet, standing in the holy place: let him that readeth, understand, and he is the pestiferous mountain infecting the whole universal earth, as witnesseth jeremy. chap. 51. & not the head of Christ's body. For the ancient person in years, & honourable in reverence, he is the head, & the prophet teaching lies is the tail, as Esay allegeth. chap. 9 And he is that wicked and sinful Captain of Israel, whose foreappointed day of ininuity is come in time of iniquity, who shall take away Cidarim, and take away the crown, Ezech, chap. 21. to whom it was said: Forasmuch as thy hart was exalted, and did it say, I am a God, & sittest in the seat of god, in the hart of the sea, seeing thou art a man and not God, 
The Pope, the sinful captained Israel, spoken of ●●●chiel. 21.  and hast given thine hart, as if it were the hart of God: therefore behold I will bring upon thee the most strong and mighty strangers of the nations, & they shall draw their swords upon the beauty of thy wisdom & shall defile the commandments & kill thee, and pull thee out, & thou shalt die in the destruction of the slain, and it followeth.  
In the multitude of thine iniquities, & of the iniquities of thy merchandise, 
Antichrist described.  thou hast defiled thy sanctification. I will therefore bring forth a fire, from the midst of the whole earth, & will make thee as ashes upon earth. Thou art become nothing, 
Ezech. 28.  & never shalt thou be any more. Eze. cha. 28 Furthermore he is the idle shepherd forsaking his flock having a sword on his arm, & an other sword in his right eye. 
The Pope an idle shepherd. Zach. 11.  Zach. 11. & sitting in the temple of God, doth advance himself above all thing that is called God, or whatsoever is worshipped, by the testimony of Paul to Thes, 2. epist. 2. chap. And in the defection or falling away shall the man of sin be revealed, whom the Lord jesus shall slay with the breath of his mouth. 
The beast horned like the lamb.  For every kingd●●e divided in itself, shall be brought to desolation. He ●●●so besides, the beast ascending up out of the earth, having two horns like unto alambe, but he speaketh like a dragon, & as the cruel beast ascending up out of the sea, whose power shall continue 42. months. 
The Pope signifieth the beast ascending out of the earth. Terrible scriptures against the Pope. Apoc. 13.  He worketh the things that he hath given to the image of the beast. And he compelled small and great, rich and poor, freemen and bondslaves, to worship the beast, and to take his mark in their forehead or their hands. Apo. 13 chap. And thus by the testimony of all these places is he the chief Antechrist upon the earth, and must be slain with the sword of God's word, and cast with the dragon, the cruel beast and the false Prophet that hath seduced the earth, into the lake of fire and brimstone to be tormented world without end.  
If the city of Rome do allow his traditions, and do disallow Christ's holy commandments, and Christ's doctrine, that it may confirm his traditions: 
Rome Babylon.  then is she Babylon the great, or the daughter of Babylon, and the great whore sitting upon many waters with whom the kings of the earth have committed fornication, and the inhabitants of the earth are become drunken with the wine of her harlotry lying open to bawdry. With whose spiritual whoredom enchantments, witchcrafts, and Simon Magus merchandises, the whole round world is infected and seduced: saying in her hart, I sit as a Queen, and widow I am not neither shall I see sorrow and mourning. Yet is she ignorant that within a little while shall come the day of her destruction & ruin by the testimony of the Apoc. cha. 17. 
Apoc. 17.  Because that from the time that the continual sacrifice was taken away, & the abomination of desolation placed, there be passed 1299. days by the testimony of Daniel, and the Chronicles added do agree to the same. 
1290. days figured in Dan. 12.  And the holy City also hath been trodden under foot of the heathen, for 42. months, and the woman was nourished up in the wilderness (unto which she fled for fear of the space of the serpent) during 1260. days, or else for a time, times, & half a time which is all one. All these things be manifest by the testimony of the apocalypse, & the Chronicles thereto agreeing. And as concerning the fall of Babylon aforesaid, 
The fall of Babylon. Apoc. 14.  it is manifest in the Apoc. where it is said: In one day shall her plagues come, death, lamentation, and famine, and she shall be burned with fire. For strong is the Lord which will judge her. And again Babylon that great City is fallen, which hath made all nations to drink of the wine of her Whoredom. And thirdly, one mighty Angel took up a myllstone that was a very great one, and did cast it into the Sea, saying: with such a violence as this is, shall that great City Babylon be overthrown, and shall no more be found. For her Merchants were the Princes of the earth, and with her Witchcraft all Nations have gone astray, and in her is there found, the blood of the Saints and Prophets. And of her destruction speaketh Esay in the 13. chapter. 
Esay 13.  And Babylon that glorious City, being so noble amongst kingdoms in the pride of the Chaldeans, it shall be that like as the Lord did overturn Sodom and Gomorre upside down, it shall never more be inhabited, nor have the foundation laid in no age, from generation to generation. 
jerem. 15.  jeremy sayeth: Your mother that hath borne you, is brought to very great confusion and made even with the ground. And again: The Lord hath devised and done as he hath spoken against the inhabiters of Babylon, which dwell richly in their treasures upon many waters, thine end is come. And thirdly: Drought shall fall upon her waters, and they shall begin to be dry, for it is a land of graven imagies, and boasteth in her prodigious wonders: It shall never more be inhabited, neither be builded up in no age nor generation. Verily, even as God hath subverted Sodom and Gomorre with her calves.  
Pardon me (I beseech you) though I be not plentiful in pleasant words: For if I should run after the course of this wicked world, & should please men, I should not be Christ's servant. And because I am a poor man, & neither have nor can have notaries hired to testify of these my writings: I call upon Christ to be my witness, which knoweth the inward secrets of my hart, that I am ready to declare the things that I have written after my fashion, to the profit of all Christian people, & to the hurt of no man living, & am ready to be reform, if any man will show me where I have erred: being ready also (miserable sinner though I be) to suffer for the confession of the name of Christ & of his doctrine, as much as shall please him by his grace & love to assist me a miserable sinner. In witness of all these things, I have to this writing set that seal of our Lord & saviour jesus Christ, which I beseech him to imprint upon my forehead, & to take from me all manner of mark of Antichrist. Amen.   
¶ These two suppositions (as they are termed in the schools) written by Walter Brute, and exhibited unto the Bishop, although they contained matter sufficient either to satisfy the bishop if he had been disposed to learn, or else to have provoked him to reply again, if his knowledge therein had been better than his: yet could they work neither of them effect in him. But he receiving & perusing the same when he neither could confute that which was said, neither would reply or answer by learning to that which was truth, finding other by causlations, said that this his writing was too short and obscure, and therefore required him, to write upon the same again more plainly and more at large. Whereupon the said Master Walter (satisfying the Bishop's request, and ready to give to every one an account of his faith) in a more ample tractation reneweth his matter again before declared, writing to the Bishop in words and form as followeth:  


another declaration of the same manner before, altar a more ample tractation, exhibited by Walterbrute to the B.  Reverend father, forsomuch as it seemeth to you that my motion in my two suppositions or cases, & in my two conclusions, is too short and somewhat dark: I will gladly now satisfy your desire, according to my small learning, by declaring the same conclusions. In opening whereof, it shall plainly appear, what I do judge in all matters, that I am accused of to your reverence, desiring you first of all, that your discretion would not believe that I do enterprise of any presumption to handle the secrets of the scriptures, which the holy and just, & wise Doctors have left unexpounded. It is not unknown to many, that I am in all points far inferior to them, whose holiness of life & profoundness in knowledge, is manifold ways allowed. But as for mine ignorance, and multitude of sins, are to myself and others sufficiently known: wherefore, I judge not myself worthy to unloose or to carry their shoes after them. Do you therefore no otherwise deem of me, than I do of mine own self. But if you shall find any goodness in my writings, 
They that so humbly judge of themselves and do not so carelessly continued, are of God.  ascribe it to God only: who according to the multitude of his mercy, doth sometimes reveal those things to idiots and sinners, which are hidded from the holy and wise, according to this saying: I will praise and confess thee O father, for that, thou hast hidden these things from the wise and prudent, and hast disclosed them to the little ones. Even so O father, because it hath thus pleased thee. And in an other place. I am come to judgement into this world, that they which see not may see, and that they which see, may be made blind. And Paul saith: that God hath chosen the weak things of the world, to confounded the mighty, that no man shall boast in himself, but that all men should give the honour to God.  
It was commanded to Esay, bearing the type of Christ: 
Esay 6.  Go and say to this people: Hear ye with your hearing, and do not understand? Behold ye the vision, and yet know ye not the thing that ye see? Make blind the hart of this people, & make dull their ears, and shut their eyes, lest that perchance with their eyes they should see, and with their ears they should hear, and with their hearts they should understand and be converted, and I should heal them. And I said, how long Lord? And he said, until that the cities be made desolate without inhabitants, and the house without any person within it. 
Esay 29.  Also in Esay thus it is written: And the multitude of all nations, which shall fight against Ariel, and all persons that have warred, and besieged and prevailed against it, shall be as a dream that appeareth in the night, & as the hungry person dreameth that he eateth, but when he shall awake out of sleep, his soul is empty. And like as the hungry person dreameth that he eateth, and yet after that he shall awake, he is still weary and thirsty, and his soul void of nourishment: even so shall it be with the multitude of all nations that have fought against the mount Zion. Be you amazed, and have great wonder: reel ye to and fro, and staggre ye: be ye drunken, and not with wine: staker, but not through drunkenness: for the Lord hath mingled for you the spirit of drowsiness. He shall shut your eyes, he shall cover your Prophets and Princes that see visions. And a vision shallbe to you all together, like the words of a sealed book, which when he shall give to one that is learned, he shall say: Read here, and he shall answer, I cannot, for it is sealed. And the book shallbe given to one, that is unlearned and knoweth not his letters, and it shall be said unto him, Read, And he shall answer, I know not the letters, I am unlearned, Wherefore the lord saith: For asmuch as this people draweth nigh me with their mouths, and glorifyeth me with their lips, but their hart is far from me, and they have rather feared the commandments of men, and have cleaved to their doctrines: 
Esay 2●.  Behold therefore I will add besides, and bring such a muse and marvel upon this people which shall make men amazed with marveling. For wisdom shall perish from their wise men, and the understanding of their prudent persons shallbe hidden. 
Libanus and Charmel, two hills, the one in Phoenicia, fruitful & pleasants the other in the borders of jewry, barren & unpleasant, which is Charmel. Daniel. 2.  And soon after it followeth in the same place, yet a little while and Libanus shallbe turned into Charmell, and Charmell counted for a cops or grove, and in the same day shall the deaf folks hear the word of this book, and the eyes of the blind (changed from darkness and blindness) shall see.  
Nabuchodovoser inquiring of Danyel said. Thinkest thou that thou canst truly declare me the dream that I have seen, and the meaning thereof. And Danyel said: As for the mystery whereof the king doth ask, neither the wise men, magitiens, soothsayers, nor enchanters can declare to the king: But there is a God in heaven, that discloseth mysteries, who will declare to thee (O king Nabuchodonosor) what things shall come to pass in the last times of all. To me also is this sacrament or mystery disclosed (not for any wisdom that is in me more than in all men living) but to that the interpretation might be made manifest to the king, & that thou shouldest know the cogitagions of thy mind.  
It was also said to Daniel, 
Daniel 1●.  And thou Daniel, shut up the words, seal up the book, until the time appointed. Verily many people shall pass over, and many fold knowledge shall there be: And Daniel said to the man that was clothed with linen garments, who stood upon the waters of the flood: How long will it be before the end shall come of these marvelous things? And I heard the man that was clothed in linen apparel, who stood upon the waters of the floods, when he had lift up his right hand and his left hand into heaven, and had sworn by him that liveth for evermore: that for a time, times, and a half tyme. And when the scattering abroad of the hand of the holy people shallbe accomplished: then shall all these things be finished. And I heard and understood not, and I said: O my Lord, what shall be after these things, and he said: Go thy ways Daniel, for this talk is shut & sealed up, until the time that is before appointed.  
All these things have I written to show, that he that hath the key of David, who openeth and no man shutteth, shutteth and no man openeth: doth (when and how long it pleaseth him) hide the mysteries, and the hid secrets of the Scriptures, from the wise, prudent, and righteous: and other while at his pleasure, revealeth the same to sinners and lay persons. & simple souls, that he may have the honour & glory in all things. Wherefore as I have beforesaid, if you shall find any good thing in my writings, ascribe the same to God alone: If you shall find otherwise, think ye the same to be written of ignorance, and not of malice. And if any doubt or error be showed me in all my writings, I will humbly allow your information & fatherly correction.  
But why that such manner of matters are moved touching the disclosing of Antichrist in this kingdom, more than in other kingdoms, and in this time also more than in time past: the answer, as concerning the time of the motion is, that it is the last conjunction of Saturn and jupiter in the sign of the 
* In Signo Gemini. Mark here (good Reader) by this astronomical conjunction of these two planets in Gemini, he meaneth covertly the schism between the two Popes which lasted 39 years, by the which conjunction, his meaning is, that God would have Antichrist to be disclosed and his church to be reform.  Twins, which is the house of Mercury, being the signifyer of the Christian people: which conjunction seemeth to me to betoken the second coming of Christ, to reform his Church, and to call men again by the disclosing of Antichrist, to the perfection of the Gospel, from their heathenish rites and ways of the Gentiles. By whom the holy city was trampled under foot, for 42. months, even as the conjunction of the said two planets being enclosed in the sign of the Virgin, which is also the house of Mercury: did betoken the first coming of Christ, for the salvation of all people that were perished of the house of Israel, whereby to call them through the same coming, to the full perfection of the Gospel. As touching this calling of the Heathen, speaketh Christ in the Gospel, I have also other sheep, that are not of this fold, and those must I bring, and they shall hear my voice, and there shall be one sheepfold, & one shepherd. For although the Gentiles be converted, from the infidelity, of their idolatry, to the faith of Christ: yet are they not converted to the perfection of the law of Christ, And therefore did the Apostles in the primitive Church, lay no burden upon the Gentiles, 
By this perfection (I suppose) he meaneth the reformation of the church being out of the way. Esay 11.  but that they should abstain from heinous things, as from things offered to idols, and from blood, and strangled, and fornicatyon. As touching this second coming, speaketh Esay: On that day the root of jesse which standeth for a sign or mark to the people, to him shall the heathen make their homage and supplication, and his sepulchre shall be glorious: and in that day shall it come to pass, that the Lord shall the second time put to his hand, to possess the remnant of his people etc. And he shall lift up a token toward the nations, and he shall assemble the runagate people of Israel that were fled, and those that were dispersed of juda shall he gather together from the four quarters of the earth. And the zealous emulation of Ephraim shall be broken to pieces, and the enemies of juda shall come to nought. Paul to the Thessalonians sayeth: We beseech you brethren, by the coming of our Lord jesus christ, and of our gathering together before him: that you be not soon removed from your understanding, neither that you be put in fear, as though the day of the Lord were at hand, neither as it were by letter sent by us, neither by spirit, nor yet by talk. Let not any body by any means bring you out of the way, or seduce you: For except there shall first come a departing, and that the man of sin, the son of perdition shallbe disclosed, which maketh resistance, and is advanced above all thing that is called God, or that is worshipped: so that he doth sit in the temple of God, 
The reveling of Antechrist.  showing himself as if he were God. Do ye not remember that whilst I was as yet with you, I told you of this: and now you know what keepeth him back, that he may be uttered in his due time: For even now doth he work the mystery of iniquity, only that he which holdeth, may hold still until he be come to light: and then shall that wicked one be disclosed, whom the Lord jesus shall slay with the breath of his mouth, and shall destroy with the brightness of his coming, even him whose coming is according to the working of Satan, in all power, with signs and lying wonders, and in all deceipfull leading out of the truth towards those that do perish, because that they receive not heartily the love of truth, that they might be saved.  
Christ being demanded of the Apostles, what should be the token of his coming, & of the end of the world: said unto them. There shall come many in my name, saying, I am Christ, and they shall seduce many. Also he telleth them of many other signs, of battles, famine, pestilence, and earthquakes. But the geatest sign of all he teacheth to be this. 
The abomination of desolation. Luke 21.  When you shall see (saith he) the abomination of desolation standing in the holy place, he that readeth, let him understand. But Luke 21. in his Gospel speaketh more plainly hereof. When you therefore shall see jerusalem to be compassed about with an army, then know ye that the desolation thereof shall draw nigh. And afterward it followeth: And they shall fall by the face of the sword, and shallbe led away captive to all nations, and jerusalem shallbe trodden under foot of the heathen, until the times of the nations be fulfilled. Now in Daniel thus it is written of this matter. And after 72. weeks, shall Christ be slain, neither shall that be his people, that will deny him. And as for the City and Sanctuary, shall a people (with his captain that will come with them) destroy the said City and sanctuary, 
Destruction of the jews temple.  and his end shallbe to be wasted utterly, till it be brought to nought, and after the end of the war, shall come the desolation appointed. In one week shall he confirm the covenant to many, and within half a week shall the offering and sacrifice cease. And in the temple shall there be the abomination of desolation, and even unto the end shall the desolation continue. And else wher●●n Daniel, thus it is written. From the time that the continual sacrifice shallbe offered, 
1390. days, in Daniel expounded.  and that the abomination shallbe placed in desolation, there shall be 1290. days.  
Now, if any man will behold the Chronicles, he shall find, that after the destruction of jerusalem was accomplished, and after the strong hand of the holy people was fully dispersed, and after the placing of the abhominatyon, that is to say, the Idol of desolation of jerusalem, within the holy place, where the temple of God was before, there had passed 1290, days taking a day for a year, as commonly it is taken in the Prophets. And the times of the heathen people are fulfilled, after whose rites and customs God suffered the holy City to be trampled under foot for 42. months. 
For these 42. months, look page 397.  For although the Christian Church, which is the holy City, continued in the faith from the Ascension of christ, even till this time: yet hath it not observed and kept the perfection of the faith all this whole season. For soon after the departure of the Apostles, the faith was kept with the obseruatyon of that rites of the Gentiles, and not of the rites of Moses law, nor of the law of the Gospel of jesus christ, Wherefore seeing that this time of the error of the Gentiles is fulfilled: it is likely that Christ shall call the Gentiles from the rites of their gentility, to the perfection of the Gospel, as he called the jews from the law of Moses to the same perfection, in his first coming: that there may be one shepefolde of the jews and Gentiles, under one shepherd Seeing therefore that Antichrist is known which hath seduced the nations: 
Why rather at this time, than any other, the matter of Antichrist i● moved: and why rather in this kingdom, then in an other.  then shall the elect after that they have forsaken the errors of their Gentility, come through the light of God's word, to the perfection of the Gospel, & that same seducer shallbe slain with the sword of god's word. So that by these things it doth partly appear unto me, why that at this time rather than at an other time, this matter of Antichrist is moved.  
And why that this motion is come to pass in this kingdom, rather than in other kingdoms: me thinks there is good reason, because that no nation of the Gentiles was so soon converted to christ as were the Brytons the inhabitants of this kingdom: For to other places of the world there were sent preachers of the faith, who, by the working of miracles and continual preaching of the word of God, 
The first receiving the faith in this realm by the Britons.  and by grievous passion and death of the body, did convert the people of those places: But in this kingdom, in the time of Lucius king of the Brytons, and of Eleutherius Bishop of the Romans did Lucius hear of the Romans that were Infidels (by the way of rumours and tales) of the Christian faith, which was preached at Rome. Who believed straightways, and sent to Rome, to Eleutherius for men skilful to inform him more fully in the very faith itself: at whose coming he was joyful, and was baptized with his whole kingdom. And after the receiving of the faith, 
Britain's by the special election of God called to faith.  they never forsook it, neither for any manner false preaching of other, neither for any manner of torments, or yet assaults of the Paynims, as in other kingdoms it hath come to pass. And thus it seemeth to me the Britons amongst other nations, have been, as it were by the spiritual election of God, called & converted to the faith.  
Of them as me seemeth, 
The calling of the Gentiles to faith  did Esay prophecy saying: For they did see to whom there was nothing told of him, & they did behold, that had not heard of him. And again, behold, thou shalt call a nation which thou knewest not: & nations that have not known thee, shall run unto thee: for the lord thy God, & the holy one of Israel, shall glorify thee.  
Of this kingdom, did S. john in the apocalypse prophecy (as me seemeth) where he said, The Dragon stood before the woman, which was about to be delivered of child, to the intent that when she had brought it forth into the world, he might devour up her son: & she brought forth her child which was a manchild, 
Apoc. 12.  who should govern all nations with an iron rod. And the same son was taken up to God, & to his throne. 
The woman fed in the desert. 1260. days.  And the woman fled into the wilderness, whereas she had a place prepared of God, that they may feed her. 1260. days. And again in the same chapter, after that the Dragon saw that he was cast out upon the earth, he did persecute the woman, which brought forth the manchild. And there were given to the woman two wings of a great Egle, that she might flee into the wilderness into her place, where as she is fostered up for a time, times, & a half time, from the face of the Serpent. And the Serpent did cast as it were a flood of water after the woman, to the intent that he might cause her to be drowned by the flood: and the earth opening her mouth, did hear the woman, & did swallow up the flood which the Dragon did cast out of his mouth. Let us see how these sayings may be applied unto this kingdom rather than to other kingdoms. It is well known that this kingdom is a wilderness or a desert place, because that the Philosophers & wisemen did not pass upon it, but did leave it for a wilderness and desert, because it is placed without the climates. 
This place of the desert in the scripture seemeth here something hardly expounded. Faith came into Britanny from the East, not from Italy or Rome.   
Unto this place fled the woman, that is to say, the Church (which by faith did spiritually bring forth Christ into the world) where as she was fed with the heavenly bread, the flesh and blood of jesus Christ, for 1260. days, seeing that for so many days, taking a day for a year, the Brytons continued in the faith of Christ, which thing cannot be found so of any Christian kingdom, but of this desert: and well is it said, that she flew to this place. For whom the East came the faith into Britain, not by walking in journey, nor yet by sailing: for than should it have come by Rome, Italy, Almain, France, which cannot be found: & therefore she flew over those places, & rested not in them, even as a bird flying over a place, resteth not in the same: but rested in this wilderness for a time, times, and half a time, that is, 1260. years from the first coming of the faith into Britain until this present.  

A time, 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 a time 〈◊〉 unded.  In saying for a time, times, and half a time, there is a going forward from the greater to the less. The greatest time that we name, is a 1000 years, there is a time: and the next time that is less in the singular number, is one 100 year. In the plural number, times signify that there be more hundreths than one, at least 200. years. Wherefore if they be put under a certain number, it must needs be that they be two, but the same two cannot fitly be called some times; except they be hundreths. For in that, that there is a going down from the greater to the less, when as it is said a time, times, and half a time, and that the number of a 1000 is likely assigned for a time: it must needs follow that times must be taken for hundreths, and half a time for 60. because it is the greater half of an hundredth years, though that 50. be the even half. And when that the serpent sent the water of the persecution after the woman to cause her to be drowned of the flood: then did the earth, that is to wit, the stableness of faith help the woman, by supping up the water of tribulation. 
Persecution of Dioclesian's ●●●●walo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 page. ●●.  For in the most cruel persecution of Dioclesian and Maximiane against the Christians, when as christianity was almost every where roted out: yet did they in this kingdom stand continually in the faith, unmovable. And so, considering that the Britons, were converted to the faith of Christ, as you would say, by an election and piking out amongst all the nations of the heathen, and that after they had received the faith, they did never start back from the faith for no manner of tribulation: It is not to be marveled it in their place the calling of the Gentiles, be made manifest to the profiting of the gospel of jesus Christ, by the revealing of Antichrist.  
But besides this, me seemeth that Ezechiel doth specially speak of them, whereas he speaketh of the fall of the prince of tire, saying: for as much as thy heart is lifted up as if it were the hart of God, therefore behold: I will bring upon thee, some of the strongest of the heathen, & they shall draw their naked swords upon the beauty of thy wisdom, and they shall defile thy comeliness, and they shall slay thee, and pull thee out, and thou shalt die in the slaughter of the slain persons, in the heart of the sea.  
This prince who saith, that he himself is God, & doth sit in God's chair in the heart of the sea, doth signify (as most likely it seemeth to me) that Antichrist shallbe destroyed by the most mighty persons of the Gentiles folk, through the sword of the word of God. 
A●●●nd to 〈◊〉 Welch●●●.  Because that amongst the other Gentiles, there have been none more strong than the britons, either in their body or their faith, & in their bodily wars there have been none more mighty than they. For never in wars have they been vanquished, but by their own sedition or treason. But how many kingdoms have they conquered? Yea, and nother by the most mighty city of Rome, could they be driven out of their kingdom, until that God sent upon them pestilence and famine: whereby they being wasted, were compelled to leave their country, which thing I have not hard of any other people. Now, in the faith, have they been amongst all the people, the strongest, as before is said, because that by no tribulation, could they be compelled to forsake the faith. 
The strong ●●●th of the Britons.  Wherefore of them, this seemeth to me to be understanded. Then I will bring upon thee, some of the most strongest people, & they shall draw their naked sword, etc. By these things it may plainly appear, why at this time (rather than in time passed) this matter is stirred up: and why in this kingdom (rather than in other kingdoms) the calling of the Gentiles is entreated of, to the verifying of the Gospel, through the disclosing of Antichrist.  

Tales of Antichrist.  But forasmuch as many tales and fables are told of Antichrist and his coming, and many things which do rather seduce than instruct the hearers, are applied to him out of the scriptures of the prophets: we will briefly write those things which are spoken of him, and we will show that the same fable sprang from the error of people imagining, & from no truth of the scriptures prophesying. Now than they do say, that Antichrist shall be borne in Babylon of the tribe of Dan, & conceived of the mixture of man and woman in sin, 
A false imagination of Antichrist.  because that Christ was borne of a virgin, and conceived of the holy ghost. They say, that he shall be an ill favoured parsonage, because that it is written of Christ: comely and beautiful is he, beyond the sons of men. They say that he shall preach three years and an half where Christ preached, & that he shall circumcise himself, and say that he is Christ, and the Messiah sent for the salvation of the jews. And they say, that he shall 3. manner of ways seduce the people by false miracles, gifts, and torments. So that whom he shall not be able to overcome with miracles nor with gifts, those shall he go about to overcome with divers kinds of torments. And those that he shall seduce, will he mark with his tokens in their forehead or hands. He shall sit in the temple of God, and cause himself to be worshipped as God. He shall fight (as they say) with the 2. witnesses of Christ, Enoch & Hely, and shall kill them, and he himself shall finally be slain with lightning. 
The scripture & Prophets not rightly vnderstande●, touching Antichrist.  To this imagined man of their own imagination, but of none of the prophets foreshowed (at least in no such wise as this is) do they apply the Prophets, as this of Daniel: When the cotinual sacrifice shallbe taken away, & abomination shall be placed to desolation: That is (say they) when the worshipping of God shallbe taken away, & desolation (to wit, Antichrist) shall abominably show forth himself to be worshipped, then shall there be 1290. days: that is to say, 3. years and a half. And this time do they say is the time, times, and half a time. And when it is said in Daniel: Blessed is he that looketh for, and cometh to a 1335. days. This do they say, is thus to be understanded. 45. days of repentance to such as have worshipped Antichrist: which 45. days added to the 1290. make 1335. days. Which days they that shall reach unto, shallbe called blessed.  
They apply also to this Antichrist, 
Touching these 42. months, see above pag. 397.  this saying of the apocalypse: I saw a beast rising up out of the Sea, having 7. heads, and 10. horns, who had power given him to make 42. months. Which months (as they say) do make 3. year & a half, in which Antichrist shall reign. And many other things there are told, and applied unfitly to this imagined Antichrist, that are not truly grounded upon the scriptures.  
Now, 
The old imagination touching Antichrist confuted.  let us show the errors of this fable. First of all, if there shall come such one (saying expressly that he is Christ) what Christian would be seduced by him, though he should do never so many miracles: neither shall he come after the manner of a seducer, which shall show himself an express adversary. Neither is it likely that the jews can be seduced by such a one, 
Antichrist cometh not so grossly as the papists imagine.  seeing that Christ is not promised unto them of the stock of Dan by any of the Prophets, but of the stock of juda: nor yet is he promised to them to be a king warlike, but peaceable, taking war away, & not making war. For of Christ sayeth Esay: 
Esay. cap. 2.  And in the last days, shall there be prepared the mountain of the house of the Lord, in the top of the mountains, and it shallbe exalted above the hills: and to it, shall all the nations have great recourse, and many people shall go and say: Come, let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, and to the house of the God of jacob, and he shall teach us his ways, 
Esay 2.  and we shall walk in his paths. For out of Zion shall there go a law, and the word of the Lord from jerusalem, and he shall judge the nations, & reprove much people. And they shall turn their sword into plowshares, and their spears into scythes. There shall not a nation lift up itself against an other nation, nor yet shall they be any more exercised to war. 
Esay 9  And again: A little babe is borne to us, and a son is given to us, and his Imperial kingdom upon his shoulder, and his name shall be called: The great counsellor: The mighty God: The father of the world to come: The Prince of peace. His Empire shall be multiplied, and there shallbe no end of his peace. He shall sit upon the seat of David, and upon his kingdom: that he may make it steadfast and strong in judgement, and in justice, from henceforth & for evermore. Zachary doth say of Christ: 
Zach. 9  Rejoice thou greatly, O thou daughter Zion, be thou exceeding merry, O daughter jerusalem: Behold thy king shall come a righteous person, and a Saviour unto thee, and yet he a poor man, and getting up upon an ass, even upon a young colt of the she ass. And I will scatter abroad the chariot of Ephraim, and the horse of jerusalem. And the bow of war shallbe dispersed, 
Antichrist cannot come of the tribe of Dan.  and he shall speak peace to the nations, and his power shall be from the sea to the sea, and from the flood unto the borders of the earth.  
By which things it is manifest, that the wise jews knew well enough, Christ to be promised to them of the stock of juda and not of the stock of Dan: & that he was given, all to peace & not to war: Therefore it is not likely, that they can be seduced by such a one. But if there should have been in time to come some such singular Antichrist, then would Christ (seeing he loved his) have said somewhat unto them of him. Now, of one singularly doth he not speak: but of many, saying. Many shall come in my name, & say, I am Christ: and they shall seduce many persons. But now let us see, how the prophecies in Daniel, & the apocalypse (aforesaid) be falsely and erroneously applied to the same imagined Antichrist. 
Daniel. 9  For in Daniel the ix. chapter thus it is written. And after 72. weeks shall Christ be slain, and they which will deny him shall not be his people. And the City and sanctuary, shall a people, with their Captain that shall come with them destroy, whose end shallbe utter desolation, and after the end of the war a determined destruction. Now, he shall in one week confirm his covenant towards many, and in the half week shall the offering and sacrifice cease, and in the temple shall there be an abomination of desolation, and even to the fulfilling up of all, and to the end, shall the desolation continue. It is plain & manifest that this prophecy is now fulfilled. For the people of Rome with their Captain, destroyed jerusalem even to the ground, and the people of the jews was slain and scattered. 
The abomination or Idol of desolation standing in the holy place.  And the abomination, that is, the Idol of desolation was placed of Adrian, in the last destruction in jerusalem in the holy place, that is to say, in a place of the temple. And from that time hitherto have passed near about 1290. days, taking a day for a year, as Daniel takes it in his prophecies, and other prophets likewise. For Daniel speaking of 62. weeks, doth not speak of the weeks of days but of years. So therefore when he saith: From the time that the continual sacrifice was taken away. etc. 1290. days must be taken for so many years, from the time of the desolation of jerusalem, even unto the revealing of Antichrist: and not for 3. years and an half, which they say, Antichrist shall reign. And again, whereas Daniel said, How long till the end of these marvelous matters? it was answered him. 
Antichrist to reign only 3. years and a half is false.  For a time, and times, and half a time. Behold also, how unfitly they did assign this time, by 3. years and a half, which they say, antichrist shall reign. For when as it is said, a time, times, and half a time: there is a going downward from the greater to the less: from the whole to the part, because it is from a time to half time. If therefore, there be a going downward from the whole to the part, by the midst (which is greater than the whole itself) the going downward is not meet nor agreeing. And this is done when as it is said, that a time, times, and half a time is a year, two years, and half a year. Wherefore more fitly it is said, that a time, times and half a time, doth signify 1290. years, as is before said in the chapter preceding. Thus therefore is the prophecy of Daniel falsely applied to that imagined Antichrist.  
Likewise is the process of the apocalypse applied to the same imagined Antichrist, 
Look before in the story of the x. first persecutions.  too much erroneously. Because that the same cruel beast which came up out of the sea, having 7. heads, and 10. horns, to whom there was power given over every tribe, people, and tongue, and the power given for the space of 42. months: This beast doth note them Roman Emperors, which most cruelly did persecute the people of God, aswell Christians as jews. For when as the condemnation of the great whore sitting upon the many waters was showed to john: he saw the same woman sitting upon the purple coloured beast full of the names of blasphemy, 
Apoc. 13.  having 7. heads, and 10. horns: and he saw a woman being drunken with the blood of the Saints and Martyrs of Iesu. 
The beast in the 13. of the Apoc. expounded.  And the angel expounding and telling him the mystery of the woman and the beast that carried her said: That 7. heads are 7. hills, and are 7. kings: Five are fallen, one is, the other is not yet come: & when he shall come, he must reign a short time. And the 10. horns which thou sawest, are 10. kings, who have not yet taken their kingdom, 
The purple beast in the Apoc. meaneth Rome.  but shall receive their power as it were in one hour, under the beast. And finally he saith, the woman whom thou sawest, is the great City, which hath the kingdom over the kings of the earth. And it is manifest that the City of Rome, at the time of this prophecy, had the kingdom over the kings of the earth. And this City was borne up & upholden by her cruel & beastly Emperors: who by their cruelty and beastliness did subdue unto themselves in a manner, all the kingdoms of the world, of a zeal to have lordship over others, and not virtuously to govern the people that were their subjects, seeing that they themselves did lack all virtue, and drew back others from the faith and from virtue.  
Wherefore what cruel beast coming up out of the sea, doth rightly note the Roman Emperors, 
For these 42. months look before pag. 397.  who had power over every language, people and country. And the power of this beast was for 42. months: because that from the first Emperor of Rome, that is to say, julius Cesar, unto the end of Frederick the last Emperor of Rome there were 42. months, taking a month for 30. days, as the months of the hebrews and Grecians are, and taking a day always for a year, as commonly it is taken in the Prophets. By which things it may plainly appear, how unfitly this prophecy is applied to that imagined Antechrist, and the 42. months taken for three years and an half, which (they say) he shall reign in against the saying of the Prophets, because that days are taken for years. As in the 1. 
Apoc. 1.  of the Apocal. They shall be troubled 10. days. Which do note the most cruel persecution of Dioclesian against the Christians that endured 10. years. And in an other place of the apocalypse, 
apocalypse. 9  it is written of the smoke coming up out of the bottomless pit. Out of which pit there came forth grasshoppers into the earth: 
The beginning a 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 an't beggar friars 〈◊〉 of, in the Apoc. exp●●ded of A● 〈◊〉 look● 〈◊〉 pag. 41.  and to them was power given, as scorpions have power, to vex & to trouble men 5. months. Now it is manifest, that from the beginning of the friars minours and preachers, to the time that Armachanus, began to disclose and uncover their hypocrisy, and their false foundation of valiant begging under the poverty of Christ, were 5. months, taking a month for 30. days, and a day for a year. And to Ezechiel were days given for years. Wherefore it is an unfit thing to assign the 42. months being appointed to the power of the beast, unto 3. years and a half, for the reign of that fantastical and imagined Antichrist: specially seeing that they do apply to his reign the 1290. 
Non con●●dat Psa●●rium cum cithara. Whether Antichri●● be already come.  days in Daniel, which make 42. months, and in the apocalypse they assign him 42. months. It is plain that the psaltery and the harp agree not. And therefore seeing that it is sufficiently showed, that the same fabling tale of that imagined Antichrist to come, is a fable and erroneous: Let us go forward to declare whether Antichrist be already come, and yet is he hid from many, and must be opened and disclosed within a little while, according to the truth of the holy Scripture, for the salvation of the faithful.  
And because that in the first conclusion of mine answer, I have conditionally put it, who is that Antichrist lying privy in the hid Scriptures of the Prophets: I will pass on the declaration of that conclusion, bringing to light those things, which lay hid in darkness, because nothing is hid which shall not be disclosed, and nothing covered that shall not be known: And therefore, the thing that was said in the darkness, let us say in the light: and the thing that we have heard in the ear, let us preach upon the house tops. I therefore as I have before said, so say, that if the high bishop of Rome, calling himself the servant of God, and the chief Vicar of Christ in this world, do make and justify many laws contrary to the gospel of jesus Christ: 
The Pope proved Antichrist.  then is he the chief of many, which coming in the name of Christ, have said, I am Christ, who have seduced many. Which is the first part of the first conclusion, and is manifest. For Christ is called of hebrews the very same, that we call anointed. 
Anointing double in scripture.  And amongst them there was a double sort of legal anointing by the law, the one of kings and the other of Priests. And aswell were the kings, as the priests, called in the law, Christ's. The kings, as in the Psalm. The kings of the earth stood up together, and the Princes assembled themselves in one against the Lord and against his Christ or anointed. And in the books of the kings very often are the kings called Christ's. 
Kings and Priests anointed.  And our Saviour was Christ, or anointed king, because he was a king for evermore upon the throne of David, as the Scriptures do very oftentimes witness. The Priests also were called anointed, as where it is written: Do not ye touch my Christ's, that is, mine anointed ones, and be not ye spiteful against my Prophets. And so was our Saviour Christ, a Priest for ever according to the order of Melchisedech.  
Seeing then, that the Bishops of Rome do say, that they are the high Priests: they say also therein that they are kings, 
The Pope● make themselves priests and kings. The Pope maketh himself christ.  because they say that they have the spiritual sword pertaining to their priesthood, and the corporal sword which agreeth for a kings state. So is it plain, that really & in very deed, they say that they are Christ's, albeit that expressly they be not called Christ's. Now that, they come in the name of Christ, it is manifest, because they say that they are his principal vicars in this world, ordained of Christ specially for the government of the Christian Church. 
The Pope cometh is the name of Christ. Popes proved principal Antichrist's. The pope an outward friend, and a privi enemy to Christ.  Therefore, seeing they say, that really and in very deed they are Christ's, and the chief friends of Christ: If they make and justify many laws contrary to the Gospel of jesus Christ, then is it plain that they themselves in earth are the principal Antichrist's, because there is no worse plague and pestilence, than a familiar enemy. And if in secret they be against Christ, and yet in open appearance they say that they are his friends: they are somuch the more meet to seduce and deceive the Christian people, because that a manifest enemy shall have much a do to deceive a man, because men trust him not: but a privy enemy pretending outward friendship, may easily seduce, yea those that be wise.  
But that this matter may the more fully be known, let us see what is the law & doctrine of Christ, that aught to be observed of all faithful people: 
Whether the Pope doth maintain any laws against the laws of Christ.  which being known, it shallbe an easy thing to see, if the bishop of Rome do make or maintain any laws, contrary to the law of the gospel of jesus Christ.  
I say then, that the law of Christ is charity, which is the perfect love of God and of Christ. This thing is plain and manifest. For Christ being demanded of a certain doctor of the law: What is the greatest commandment in the law▪ answered. 
The law of 〈◊〉 commanded in the Gospel.  Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind: This is the principal & greatest commandment. And as for the second, it is like unto this: Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thine own self. In these two commandments, doth the whole law and Prophets depend. And in an other place Christ sayeth: All manner of things therefore, that you would that men should do to you, the same also do ye unto them. For this is the law and the Prophets. And in john the 13. chap. saith Christ. And now do I say unto you, 
john. 13.  I give you a new commandment, that you should love each other: as I loved you, in like manner that you also should love one another. In this shall all men know that you are my disciples, if you shall have love one towards an other. 
john 15.  And john 15. chapter: This is my commandment that you love together as I have loved you. Greater love than this, hath no body, that a man should give his life for his friends. The Apostle Peter saith in his first Epistle 4. 
●. Pet. 4.  chapter: Above all things, having continually charity one towards an other, for charity covereth the multitude of sins. Be ye harbourers, and entertain ye one an other without grudging: every one as he hath received grace, so let him bestow it upon an other man, as the good stewards of the manifold graces of God. If any man speak, let him speak as the word of God. If any man do aught for an other, let it be done with singleness and unfeigned verity, ministered of God to us ward, that in all things God may be honoured through jesus Christ our Lord. james in his Epistle the 2. 
●. jacob. 2.  chapter. If ye perform the royal law accordingly to the Scriptures (thou shalt love thy neighbour) ye do well: But if ye be partial in receiving and preferring men's personages, ye work wickedness being blamed of the law as transgressors. And again, so speak ye, and so do ye, as ye should now begin to be judged by the law of liberty. What shall it avail (my brethren) if a man say he have faith, and have no works? Never shall that faith be able to save him. For if a brother or sister be naked, and have need of daily food, and some of you say to them, go ye in peace, be ye made warm and satisfied: and if ye shall not give those things that are necessary for the body, what shall it avail? Even so faith, if it have not works, is dead in itself.  

1. john. 3.  john in his first epistle the 3. chap. This is the tidings which you have heard from the beginning, that you should love one another. And again, we know that we are translated from death to life, if we love the brethren: He that loveth not, abideth in death. And again, herein do we know the love of God, because that he hath laid down his life for us, & we ought to lay down our lives for the brethren. He that shall have the substance of this world, and shall see his brother have need, and shall shut up his bowels from him: how abideth the love of God in him? My little children, let us not love in word nor tongue, but in deed and truth. 
1. john. 4.  And again 4. chap. Most dearly beloved, let us love together. For love is of God, he that loveth not, knoweth not God, for God is love. In this thing hath the love of God appeared in us, that God hath sent his only begotten son into the world, that we should live by him. Herein is love: not that we have loved God, but that he hath first loved us, and hath sent his son an atonement for our sins. Most dearly beloved, if God have loved us: we so ought to love together. No man hath seen God at any time: if we love together, God abideth in us, & his love is perfect in us. And again, let us love God, for he hath first loved us. If a man shall say, I love God, & do hate his brother, he is a liar. For he that loveth not his brother whom he seethe, how can he love God whom he seethe not? And this commandment have we of God, that who so loveth God, should love his brother also. Paul the Apostle in his epistle to the Rom. 13. 
Rom. 13.  chapter. O we ye nothing to no body, saving that ye should love together, for he that loveth his brother hath fulfilled the law. For thou shalt not commit adultery, thou shalt not murder, thou shalt not steal, thou shalt not bear fall witness, thou shalt not covet thy neighbours good: and if there be any other commandment, it is plentifully fulfilled in this word: thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. Wherefore the fulfilling of the law is love.  

1. Cor. 5.  Paul to the Corinth's 5. sayeth: If I should speak with the tongues of men and angels, and yet have not charity, I am become as it were a piece of sounding metal or rinkling cymbal. And if I shall have all prophecy, & know all mysteries, and all knowledge, and shall have all faith, so that I might remove mountains, and yet shall not have charity: I am nothing. And if I shall give abroad all my goods to feed the poor, and shall give up my body to be burned, and yet have not charity: it profits me nothing. To the Galathians 5. 
Galatians 5.  sayeth Paul: For you my brethren, are called into liberty: do ye not give your liberty for an occasion of the flesh, but by charity of the spirit, serve ye one an other. For all the law is fulfilled in one saying: thou shalt love thy neighbour as thine own self. 
Ephes. 4.  To the Eph. 4. chap. he saith: I therefore that suffer bonds in the Lord, do beseech you, that you would walk worthy of the calling where with ye are called, with all humbleness and mildness, with patience forbearing one another in love, being careful to keep the unity of the spirit, in the bond of peace: that you be one body, and one spirit, even as you be called in one hope of your calling. 
Ephes. 5.  And again in the 5. chap. Be ye followers of me, as most dear children, and walk ye in love as Christ also hath loved us, and hath delivered up himself for us, an offering and sacrifice to God of a sweet favour, 
Philip. 1●  To the Phil. thus he speaketh in the 1. chap. Only let your conversation be worthy of the Gospel of Christ, that either when I shall come and see you, or else in mine absence. I may hear of you, that you stand steadfast in one spirit, labouring together with one accord for the faith of the Gospel. And in nothing be ye afraid of the adversaries, which is to them a cause of damnation, but to you of salvation, and that of God. For to you it is given, not only that you should believe in him, but also that you should suffer with him, you having the like fight and battle that both you have seen in me, and also now do hear of me. If therefore there be any consolation in Christ, if any comfort of charity, if any fellowship of the spirit, if any bowels of compassion fulfil you my joy, that you may be of one judgement, having one and the self same charity, being of one accord, of one manner of judgement, doing nothing of contention, nor of vain glory, but in humbleness, accounting other amongst you, every one better than yourselves, not every body looking upon the things that be his own, but those that belong unto others. 
Colos. 3.  And to the Coloss. 3. chapter thus he writeth: You therefore as the elect of God, holy, and beloved, put upon you the bowels of mercy, gentleness, humbleness, lowliness, modesty, patience, bearing one with an other, & giving place to yourselves (if any have a quarrel against any body) even as the Lord forgave you, so do you also. Above all things have ye charity, which is the bond of perfection, and let the peace of Christ triumph in your hearts, in which peace you also are called in one body. And be ye kind & thankful. And to the Thessalonians thus Paul writeth in the 4. 
Thes. 4.  chapter. As concerning brotherly charity, we have no need to write unto you: for you yourselves have learned of God, that you should love one an other. And the same thing ye do towards all the brethren throughout all Macedonia.  
Out of all these & many other places of the holy scripture it sufficiently appeareth, that the law of Christ is charity, neither is there any virtues commanded of Christ, or any of his Apostles to be observed of the faithful people, but that it cometh out of charity, or else doth nourish charity.  
The law is given by Moses, and the truth by Christ. Christ came not to unlose the law and the Prophets, 
Many things observed in the old law, which be not observed now. Many things unlawful in the old law, which be lawful now. How Christ did lose and not lose the law.  but to fulfil them. But yet many things were lawful & might have been observed in the time of the law, which in the time of grace must not be observed. And many things were unlawful to them that were under the law, which in the time of grace are lawful enough. After what sort than he did not lose the law, but did fulfil it, it is necessary to declare, for those things which hereafter must be said. For amongst Christians, many things are judged to be lawful, because in the former testament in the law, they were lawful: and yet they be expressly contrary to Christ's Gospel. But the authors of such things do argue and reason thus: Christ came not to lose the law of the prophets. Now after what sort he did not unlose them, it is manifest by the holy scripture: that the law given by Moses, was written in tables of stone, to declare the hardness of the people's hart towards the love of God, or of Christ. But Christ hath written his law in the hearts and in the minds of his, that is to say, the law of perfect love of God & of Christ. Which law whosoever observeth, he doth observe the law of Moses, & doth much greater works of perfection, than were the works of the law. Thus therefore were the morals of the old law fulfilled in the law of the charity of Christ, and not unloosed: because they are much more perfectly observed, then of the jews. This I say, if the Christians do observe the commandments of Christ in such sort, as he commanded the same to be observed. Christ hath fulfilled the laws moral of the old testament, because that the morals and judicials were ordained, that one person should not do injury to an other, & that every man should have paid him that is his. Now, they that are in charity, will do no injury to others, neither do they take other men's goods away from them. Nay it seeketh not her own things. For charity seeketh not the things that be her own. Wherefore, much less by a stronger reason it ought not to seek for other men's goods. And when as the judicials & morals were ordained: Christ did not by the works of the law justify the believers in him, but by grace justified them from their sins. And so did Christ fulfil that by grace, that the law could not by justice.  
Paul to the Romans declareth in a godly discourse, 
Free justification, by faith only.  and to the Galath. likewise: that none shall be justified by the works of the law, but by grace, in the faith of jesus Christ. As for the morals & ceremonies of the law, as circumcision, sacrifices for offence and for sins, 
Grace, that is free favour, mercy, & goodness of God.  first fruits, tenths 〈◊〉, divers sorts of washings, the sprinkling of blood, the sprinkling of ashes, abstaining from unclean meats which are ordained for the sanctifying and cleansing of the people from sin, no nor yet the prayers of the priests, neither the preachings of the prophets, could cleanse a man from his sin. For death reigned even from Adam to Moses, and sin from Moses to Christ, as Paul declareth to the Romans in the 5. chapter. 
Rom. 5.  But Christ, willing to have mercy, 
Hebrews 9  and not sacrifice, being a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech, & an high Priest of good things to come: did neither by the blood of goats or calves but by his own blood enter in once unto the holy places, when as everlasting redemption was found: 
Christ entereth not into the temple made by man, but to very heaven.  neither did jesus enter into the holy places that were made with hands, which are the examples of true things, but into the very heaven, that now he may appear before the countenance of God for us. Nor yet he did so, that he should offer up himself oftentimes, 
The sacrifice of Christ not many times offered, but once for all.  as the high Bishop entered into the holy place every year with strange blood (for otherwise he must needs have suffered oftentimes sithence the beginning of the world) but now in the latter end of the world hath he once appeared by his own sacrifice, for the destruction of sin. And like as it is decreed for men once to die, and after that cometh judgement: even so was Christ once offered up to consume away the sins of many. The second time shall he appear without sin, to the salvation of such as look for him. For the law having a shadow of good things to come, and not the very image or substance itself of the things: can never, by those sacrifices which they offer (of one self same sort continually year by year) make them perfect that come unto her. Otherwise men would leave of offering because that those worships being once cleansed, should have no more pr●●●e of conscience for sin afterwards. But in them is their remembrance made of sins every year. For it is impossible, 
Hebrew. 10.  that by the blood of goats & bulls, sins should be taken away. Wherefore, he entering into the world, doth say, as for sacrifice and offering thou wouldst not have, but a body hast thou framed unto me. And sacrifices for sin have not pleased thee, then said I, behold I come. In the head or principal part of the book it is written of me, that I should do thy will, O God. Wherefore he said before, that sacrifices, oblations and burnt offerings, and that for sin thou wouldst not have: neither were those things pleasant to thee which are offered according to the law: then said I, behold I come, that I may do thy will O God: He taketh away the first, that he may 'stablish that that followed. In which will, we are sanctified and made holy by the offering up of the body of jesus Christ, once. And verily every Priest, is ready every day ministering, & oftentimes offering the self same sacrifices, which never can take away sins. But this man offering one sacrifice for sins, doth for ever and ever sit at God's right hand, looking for the rest to come till that his enemies be placed to be his footstool. For with one offering hath he for ever made perfect those that be sanctified. By which things it plainly appeareth, that Christ by one offering hath cleansed his from their sins: who could not be cleansed from the same, by all the ceremonies of the law, and so did fulfil that which the priesthood of the law could not. Wherefore only the morals and judicials he fulfilled by the law of charity, and by grace: and the ceremonials, by one offering up of his body in the altar of the cross. And so it is plain, that Christ fulfilled the whole law.  
Wherefore sithence that the holy things of the law, were a shadow of those things that were to come in the time of grace: 
All shadows ought to cease among Christians Hebrews 7. Where the priesthood is removed, there also the law is removed.  it were meet that all those things should utterly cease amongst Christians, which should either be against charity, or the grace of Christ. Although in the time of the law, they were lawful, and not utterly contrary to it, but were figures of perfections in Christ's faith: yet it were meet that they should cease at the coming of the perfection which they did prefigurate: as circumcision, the eating of the paschal lamb, and other ceremonial points of the law. Whereupon also Paul to the hebrews the 7. chapter sayeth thus. If therefore the making up of the perfection of all was by the levitical priesthood (for the people received the law under him) why was it necessary besides, that an other Priest should rise up after the order of Melchisedech, 
* 〈…〉 God 〈…〉 not 〈◊〉 but no 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 by 〈…〉, and not by the old law.  & not be called after the order of Aaron● For when the priesthood is removed, it must needs be, that the law also be removed. For he, in whom these things are spoken, is of an other tribe, of which, none stood present at the altar. Because it is manifest that our Lord had his offspring of juda: in which tribe Moses spoke nothing of the Priests. And besides this, it is manifest: if according to the order of Melchisedech there do rise up an other Priest, which was not made according to the law of the carnal commandment, but according to the power of the life that cannot be loosed. For thus he beareth witness, that thou art a priest for ever, 
The 〈◊〉 ceasing, the effect also ceaseth. He mea●●●● that nece●●tie of tithe, which ●●●deth by the nece●●●● the old ●●● to cease.  after the order of Melchisedech: so that, the commandment, that went before, is disallowed for the weakness & unprofitableness thereof. For the law hath brought no body to perfection. By which things it appeareth that Christ making an end of the priesthood of Aaron, doth also make up a full end of the law belonging to that priesthood. Whereupon I marvel that your learned men do say, that Christian folks are bound to this small ceremony of the payment of tithes, and care nothing at all for other as well the great as the small ceremonies of the law.  
It is plain, that the tithes were given to the sons of Levi, for their serving in the tabernacle & in the temple of the Lord, as the first fruits were given to the priests, and also part of the sacrifices, & so were the vows for their ministry, as it appeareth in the book of Numbers the 22. chapter. But forasmuch as the labour of those sacrifices did cease at the coming of Christ: how should those things be demanded, which were ordained for that labour? 
If tithes be claimed by force of the ólde law, by the same law priests are bound● to have ●● temporalties.  And seeing that the first fruits were not demanded of Christians, which first fruits were then rather and sooner demanded then the tithes: why must the tithes be demanded, except it be therefore peradventure because that the tithes be more worth in value then be the first fruits?  
Secondly, why are the lay people bound to the payment of tithes, more than the Levites and the priests were to the not having of possessions of realties & Lordships amongst their brethren, seeing that the self same law in the self same place (where he sayeth that the tithes ought to be given to levites) saith also to the Levites, you shall be contented with the offering of the tithes, and have none other thing amongst your brethren. Wherefore seeing that the Priests be bound, to the not having of temporal Lordships: how are the lay people bound, by that law (of God he meaneth, and not of man) to the payment of tithes?  
Thirdly, 
He proveth not cont●●●, but the 〈◊〉 thes be 〈◊〉 by the positive law of man: Although not by the ceremonial law of Moses. Circumci●● ceaseth: Ergo, the ceremonies do cease. Galat. 4.  as touching circumcision, which is one of the greater ceremonies of the law, and was given before the law, & was an universal ceremony, concerning the covenant between God & his people, and was so much regarded in the law, that thereof it was said: The soul, whose flesh shall not be circumcised in the foreskin, shall pearish from amongst his people: yet did this ceremony utterly cease at the coming of Christ, although that certain of the jews did say in the primative Church, that the Christians must needs keep the commandment of circumcision with the faith: whom Paul reproveth writing thus to the Galathians the 4. chapter, where he speaketh of the children of the bondwoman & of the free woman, which do signify the two Testaments. But we (O brethren) are the children of the promise after Isaac, but like as at that time he that was borne after the flesh, did persecute him, which was after the spirit: even so it is now also. But what saith the scripture? Throw out the bondwoman and her son. The son of the bondwoman, shall not be heir with the son of the free woman. Wherefore brethren, we are not the sons of the bondwoman, but of the free. S●ad ye steadfast in the liberty, 
Chris●● liberty from the bondage of the law.  wherewith Christ hath delivered you, and be not ye holden again under the yoke of slavery. Behold I Paul say unto you, if you be circumcised, Christ shall nothing profit you. For I testify again to every man that circumciseth himself, that he is bound to keep all the whole law. Ye are utterly void of Christ: whosoever will be justified in the law, are fallen from grace.  
In like manner, we may reason, if we be bound to tithing, we are debtor, 
Bound in one thing (he meaneth) bound in all. Either be●● to all, or to none.  & bound to keep all the whole law. For to say that men are bound to one ceremony of the law, & not to the others, is no reasonable saying. Either therefore we are bound to them all, or to none. Also, that by the same 
* Here he expresseth his meaning plainly.  old law, men are not bound to pay tithes, it may be showed by many reasons, which we need not any more to multiply & increase, because the things that be said, are sufficient. Whereupon some do say, that by the Gospel we are bound to pay tithes, because Christ said to the pharisees, Math. 23. chapter: Woe be you Scribes and pharisees, which pay your tithe of Mint, of Anets' seed, and of cumin: and leave judgement, mercy, and truth undone, being the weightier things of the law, both should ye have done these things, and also not have left the other undone. O ye blind guides, 
The one is disallowed, the other is not commanded.  that strain out a gnat, and swallow up a camel. This word soundeth not as a commandment or manner of bidding, whereby Christ did command tithes to be given: but it is a word of disallowing the hypocrisy of the pharisees, who of covetousness did rather weigh and esteem tithes, because of their own singular commodity, rather than other great and weighty commandments of the law. And me seemeth that our men are in the same predicament of the pharisees, which do leave of all the ceremonies of the old law, 
priests wrist religion to their own profit.  keeping only the commandment of tithing. It is manifest and plain enough by the premises, and by other places of the scripture, that Christ was a priest after the order of Melchisedech, of the tribe of juda, not of the tribe of Levy: who gave no new commandment of tithing of any thing to him and to his priests whom he would place after him: but when his Apostles said to him: Behold, we leave all things & have followed thee, what then shall we have, he did not answer them thus: 
Tithes not expressly commanded a new by Christ in the Gospel.  Tithes shall be paid you, neither did he promise them a temporal, but an everlasting reward in heaven. For he, both for food, and also apparel taught his disciples not to be careful. Be ye not careful for your life, what ye shall eat, or for your body what ye shall put on. Is not the life of man more worth than the meat? and the body more worth than apparel? Behold ye the birds of heaven, 
Math. 6.  which do not sow, nor reap, neither yet lay up in barns, and yet your heavenvly father feedeth them. And as for apparel, why should you be careful? Consider the lilies of the field, how they grow, they labour not, neither do they spin. etc. In conclusion he saith, be not ye careful, saying, what shall we eat, or what shall we drink, or wherewithal shall we be covered? For all these things do the Gentiles seek after. For your father knoweth, that you have need of all these things. First therefore seek ye for the kingdom of God and the righteousness thereof, and all these things shall be cast unto you. And Paul right well remembering this doctrine, instructeth Timothe and saith thus. 
1. Tim. 6.  But we having food and wherewithal to be covered, let us therewith be contented. And as the Acts of the Apostles do declare: In the first conversion of the jews at jerusalem, they had all things common, and to every one was division made, as need required. Neither did the priests make the tithes their own proper goods. 
Tithes not required in the primitive church.  For like as it was not meet that the lay people being converted, should have propriety of goods: even so neither that priests should have propriety of tithes. So that if the priests started back from fervent charity in challenging to themselves the propriety of tithes: it is no marvel of departing backward (as do the priests, from the perfection of charity) also of the laity to be willing to appropriate to themselves the ix. parts remaining after tithes. Wherefore, seeing that neither Christ, nor any of the Apostles, commanded to pay tithes: it is manifest and plain, neither by the law of Moses, nor by Christ's law, Christian people are bound to pay the tithes: but by the tradition of men, they are bound.  
By the premises now it is plain, that Christ did not undo the law, 
Tithes due to be paid by the positive law of men.  but by grace did fulfil it. Notwithstanding, in the law many things were lawful, which in the time of grace are forbidden, and many things were then unlawful, which now are lawful enough. For nothing that is contrary to charity, is lawful to a Christian.  
Let us now hear what manner of commandments Christ hath given us in the Gospel, without the observation of which commandments, charity shall not perfectly be kept. By which commandments, Christ did not undo the old law, but did fulfil it. By the observation also of which commandments, he teacheth us to pass and got beyond the righteousness of the Scribes & Pharises, who most perfectly thought themselves to keep the law. This absolute and perfect righteousness, which we are bound to have beyond the righteousness of the pharisees and the Scribes, he teacheth in Math. 5.6. and 7. chap. Which being heard, and compared to the traditions made and commanded by the Roman prelate's: it shall plainly appear, whether they be contrary or no. Christ therefore sayeth, you have heard, 
The doctrine of Christ, whether it be contrary to the traditions of the pope or not. Math. 5.  that it was said to them of the old time. Thou shalt not kill. For he that killeth shall be guilty of judgement. But I say unto you, that every one that is angry with his brother, shall be in danger of judgement. In this he doth teach, that we ought not to be angry with our brethren: not that he would undo this did common (thou shalt not kill) but that the same should be the more perfectly observed. Again he saith. You have heard that it was said, thou shalt love thy friend, and hate thine enemy: But I say unto you, Love your enemies, do well to them that hate you, pray for them that persecute & slander you, that you may be the children of your father which is in heaven: Which maketh his sun to arise upon the good and the evil people, and raineth upon the just and unjust. For if you love them which love you, what reward shall you have? Do not the Publicans thus? And if you shall salute your brethren only, what great thing do ye? Do not the heathen thus also? Be you therefore perfect, as also your heavenly father is perfect.  
Again Christ sayeth, 
The doctrine of Christ and of the P. compared  you have heard that it is said: an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth: but I say unto you, see that you resist not evil. But if any man shall strike you upon the right cheek, give him the other to. And to him that will strive with thee for thy coat in judgement, let him have thy cloak also. And whosoever shall constrain thee one mile, go with him also two other. He that asketh of thee give him: and he that will borrow of thee, turn not thyself from him.  
By these things it may plainly appear, how that Christ the king of peace, the Saviour of mankind, who came to save and not to destroy, who gave a law of charity to be observed of his faithful people: hath taught us not to be angry, not to hate our enemies, not to render evil for evil, nor to resist evil. For all these things do softer and nourish peace & charity, and do proceed and come forth of charity, & when they be not kept, charity is loosed, & peace is broken. But the bishop of Rome approveth and alloweth wars, and slaughters of men in war, aswell against our enemies, that is, the infidels, as also against the Christians for temporal goods. Now, these things are quite contrary to Christ's doctrine, and to charity, and to peace.  
In the decrees 23. q. 1. cap. Paratus, 
The gloze of Gratianus upon the cap. Paratus 23. q. 1. disproved. Christ in answering to his striker, did not break his rule of patience outwardly.  it is taught, that the precepts of patience must always be retained in purpose of the heart, so that patience with benevolence must be kept in the mind secret. But apparently and manifestly, that thing should be done, which seemeth to do good to those, whom we ought to wish well unto. Wherein they give to understand, that a Christian may freely defend himself. And for confirmation of this saying, they do say: That Christ when he was strooken in the face of the high bishop's servant, did not fulfil (if we look upon the words) his own commandment: because he gave not to the smiter the other part, 
The precept of Christ to turn the other cheek, hath a privy comparison: as if ye would say, rather be you content to suffer two blows, then to revenge one.  but rather did forbid him, that he should not do it, to double his injury. For he said, if I have spoken evil, bear witness of evil, but if well, why dost thou strike me? I do marvel of this saying: for first if those commandments of patience must be kept in secret in the mind: and seeing the body doth work at the motion of the mind, and is and aught to be moved and ruled by the same: It must then needs be, that if patience be in the mind, it must appear also outwardly in the body.  
Secondly I marvel that it is said, that Christ did not fulfil his own precept of patience. 
This article of Brute must have a relation ever to the doctrine of the clergy.  For it is manifest, that albeit he teaching always as a good schoolmaster, those things which were fit for the salvation of souls, speaking the wholesome word of instruction to the high bishop's servant, smiting him unjustly: did neither by word forbidden an other stroke to be given on the other cheek, neither did he defend himself bodily from striking on the same cheek: But speaking to him, it is likely the he gave him the other cheek, he meaneth, that he turned not the other cheek away. For a man turneth not away from him whom he speaketh to, or whom he informeth, but layeth open before him all his face: Even so do I believe that Christ did, that he might fulfil in very deed that, which before he had taught in word. Neither yet did Christ by his word or by his deed, show any thing of defence, or of bodily resistance.  
Thirdly, 
The case here again of Christ was private, and his doctrine is to be understanded in private cases.  I marvel why wise men leaving the plain & manifest doctrine of Christ, whereby he teacheth patience: do seek corners of their imagining, to the intent they may approve fightings and wars. Why mark they not after what manner, Christ spoke to Peter striking the high bishops servant, saying: Put up thy sword into the sheath, for every one that shall take the sword, shall perish with the sword. But in an other case we must make resistance: which case may be so righteous, as it is for a man's Lord & master being a most righteous man, 
War in case allowed of W. Brute.  and yet suffering injury of mischievous persons.  
Fourthly, 
He meaneth resistance for private cause, or for worldly goods.  I marvel seeing that we are bound of charity & by the law of Christ to give our lives for our brethren, how they can allow such manner of dissensions & resisting. For when thy brother shall maliciously strike thee, thou mayst be sure, that he is manifestly fallen from charity, into the snare of the devil. If thou shalt keep patience, he shall be ashamed of his doing, and thou mayst bow & bend him to repentance, and take him out from the snare of the devil, and call him back again to charity. If thou resist, and perchance by resisting dost strike again, his fury shallbe the more kindled, 
Patience commanded in private causes among Christian brethren.  & he being stirred up to greater wrath, peradventure shall either slay thee, or thou him. Touching thyself, thou art uncertain, if thou go about to make resistance, whether thou shalt fall from charity, and then shalt thou go backward from the perfection of Christ's commandment: Neither dost thou know but that it may happen thee so greatly to be moved, as that by the heat & violence of wrath, 
The inconvenience of private resistance among Christian brethren.  thou shalt slay him. Whereas if thou wouldst dispose thyself to patience (as Christ teacheth) thou shouldest easily avoid all these mischiefs, aswell on the behalf of thy brother, as also of thine own part. Wherefore, the observing of charity as the precept of patience is to be observed.  

Paul being stricken, did not break the rule of Christian patience, neither made any bodily resistance.  Fifthly, I do marvel why that for the allowing of this corporal resistance, he doth say in the same Chapter: that Paul did not fulfil the precept of the patience of Christ, when as he being strooken in the place of judgement by the commandment of the high Priest, did say, God strike thee, O thou painted wall: Dost thou sit to judge me according to the law, and dost thou command me to be stricken against the law? It is manifest that Paul made resistance in nothing, though he spoke a word of instruction to the Priest, who against the law commanded him to be stricken. And if Paul had overpassed the bounds of patience, through the grief of the stroke: what of that? Must the deed of Paul's impatiency for this cause be justified, and the commandment of patience taught by Christ, be left undone for Paul's deed, and corporal resistance be allowed? God forbidden. For both Paul and Peter might err. But in the doctrine of Christ there may be found no error. 
The fact either of Paul or of any other, doth not derogate to the doctrine of our Saviour.  Wherefore, we must give more credence & belief to Christ's sayings, then to any living man's doings. Wherefore, although Paul had resisted, which I do not perceive in that Scripture: it followeth not thereof, that corporal resistance must be approved, which is of Christ expressly forbidden. I much marvel that always they seek corners and shadows to justify their deeds. Why do they not mark what great things Paul reciteth himself to have suffered for Christ? And where I pray you have they found, that he after his conversion, struck any man that did hurt him? Or where do they find that he in express word doth teach such a kind of corporal resistance? But as touching patience, he saith in plain words to the Romans: Be not wise in your own conceits: 
Rom. 12. Rules of Christian patience.  Render ill for ill to no body: providing good things not only before God, but also before all men, if it be possible: Be at peace with all folks as much as in you lieth: not defending yourselves, my most dearly beloved, but give you place unto anger. For it is written, vengeance is mine, & I will recompense them, saith the Lord. But if thine enemy shallbe an hungered, give him meat. If he be a thirst, give him drink For thus doing, thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head. Be not overcomen of evil, but overcome thou evil with good.  
To the Corinthians the 5. as touching judgement and contention, 
1. Cor. 5.  which are matters of less weight than are fightings, thus he writeth: Now verily there is great fault in you, that you be at law amongst yourselves. Why rather take ye not wrong? why rather suffer ye not deceit? And generally in all his Epistles he teacheth, that patience should be kept, 
He meaneth such wars of Christians, as the pope alloweth: rising rather of private revenge of princes, for worldly glory or affection, them for any public necessity.  and not corporal resistance by fight, because charity is patient, it is courteous, it suffereth all things. I marvel how they justify and make good the wars by Christians, saving only the wars against the devil and sin. For seeing that it is plain, that those things which were in the old Testament, were figures of things to be done in the new Testament: Therefore we must needs say, that the corporal wars being then done, were figures of the Christian wars against sin and the devil, for the heavenly country, which is our inheritance. It is plain that it was written thus of Christ. The mighty Lord, and of great power in battle, hath girded himself in force and manliness to the war: and he came not to send peace into the earth, but war. In this war ought Christian people to be soldiers according to that manner which Paul teacheth to the Ephesians the last. 
Ephe 6. Corporal wars in the old Testament, be figures of the spiritual wars in the new Testament, against sin, and the devil.  Put upon you the armour of God, that you may be able to stand against the deceits of the devil. For we have not to wrestle against flesh and blood, but against princes & potestates, against the rulers of these darkness of the world, against spiritual wickedness in heavenly things, which are the high places. Wherefore take ye the armour of God, that ye may be able to resist in the evil day, and to stand perfectly in all things. Stand you therefore girded about in truth upon your loins, having put upon you the breast plate of righteousness, and your feet shoed in a readiness to the Gospel of peace, in all things taking the shield of faith, wherewith you may quench all the fiery darts of that wicked one. And take unto you the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the spirit, which is the word of God.  
By these things it is plain, what are the wars of Christians, 
What be the wars most proper to Christians.  and what are the weapons of their warfare. And because it is manifest, that this Testament is of greater perfection than the former: we must now fight more perfectly then at that time. For now spiritually, then corporally: now for an heavenly everlasting inheritance: then for an earthly and temporal: now by patience, then by resistance. For Christ sayeth, blessed are they that suffer persecution for righteousness, 
All this taketh not away the lawfulness of wars, in case of public necessity, but only in private case for temporal goods.  for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. He saith not, blessed are they that fight for righteousness. How can a man say, that they may lawfully make war, & kill their brethren for the temporal goods, which peradventure they unjustly occupy, or unjustly intend to occupy? For he that killeth an other, to get these goods which an other body unjustly occupieth: doth love more the very goods, than his own brother. And then he falling from charity, doth kill himself spiritually. If he go forward without 
* Note this word without charity.  charity to make war: then doth he evil, and to his own damnation. Wherefore he doth not lawfully nor justly in proceeding to the damnation of his own self & his brother, whom though he seem unjustly to occupy his goods, yet he doth intend to kill. And what if such kind of wars were lawful to the jews: 
Such kind of wars, that is, such kind as be for private revenge of temporal goods.  this argueth not, that now they are lawful to Christians, because that their deeds were in a shadow of imperfection, but the deeds of Christians in the light of perfection. It was not said unto them, All people that shall take the sword, shall perish with the sword. What if john the Baptist, disallowed corporal fightings, and corporal warfare, at such time as the soldiers asked him saying. And what shall we do? Who saith to them, See that you strike no man, neither pick ye quarrels against any, and be ye contented with your wages. This saying of john alloweth not corporal warfare amongst Christians. For john was of the Priests of the old Testament, 
How john Baptist allowed war.  and under the law, neither to him it appertaineth to follow the law, but to warn the people to the perfect observation of the law. For he being like wise demanded of the publicans what they should do, said unto them, Do no other thing than is appointed unto you. But Christ the author of the new Testament and of greater perfection, than wa● the perfection of the old law, which gave new things, as it plainly appeareth by the Gospel. So that, Christians ought to receive information of Christ, not of john. For of john also doth Christ speak: verily I say unto you, there hath not risen amongst the children of women, a greater than john Baptist: but he that is less in the kingdom of heaven, is greater than he. In which saying Christ showeth that those that be least in the kingdom of heaven in the time of grace, 
They that be less in the kingdom of heaven, greater than john Baptist, expounded.  are placed in greater perfection than was john, which was one of them that were the elders, & he lived also in that time of the law in greater perfection. And when as certain of john's disciples said unto him, master, he that was beyond jordan, to whom thou gavest witness, behold he baptiseth, and all people come unto him. john answered and said: A man cannot take any thing upon him, unless it shall be given him from above. You yourselves do bear me record, that I said I am not Christ, but that I was sent before him. He that hath the bride, is the bridegroom, as for the bridegrooms friend, who standeth and heareth him: rejoiceth with great joy to hear the voice of the bridegroom. This therefore my joy is fulfilled: he must increase, and I must be diminished. He that cometh from an high is above all. He that is of the earth is earthy, and speaketh of the earth: He that cometh from heaven, is above all folks: that which he hath seen and heard, the same doth he witness, and yet his witnessing doth no body receive. But he that receiveth his witnessing, hath put to his Seal, that God is true. For he whom God hath sent, speaketh the words of God.  
By which things it plainly appeareth, that credence is to be given neither to john, nor yet to angel, if he teach any thing that is not agreeable to Christ's doctrine. For Christ is above the Angels, because that God infinitely passeth them in wisdom. Now if Moses the servant of God a minister of the old testament was so much to be believed, that nothing could be added, nor yet any thing diminished from the commandments that were given by him, (for so Moses had said, the thing that I command thee, that do thou only to the Lord, neither add thou any thing, nor diminish.) How much more ought we not to add nor to take away from the commandments given by God himself, and also the son of God? In the primitive Church because the Christians had servant love and charity, they observed these precepts as they were given: but their fervent charity afterward waxing luke warm, they invented gloss by drawing the commandments of God back to their own deeds, which they purposed to justify and maintain, 
He meaneth at those wars against 〈◊〉 sur 〈◊〉 and procured by ●● pope vp●● blind superstition, to fight for the ●o●y land, 〈◊〉 ta●●● by prin●●● in the ●●essary ●●●sence of ●●●selues ●● of their ●●●ntrey.  that is to say, wars against the infidels. But that they by wars should be converted to the faith, is a fact faithless enough: because, that by violence or unwillingly, no body can believe in Christ nor be made a christian, neither did he come to destroy them by battle, that believed not in him: for he said to his disciples, you know not what spirit you are of. The son of man came not to destroy men's lives, but to save them. Then to grant pardons and forgiveness of sins, to those that kill the infidels, is to much an infidels fact, seducing many people For what greater seducing can there be, then to promise to a man forgiveness of sins, and afterward the joy of heaven, for setting himself against Christ's commandments in the kill of the Infidels, that would not be converted to the faith: where as Christ doth say, not every one that saith to me Lord, Lord, shall enter into the gidgdome of heaven: but he that doth the will of my father which is in heaven, this person shall enter into the kingdom of heaven. Now the will of the father is, that we should believe in his only son jesus Christ, and that we would obey him by observing of those things which he himself hath commanded. Wherefore Christ's precepts of patience must be fulfilled. Wars, fightings, and contentions must be left, because they are contrary to charity.  

Objection.  But peradventure some man will thus reason against Christ: The saints by whom God hath wrought miracles, do allow wars as well against the faithful people, as also against the infidels. And the holy kings were warriors, for whose sakes also miracles have been showed, as well in their death as also in their life, yea in the very time wherein they were a warfare. Wherefore it seemeth that their facts were good and lawful. For otherwise, God would not have done miracles for them.  

Answer, ●egibus a●●dum non exemplis. True miracles here of holy men be ●● disproved, but spea●●ng university, the ●●ple doctrine and word of God, is the ●●●e rule for men to follow. ●. Reg. 22. Ac●s de●●●ed by ●●●se prophets.  To ●●is again I say, that we for no miracles must do contrary to the doctrine of Christ. For in it can there be no error, but in miracles there oftentimes chanceth error as it is plain as well by the old as by the new testament: God forbidden then, that a Christian should for deceivable miracles, depart from the infallible doctrine of Christ. In Exodus the 7. chapter it is manifest, how that the wicked wise men of the Egyptians, through the enchantments of Egypt, and certain secret workings, threw their wands upon the earth, which were turned into Dragons, even as Aaron before time in the presence of Pharaoh threw his wand upon the earth: which by the power of God was turned into a serpent. In the third of the kings the 22. chap. Micheas did see the Lord sitting upon his throne, and all the host of heaven standing about him on the right hand, and on the left. And the Lord said, who shall deceive Achab the king of Israel, that he may go up and be slain in Ramoth Gilaad. And one said this way, and an other otherwise: now, there went forth a spirit, and stood before the Lord & said, I will deceive him. To whom the Lord spoke: by what means? And he said, I will go forth, and be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophets. And the Lord said thou shall deceive him and prevail, go thy ways forth, and do even so. Thus also is it written in Deuteronomium. If there shall arise a Prophet amongst you, or one that shall say he hath seen a dream, and shall foretell a sign and a wonder: & if that shall come to pass that he hath spoken, and he shall say unto thee: Let us go and follow strange Gods (whom thou knowest not) and let us serve them: thou shalt not hearken unto the words of that Prophet or dreamer, for the Lord your God tempteth you, to make it known whether ye love him or no, with all your hart, and with all your soul.  

jere. 23. Prophet's must be tried by doctrine.  In jeremy the 12. chap. Are not my words even like fire saith the Lord? and like an hammer, that breaketh the stone? Therefore behold, I will come against the Prophets which have dreamt a lie (saith the Lord) which have showed those things, and have seduced the people through their lies and their miracles, when as I sent them not neither commanded them, which have brought no profit unto this people (saith the Lord. 
Mark 13. ) In Mark the 13. chapter saith Christ: For there shall arise false Christ's and false Prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders to deceive if it were possible even the very elect. Paul in his second Epistle to the Corinthians the xi. chap. 
1. Cor. 11. False prophets.  Such false Apostles are deceitful workers, transforming themselves into the Apostles of Christ, and no marvel: For even Satan transformeth himself into an angel of light therefore it is no great thing, though his ministers transform themselves, a● though they were the ministers of righteousness, whose end shall be according to their works.  
In the apocalypse the 13. chap. 
Apoc. 13.  john saw a beast ascending up out of the earth and it had two horns like a lamb but he spoke like the Dragon, and he did all that the first beast could do before him: and he caused the earth and the inhabitants thereof to worship the first beast, whose deadly wound was healed, and did great wonders so that he made fire come down from heaven on the earth, in the sight of men, and deceived them that dwell on the earth, by means of the signs which were permitted to him to do in the sight of the beast.  
By these things it is most manifest and plain, 
Miracles are to be tried.  that in miracles this manifold error oftentimes happeneth through the working of the devil, to deceive the people withal. Wherefore, we ought not for the working of miracles, to departed from the commandments of God: I would to God that they which put confidence in miracles would give heed unto the word of Christ, 
Math. 7.  in the 7. chap. of Math. thus speaking: 
The servants of Christ discerned by working not of miracles, but of virtues.  Many shall say unto me in that day, Lord, Lord have we not in thy name prophesied? and in thy name cast out devils? and in thy name done many great works? etc. I will profess unto them, I never knew you, depart from me all ye which work iniquity.  
By this saying it is most manifest, that the servants of Christ are not discerned by the working of miracles, but by the working of virtues, departing from iniquity, and obeying the commandments of God. Wherefore it is wondered, that any in this life dare presume to prevent the day of the judgement of God, to judge by means of miracles, that some are Saints whom men ought to worship, whom peradventure God will in the last judgement condemn, saying: depart from me all ye which work iniquity. If any man could here on earth judge sinners to be condemned, then if this judgement were certain, Christ should not judge the 2. time, 
Men or women, are not rashly to be judged Saints.  and what soever such judges bind in earth: the same aught to be bound in heaven. But if such a judgement be uncertain, than it is perilous and full of deceit, when as by it men on earth may in steed of saints worship such as are damned with the fellowship of the devils, and in prayer require their aid, who even like as the devils their companions are more ready and more of might to evil then to good, more to hurt then to profit. I wonder they mark not what Christ said, when his kinswoman came unto him, desiring and requiring something of him, and saying: Command that these my two sons may sit, one upon thy right hand and the other upon thy left hand, in thy kingdom. But jesus answering, said: Ye know not what ye ask, can ye drink of the cup which I shall drink of? they said unto him, we cna. He said unto them. Of my cup in deed ye shall drink, but to sit at my right hand or at my left, it is not mine to give, but unto whom it is prepared for, of my father. Christ, being equal unto the father according to his God head, exceeding all manner of men, according to his manhood, namely in goodness and wisdom, said, to sit my right hand, or at my left, is not mine to give but unto whom it is prepared of my father. If it were none of his to give to sit at the right hand, or at the left etc. How then is it in the power of any sinful man to give unto any man, a seat either on the right hand, or on the left in the kingdom of God? which sinful man knoweth not whether such have any seat prepared for them of the father in his kingdom. 
This proposition of Walter Bruit, concerning the war of Christians not to be lawful, is not to be taken universally, but in particular case as he meaneth, which is this: that such wars allowed of the pope, not for the necessary defence of public peace, liberty and safeguard of our countries, or against public injuries offered: but only to go & kill the infidels, because they believe not having no other cause: those wars of the pope he liketh not.  They much extol themselves which exercise this judicial power in giving judgement: that there are some saints, which ought to be honoured of men, by reason of the evidency of dreams or of deceitful miracles, of which men they are ignorant whether God in his judgement will condemn them or not together with the devils for ever to be tormented. Let them beware, for the unfallible truth saith, that every one that exalteth himself shall be brought low.  
By these things is gathered, that the wars of Christians are not lawful, for that by the doctrine and life of Christ they are prohibited, by reason of the evidency of the deceitful miracles of those, which have made wars amongst the Christians, as well against the Christians, as also against the infidels. Because Christ could not err in his doctrine for as much as he was God: And forasmuch as heaven and earth shall pass away, but the words of Christ shall not pass away. He therefore: which establisheth his laws, allowing wars and the slaughter of men in the war, as well of Christians, as of Infidels: doth he not ins●●ie those things which are contrary unto the gospel & law of Christ? Therefore in this he is against christ? and therefore Antichrist: seducing the people, making men believe that to be lawful & meritorious 〈◊〉 them, which is expressedly prohibited by Christ.  
¶ And thus much concerning the first part touching peace and war, wherein he declareth Christ and the pope to be contrary, that is, the one to be given all to peace, the other all to war, and so to prove in conclusion the Pope to be Antichrist. Where in the mean time thou must understand (gentle reader) his meaning rightly: not that he so thinketh, no kind of wars among the Christians in any case to be lawful, for he himself before hath openly protested the contrary. But that his purpose is to prove, the Pope in all his doings & teachings, more to be addicted to war, than to peace, yea in such cases, where is no necessity of war. And therein proveth he the Pope to be contrary to Christ, the is to be Antichrist. Now he proceedeth further to the second part which is of mercy.  

Doctrine of Christian mercy declared.  In the which part he showeth how Christ teacheth us to be merciful, because mercy (as he saith) proceedeth from charity, and nourisheth it. In which doctrine of mercy, he breaketh not the law of righteousness, for he himself by mercy hath cleansed us from our sins, from which we could not by the righteousness of the law, be cleansed. But whom he hath made clean by mercy, undoubtedly it behoveth those same to be also merciful. 
Math. 5.  For in the v. chapter of Matthew, he saith: Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy. 
Math. 6.  And again in the 6. of Matthew: If ye forgive unto men their sins, your father will forgive unto you your sins. And again in the seven. chapter of matthew: judge not, 
Math. 7.  & ye shall not be judged, condemn not, and ye shall not be condemned, & with what measure ye measure, with the same shall it be measured unto you again. 
Math. 18.  In the xviij. chap. of Matthew, Peter asked the lord, saying: Lord how often shall my brother sin against me, 
Mercy and pity commended among Christians.  and I shall forgive him, seven times? jesus said unto him: I say not unto thee seven times, but seventy times seven times. Therefore is the kingdom of heaven likened unto a certain king, which would take account of his servants. And when he had begun to reckon, one was brought unto him which ought him ten thousand talents: And because he had nothing where withal to pay, his master commanded him to be sold, and his wife and his children, and all that he had, and the debt to be paid. The servant therefore fell down and besought him, saying: have patience with me, and I will pay thee all. And the Lord had pity on that servant, and loosed him, and forgave him the debt. But when the servant was departed, he found one of his fellow servants, which ought him an hundred pence, and he laid hands on him, and took him by the throat, saying: pay me that thou owest, and his fellow fell down, and besought him, saying: Have patience with me, and I will pay thee all. But he would not, but went and cast him into prison, till he should pay the debt. And when his other fellows saw the things that were done, they were very sorry, and came & declared unto their master all that was done: Then his master called him, and said unto him: O thou ungracious servant, I forgave thee all that debt when thou desiredst me: Oughtest thou nor then also to have such pity on thy fellow, even as I had pity on thee? And his lord was wroth, and delivered him unto the jailers, till he should pay all that was due unto him. So likewise shall my heavenvly father do unto you, except ye forgive from your hearts each one to his brother their trespasses.  
By this doctrine it is most plain and manifest that every Christian ought to be merciful unto his brother, how often soever he offendeth against him. 
Mercy and compassion necessary to all Christians.  Because we so often as we offend, do ask mercy of God. Wherefore, for as much as our offence against God is far more grievous than any offence of our brother against us: it is plain, that it behoveth us to be merciful unto our brethren, if we will have mercy at God's hand. But contrary to this doctrine of mercy. 
The pope contrary to Christ, in showing mercy. 23.9.5.  The Romish bishop maketh & confirmeth many laws, which punish offenders, even unto the death. As it is plain by the process of the decrees. Distin 23. quest. 5. It is declared and determined, that to kill men ex officio, that is, having authority and power so to do, is not sin. And again: the soldier which is obedient unto the higher power, and so killeth a man, is not guilty of murder. And again, he is the minister of the Lord, which smiteth the evil in that they are evil and killeth them. And many other such like things are throughout the whole process of the question determined. 
The foundation of the foresaid 5. quest. caus. 23. in the pope's decrees, taken only out of the old Testament, and nothing out of the new. The makers of the pope's law follow not the perfect rule.  That for certain kinds of sins men ought by the rigour of the law, to be punished even unto death: But the foundation of their saying, they took out of the old law, in which for divers transgressions were appointed divers punishments. It is very much wondered unto me, why that wise men being the authors & makers of laws, do always for the foundation of their sayings, look upon the shadow of the law, and not the light of the gospel of jesus Christ, for they give not heed unto the figure of perfection, nor yet unto the perfection figured. Is it not written in that 3. of john▪ God sent not his son into the world to judge the world, but to save the world by him. 
john. 1. john. 8.  In john the 8. chap. The scribes and phariseis bring in a woman taken in adultery, and let her in the midst, and said unto Christ: Master even now this woman was taken in adultery. But in the law. Moses hath commanded us to stone such. What sayest thou therefore? This they said to tempt him, that they might accuse him. But jesus stooped down, and with his finger wrote on the ground. And while they continued ask him: he lift himself up, and said unto them, let him that is among you without sin, cast the first stone at her. And again he stooped and wrote on the ground. And when they heard it, the went out one by one, beginning at the eldest: so jesus was left alone, and the woman standing in the midst. When jesus had lift up himself again he said unto her: where be they which accused thee, hath no man condemned thee? She said, no man Lord. And jesus said unto her: Neither do I condemn thee? Go thy way and sin now no more.  
It is manifest by the scriptures, the Christ was promised he should be king of the jews, & unto the kings pertained the judgements of the law: but because he came not to judge sinners according to the rigour of the law, but came according to grace, to save that which was lost, in calling the sinner to repentance: it is most plain, that in the coming of the law of grace, 
here is m●t, & to be understand, not what public n● gistrates may do in cases of ●●gh teousnes, but what ecclesiastical persons according to the office of their profession should do, in not revenging by death, as they do by offices. Whether the judicial law of Moses, fully (now after the coming of Christ) standeth in force, or not. The law of Moses of all laws most justest.  he would have the judgement of the law of righteousness to cease: for otherwise he had dealt unjustly with the foresaid woman, forasmuch as the witnesses of her adultery, bare witness against her. Wherefore seeing the same king Christ was a judge, if it had been his will that the righteousness of the law should be observed, he ought to have adjudged the woman to death, according as the law commanded, which thing forasmuch as he did not, it is most evident that the judgements of the righteousness of the law are finished in the coming of the king, being king of the law of grace: even as the sacrifices of the priesthood of Aaron, are finished in the coming of the priest, according to the order of Melchisedech, who hath offered himself up for our sins. Because as it is before said, neither the righteousness of the law, nor sacrifices for sin, brought any man to perfection. Wherefore it was necessary that the same (by reason of their imperfection. And seeing amongst all the laws of the world, the law of Moses was most justest, forasmuch as the author thereof was God, who is the most just judge: and by that law always look, what manner of injury one had done unto an other, contrary to the commandment of the law, the like injury he should receive for his transgression, according to the upright judgement of the law. As death for death, a blow for a blow, burning for burning, wound for wound, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, and most just punishments were ordained according to the quantity of the sins. But if this law of righteousness be clean taken away in the coming of the law of grace, how then shall the law of the Gentiles remain among Christians, which was never so just? Is not this true, that in them, which are converted unto the saith, there is no distinction between the jew and the Grecian? For both are under sin, & are justified by grace in the saith of Christ, being called unto saith and unto the perfection of the Gospel.  
If therefore the gentiles converted, are not bound to play the jews, to follow the law of the jews: why should the jews converted, follow the laws of the Gentiles which are not so good? 
* His marcel is not so much, why thieves are put to death: but why the judicial law of Moses in this point is broken, & in other points is straightly kept: Mark his meaning.  Wherefore it is to be wondered, at, why thieves are among christians, for theft put to death where after the law of Moses they were not put to death. Chrystians suffer adulterers to live, Sodomites, and they which curse father and mother, & many other horrible sinners: And they which according to the most just law of God were condemned to death, are not put to death: So we neither keep the law of righteousness given of God, nor the law of mercy taught by Christ.  
Wherefore the law makers and judges, do not give heed unto the aforesaid sentence of Christ unto the Scribes and Phariscis, who said: 
* Take his meaning wisely (gentle reader) his mind is not so, that no magistrate, being not without sin, may punish a transgressions, but he speaketh against such churchmen, whom professing the rule of mercy, show no mercy at all, but ●● rigour, by their law, ex offic●●  He which amongst you is with out sin, let him cast the first stone at her. What is he that dareth be so bold as to say he is without sin? Yea and without a grievous sin, when as the transgression of the commandment of God is a grievous sin? And who can say that he never transgressed this commandment of God. Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself: Or the other commandment which is of greater force: Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy hart. etc. Wherefore thou whatsoever thou art that judgest thy brother unto death, thinkest thou that thou shalt escape the judgement of God, which peradventure hast offended more grievously than hath he whom thou judgest? How ●ee●● thou a mote in thy brother's eye, & seest not a beam in thine own eye? Knowest than not that with what measure thou measurest, the same shall be measured to you again? Doth not the scripture say: Unto me belongeth vengeance, and I will render again saith the Lord? How can any man say that these men can with charity keep these judgements of death? Who is it that offendeth God, and desireth of God just judgement for his offence? He desireth nor judgement, but mercy. If he desire mercy for himself, why desireth he vengeance for his brother offending? How therefore loveth he his brother as himself? Or how dost thou show mercy unto thy brother (as thou art bound by the commandment of Christ) which seekest the greatest vengeance upon him that thou canst infer unto him? For death is the most terrible thing of all, and a more grievous vengeance than death, can no man infer. Wherefore, they which will keep charity, aught to observe the commandments of Christ touching mercy: and they 
* 〈◊〉 mea●● of the 〈◊〉 and of ●●lergic.  which live in the law of charity ought to leave the law of vengeance and judgements. Ought we to believe, that Christ in his coming, by grace abrogated the most just law which he himself gave unto the Children of Israel by Moses his servant, and established the laws of the Gentiles being not so just to be observed of his faithful? 
●● speaketh 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of re●●● not 〈◊〉 the locution ●●cesiary 〈◊〉 done by ●●●●trates.  Doth not Daniel expounding the dream of Nabuchodonozer the king concerning the image whose head was of gold, the breast and arms of silver, the belly & thighs of brass, the legs of iron, one part of the feet was of iron, and the other part of clay. Nabuchodonozer saw that a stone was cut out of a mountain without hands, and strake the Image in his feet of iron and of clay, & broke them to pieces. Then was the iron, the clay, the brass, the silver and gold broken altogether, and became like the chaff of the summer flower, which is carried away by the wind and there was no place found for them: and the stone that smote the image became a great mountain, and filled the whole earth. 
●●e dream ●●●●ucho●●our, ●●●erning ●●●●ge ●●●●ded ● Damel.  He apply therefore 4. kingdoms unto the 4. parts of the Image, namely: the kingdom of the babylonians unto the head of the gold: The kingdom of the Medes and Persians unto the breast and arms of silver: The kingdom of the Grecians unto the belly and thighs or brass: But the fourth kingdom which is of the Romans, he applieth unto the feet and legs of iron. And Daniel addeth: In the days of their kingdoms, shall God raise up a kingdom which shall never be destroyed: And his kingdom shall not be delivered unto an other, but it shall break and destroy those kingdoms: and it shall stand for ever, according as thou sawest, that the stone was cut out of the mountain without hands, and broke in pieces the clay and iron, 
The judaical necessity of those ●●●es, he meaneth to ●●●se, notwithstan●●g Chri●●n princes ●●● borrow ●●th out of 〈◊〉 ●●●es, and out of all 〈◊〉 what 〈◊〉 think ●●●● ex●●●ent for 〈◊〉 com●●● weal.  brass silver and gold. Seeing therefore it is certain that this stone signifieth Christ whose kingdom is for ever: it is also a thing most assured, that he ought to reign every where, and to break in pieces the other kingdoms of the world. Wherefore it terrestrial kings and the terrestrial kingdom of the jews, and their laws and judgements have ceased by Christ the king, calling the jews unto the perfection of his gospel, namely, unto Faith and Charity: It is not to be doubted, but that the kingdom of the Gentiles which is more imperfect & their laws, aught to cease among the Gentiles, departing from their Gentility unto the perfection of the Gospel of jesus Christ. For there is no distinction between the jews and Gentiles being converted unto the faith of Christ, but all of them abiding in that eternal kingdom ought to be under one law of Charity and of virtue. Therefore they ought to have mercy, and to leave the judgements of death, and the desire of vengeance. Wherefore they which do make laws mark not the parable of Christ, saying: The kingdom of heaven is like unto a man which sowed good seed in his field: but when men were on sleep, the enemy came and sowed tars in the midst of the wheat, & went his way. But when the herb was grown and brought forth fruit, then appeareth the tars. And the servants came unto the good man of the house and said unto him, Lord didst not thou sow good seed in thy field? From whence then come these tars? And he said unto them: The enemy hath done this. And the servants said unto him: wilt thou that we go and gather them up? And he said no: lest peradventure gathering up the tars ye pluck up the wheat by the roots: Suffer them both to grow until the harvest, and in the time of the harvest, I will say unto the harvest men, gather first the tars and bind them in the bundles that they may be burnt, but gather the wheat into my barn. Christ himself only expoundeth this parable in the self same chapter, saying: He which soweth the good seed is the son of man, but the field is the world, and the good seed, those are the children of the kingdom. But the tars are the naughty children. And the enemy which soweth them is the Devil, And the harvest is the end of the world and the harvest men are the Angels. Even as therefore the tars are gathered and burnt with fire, so shall it be in the end of the world. The son of man shall send his Angels, and they shall gather out of his kingdom all offendors, and those which commit iniquity, and shall put them into a furnace of fire, there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth.  
By which plain doctrine it is manifest, 
His purpose is not tha● no evil doer should be punished in a common wealth, but his relation is, to the 23. q. 5. aforesaid, noting causes of religion, which the Pope and his prelate's are wont to punish with death, taking many times for tars, that which in deed is pure wheat.  that Christ will have mercy showed unto sinners, even unto the end of the world, and will have them to remain mingled with the good: Lest peradventure when a man thinketh that he doth right well, to take away the tars, he taketh away the wheat. For how great a sinner soever a man be, we know not whether his end shallbe good, and whether in the end he shall obtain mercy of God: Neither are we certain of the time, wherein God will by grace judge him whom we abhor as a sinner. And peradventure such a one shall more profit after his conversion in the Church, than he who we think to be just, as it came to pass in Paul. And if god justifieth a man by grace (although at his end) why darest thou be so bold to be his judge, and to condemn him? Yea, rather although a man seem to be obstinate and hardened in his evil, so that he is not corrected by a secret correction (correct him before one alone) if he do not receive open correction being done before two or three witnesses, neither passeth upon a manifest correction when his sin is made known unto the Church: Christ doth not teach to punish such a one with the punishment of death. Yea rather he saith, if he hearken not unto the church: let him be unto thee as an Ethnic and Publican. And Paul following this doctrine in the 1. Corin. 5. chapter saith: 
1. Cor. 5.  There goeth a common saying that there is fornication among you & such fornication as is not once named among the gentiles that one should have his father's wife. And ye are pufted up, and have not rather sorrowed, that he which hath done this deed, might be put from among you. For I verily as absent in body, but present in spirit, have already determined, as though I were present: that he which hath done this thing, when ye are gathered together and my spirit, in the name of our Lord jesus Christ that such one by the power of our Lord jesus Christ, be delivered unto Satan for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord jesus. Paul teacheth not to kill this man (as some gather by this text) but to separate him from the other faithful, and so from Christ, which is the head of the Church of the faithful, and so is he delivered unto Satan, which is separated from Christ: that the flesh may be killed, that is, that that carnal concupisbence, whereby he luxuriously lusted after the wife of his father, may be destroyed in him, by such a separation, that the spirit may be saved, & not that his body should be killed. as some say, as it is most manifest in the self same chapter, where he saith: I wrote unto you in an Epile, that ye should not keep company with fornicators, and I meant not of all the fornicators of this world, either of the covetous, or extortioners or Idolaters, for than must ye needs have gone out of the world. But now I have written unto you, that ye keep not company together, if any that is called a brother be a fonicatour, or covetous person, or a worshipper of Images, either a cursed speaker, or drunkard, or an extortioner: with him that is such, see that ye care not.  
By which it is manifest, that Paul would have the foresaid fornicator separated from the fellowship of the faithful: that his carnal concupiscence might be mortified, for the health of the spirit, and not that the body should be killed. Wherefore, they do ill understand Paul, which by this saying, 
Hereby it appeareth, that all his relation in this matter: toucheth only the cases of heresy and opinions in religion. By this it appeareth again that his respect is only to the pope and his prelate's of the church and not to civil magistrates.  do confirm the killing of men. And forasmuch as heresy is one of the most grievous sins (for an heretic leadeth men in errors, whereby they are made to stray from faith, without which they cannot be saved) it doth most great hurt in the Church.  
Further as concerning such a wicked man. Paul thus speaketh, fly from the man that is an heretic after the first and second correction, knowing that such a one is subverted and sinneth, forasmuch as he is by his own judgement condemned. Behold Paul teacheth not to kill this man, but with Christ to separate him from the fellowship of the faithful. But some say, that Peter in the primitive Church slew Ananias and Saphyra for their sins, wherefore they say it is lawful for them, to condemn wicked men to death. We will declare in showing the whole process how falsely they speak in alleging of Peter, for to justify their error.  
In the 4. chap. of the Acts it is written, that as many as were possessors of lands or houses, they sold them & offered the prices of that which they sold and laid it before the feet of the Apostles: 
The example of Peter slaying Ananias and Saphira falsely wrested of the papists.  & it was divided unto every one as he had need thereof. But a certain man Ananias with Saphira his wife sold a piece of land, and kept back a part of the price of the field, his wife being privy unto it, and bringing a certain part thereof, he laid it at the feet of the Apostles. But Peter said unto Ananias: Ananias, why hath Satan tempted thy hart that thou shouldest lie unto the holy ghost, to keep back a part of the price of the land? Did it not whilst it remained, remain unto thee: and being sold, was it not in thine own power? why hast thou conceived this thing in thine hart? Thou hast not lied unto men, but unto God. And when Ananias heard these words, he fell down and gave up the ghost, & great fear came on all them that heard these things. And the young men rose up and took him up, and carried him out and buried him. And it came to pass about the space of iij. hours after, that his wife came in being ignorant of that which was done. And Peter said unto her, Tell me woman, sold ye the land for so much? And she said, yea for so much. But Peter say unto her, why have ye agreed together to tempt the spirit of the Lord? Behold, the feet of them which buried thy husband are at the door, and shall carry thee out, And strait way she fell down before his feet, and gave up the ghost, 
Peter not the cause of the death of Ananias and Saphyra.  and the young men entering in, found her dead and they carried her out, and buried her by her husband. And great fear came on all the church, & all those which heard these things. It is marvel that any man that is wise, will say that by this process Peter slew Ananias or his wife. For it was not his act but the act of God, who made a wedding to his son, & sent his servant to call them, that were bidden unto the wedding, and they would not come. The king than sent forth his servants, to the outcorners of the high ways, to gather all that they could find, both good and evil. And so they did. And the marriage was full furnished with gests. Then came in also the king to view and see them sitting. Among whom he perceived there one sitting having not a wedding garment, and saith unto him, friend how camest thou hither? And he being dumb, had not a word to speak. Then said the king to the servitures, take and bind him hand and foot, and cast him into the outward darkness, there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth. Many there be called, but few chosen. etc.  

The wedding garment what it is.  It is manifest, that this wedding garment is charity, without which, because Ananias entered into the marriage of Christ, 
The death of Ananias and his wife, what information it giveth to the church.  he was given to death, that by one many might be informed to learn & understand: that they which have faith & not charity, although they appear to men to have yet it can not be privy to the spirit of God, that they do fain. Such there is no doubt, but they shallbe excluded from the marriage of christ, as we see this here exemplified in the death of Ananias & his wife by the hand of God, & not by the hand of Peter. And how should Peter then have judged Ananias (albeit he had judged him) worthy of death by the rigour of the old law? For why, by the law he had not been guilty of death, for that part, which they fraudulently & dissemblingly did reserve to themselves. Yea and if they had stolen as much from an other man, which was greater neither ye● for his lie committed, he had not therefore by the law of justice been found guilty of death. Wherefore if he did not condemn him by the law of justice, it appeared that he condemned him by the law of grace and mercy, which he learned of Christ. And so consequently it followeth much more apparent, that Peter could not put him to death: 
Peter not the cause of Ananias death.  Furthermore to say that Peter put him to death by the mere motion of his own will, and not by authority of the old law, nor by the new, it were derogatory and slanderous to the good fame and name of Peter. But if Peter did kill him, why then doth the Bishop of Rome which pretendeth to be successor of Peter, excuse himself and his priests from the judgement of death against heretics and other offenders, although, they themselves be consenting to such judgements done by lay men? For that which was done of Peter without offence, may reasonably excuse him and his fellow Priests from the spot of crime. Acts. 5. It is manifest that there was another which did more grievously offend than Ananias, and that Peter rebuked him with more sharp words: but yet he commanded him not so to he put to death. For Simon Magus also remaining at Samaria, after that he believed and was baptized, he joined himself with Philip: And when he saw that the holy spirit was given by the Apostles (laying their hands upon men) he offered them money, saying give unto me this power, that upon whom soever I shall lay my hand, he shall receive the holy Ghost. 
Acts. 3.  To whom Peter answered: Destroyed be thou and thy money together: And for that thou supposest the gift of GOD to be bought with money, thou shalt have neither part nor fellowship in this doctrine. Thy hart is not pure before god, therefore repent thee of thy wickedness, and pray unto God that this wicked thought of thy hart may be forgiven thee: for I perceive thou art even in the bitter gall of wickedness and band of iniquity. Behold here the grievous offence of Simon Peter's hard & sharp rebuking of him, and yet thereupon he was not put to death. Whereby it appeareth that the death of Anamas aforesaid, proceeded of God and not of Peter. Of all these things it is to be gathered seeing the judgements of death are not grounded upon the express and plain scriptures, but only under the shadow of the old law: that they are not to be observed of Christians because they are contrary to charity. Ergo the bishop of Rome approving such judgements, alloweth those that are contrary to the law & doctrine of Christ, as before is said of wars, where he approveth & justifieth that which is contrary to charity. The order of Priesthood, albeit it doth justify the judgements to death of the laity, whereby offenders are condemned to die, yet are they themselves forbidden to put in execution the same judgements. The priests of the old law being unperfect, when pilate said unto them concerning Christ (whom they had accused worthy death) take him unto you and according to your law judge him, answered: that it was not lawful for them to put to death any man.  
Whereby it appeareth that our priests being much more perfect, 
joh. 1●.  may not lawfully give judgement of death against any offenders: yet notwithstanding, they claim unto them the power judicial upon offenders: Because say they, it belongeth unto them to know the offences by the auricular confession of the offenders, and to judge upon the same being known, and to join divers penances unto the parties offending, according to the quantity of their offences committed, to that the sinner may make satisfaction say they unto God for the offences which he never committed. And to confirm unto them this judicial power, they allege the scriptures in many places, wresting it to serve their purpose.  
First they say that the Bishop of Rome (who is the chief priest and judge among them) hath full power & authority to remit sins. Whereupon they say, that he is able fully & wholly to absolve a man a poena & culpa, so that if a man at the time of his death had this remission: 
Like a pulled He●●e.  he should straigtwaies fly unto heaven without any pain of Purgatory. The other Bishops (as they say) have not so great authority. The priests constituted under every Bishop, have power, say they, to absolve the sins of them that are confessed, but not all kind of sins: because there are some grievous sins reserved to the absolutions of the Bishops, and some again to the absolution only of the chief and high Bishop. They say also that it behoveth the offenders, for the necessity of their soul health, to call to remembrance their offences, and to manifest the same with all the circumstances thereof, unto the priest in auricular confession, supplying the place of God, after the manner of a judge: & afterward humbly to fulfil the penance enjoined unto him by the priest for his sins, except the said penance so enjoined, or any part thereof be released by the superior power. All these things (say they) are manifestly determined, as well in the decrees, as decretals. And although these things have not expressly their foundation in the plain and manifest doctrine of Christ, nor any of the Apostles: yet the authors of the decrees and decretals concerning this matter, have grounded the same upon divers places of the scriptures, as in the process of Christ in the Gospel of Saint Matthew the xuj. chapter. 
Math. 16.  Whereupon they ground that pope's power judicial, to surmount the powers of other priests, as where Christ said unto his disciples: whom do men say that I am? And they answered: 
The Pope's usurped power fal●● founded upon scriptures.  some say that thou art john Baptist, some Elias, & some jeremy, or one of the Prophets. To whom he said: but who say you that I am? Simon Peter making answer, said: Thou art Christ, the son of the living God. And jesus answered and said unto him: Blessed art thou Simon the son of jonas, for flesh & blood hath not opened this unto thee: but my father which is in heaven. And I say unto thee: that thou art Peter, & upon this rock will I build my church: and hell gates shall not prevail against it. And I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven. And whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, shall also be bound in heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt lose upon earth, shall be loosed also in heaven.  
Out of this text of Christ, divers expositions have drawn divers errors. For when Christ said: And I say unto thee, that thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my Church: Some thereupon affirm, that Christ meant he would build his Church upon Peter by authority of that text, 
Dist. 9 ●● I●a Dem●nus ●●cter.  as it is written in the first part of the decrees, Dist. 19 cap. Ita dominus noster. The exposition hereof, is ascribed to Pope Leo, the error whereof is manifestly known. For the Church of Christ is not builded upon Peter, but upon the rock of Peter's confession, for that he said: Thou art Christ the son of the living God, and for that Christ said singularly unto Peter: I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven: and whatsoever thou shalt bind. etc. By this saying they affirm, that Christ gave unto Peter specially, as chief of the rest of the Apostles a larger power to bind and to lose, than he did unto the rest of the apostles, 
The place of Christ ge●●ng the keys to Peter. Mat. 16. ●●tly expounded.  or disciples. And because Peter answered for himself & all the Apostles, not only confessing the faith which he had chief above the rest, but also the faith which the rest of the Apostles had even as himself, by the revelation of the heavenvly father: It appeareth that as the faith of all the Apostles was declared by the answer of one: so by this that Christ said unto Peter: whatsoever thou shalt bind. etc. is given unto the rest of the Apostles the same power & equality to bind & to lose, 
Math. 18.  as unto Peter. Which Christ declareth in the Gospel of S. Matthew the 18. chapter, in these words: Verily I say unto you what things so ever you shall bind upon earth, shallbe bound in heaven & whatsoever you shall lose upon earth, shallbe also loosed in heaven, And further he addeth: And again I say unto you: that if two of you shall consent upon earth, and request whatsoever it be: it shall be granted unto you of my father which is in heaven. For when two or three be gathered together in my name, 
john 20.  I am there in the midst of them. And in john the xx. chapter, he saith generally unto them: Receive ye my spirit. Whose sins ye shall remit, shallbe remitted unto them: and whose sins you shall retain, shall be retained.  

Christ one●● the head of the church.  By this it appeareth, that the power to bind and to lose is not specially granted to Peter as chief and head of the rest: and that by him the rest had their power to bind and to lose, for that the head of the body of the Church is one, which is Christ, and the head of Christ is God. Peter and the rest of the Apostles, are the good members of the body of Christ, receiving power & virtue of Christ: whereby they do confirm and glue together the other members (as well the strong & noble as the weak and unable) to a perfect composition and seemliness of the body of Christ: that all honour from all parts and members may be given unto Christ as head and chief, 
1. Cor. 3.  by whom as head, all the members are governed. And therefore Paul. 1. Corinthians chap. 3. When any man saith, I hold of Paul, and an other saith I hold of Apollo, are ye not carnal men? For what is Apollo? what is Paul? The minister of him in whom ye have believed, and he as God giveth unto every man. I have planted, Apollo hath watered, but God hath given the increase. Therefore neither he that planteth is any thing neither he that watereth, 
Galat. 2.  but God that giveth the increase. And Paul to the Gal. chap. 2. God hath no respect of persons. Those that seemed to be great and to do much, availed or profited me nothing at all: But contrariwise, when they saw that the Gospel of the uncircumcision was committed unto me, as the circumcision unto Peter (for he that wrought with Peter in the Apostleship of the circumcision, wrought with me also among the Gentiles) and when they knew the grace which was given me Peter, james, and john straightways joined themselves with me and Barnabas: we among the Gentiles, and they in circumcision only, might be mindful of the poor, the which to do I was very careful. Hereby it appeareth, that Paul had not his authority of Peter to convert the Gentiles, 
A●●s ●.  to baptise them, and to remit their sins, but of him which said unto him Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me. It is hard for thee to kick against the prick. Hear is Paul the head of the Church and not Peter: By which head they say, that all the members are sustained and made lively.  

The third error.  The third error (which the authors of the canons conceiveth in the said text of Christ) which was said to Peter Unto thee will I give the keys etc. is this. They say that in this sentence which was said to Peter of the authority to bind and lose was meant: that as Christ gave unto Peter above all the rest of the Apostles a special, and as it I were an excellent power above all the Apostles: even so say they, he gave unto the Bishops of Rome (whom they call Peter's chief successors) the same special power and authority, exceeding the power of all other bishops of the world.  
The first part of this similitude and comparison, doth appear manifestly by the premises to be erroneous: wherein is plainly showed, that the other Apostles, had equal power with Peter to bind and lose. 
Other Apostles had the power to bind and to lose, as Peter had.  Wherefore consequently it followeth, the 2. part of the similitude, grounded upon the same text, to be also erroneous. But and if the first part of the said similitude were truth as it is not, yet the second part must needs be an error, wherein is said that the Bishops of Rome are Peter's chiefest successors. For although there be but one Catholic christian Church, of all the faithful sort converted: yet the first part thereof and first converted was of the jews, the second of the Greeks, & the third part was of the Romans or Latins. Whereof, the first part was most perfectly converted unto the faith, for that they faithfully observed the perfection of charity, 
Acts 2.  as appeareth in the Acts of the Apostses by the multitude of the believers. The were of one hart, and one soul neither called they any thing that they possessed their own, but all was common amongst them. 
Romans 1.   
Hereupon Paul to the Romans: Salutation to every believer, 
Peter ruled 3. Churches.  first to the jew, & to the Greeks after the Jews The Greeks were the second, and after the jews, best converted, and after them the Romans, taking their information of the Greeks as appeareth by the Chronicles although in deed some Romans were converted unto the faith, by Peter and Paul. And as Christ said thrice unto Peter, feed my sheep, so Peter ruled these three Churches as witnesseth the Chronicles. But first he reform the Church of the jews in jerusalem and judea, 
Acts 1.  as appeareth by the testimony of the Acts of the Apostles: For Acts 1. It is manifest how Peter standing up amongst his brethren spoke unto them concerning the election of an Apostle in the place of judas the traitor, alleging places unto them out of the scripture, that an other should take upon him his Apostleship. 
Acts 2.  And so by lot was Mathias constituted in the 12. place of judas, acts. 2. After that the holy Ghost was come upon the Apostles, and that they spoke with the tongues of all men, the hears were astonished at the miracle And some mocked them saying, these men are full of new wine: But Peter stood up & spoke unto them, saying, that it was fulfilled in them that was prophesied by joel the prophet, and he preached Christ unto the people, whom they of ignorance had put to death. To them was saviour promised by the testimony of the Prophets. And when they heard the words of Peter, they were pricked at the heart, saying unto him and the rest of the Apostles: What shall we then do? And Peter said unto them, repent: and let every one of you be baptized in the name of jesus Christ for the remission of your sins, and ye shall receive the holy ghost. And there were joined unto them the same day about three M. souls. 
Acts 3.4.5.  And Acts 3.4.5. it appeareth, that Peter above the rest did those things which belonged to the ministry of the Apostleship, 
Peter governed the Church at jerusalem 4. years before he governed Antioch. Galatians 2.  as well in preaching as in answering. Whereupon some Chronicles say, that Peter governed the church of the jews at jerusalem 4. years, before he governed Antioch. And by the testimony of Paul to the Gal. as before is said: The Gospel of the uncircumsion is committed to Paul even as the circumcision to Peter. And he that wrought with Peter in the Apostleship of circumcision wrought with Paul amongst the Gentiles. Whereby it apreth that the Church of the jews was commtted to the government of Peter And in the process of the Acts of the Apostles it appeareth, that Peter believed that the faith of Christ was not to be preached unto those Gentiles, which always lived in uncleanness of Idolatry. But when Peter was at joppes, Cornelius a Gentle sent unto him, that he would come & show him the way of life: But Peter (a little before of the coming of the messengers of Cornelius) being in his chamber, after he had prayed, fell in a trance and saw heaven open, and a certain vessel descending even as a great sheet, let down by four corners from heaven to earth. In the which were all manner of four footed beasts, serpents of the earth, and fowls of the air. And a voice spoke unto him saying, arise Peter, kill and eat, and Peter said, not so Lord, because I have never eaten any common or unclean thing: This was done thrice. And Peter descended (not knowing what the vision did signify) and found the messengers of Cornelius.  
As concerning the authority judicial of the clergy, many things are written thereof in the Canons of decrees, 
The keys of Christ's kingdom.  greatly to be marveled at, and far from the truth of the Scripture. The authors of the Canons say, that christ gave unto the priests, power judicial over sinners that confessed their sins unto them. And this they ground upon the text of Christ: 
Absolution.  I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and what soever thou losest etc. And these keys of the kingdom of heaven they call the knowledge to discern, and the power to judge, which they say only belongeth to the priests, 
Three things required in popish absolution. Contrition. Confession. Satisfaction.  except in case of necessity, than they say a lay man may absolve a man from sin. And as touching absolution they say, there are three things to be required on the sinner's part: first hearty contrition, whereby the sinners ought to bewail their offending of god through sins: the second is, auricular confession, whereby the sinner ought to show unto the Priest his sins, & the circumstances of them: The third is satisfaction, through penance enjoined unto him by the Priest for his sins committed. 
Two things required on his part that giveth popish absolution.  And of his part that giveth absolution, there are two things (say they) to be required that is to say: knowledge to discern one sin from an other, whereby he ought to make a difference of sins, & appoint a convenient penance, according to the quantity of the sins: The second is authority to judge, whereby he ought to join penance to the offender. And further they say, that he that is confessed, ought with all humility to submit himself to this authority, and wholly and voluntarily to do those penances which are commanded him by the priest, except the said penance be released by a superior power: for all priests (as they say) have not equal authority to absolve sins. The chief priest whom they call Peter's successor hath power fully and wholly to absolve. But the inferior priests have power, some more some less. The more as they are near him in dignity: The less as they are farther from the degree of his dignity. 
Dewret. de ●oeniten●●●.  All this is declared by process in the decrees, butnot by the express doctrine of Christ or any of his Apostles. For although Christ absolved men from their sins, I do not find that he did it after the manner of a judge, but of a saviour. For Christ saith, God sent not his son into the world to judge sinners, but that the world should be saved by him. john chap. 3. Whereupon he spoke unto him whom he healed of the palsy: Behold thou art made whole, 
john 3.  go thy ways and sin no more. And to the woman taken in adultery Christ said, woman where be thy accusers, hath no man condemned thee? who said: No man Lord. To whom then jesus thus said: No more will I condemn thee, go, and now sin no more.  

john 5.  By which words and deeds of Christ and many other places of the scripture, it appeareth he was not as a Judge at his first coming to punish sinners according to the quantity of their offences: but that day shall come hereafter, where in he shall judge all men according to their works, as in Mat. 25. 
Math. 25.  where he saith: When the son of man shall come in his majesty, and all his angels with him: then shall he sit upon the seat of his majesty, and all nations shall be gathered together before him, and he shall separate them one from an other, as a shepherd separateth the sheep from the Goats. etc. Neither shall he judge alone, but his Saints also with him. For he saith, you that have followed me in this generation, 
The saints shall judge with Christ.  when the son of man shall sit in the seat of his majesty, shall sit also upon 12. seats, and judge the 12. tribes of Israel. If then sith Christ came not as a judge, why do the Priests say that they supply the room of Christ on earth, to judge sinners according to the quantity of their offences? And yet not only this, but it is more to be marveled at, how the Bishop of Rome dareth to take upon him to be a judge before the day of judgement, and to prevent the time, judging some to be saints in heaven, & to be honoured of men, and some again to be tormented in hell eternally with the devils. Would God these men would weigh the saying of S. Paul. Corin. 4. judge ye not before the time, 
Corinth 4.  until the coming of the Lord, who shall make light the dark and secret places, and disclose the secrets of hearts, and then every one shall have his praise. Let the Bishop of Rome take heed, lest that in ezechiel be spoken by him: because thy hart is elevate, and laidest unto thyself I am God, I have sitten in the seat of God, in the hart of the sea, when thou art but man and not God. It is manifest, that the remission of sins principally belongeth to God, who through grace washeth away our sins. For it is said, the lamb of God taketh away the sins of the world. 
john 20.  And unto Christians it belongeth as the Ministers of God. For in the 20. of john Christ saith: Receive unto you the holy Ghost, whose sins you shall remit, they are remitted unto them: and whose sins you shall retain they are retained. Seeing therefore, that all Christians that are baptized in the name of the Father, and of the son, & of the holy Ghost, receive the holy ghost: it appeareth, that they have power given unto them of Christ, to remit sins ministerially. Hath not every Christian authority to baptise● and in the baptism all the sins of the baptised are remitted? Ergo, they that do baptise, do remit sins. And thus ministerially all such have power to remit sins. 
The ministerial power to remit sin, belongeth as well to one priest as to an other.  Therefore, to say that one man hath more authority to remit sins then all other Christians have, is to much to extol him & to place him even in God's seat. I pray you how are the sins remitted him that is baptized of the Priest (yea although he were of the pope himself baptized) more than if he were baptized of an other Christian? Surely I think no more. For seeing that before Baptism he remaineth a sinner and of the kingdom of the devil by sin, after baptism he entereth into the kingdom of heaven: It appeareth, that he that doth baptise, 
The keys of the kingdom of heaven.  openeth the gate of the kingdom of heaven to him that is baptized: the which he cannot do, without the keys of the kingdom of heaven. Therefore every one that both baptise: hath the keys of the kingdom of heaven, as well the in●eriour Priest as the Pope But these keys are not the knowledge to discern, & power to judge, because these do nothing avail in baptism Ergo, there are other keys of the kingdom of heaven than these: 
The keys mistaken in the Pope. Canons.  Wherefore it seemeth, that the authors of the Canons erred in mistaking the keys, whereupon they ground the authority judicial of the Clergy.  
Now a little error in the beginning granted, groweth to great inconvenience in the end. Wherefore in my judgement it seemeth, that the keys of the kingdom of heaven are saith and hope. For by faith in jesus Christ, and hope in him for the remission of sins, 
faith and hope be the keys of heaven.  we enter the kingdom of heaven. This faith is a spiritual water, springing from jesus Christ the fountain of wisdom, wherein the soul of the sinner is washed from sin. With this water were the faithful patriarchs baptized before the law, and the faithful people of the Hebrews, and the faithful Christians after the law. Wherefore I greatly marvel of that saying in the decrees, which is ascribed unto Augustine: that little children that are not baptized, shall be tormented with eternal fire, although they were born of faithful parents that wished them with all their hearts to have been baptized: as though the sacrament of Baptism in water were simply necessary to salvation, when nevertheless many Christians are saved without this kind of Baptism, as Martyrs. If that kind of Sacrament be not necessary, to one of elder years, how then is it necessary to an infant born of the faithful? Are not all baptised with the holy Ghost and with fire? But yet not with material fire, no more is the lotion of water corporally necessary to wash away sins, but only spiritual water, that is to say, the water of faith. Are not the quick baptised for them that are dead, as witnsseth Paul. 2. Corin. 15. 
2 Cor. 15.  If the dead arise not at all why are the living then baptized for them? If the living be baptized for the dead? Why then is not the infant saved by the baptism of his parents: seeing the infant itself is impotent at the time of death, and not able to require baptism? Christ saith, he that believeth and is baptized, shallbe saved. 
john 12.  He saith not, he that is not baptized: but he that believeth not shall be damned. Wherefore in the 12. chap. of john, Christ saith, I am the resurrection and life, he that believeth in me, yea although he were dead, shall line. The faith therefore is necessary which the infant hath in his faithful parents, although he be not washed with corporal water. How then is the infant damned and tormented with eternal fire? Were not they that were before the coming of Christ, and dead before his death by a thousand years saved also by his death and passion? All that believed in him, were baptized in his blood, and so were saved and redeemed from sin and the bondage of the devil, and made partakers of the kingdom of heaven. How then in the time of grace, shall the infant be damned that is borne of faithful parents, that do not despise, but rather desire to have their children baptized? I dare not consent to so hard a sentence of the decrees: but rather believe, that he is saved by virtue of the passion of Christ in faith of his faithful parents, and the hope which they have in Christ. Which faith and hope are the keys of the heavenly kingdom. God were not just and merciful, if he would condemn a man that believeth not in him, except he showed unto him the faith which he ought to believe. And therefore Christ saith: If I had not come and spoken unto them, sin could not have been laid unto their charge, but now they have no excuse of sin. Therefore seeing the faith of Christ is not manifest unto the infant departing before baptism, 
Children departing before baptismal condemned.  neither hath he denied it: how then shall he be damned for the same? But if God speaketh inwardly by way of illumination of the intelligence of the infant, as he speaketh unto Angels: who then knoweth (save God alone) whether the infant receiveth or not receiveth the faith of Christ?  
What is he therefore that so rashly dare take upon him to judge the infants begotten of faithful parents, dying with out baptism, to be tormented with eternal fire? Now let us consider the 3. things which the canons of decrees affirm to be requisite for the remission of the sins of those that sin after baptism: that is to say, contrition of hart, auricular confession, and satisfaction of the deed through penance enjoined by the priest for the sins committed. I cannot find in any place in the Gospel, where Christ commanded that this kind of confession should be done unto that priest: 
Auricular confession.  nor I cannot find that Christ assigned any penance unto sinners for their sins, but that he willed them to sin no more. If a sinner confess that he hath offended God through sin, & sorroweth heartily for his offences, minding no more hereafter to sin: then is he truly repentant for his sin, & then is he converted unto the Lord. If he shall then humbly and with good hope crane mercy at God & remission of his sins: what is he that can let God to absolve that sinner from his sin? And as God absolveth a sinner from his sin, so hath Christ absolved many, although they confessed not their sins unto the priests, and although they received not due penance for their sins. And if Christ could after that manner once absolve sinners: how is he become now not able to absolve? Except some man will say, that he is above Christ, and that his power is minished by the ordinances of his own laws? How were sinners absolved of god in the time of the Apostles, and always heretofore, unto the time that these Canons were made? I speak not these things as though confession to priests were wicked, but that it is not of necessity requisite unto salvation. I believe verily that the confession of sins unto good priests, and likewise to other faithful Christians, is good, as witnesseth S. james the Apostle: 
james 5.  Confess ye yourselves one to another, & pray ye one for another, that ye may be saved: for the continual prayer of the just availeth much. Helias was a man that suffered many things like unto you, and he prayed that it should not rain upon the earth, & it rained not in 3. years & 6. months. And again he prayed, and it rained from heaven, and the earth yielded forth her fruit. This kind of confession is good, profitable and expedient: for if God peradventure heareth not a man's own prayer, he is helped with the intercession of others: Yet nevertheless the prayers of the priests seemeth to much to be extolled in the decrees, where it treateth of penitence, and that saying is ascribed unto Pope Leo. Cap. multiplex misericordia Dei. etc. And it followeth: 
De●eni●. 〈◊〉 cap. multiplex misericordia dei.  So is it ordained by the providence of God's divine will, that the mercy of God cannot be obtained but by the prayer of the priests. etc. The prayer of a good priest doth much avail a sinner confessing his faults unto him. The counsel of a discreet priest is very profitable for a sinner, to give the sinner counsel to beware hereafter to sin, and to instruct him how he shall punish his body by fasting by watching, and such like acts of repentance, that hereafter he may be better preserved from sin.  
After this manner I esteem confession to priests very expedient and profitable to a sinner. But to confess sins unto the priest as unto a judge, & to receive of him corporal penance for a satisfaction unto God for his sins committed, I see not how this can be founded upon the truth of the scripture. For before the coming of Christ, no man was sufficient or able to make satisfaction unto God for his sins, although he suffered never so much penance for his sins. And therefore it was needful, that he that was without sin should be punished for sins, 
〈◊〉 53.  as witnesseth Isayas. chap. 53. where he saith: he took our griefs upon him, and our sorrows he bore. And again: He was wounded for our iniquities, and vexed for our wickedness. And again: The Lord put upon him our iniquity. And again: for the wickedness of my people have I stricken him. It therefore, Christ through his passion hath made satisfaction for our sins, whereas we ourselves were unable to do it, then through him have we grace & remission of sins. How can we say now, that we are sufficient to make satisfaction unto God by any penance enjoined unto us by man's authority? seeing that our sins are more grievous after Baptism: than they were before the coming of Christ. Therefore, as in Baptism the pain of Christ in his passion was a full satisfaction for our sins: even so after Baptism if we confess that we have offended, & be hearty sorry for our sins, and mind not to sin again ofterwardes.  

john 1.  Hereupon john writeth in his first epistle. ca 1. If we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, & the truth is not in us. If we confess our sins, God is faithful and just, he will remit them, and cleanse us from all our iniquities. If we say we have not sinned, we make him a liar, and his word is not us. My well-beloved children, this I writ unto you that ye sin not: but if any man sin, we have an advocate with the father jesus Christ the righteous, and he is the propitiation for our sins, and not for our sins only, but for the sins of the whole world. Therefore, 
Confession ●●to God.  we ought to confess ourselves chief unto God even from the hart, for that he chiefly doth remit sins, without whose absolution little availeth the absolution of man. This kind of confession is profitable and good. The authors of the Canons say, that although auricular confession made unto the Priest, be not expressly taught by Christ, yet, say they, 
●●ticular confession untruly ●●ounded ●●on the ●●pture. ●●ke 17.  it is taught in that saying, which Christ said unto them diseased of the leprosy, whom he commanded: Go your ways, & show yourselves unto the Priests, because as they say, the law of cleansing lepers, which was given by Moses, signified the confession of sins unto the Priest. And whereas Christ commanded the lepers to show themselves unto the Priests, they say that Christ meant, that those that were unclean with the leper of sin, should show their sins unto the Priests by auricular confession. 
The authors of the Canon law reproved.  I marvel much at the authors of the Canons, for even from the beginning of their decres unto the end, they ground their sayings upon the old law, which was the law of sin and death, and not (as witnesseth Paul) upon the words of Christ, which are spirit & life. Christ saith, the word●s which I speak unto you, be the spirit and life. They groū● their sayings in the shadow of the law, and not in the light of Christ. For every evil doer hateth the light, & cometh not into it, that his deeds be not reproved: but he that doth the truth, cometh into the light, that his works may be openly seen, 
john 3.  because they are done in God. Joh. 3.  
Now let us pass to the words that Christ spoke to the leper. Lord if thou wilt, thou canst make me clean. And jesus stretching forth his hand, touched him, saying: I will, be thou clean: and strait ways he was cleansed of his leper. And jesus said unto him: See thou tell no man, but go and show thyself to the Priest, and offer the gift that Moses commanded for a witness of these things. 
Luke 5.  This Gospel witnesseth plainly that the diseased of lepers were cleansed only by Christ, and not by the Priests, neither did Christ command the leper to show himself unto the priests, 
The story of the lepers expounded to make ●othing for cuticular confession.  for any help of cleansing that he should receive of the Priests: but to fulfil the law of Moses, in offering a sacrifice for his cleansing, & for a testimony unto the Priests, who always of envy accused Christ as a transgressor of the law. For if Christ after he had cleansed the leper, had licenced him to communicate with others that were clean, before he had showed himself cleansed unto the Priests, then might the Priests have accused Christ, as a transgressor of the law: Because it was a precept of the law, that the leper after he was cleansed, should show himself unto the Priests. And they had signs in the book of law, whereby they might judge whether he were truly cleansed or no. And if he were cleansed, then would the Priests offer a gift for his cleansing. 
The cleansing of the leprey, & the cleansing of the priest in auricle lar confession agree not.  And if he were not cleansed, then would they segregate him, from the company of others that were clean. Seeing every figure, aught to be assimuled unto the thing that is figured: I pray you then, what agreement is there between the cleansing of lepers by the law, & the confession of sins? By that law the Priest knew better whether he were leprous than he himself that had the leper. In confession the priest knew not the sins of him that was confessed, but by his own confession. In that law the Priest did not cleanse the leprous: How now therefore ought the priests to cleanse sinners from their sin, & that without them they cannot be cleansed? In this law the Priest had certain signs, by the which he could certainly know, whether a man were cleansed from his leper or not. In confession, the Priest is not certain of the cleansing of sins, because he is ignorant of his contrition: He knoweth not also whether he will not sin any more, without the which contrition and granting to sin no more, God hath not absolved any sinner. And if God hath not absolved a man, without doubt than is he not made clean. And how then is confession figured under that law? Doubtless so it seemeth to me (under the correction of them that can judge better in the matter) that this law beareth rather a figure of excommunication, & reconciliation of him, that hath been obstinate in his sin, & is reconciled again. For so it appeareth by the process of the Gospel, that when as the sinner doth not amend for the private correction of his brother, nor for the correction of two or three, neither yet for the public correction of the whole Church: Then is he to be counted as an Ethnic, & a Publican & as a certain Leper to be avoided out of the company of all men. Which sinner notwithstanding, if he shall yet repent, is then to be reconciled, because he is then cleansed from his obstinacy.  
But he which pretendeth himself to be the chief vicar of Christ, 
The pope's power in absolving from sins not founded in scripture.  and the high Priest, saith: that he hath power to absolve A poena & culpa: Which I do not find how it is founded in the scripture, but that of his own authority, he enjoineth to sinners, penance for their sins. And grant that from their sins he may well absolve them, yet from the pain (which they call a poena) he doth not simply absolve, 
The pope can absolve none from punishment.  as in his indulgences he promiseth. But if he were in charity, and had such power, as he pretendeth, he would suffer none to lie in Purgatory for sin, forsomuch as that pain doth far exceed all other pain which here we suffer. What man is there being in charity, but if he see his brother to be tormented in this world, if he may, he will help him, and deliver him? Much more ought the Pope then, to deliver out of pains of purgatory, indifferently as well rich as poor. And if he sell to the rich his indulgences, double wife, yea triple wise he seduceth them. First in promising to deliver them out of the pain from whence he doth not, neither is able to deliver them: 
The pope in his pardons deceiveth men 3. manner of ways.  And so maketh them falsely to believe that, which they ought not to believe. Secondly, he deceiveth them of their money, which he taketh for his indulgence. Thirdly, he seduceth them in this, that he promising to deliver them from pain, doth induce them into grievous punishment in deed, for the heresy of simony, which both of them do commit, & therefore are worthy both of great pain to fall upon them: for so we read, that jesus cast out buyers and sellers out of his temple. 
The pope promising pardons for sin induceth men to sin in simony.  Also Peter said unto Simon the first author of this heresy. Thy money, said he, with thee be destroyed, for that thou hast thought, the gift of God to be possessed for money. Moreover, whereas Christ saith, freely you have received, freely give, and whereas contrary the Pope doth sell that thing, which he hath taken: what doubt is there, but that he doth grievously deserve to be punished, both he that selleth, & he that buyeth, for the crime of simony, which they commit. Over and besides, by many reasons and authorities of the Scripture it may be proved, that he doth not absolve a man, contrite for his sin, although he do absolve him from the guilt.  
But this marveleth me, that he in his indulgences promiseth to absolve men from all manner of deadly sins: 
Deadly sin and debt. The pope saith, he can remit the debt to God: And yet can not remit the debt to man. The pope harder to pardon a priest leaving his matters unsaid, then for breaking the commandment of God. Absolution to be sought at the hands of God only.  & yet cannot absolve a man from debt: forasmuch as the debt which we own to god, is of much more greater importance, then is the debt of our brother. Wherefore, if he be able to remit the debt due to God, much more it should seem, that he is able to forgive the debt of our brother.  
another thing there is, that I marvel at: for that the pope showeth himself more straight in absolving a priest for not saying, or negligently saying his matins: them for transgressing the commandment of God: considering that the transgression of the commandment of God, is much more grievous than the breach of man's commandment.  
For these and many other errors concurring, and in this matter of the Pope's absolutions, blessed be God, & honour be unto him for the remission of our sins And let us firmly believe and know, that he doth and will absolve us from our sins, if we be sorry from the bottom of our hearts that we have offended him having a good purpose and will to offend him no more. And let us be bold to resort unto good and discreet Priests, who with wholesome discretion and sound counsel can instruct us, how to avoad the corruption of sin hereafter. And which, because they are better than we, may pray to God for us: whereby we may both obtain more sooner the remission of our sins past, 
Ex regist. latíno Episc. Herford.  and also may learn better how to avoid the danger of sin to come. Ex Registro Latino Episc. Hereford.   

Notes.  ¶ And thus much concerning the judgement and doctrine of this Walter, for Christian patience, charity and mercy, which as they be true and infallible notes and marks of true Christianity, so the said Walter Brute making comparison herein between Christ and the Pope, goeth about purposely to declare and manifest, whereby all men may see, what contrariety there is between the rule of Christ's teaching, and the proceedings of the Pope: between the examples and life of the one, and the examples of the other. Of which two as one is altogether given to peace: so is the other on the contrary side as much disposed to wars, murder, and bloodshed, as is easy to be seen, who so looking not upon the outward shows and pretenced words of these romish Popes, but advising and considering the inward practices, and secret works of them, shall easily espy, under their viso of peace what discord and debate they work. Who bearing outwardly the meek horns of the Lamb mentioned in the Apocalippes, within do bear the bowels of a Wolf, full of cruelty, murder, and bloodshed which if any do think to be spoken of me contumeliously, would God that man could prove as well the same to be spoken of me not truly. But truth it is, I speak it sincerely, without affection of blind partiality, according to the truth of histories both old and new. Thus under in Dei nomine. Amen, how unmercifully doth the Pope condemn his brother: And while he pretendeth not to be lawful for him to kill any man, what thousands hath he killed of men? And likewise in this sentence, pretending, in visceribus jesu Christi, as though he would be a mediator to the magistrate for the party: yet in deed will he be sure to excommunicate the Magistrate, if he execute not the sentence given. Who be true heretics, the Lord when he cometh shall judge: but give them ●o be heretics, whom he condemneth for heretics. Yet what bowels of mercy is here, where is nothing, but burning, faggoting, drowning prisoning, chayning, famishing racking, hanging, tormenting, threatening, reviling, cursing and oppressing, and no instructing, nor yet indifferent hearing of them, what they can say. 
Examples declaring what wars hath been stirred up by pope's  The like cruelty also may in their wars appear, if we consider how Pope Vrbane 5. beside the racking and murdering of 7. or 8. Cardinals, set up Henry Spencer Bishop of Norwich to fight against the French Pope. Innocentius 4. was in war himself against the Apulians. Likewise Alexander. 4. his sucessour stirred up the son of king Henry 3. to fight against the son of Frederick. 2. Emperor, for Apulia. Boniface 8. moved Albertus (which stood to be Emperor) to drive Philip the french King out of his Realm Gregorius. 9 excited Ludovike the French king 3. sundry times, to mortal war against the Earl Raimundus and City of of Tholouse, and Auinion, where jews the said Frence king died. Honorius 3. by strength of war many ways resisted Frederick 2. and sent out 35. Galleys against the coasts of the emperors dominions. The same Pope also besieged Ferraria, to pass over the war at Ticinum, with many other battles and conflicts of Popes, against the Romans, Venetians, and divers other nations. Innocentius 3. set up Philip the French king to war against king john. What stir Pope Gregory the 7. otherwise named Hildebrand, kept against the Emperor Henricus 4. it is not unknown. And who is able to recite all the wars, battles, and fields fought by the stirring up of the Pope? These with many other like examples considered, did cause this Walter Brute to write in this matter so as he did, making yet thereof no universal proposition: but that Christian Magistrates, in case of necessity, might make resistance, in defence of public right. Now he proceedeth further to other matter of the Sacrament.  
Touching the matter (saith he) of the Sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord jesus Christ, 
john. 6.  divers men have divers opinions, as the learned do know As concerning my judgement upon the same, I firmly believe whatsoever the lord Christ jesus taught implicitly or expressly to his Disciples and faithful people to be believed: for he is (as I believe and know) the true bread of God, which descended from heaven, and giveth life to the world. Of which bread whosoever eateth, shall live for ever, as it is in the 6. of S. john declared. Before the coming of christ in the flesh, although men did live in body, yet in spirit they did not live, because all men were then under sin, whose souls thereby were dead: from the which death, no man by law, nor with the law was justified: for by the works of the law shall no flesh be justified. Galat. 2. And again in the same epistle cap. 3. that by the law no man is justified before God it is manifest: 
Galath. ●. justification by faith and not by the law.  for the just man shall live by his faith, the law is not of faith: but whosoever hath the works thereof, shall live in them. And again in the same chap. If the law had been given, which might have justified, than our righteousness had come by the law. But the scripture hath concluded all under sin, that the promise might be sure by the faith of jesus Christ to all believers. Moreover, before that faith came, they were kept and concluded all under the law, until the coming of that faith which was to be revealed. For the law was our schoolmaster in Christ jesus, that we should be justified by faith. Also the said Paul Rom. 5. saith: 
Rom. 5.  that the law entered in the mean time, whereby that sin might more abound. Where then sin hath more abounded there hath also grace superabounded, that like as sin hath reigned unto death: so that grace might reign also by righteousness unto eternal life, through jesus Christ our Lord. Whereby it is manifest, that by the faith which we have in Christ, believing him to be the true son of God, which came down from heaven to redeem us from sin: we are justified from sin, and so do live by him, which is the true bread and meat of the soul. And the bread which Christ gave, is his flesh given for the life of the world. 
john. 6.  john. 6. For he being God, came down from heaven, and being true carnal man, did suffer in the flesh for our sins, which in his divinity he could not suffer. 
True eating of Christ, is true believing in him.  Wherefore like as we believe by our faith that he is true God: so must we also believe, that he is a true man. And then do we eat the bread of heaven, and the flesh of Christ. And if we believe that he did voluntarily shed his blood for our redemption, then do we drink his blood.  
And thus, except we eat the flesh of the son of man, and shall drink his blood: we have not eternal life in us. Because the flesh of Christ verily is meat, 
Eating of the flesh of Christ what it is.  and his blood is drink in deed: and whosoever eateth the flesh of Christ and drinketh his blood, abideth in Christ & Christ in him. joh. ca 6. And as in this world that souls of the faithful live, and are refreshed spiritually with this heavenly bread, and with the flesh and blood of christ: So in the world to come, the same shall live eternally in heaven, refreshed with the deity of jesus Christ, as touching the most principal part thereof, that is to wit, intellectum: For as much as this bread of heaven, in that it is God, hath in itself all delectable pleasantness. And as touching the intelligible powers of the same (as well exterior as interior) they are refreshed with the flesh (that is to say) with the humanity of jesus Christ: which is, as a queen standing on the right hand of God, decked with a golden rob of divers colours: for this queen of heaven alone by the word of God, is exalted above the company of all the angels: that by her, all our corporal power intellective, may fully be refreshed as is our spiritual intelligence, with the beholding of the deity of jesus Christ, and even as the Angels, shall we be fully satisfied. And in the memory of this double refection, present in this world and in the world to come: hath Christ given unto us (for eternal blessedness) the Sacrament of his body and blood, in the substance of bread and wine, as it appeareth in Matthew. 
Math. 26.  chapter. 26. As the disciples sat at supper, jesus took bread and blessed it, broke it, & gave it unto his disciples, and said: Take, eat, this is my body. And he took the cup, and thanked, and gave it them, saying: Drink ye all of this, this is my blood of the new Testament, which shall be shed for many, 
Luke. 22.  for the remission of sins. And Luke in his Gospel chap. 22. or this matter thus writeth. And after he had taken the bread, he gave thanks, he broke it, and gave it unto them, saying: This is my body which shall be given for you: do you this in my remembrance. In like manner he took the cup after supper, saying: This is the cup of the new testament in my blood, which shall be shed for you. That Christ said, this is my body, in showing to them the bread, I firmly believe & know that it is true: That Christ (for so much as he is God) is the very truth itself: 
This is my body, expounded.  and by consequence, all that he saith is true. And I believe that the very same was his body, in such wise as he willed it to be his body: for in that he is almighty, he hath done what so ever pleased him. And as in Cane of Galilee, he changed the water into wine, really, so that after the transubstantiation it was wine and not water: so when he said, 
Note well gentle Reader.  This is my body: If he would have had the bread really to be transubstantiated into his very body, so that after this changing it should have been his natural body, & not bread as it was before: I know, that it must needs have been so. But I find not in the Scripture, that his will was to have any such real transubstantiation or mutation.  
And as the Lord God omnipotent in his perfection essential being the son of God, doth exceed the most purest creature, and yet when it pleased him, he took upon him our nature, remaining really God as he was before, & was really made man: so that after this assumpting of our substance he was really very God & very man: Even so if he would, when he said: This is my body: He could make this to be his body really, the bread still really remaining as it was before. For less is the difference of the essence, between bread and the body of a man, then between the deity & humanity: because that of the bread, is naturally made the body of a man. Of the bread is made blood: of the blood, natural seed: and of natural seed, the natural substance of man is engendered. But in that that God became man: This is an action supernatural. Wherefore he that could make one man to be very God and very man: could if he would make one thing to be really very bread, & his very body. But I do not find it expressly in the Scripture, that he would any such Identitye or conjunction to be made. And as Christ said, 
Bread by similitude.  I am very bread, not changing his essence or being, into the essence or substance of bread: but was the said Christ, which he was before really, and yet bread by a similitude or figurative speech: So if he would, it might be, that when he said: This is my body: That this should really have been the bread as it was before, 
Bread substantially, and the body Sacramentally.  and Sacramentally or memorially to be his body. And this seemeth unto me, most nearest to agree to the meaning of Christ, forasmuch as he said: do this in the remembrance of me. Then for as much as in the supper it is manifest, that Christ gave unto his Disciples the bread of his body which he broke, to that intent to eat with their mouths: in which bread, he gave himself also unto them as one in whom they should believe (as to be the food of the soul) and by that faith they should believe him to be their saviour which took his body, wherein also he would it to be manifest, that he would redeem them from death: So was the bread eaten with the Disciples mouths, that he being the true bread of the soul, might be in spirit received and eaten spiritually, by their faith, which believed in him.  
The bread which in the disciples mouths was chewed, from the mouth passed to the stomach: For as Christ saith: 
The bread which the Lord gave entereth not into the bodies, but the body which he gave entereth into the minds of the disciples.  whatsoever cometh to the mouth, goeth into the belly, & from thence into the privy. Matthew. chap. 15. But that true and very bread of the soul, was eaten of the spirit of the Disciples, and by faith entered their minds, and abode in their entrails through love. And so the bread broken, seemeth unto me to be really the meat of the body, & the bread which it was before: but Sacramentally to be the body of Christ, as Paul. 1. Cor. 10. The bread which we break, is it not the participation of the body of the Lord? So, the bread which we break, is the participation of the lords body. 
Paul calleth it material bread.  And it is manifest, that the heavenvly bread is not broken neither yet is subject to such breaking: Therefore, Paul calleth the material bread, which is broken, the body of Christ which the faithful are partakers of. The bread therefore changeth not his essence, 
Note reader.  but is bread really, and is the body of Christ sacramentally. Even as Christ is the very vine, abiding really and figuratively the vine: So, the temple of jerusalem was really the material temple: & figuratively it was the body of Christ: Because he said, destroy you this temple, and in three days I will repair the same again. And this spoke he of the temple of his body, whereas others understood it to be the material temple, as appeared by their answer: For said they 47. years hath this temple been in building, and wilt thou build it up in three days?  
Even so, may the consecrated bread be really bread as it was before, and yet figuratively the body of Christ. And if therefore, Christ would this bread to be only sacramentally his body and would not have the same bread really to be transubstantiated into his body, & so ordained his Priests to make this Sacrament as a memorial of his passion: 
The vain prayer of the priests at their Mass.  Then do the Priests grievously offend, which beseech Christ in their holy Mass, that the bread which lieth upon the altar may be made really the body of Christ, if he would not have the same to be but a Sacrament of his body. And then both be they greatly deceived themselves, and also do greatly deceive others. But whether the bread be really transubstantiated into the body of Christ, or is only the body of Christ sacramentally: No doubt, but that the people are marvelously deceived. 
The people greatly deceived in the sacrament.  For the people believe that they see the body of Christ, nay rather Christ himself between the hands of the Priests (for so is the common oath they swear.) By him whom I saw this day between the priests hands. And the people believe that they eat not the body of Christ but at Easter, or else when they lie upon their death bed, and receive with their bodily mouth the Sacrament of the body of Christ. But the body of Christ (admit the bread be transubstantiated really into the body) is in the Sacrament, indivisibiliter, that is, not able to be divided, and so immensurabiliter, that is, not able to be measured: Ergo, invisibiliter, that is, not able to be seen. To believe therefore that he may be seen corporally in the Sacrament, is erroneous. And forasmuch as the body of Christ, is the souls food and not the food of the body in this world, for that whosoever believeth, doth eat spiritually, and really, at any time when he so believeth: It is manifest, that they do greatly err which believe that they eat not the body of Christ, but when they eat with their teeth the Sacrament of the body of Christ.  
And although it should be to the great honour of priests that the bread really were changed into the body of christ, 
The priests seek their own honour in their transubstantiation.  by the virtue of the Sacramental words pronounced: yet if Christ would not have it to be so, than they desiring to do this contrary to the will of Christ, and informing the people, that is to be done, so contrary to the will of Christ: are in great peril, most dangerously seducing both themselves and the people. And then, although that hereby they get a little worldly and transitory honour for a short time: It is to be feared, least perpetual shame finally shall follow and ensue upon the same. 
Mark here ye good priests.  For Christ saith, every one that exalteth himself, shall be brought low. Let them therefore take heed, lest they extolling themselves for this Sacrament, above the company of Angels which never sinned, for the error which they be in, for evermore be placed with the sinful angels under the earth.  
Let every man therefore think lowly of himself in what state or degree soever he be, neither let him presume to do that which he is not able to do: Neither desire to have that thing done, which God would not have done.  
I greatly marvel at those which were the makers of the Canons, 
The makers of the Canon law, contrary to themselves.  how variably & contrary one to another they writ of this Sacrament of the body of Christ. In the last part of the decrees where this matter is touched: not only in the text, but also in the process of the matter, divers do diversly write, and one contrary to another. For in the chapter that thus beginneth Prima inquit haeresis, it is thus written: You shall not eat this body which you see, nor shall drink this blood which they shall shed, which shall crucify me: I will commend unto you a certain Sacrament spiritually understood that quickeneth you, for the flesh profiteth you nothing at all. And in the end of the same chapter, it is thus written: Till the world shall have an end, the Lords place is in heaven: yet notwithstanding, the verity of the Lord is here abiding with us. 
De consec. 2. cap. Prima quidem inquit.  For the body wherewith he rose, aught to be in one place, but his verity is in every place diffused & spread abroad. And in the chapter following which thus beginneth, Omnia quaecunque voluit. etc. it is written: 
De consec. dist. 2 cap. Omnia quaecunque voluit.  Although the figure of the bread & wine seem to be nothing: yet notwithstanding they must after the words of consecration be believed, to be none other thing then the very flesh of Christ and his blood. Whereupon, the verity himself said unto his Disciples: 
Contrariety in the pope's Canons.  This is saith he, my flesh, which is given for the life of the world: and to speak yet more marvelously, this is none other flesh, than that which was borne of the virgin Mary, & suffered upon the cross, and rose out of the sepulchre.  
See how far this chapter differeth from the first. And in the chapter which beginneth Ego Berengarius. 
De consecrat. dist. 2. cap. Ego Berengarius.  etc. This is the confession which Berengarius, himself confessed touching this Sacrament, and his confession is of the church allowed. I confess (saith Berengarius) that the bread and wine which is laid upon the altar after the consecration, is not only a Sacrament: but also that it is the very body & blood of our Lord jesus Christ: And the same not only sensually to be a Sacrament, but also verily to be handled with the priests hands and to be broken, and chewed with the teeth of faithful men. This confession doubtless is heretical: 
The recantation of Berengarius is heretical. The Sacrament left by the priests negligence to be eaten of a mouse returneth again from body to bread.  for why if the body of Christ be in the Sacrament, as of the Church it is so determined: it is there then Multiplicatiuè, and so indivisibiliter, wherefore not sensualiter. And if it be there indivisibiliter, that is, in such sort as it cannot be divided or separated, then can it not be touched, felt, broken nor with the teeth of men chewed.  
The writers of this time and age do affirm: that if by the negligence of the Priest, the Sacrament be so negligently left, that a Mouse or any other beast or vermin eat the same: then they say, that the Sacrament returneth again into the nature and substance of bread. Whereby, they must needs confess, that a miracle is as well wrought by the negligence of the Priest, as first there was made by the consecration of the Priest in making the Sacrament. For either by the eating of the Mouse, the body of Christ is transubstantiated into the nature of bread, which is a transubstantiation supernatural: Or else of nothing by creation is this bread produced. And therefore, either of these operations is miraculous & to be marveled at. Now considering the disagreeing opinions of the Doctors, and for the absurdities which follow, I believe with Paul, that the bread which we break, is the participation of the body of Christ: and as Christ saith, that the bread is made the body of Christ for a memorial and remembrance of him. And in such sort as Christ willed the same to be his body, in the same manner & sort do I believe it to be his body.  
But whether women may make the body of Christ, & minister unto the people: 
Whether external signs in a priest, be the sign of Antichrist or else be grounded upon Christ.  or whether that Priests be divided from the lay people, for their knowledge, pre-eminence, & sanctity of life, or else by external signs only: Also whether the sign of censure and other external signs of holiness in Priests, be signs of Antichrist and his characters, or else introduced & taught by our Lord jesus Christ: consequently it remaineth next to speak of unto the faithful sort (according to the process of the holy Scripture) first of the three kinds of the Priests. I remember that I have read, the first of them to be aaronical, legal, & temporal: The second to be eternal and regal according to the order of Melchisedech: 
Three orders or sorts of priests. 

1. aaronical.  
2 Eternal.  
3. Christian.    The third to be a Christian. The first of these ceased at the coming of Christ: for that as S. Paul to the hebrews saith. The Priesthood of Aaron was translated to the Priesthood of the order of Melchisedech. The legal sort of Priests of Aaron, were separate from the rest of the people, by kindred, office, and inheritance. By kindred, for that the children of Aaron only were Priests. 
levitical priests divided from the people by kindred, office, and inheritance.  By office, for that it only pertained to them to offer sacrifice, for the sins of the people, and to instruct the people in the precepts and ceremonies of the law. By inheritance, because the Lord was their portion of inheritance: neither had they any other inheritance amongst their brethren, but those things which were offered unto the Lord, as the first fruits, parts of the sacrifices, and vows, except places for their mansion houses for them and theirs, as appeareth by the process of Moses' law. The Priesthood of Christ, did much differre from this Priesthood, as Paul doth witness to the hebrews chapter. 1.8.9.10.  

The priesthood of Christ differeth from the levitical priesthood, how and wherein. 

1. In kindrede.  
2. In oath taking.  
3. In durability.    First, in kindred, because that our Lord & Saviour jesus Christ, came of the stock and tribe of juda: of which tribe none had to do with the altar and in which tribe nothing at all was spoken of the Priests of Moses.  
The second, for that other were made Priests without their oath taken but he by an oath, by him which said: The Lord swore, and it shall not repent him: Thou art a Priest for ever according to the order of Melchisedech.  
Thirdly, by durability, for that many of them were made Priests but during the term of their lives: but he for that he remaineth for ever, hath an eternal Priesthood. Wherefore he is able to save us for ever having by himself access unto God, which ever liveth to make intercession for us.  
The law made also such men Priests as had infirmities, but Sermo (that is, the word which according to the law is the eternal son and perfect) by an oath.  
The Priesthood of Christ also did differ from the Priesthood of Aaron and the law, 
4. In ma●●● of 〈◊〉.  in the matter of the sacrifice: & in the place of sacrificing. In the matter of the sacrifice: because they did use in their sacrifices strange bodies of the matter of their sacrifices, and did shed strange blood for the expiation of sins: But he, offering himself unto God his father for us, shed his own blood, for the remission of our sins. 
5. In place of sacrificing.  In the place of sacrificing: because that they did offer their sacrifice in the tabernacle or temple: But Christ suffering death without the gates of the City, offered himself upon the altar of the cross to God his father, & there shed his precious blood. In his supping chamber also he blessed the bread and consecrated the same for his body, & the wine which was in the cup, he also consecrated for his blood: delivering the same to his Apostles to be done, for a commemoration and remembrance of his incarnation & passion. Neither did jesus enter into the sanctuary made with man's hands, which be examples & figures of true things: but entered into heaven itself, that he might appear before the majesty of God for us. Neither doth he offer himself oftentimes, as the chief priest in the sanctuary did every year with strange blood (for then should he often times have suffered from the beginning) but now once for all, in the latter end of the world, to destroy sin by his peace offering, hath he entered. And even as it is decreed, that man once shall die and then cometh the judgement: so Christ hath been once offered to take away the sins of many. The second time he shall appear without sin to them that look for him, to their salvation. For the law having a shadow of good things to come, can never by the Image itself of things (which every year without ceasing they offer by such sacrifices) make those perfect that come thereunto, for otherwise that offering should have ceased: 
The law bringeth none to perfection.  Because that such worshippers being once cleansed from their sins, should have no more conscience of sin. But in these, commemoration is made every year of sin: for it is impossible that by the blood of Goats and Calves, sins should be purged and taken away. Therefore coming into the world he said: Sacrifice and oblation thou wouldst not have, but a body hast thou given me, peace offerings for sin have not pleased thee: Then said I, behold I come. In the volume of the book it is written of me, that I should do thy will O God: Saying as above, because thou wouldst have no sacrifices, nor burnt offerings for sin, neither dost thou take pleasure in those things that are offered according to the law. Then said I, behold I come, that I may do thy will O God. He taketh away the first, to stablish that which followeth. In which will, we are sanctified by the oblation of the body of jesus Christ, once for all. And every priest is ready daily ministering, and oftentimes affering like sacrifices, which can never take away sins. But this jesus offering one sacrifice for sin, sitteth for evermore on the right hand of God, expecting the time till his enemies be made his footstool. For by his own only oblation, hath he consummated for evermore those that are sanctified.  
All these places have I recited which Paul writeth, for the better understanding and declaration of those things I mean to speak. 
The priesthood of Christ differeth from all other priesthood. The third priesthood. The name of Sacerdos or priest not used in the new Testament of Christ.  By all which it appeareth manifestly, how the Priesthood of Christ, differeth from the legal priesthood of Aaron: and by the same also appeareth, how the same differeth from all other priesthood Christian, that immitateth Christ. For the properties of the priesthood of Christ above recited, are found in no other Priest, but in Christ alone. Of the third priesthood, that is, the Christian priesthood: Christ by express words speaketh but little, to make any difference between the priests and the rest of the people, neither yet doth use this name of Sacerdos or praesbiter in the Gospel. But some he calleth disciples, some apostles, whom he sent to baptise & to preach, & in his name to do miracles. He calleth them the salt of the earth, in which the name of wisdom is meant: and he calleth them the light of the world, by which, good living is signified. For he saith, So let your light so shine before men, that they may see your good works, and glorify your father which is in heaven. And Paul speaking of the Priests to Timothe, 
The fourth priesthood, which is the Roman priesthood.  and Titus, seemeth not to me to make any diversity betwixt the Priests and the other people, but in that he would have them to surmount other in knowledge and perfection of life. But the fourth priesthood, is the Roman priesthood, brought in by the Church of Rome: which Church maketh a distinction between the clergy and the lay people: & after that the clergy is divided into sundry degrees, as appeareth in the decretals.  
This distinction of the clergy from the laity, with the censure of clerks, began in the time of * Anacletus, as it doth appear in the Chronicles. The degrees of the clergy were afterward invedted & distincted by their offices, and there was no ascension to the degree of the priesthood, but by inferior orders and degrees. But in the primitive church it was not so: for immediately after that conversion of some of them to the faith & baptism received: they were priests & bishops made, as appeareth by Ananias, whom Marcus made of a tailor or shoemaker, to be a bishop. And of many others it was in like case done, according to the traditions of the church of Rome. Priests are ordained to offer sacrifices, to make supplication and prayers, and to bless & sanctify. The oblation of the priesthood, 
The office of priests after the pope's order.  only to Priests (as they say) is congruent: whose duties are, upon the altar to offer for the sins of the people the Lords body, which is consecrated of bread. Of which saying I have great marvel, considering S. Paul his words to the hebrews before recited. If Christ offering for our sins one oblation for evermore, sitteth on the right hand of God, and with that one oblation hath consummated for evermore, those that are sanctified? 
The body of Christ not left to be a sacrifice for sin, but only for a Sacrament.  If Christ evermore sitteth on the right hand of God, to make intercession for us, what need he to leave here any sacrifice for our sins, of the Priests to be daily offered? I do not find in the scriptures of God nor of his Apostles, that the body of Christ ought to be made a sacrifice for sin: but only as a Sacrament and commemoration of the sacrifice passed, which Christ offered upon the altar of the cross for our sins. For it is an absurdity to say, that Christ is now every day really offered as a sacrifice upon the altar by the Priests: for then the Priests should really crucify him upon the altar, which is a thing of no Christian to be believed. But even as in his supper, his body & his blood he delivered to his Disciples, in memorial of his body that should be crucified on the morrow for our sins: So after his ascension, did his Apostles use the same (when they broke bread in every house) for a Sacrament, and not for a sacrifice, of the body and blood of our Lord jesus Christ. And by this means were they put in remembrance of the great love of Christ, who so entirely loved us, that willingly he suffered the death for us, & for the remission of our sins. And thus did they offer themselves to God by love, being ready to suffer death for the confession of his name, and for the saving health of their brethren fulfilling the new commandment of Christ, which said unto them: A new commandment do I give unto you that you love one another, as I have loved you. But when love began to wax cold or rather to be frozen for cold, thorough the anguish & anxiety of persecution for the name of Christ: 
How the memorial of the sacrament came to the realty of the sacrifice itself.  then Priests did use the flesh and blood of Christ, in ●●tad of a sacrifice. And because many of them feared death, some of them fled into solitary places, not daring to give themselves a sacrifice by death unto God through the confession of his name, & saving health of their brethren: Some other worshipped Idols fearing death, as did also the chief Bishop of Rome, and many other more in divers places of the world. And thus it came to pass, as that which was ordained and instituted for a memorial of the one & only sacrifice, was altered (for want of love) into the reality of the sacrifice itself.  
¶ After these things thus discussed, he inferreth consequently upon the same, an other brief tractation of women and lay men, whether in defect of the other, they may exercise the action of prayer, and administration of Sacraments belonging to Priests: wherein he declareth the use received in the Pope's Church, for women to Raptise, which, saith he, cannot be without remission of sins, wherefore seeing that women have power by the Pope to remit sin, and to baptise, why may they not aswell be admitted to minister the lords Supper, in like case of necessity? Wherein also he maketh relation of Pope john. 8. a woman Pope, moving certain Questions of her. All which for brevity I pretermitte, proceeding to the ministration of prayer, and blessing or sanctification, appropriate to the office of Priests as followeth.  

The order and office of prayer. The lords prayer.  Furthermore, as touching the function & office of praying and blessing, whereunto Priests seem to be ordained (to omit here the question whether women may pray in Churches, in lack of other meet persons) it remaineth now also to prosecute. Christ being desired of his Disciples to teach them to pray, gave them the common prayer both to men and women, to the which prayer in my estimation, no other is to be compared. For in that first, the whole honour due unto the deity is comprehended. Secondly, whatsoever is necessary for us, 
Math. 6.  both for the time present, or past, or for time to come, is there desired & prayed for. He informeth us besides to pray secretly, and also briefly: secretly to enter into our close chamber, and there in secrecy he willeth us to pray unto his father. And saith moreover, when ye pray, 
The a●tes of Necromancy, soothsaying & with crafts, how & from whom they came.  use not much babbling, or many words as doth the heathen. For they think in their long and prolix praying to be heard. Therefore be you not like to them. By the which doctrine he calleth us away from the errors of the healthen Gentiles: from whom proceed these superstitious manner of acts (or rather of ignorances) as Necromancy, the art of divination, & other spises of conjuration, not unknown to them, that be learned: for these Necromansers believe, one place to be of greater virtue than an other, there to be heard sooner, than in an other. Like as Balaam being hired to curse the people of God, by his art of soothsaying, or cherming, when he could not accomplish his purpose in one place, he removed to an other, but he in the end, was deceived of his desire. For he intending first to curse them, was not able to accurse them whom the Lord blessed, so that his curse could not hurt any of all that people. After like sort the Nicromancers turn their face to the East, as to a place more apt for their prayers. Also the Necromansers believe, that the virtue of the words of the prayer, & the curiosity thereof, causeth them to bring to the effect, which they seek after, which is also another point of infidelity, used much of Charmers, Sorcerers, Enchanters, 
Against exorcising of Priests.  Soothsayers & such like. Out of the same art (I fear) proceedeth the practice of exorcising, whereby devils & spirits be conjured to do that, whereunto they are enforced by the Exorcist. Also whereby other creatures likewise are exorcised or conjured, so that by the virtue of their exorcism, they may have their power and strength exceeding all natural operation.  
In the Church of Rome, 
Conjuring or hallowing in the popish church.  many such exorcisms & conjurations be practised, & are called of them benedictions, or hallowings. But here I ask of these Exorcisers, whether they believe the things and creatures so exorcised and hallowed, have that operation and efficacy given them, which they pretend? 
Holy water conjured.  If they so believe, every child may see that they are far beguiled. For holy water being of them exorcised or conjured: hath no such power in it, neither can have which they in their exorcism do command. For there they enjoin and command, that wheresoever that water is sprinkled, all vexation or infestation of the unclean spirit, should avoid, and that no pestilent spirit there should abide. etc. But most plain it is, that no water, be it never so holy, can have any such power so to do, as it is commanded, to wit, to be an universal remedy to expel all diseases.  
This I would ask of these Exorcists: 
Exorcistae.  whether in their commanding, they do conjure or adjure the things convired, to be of an higher virtue and operation, them their own nature doth give: Or else whether they in their prayers desire of God, 
The absurdity & abomination in the popish exorcisms detected.  that he will infude into them that virtue, which they require? If they in their commanding do so believe, them do they believe that they have that power in them to the which the inferior power of the thing exorcised must obey, in receiving that which is commanded. And so doing, are much more deceived, forasmuch as they see themselves, that they which are so authorised to the office of exorcising, say to the devil being conjured: Go, & he goeth not: And to an other come, and he cometh not, & many things else they command the inferior spirit their subject, to do, & he doth not. So in like case, when they pray to God to make the water to be of such virtue, that it may be to them health of mind and body, and that it may be able to expulse every unclean spirit, 
Where was the pope's holy water then in the great pestilence in the time of K. Edward. 3.  & to chase away all manner of distemperature and pestilence of the air (being an unreasonable petition asked, & sore displeasing to God) it is to be feared lest their benediction, their hallowing & blessing is changed into cursing, according to that saying that followeth. And now O you priests, I have a message to say unto you: If you will not hear and bear well away in your minds, to give the glory unto my name saith the Lord God of hosts, I will send scarcity amongst you, and I will curse your blessings. What things and how many are blessed, or hallowed in the Church, that in hallowing thereof displease God, and are accursed? And therefore according to the saying of S. james, 
James. 4.  they ask & are not heard, because the ask not as they should, that they in their own dsires may perish, Let a man behold the blessing or hallowing of their fire, water, incense, wax, bread, wine, the church, the altar the Churchyard, ashes, belies, copes, pallmes, oil, candles, salt, the hallowing of the ring, the bed, the staff, & of many such like things: 
Remish conjurers.  & I believe that a man shall find out many errors of the heathen Magicians, Witches, soothsayers and charmers. And notwithstanding the ancient and old Magicians in their books, command those that be conjurers that they in any wise live devoutly (for otherwise as they say the spirits will not obey their commandments, and conjurations) yet the Roman conjurers do impute it to the virtue of the holy words, because they be they, which work, and not the holiness of the conjurers. How cometh it to pass that they say, the things consecrated of a cursed and vicious javel, should have so great virtue in pronouncing (as they say) the holy and mystical words: as if they were pronounced of a Priest never so holy. But I marvel that they say so, 
The good life of a priest, a great matter to deal in God's matters.  reading this saying in the Acts of the Apostles: because the charmers pronouncing the name of jesus (that is above all names) would have healed those that were possessed with devils, and said. In the name of jesus whom Paul preacheth, go ye out of the men. And the possessed with devils answered, jesus we know, and Paul we know, but what are ye: and they all to be beat the conjurers.  
And now considering this and many such like things, I marvel wherefore the vicious Priests, do sell their prayers and blessings dearer (as also their Masses & Trentals of Masses) than those that be devout lay men, and holy women: which with all their hart desire do flee from vices, & take hold of virtue. For as much as God in divers places of the Scripture doth promise, that he will not hear sinners & wicked persons: Neither should he seem to be just, if he should sooner hear the prayers of his enemies, then of his faithful friend. How I pray you shall a sinful priest deliver an other man from sin by his prayers, or else from the punishment of sin: when he is not able to deliver himself by his prayer from sin? What then doth God so much accept in the Mass of a vicious Priest: 
The prayer of a vicious priest, little availeth before God.  that for his mass, his prayer or oblation, he might deliver any man either from sin, or from the pain due for sin? No, but for that that Christ hath once offered himself for our sins, & now sitteth on the right hand of God the father, always showing unto him what and how great things he hath suffered for us. And every priest always maketh mention in his mass of this oblation: Neither do we this, that we might bring the same oblation into the remembrance of God: because that he always in his presence seethe the same. 
Remembrance of Christ's passion, needeth not to God, but to man.  But that we should have in remembrance this so great love of God, that he would give his own son to death for our sins, that he might cleanse & purify us from all our sins. What doth it please God, that the remembrance of so great love is made by a priest, which more loveth sin then God? Or how can any prayer of such a priest please God, in what holy place soever he be, or what holy vestments soever he put on, or what holy prayers soever he maketh? And where as Christ and his Apostles do command the preaching of the word of God: 
Priests more bound to lay Mass commanded by man: then to preaching commanded of God. Spiritual fornication.  the Priests be now more bound to celebrate the Mass, and more straightly bound to say the Canonical hours: whereat I cannot but greatly marvel. For why, to obey the precepts of men, more than the commandments of God, is in effect to honour man as God, and to bestow the sacrifice upon man, which is due unto God, and this is also spiritual fornication. How therefore are Priests bound at the commandment of man to leave the preaching of the word of God, at whose commandment they are not bound to leave the celebration of the Mass, or singing of Matines? Therefore as it seemeth, Priests ought not at the commandment of any man to leave the preaching of the word of God, unto the which they are bound both by divine and Apostolical precepts. With whom agreeth the writing of Jerome upon the Decretals, 
jeronymus.  saying in this wise: Let none of the Bishops swell with the envy of devilish temptation, let none be angry, if the Priests do sometime exhort the people, if they preach in their Church. etc. for to him that forbiddeth me these things I will say, that he is unwilling that Priests should do those things, which be commanded of God. What thing is there above Christ? or what may be preferred before his body and his blood etc.  

Whether priests may bargain to sing for souls departed.  Do Priests therefore sin or not, which bargain for money to pray for the soul of any dead man? It is well known that jesus did whip those that were buyers and sellers out of the temple, saying: My house shallbe called the house of prayer, but you have made the same adenne of theenes. Truly he cast not out such Merchants from out of the Church, but because of their sins. Whereupon Jerome upon this text saith. Let the Priests be diligent and take good heed in this Church, 
jeronymus.  that they turn not the house of God into a den of thieves. He doubtless is a thief which seeketh gain by Religion, & by a show of holiness studieth to find occasion of merchandise. Hereupon, the holy Canons do make accursed, Symoniacal heresy, & do command that those should be deprived of the priesthood, which for the passing or marvelous spiritual grace, do seek gain or money. Peter the Apostle said to Simon Magus, Let thy money and thou go both to the devil, which thinkest that the gifts of God may be bought for money. Therefore, the spiritual gifts of God ought not to be sold.  
verily prayer is the spiritual gift of God, as is also the preaching of the word of God, 
Selling of prayer abominable.  or the saying on of hands, or the administration of other Sacraments. Christ sending forth his Disciples to preach, said unto them: heal ye the sick, cast out devils, raise the dead, freely have ye received freely give ye again. If the Priests have power by their prayers to deliver souls being in Purgatory, from grievous pains: without doubt, he hath received that power freely from God. How therefore can he sell his act, unless he resist the commandments of God, of whom he hath received that authority? This truly cannot be done without sin, which is against the commandment of God.  
How plainly spoke Christ to the pharisees, & Priests saying, woe be unto you Scribes & pharisees hypocrites, because ye have eaten the whole houses, of such as be widows, by making long prayers, and therefore have you received greater damnation. Wherein I pray you do our pharisees and Priests differ from them? 
Religious men and women, devourers of widows houses. Praying for souls in Purgatory.  Do not our Priests devour widows houses and possessions, that by their long prayers they might deliver the souls of their husbands from the grievous pains of purgatory? How many Lordships I pray you, have been bestowed upon the religious men & women to pray for the dead, that they by their prayer might deliver those dead men from the pain (as they said) that they suffer in purgatory, grievously tormented and vexed? If their prayers and speaking of holy words, shall not be able to deliver themselves from pain, 
Evil gotten lands as evil bestowed, for praying for souls in Purgatory.  unless they have good works: How shall other men be delivered from pain, by their prayers, which whilst they lived here, they gave over themselves to sin? Yea peradventure those Lordships or lands which they gave unto the priests to pray for them, they themselves have gotten by might from other faithful men, unjust, and violently. And the Canous do say, that sin is not forgiven, till the thing taken away wrongfully, be restored. How then shall they be able (which do unjustly possess such Lordships or lands) to deliver them by their prayers from pain, which have given to them these lordships or lands, seeing God from the beginning hath hated all extortion in his burnt sacrifices? Not every one that saith unto me Lord, Lord, shall enter into the kingdom of heaven: but he which doth the will of my father which is in heaven. 
Buying and selling of prayers in the Pope's Church. Buying and selling of pardons. Parson, place, apparel, curiosity or eloquence of prayer not regarded of God.  And again, not the hearers of the law, but the doers of the law shall be justified.  
If therefore the words of him that prayeth, do not deliver himself from sin, nor from the pain of sin: how do they deliver other men from sin or from the pain of sin when no man prayeth more earnestly for an other man than for himself? Therefore many are deceived in buying or selling of prayers, as in the buying of pardons that they might be delivered from pain: when as commonly they pay dearer for the prayers of the proud & vicious prelate's, thenfor the prayers of devout women and devout men of the lay people. But out of doubt, God doth not regard the person of him that prayeth, neither the place in which he praith, nor his apparel, nor the curiousness of his prayer, but the humility and godly affection of him that prayeth. 
The prayer of the pharisee and of the Publican compared.  Did not the Pharisy and the Publican go up into the temple to pray? The Publicans prayer for his humility and godly affection is heard. But the pharisees prayer for his pride & arrogancy is contemned. Consider that neither the person, nor the place, nor the state, nor the curiousness of his prayer doth help the Pharisye: Because the Publican not thinking himself worthy to lift up his eyes unto heaven, for the multitude of his sins, saying (O God be merciful unto me a sinner) is justified die his humility, and his prayer is heart. But the Pharisy boasting in his righteousness is despised, because God thrusteth down the proud, and exalteth the humble and those that be meek. The rich glutton also, that was clothed with purple and silk, & fared every day daintily, prayed unto Abraham, and is not heard, but is buried in pains and torments of hell fire. But Lazarus which lay begging at his gate (being full of sores) is placed in the bosom of Abraham. Behold that neither the riches of his apparel, nor the deliciousness of his banquets, or the gorgeousness of his estate, neither the abundance of his riches, doth help any thing to prefer the prayers or petitions of the rich glotten, nor yet diminish his torments, because that mighty men in their mightiness shall suffer torments mightily. How dare any man by composition demand or receive any thing of an other man for his prayers? 
Prayer that doth more for money then for charity disproved.  If he believe that he can by his prayer deliver his brother from grievous pain, he is bound by charity to relieve his brother with his prayers although he be not hired thereunto, but and if he will not pray unless he be hired, them hath he no love at al. What therefore helpeth his prayer, which abideth not in charity? Therefore let him first take compassion of himself by prayer, that he may come into charity, and then he shallbe the better able to help others. If he believe not, or that he standeth in doubt to be able to deliver his brother by his prayer: wherefore doth he make with him an assured bargain, & taketh his money, and yet knoweth not whether he shall relieve him ever a whit the more or not, from his pain? I fear lest the words of the Prophet are fulfilled, saying: From the least to the most all men apply themselves to covetousness, and from the Prophet to the Priest all work deceitfully. For the poor priests excuse themselves, of such bargaining and selling of their prayers, saying: The young cock learneth to crow of the old cock. For sayeth he, thou mayst see that the Pope himself in stalling of Bishops & Abbots, 
Selling of pardons. Selling of orders. Selling of church hallowings. Selling of discipline. Selling of fraternity. Selling of Ditiges, year minds, confessions, weddings, buriynges. Selling of Sermons. etc.  taketh the first fruits: In the placing or bestowing of benefices, he always taketh somewhat, & specially if the benefices be great. Also he selleth pardons or bulls, and to speak more plain, he taketh money for them. Bishops in giving orders, in hallowing churches & churchyards, do take money: In ecclesiastical correction they take money for the mitigation of penance: In the grievous offences of convict persons, money is required, & caused to be paid, Abbots, Monks, & other religious men that have possession, will receive no man into their fraternity, or make them partakers of their spiritual suffrages, unless he bestow somewhat upon them, or promise them somewhat. Curates & vicar's having sufficient livings, by the tithes of their parishioners, yet in dirges and years minds, in hearing confessions, in weddings & buryings, do require & have money. The Friars also of the four orders of beggars, which think themselves to be the most perfitest men of the Church, do take money for their prayers, confessions, & buryings of the dead: and when they preach, they believe that they shall have either money or some other thing worthy money. Wherefore then be the poor priests blamed? aught not they to be held excused, although they take money for their prayers by composition? Truly (me thinketh) that this excuse by other men's sins, doth not excuse than: forasmuch, as to heap one mischief upon another's head, is no sufficient discharge. I would to God that all the buyers & sellers of spiritual suffrages, 
Example to be taken by the fall of Babylon.  would with the eyes of their heart behold the ruin of the great City, and the fall of Babylon, and that which they shall say after that fall. Doth not the Prophet say: And the merchants of the earth shall weep and mourn for her, because no man shall buy any more their merchandise, that is, their merchandise of gold and silver, and of precious stone and of pearl, and of silk and purple: And again he saith. And the merchants which were made rich by her, shall stand alouse for fear of her torments, weeping, mourning, and saying, Alas, Alas, that City Babylon; that great City which was wont to wear purple, whitesilke, crim sin, gold, pearl, and precious stone, because that in one hour all those riches are come to nought: And again: And they cast dust upon their heads and cried out weeping and mourning and saying, Alas, Alas, that great and mighty City Babylon, by whom all such as had ships upon the sea were made rich by her rewards: Because that in one hour she is become desolate.  
This Babylon, this great City, is the City of Rome, as it appeareth by the process of the Apostle. 
The city of Rome, Babylon Apoc. 18  Because the angel which showed unto Saint john the destruction of the mighty harlot sitting upon many waters, with whom the kings of the earth have committed fornication, and all they which dwell upon the earth are made drunk with the wine of her whoredom, said unto him: And the woman which thou sawest, is the great city which hath dominion above kings etc. And in deed in the days of Saint john the whole world was subject to the temporal Empire of the City of Rome, and afterwards it was subject to the spiritual Empire or dominion of the same. But touching the temporal government of the City of Rome, 
The temporal dominion of the city of Rome.  it is fallen already: and so that the other also, for the multitude of her spiritual fornications shall fall. The Emperors of this city gave themselves to Idolatry, and would have that men should honour them as Gods, 
The spiritual dominion of the city of Rome.  & put all those to death that refused such idolatry, & by the cruelty of their torments, all infidels gate the upper hand.  
Hereupon, by the image of Nabuchodonosor, the empire of the Romans is likened to iron, which beateth together, and hath the mastery of all mortals. And in the vision of Daniel, wherein he saw the four winds of heaven to fight in the main sea, and four great beasts coming out of the sea: 
The fourth beast in the prophesy of Daniel meaneth Rome.  The kingdom of the Romans is likened to the fourth terrible and marvelous beast, the which had great iron teeth: eating & destroying, and treading the rest under his feet: & this beast had ten horues, & as Danyell saith, he shall speak words against the most highest, and shall tear with his teeth the Saints of the most highest: and he shall think, that he may be able to change times and laws, and they shall be delivered into his power, until a time, times, and half a time. In the apocalypse, Saine john saw a beast coming out of the sea, having 7. heads and 10. horns, and power was given to him to make months 42. 
The beast with 7. heads in the A pox. signifieth Rome.  So long time endured the Empire of the Romans, that is to say, from the beginning of julius Cesar, which was the first Emperor of the Romans, unto the end of Fridericus, which was the last Emperor of the Romans. Under this empire Christ suffered, & other Martyrs also suffered for his name sake. And here is fallen Rome as Babylon (which is all one) according to the manner of speaking in the apocalypse as touching the temporal and corporal power of governing. And thus shall she fall, also touching the spiritual power of governing, for the multitude of the iniquities and spiritual fornication and merchandise that are committed by her in the Church.  
The feet of the image which Nabuchodonezor saw, 
The feet of the Image in the dream of Nabuchodonozar signifieth Rome  did betoken the Empire of Rome, & part of them were of iron, and part of clay & earth. The part that was of iron fell, and the power thereof vanished away, because the power thereof was at an end after certain months. That part of clay and earth yet endureth, but it shall vanish away by the testimony of the Prophets: whereupon saint john in the apocalypse: After that, he saw the part made of iron rising out of the sea, to which each people, tribe, and tongue submitted themselves. And he saw an other beast coming out of the earth, which had two horns, like to the horns of a Lamb, and he spoke like a Dragon, and he vanquished the first beast in his sight.  
This beast as seemeth me, doth betoken the clay and earthen part of the feet of the image, 
The beast with two horns like the Lamb, signifieth the spiritual dominion of Rome.  because he came out of the earth. For the by terrene help he is made the high & chief priest of the Romans, in the church of Christ, & so from allow he ascended on high. But Christ from heaven descended, because that he which was God & author of every creature became man: and he that was Lord of Lords, was made in the shape of a servant. And although that in the heavens the company of angels minister unto him, he himself ministered or served in earth, that he might teach us humility, by which a man ascendeth into heaven, even as by pride a man goeth down into the bottomless pit. This beast hath two horns most like a Lamb, because that he challengeth to himself both the priestly & kingly power, above all other here in earth. The Lamb that is christ which is a king for ever upon the kingly seat of David, & he is a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech: but his kingdom is not of this world, but the kingdom of this beast is of this world, because those that be under him, fight for him. And as jesus is Christ two manner of ways, because that Christus is as much to say as unctus. 
jesus is Christ two manner of ways, as King and priest.  He verily was anointed king, & anointed priest: so this beast saith that he is chief king & priest. Wherefore doth he call himself Christ? because that christ knowing that afore, said: Many shall come in my name, saying, I am christ, and shall decyve many. And thus because that he is both king & priest, he challengeth to himself the double sword, that is the corporal sword and the spiritual sword. The corporal sword is in his right hand, and the spiritual sword is in his right eye, by the testimony of Zachary. But he speaketh subtly like a Dragon, 
The double sword of the Pope.  because that by the testimony of Christ he shall deceive many, as the Apoc. witnesseth. He did great wonders, that also he might make more fire to come from heaven into the earth in the sight of men, that he might deceive those that dwell upon the earth, because of the wonders that are permitted him to do in the sight of the beast, & he overcame the first beast which ascended out of the sea. For that beast challenged unto himself authority of government of that whole world. He hath put to death & tormented those that resist his commandments, and would be honoured as a God upon the earth. The bishop of Rome saith, that that whole world ought to be in subjection unto him, those that be disobedient unto his commandments, he putteth in prison, and to death if he can: If he cannot, he excommunicateth them, and commandeth them to be cast into the devils dungeon. But he that hath no power over the body, much less hath he power over the soul. And truly his excommunication, nor the excommunication of any priest under him, shall at that time little hurt him that is excommunicate, so that the person of him that is excommunicate, be not first excommunicate of God through sin.  
And thus it seemeth a troth unto me, that God thus turneth their blessings into cursings, because they give not due glory unto his name. So when that they uniusty excommunicate & curse, he turneth their cursings into blessings. Also the bishop of Rome doth make me to worship him as God, because that the special sacrifice that God doth require of us, is to be obedient unto him in keeping of his commandments. 

The Bish. of Rome seeketh to be worshipped as God.  
The commandments of the pope more regarded than Christ's.   But now the Pope's commandments be commanded to be kept, and be kept in very deed, but the commandments of Christ are contemned and rejected. Thus sitteth the Bishop of Rome in the Temple of God, showing himself as God, and extolleth himself above all that which is called God, or worshipped as God. But in his fall he shallbe revealed, because that every kingdom divided in itself, shallbe made desolate. He teaching a truth, is the head of the Church, but the Prophet teaching a lie, is the tail of the Dragon. He seducing the world, shallbe acknowledged to be the verity of the doctrine of Christ, but after he is known, he shallbe rejected and nought esteemed. He giveth to small and great, rich and poor, free and bond, marks in their right hands, & in their foreheads: that no man should buy or sell, but those that shall have the marks of the name of the beast, or that looketh to have of him some recompense, small, mean, or great, or else the number of his name, which number is 300. The Pope saith that in the administration of every sacrament, he doth imprint a certain character or mark into the soul of him that receiveth. In baptism he saith that he doth imprint into the soul of him that is baptized, a mark that cannot be wiped out, and so likewise in other sacraments. 
In every Sacrament 2. things contained.  And I know that in a Sacrament are two things, that is, the sacramental sign, & spiritual grace represented by the same sign: the sacramental sign is given to man of man, but the spiritual grace is given of Christ.  
Wherefore, although a vicious or naughty Priest doth baptise any man, if he that is baptized or his parents (if he be a child) do ask with faithful meaning baptism, & do mean faithfully hereafter to observe the words of baptism: is as well baptized, as if he were baptized of never so virtuous a priest. So also the sinner which with all his hart is sorry for his sins, and doth ask faithfully mercy of God, is as well absolved of a vicious priest, as of a virtuous. Because the Lamb of god which taketh away the sins of the word, wipeth away inwardly our sins by his grace, because that he is the bishop & pastor of our souls. All other priests do outwardly work absolution, which know not for a certainty whether they have absolved or not. So also is it in the other, because that the grace of the sacrament is given of God, and the sacramental sign, of man. In giving of orders, the chief bishop doth imprint the corporal marks, but of the spiritual marks, I know none: unless a man will say, that by receiving the order he hath some belief that he may work some things pertayniug to that order, the which before the receiving of the order he could not. But this one thing is, that none in the church ought to sell spiritual merchandise (of which things we have spoken before) unless he have the mark of the beast. My counsel is, let the buyer beware of those marks: because that after the fall of Babylon, 
Caveat emptor.  if any man hath worshipped the beast and her image, & hath received the mark upon his forehead, & upon his hand, he shall drink of the wine of god's wrath, which is mixed with the wine in the cup of his anger, and he shallbe tormented in fire & brimstone in the sight of the holy angels, and in the sight of the Lamb: and the smoke of their torments shall ever more ascend, although he look for a recompense, small, mean, or great, 
The rewards of the beast.  of the beast, or else the number of his name. The beast doubtless doth recompense his friends, with his small reward, that is, with great gifts and benefices corporal: with a mean reward, that is, with great spiritual gifts, in authority of blessing, losing, binding, praying, & exercising other spiritual works: & with his greatest reward, which after that they be dead, maketh them to be honoured in earth among the saints. 
The number of the name of the beast.  The number of his name according to the opinion of some men, is Dux Cleri, the captain of the clergy, because by that name he is named, & maketh his name known, 
Dux cleri.  and that name is 666.  
This is my opinion of the beast ascending out of the earth, and shall until such time as I shallbe of the same beast better instructed. And although that this beast doth signify the Roman bishops: yet the other cruel beast ascending out of the sea, doth signify the Roman Emperors. And although that the Dragon being a cruel beast, and the false Prophet giving the mark, must be thrown into the lake of fire and brimstone to be tormented for ever: I would have no man to judge, but I leave such things altogether to the final judgement of christ to be detemined. But Martin the Pope's confessor which maketh the Chronicle of the Emperors and Popes, reciteth many errors of the Popes, 
Martinus poenitenliarius.  more horrible and abhomynabl then of the Emperors. For he speaketh of the idolatrous Popes, heretical, simoniacal, and Pope's the were murderers, 
more wicked pope's then Emperors  that used necromancy, and witchcraft, that were fornicators, and defiled with all kind of vice. But I have partly declared how that the Pope's law is contrary to Christ's law, and how that he sayeth, that he is the chief vicar of Christ in earth: and in his deeds is contrary to Christ, and doth forsake both his doctrine & life. I can not see who else may be so well Antichrist, and a seducer of the people. For there is not a greater pestilence, than a familiar enemy.  
As concrning idols, 
Matters of Idolatry.  and the worshipping of them, I think of them as Moses, Solomon, Isayas, jeremy, and the rest of the Prophets, which all spoke against the making of Images, as also the worshipping of Images. And faithful David full of the spirit of God, saith: Let all those be confounded that worship Images, 
Images.  and that rejoice in Idols: And again he saith: Let them be made like unto them that make them, & all such as put their trust in them. Wherefore I pray god that this evil come not upon me, which is the curse of God pronounced by David the prophet. Nor I will be by God's grace, neither a maker, nor else a worshipper of Images.  
As concerning oaths, 
Oaths how far they are tolerable.  I believe and obey the doctrine of the almighty God, & my master jesus Christ, which teacheth: that Christian men in affirmation of a truth, should pass the righteousness of the Scribes and Pharises of the old Testament, or else he excludeth them from the kingdom of heaven. For he saith: Unless your righteousness exceed the righteousness of the Scribes and Pharises, ye cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven. And as concerning oaths he saith. It hath been said to them of old time, thou shalt not forswear thyself, but shalt perform unto the Lord those things which thou vowest. But I say unto you thou shalt not swear at all, neither by the heaven nor yet by the earth. etc. But let your communication be yea, yea, nay, nay, for whatsoever shallbe more than this, proceedeth of evil. Therefore, as the perfection of the ancient men of the old Testament was, not to forswear themselves: so the perfection of Christian men is not to swear at all, because they are so commanded of Christ, whose commandment must in no case be broke●: although that the City of Rome is contrary to this d●●ctryne of christ even as in many things she is found contrary to herself.  
As touching the taking away of temporal goods from those that are ecclesiastical persons offending habitualiter: 
Whether temporal goods may be taken away from ecclesiastical persons offending.  by such as are temporal Lords, I will not affirm any thing to be lawful in this matter (as in other matters before) that is not agreeable to charity: And that for because it is a hard matter for a man to take another man's goods from him without breaking of charity, because peradventure he that taketh away, is the more moved to such manner of taking away be reason of the desire he hath to those goods, which he endeavoureth to take away: or else, because of some displeasure or hatred to the person, from whom he goeth about to take away those goods, then that he from whom those goods be taken, should be amended. Therefore, unless he that taketh away, be only moved of charity to the taking away of such goods, I dare not affirm that such taking is lawful. And if such taking away proceed of charity, I dare not judge it unlawful: because that the Bishop of Rome which received his temporal dominion of the Emperor, when the Emperor rebelled and was not obedient unto him, 
Pope's take from Emperors their benefactors, temporal dominion when they offend: Ergo, much more may Emperors take from pope's temporal dominion when they offend. A prophecy of Walter Brute, that temporal goods shall be taken away from the clergy for the multitude of their sins.  he deprived him from his temporal jurisdictions: How much more than may temporal Lords do the same which have bestowed upon them many temporal dominions and lordships, only to the intent that they might the better intend to serve God and keep his commandments. How if they perceive that they be against the laws of God, and that they be over busily occupied about worldly matters: I cannot see but that they may well enough take from them those temporal goods, which to a good purpose they gave them. But if in time to come after this, those that be temporal lords shall take from ecclesiastical persons such temporalties: let him that desireth to understand this, read the prophet Ezechiel in the chapter of the shepherds of Israel, which fed themselves in stead of their flock: and also let him read the apocalypse of the fall of Babylon. Let him also read the Pope's decretals against heretics, and in those he shall find, that the taking away of the temporaltyes from the Clergy, shall come to pass for the multitude of their sins.  
Thus reverend father, have I made mine answer of the matter whereof I am accused: beseeching you, that as I have been obedient to your desire, and that even as a son declaring unto you the secrets of my hart in plain words (although rudely) so I desire to know your opinion, and crave your fatherly benevolence: that now your labour may be for my instruction and amendment, & not to accusation and condemnation. For like as in the beginning I have promised you, that if any man of what state, sect, or condition soever he be, can show me any error many of my writings by the authority of holy scripture, or by any probable reason grounded in the scriptures: I will receive his information willingly and humbly.  
After that all the foresaid things were exhibited & given by the foresaid Walter Brute, 
Walter Brute again commanded to appear.  unto the foresaid B. of Herford: he further appointed to the same Walter, that third day of the month of October, at Herforde, with the continuance of the days following to hear his opinion. Which third day now at hand, being Friday in the year of our Lord God 1393. 
Bishops & ●●tors, ●●h 10. Bachelors ● divinity, ● monks ● Doctor's ●lars sit●●● upon Walter B●re. Nicholas Herford but also present.  the said Walter Brute, appeared before him, sitting in Commission in the Cathedral Church of Hereford, at six a clock or thereabout: having for his assistentes in the same place, divers Prelates and Abbots, and xx. Bachelors of Divinity, whereof xii. were Monks, and two Doctors of the law. Amongst these was Nicholas Hereford, accompanied with many other Prelates and worshipful men & wise Graduates in sundry faculties. Now was the foresaid Walter opposed of his writings aforesaid, & the contents therein. Earnest were they in pycking out of those writings, his heresies, & in showing his schisms, sundry errors, and divers other things. Now, after that they had continued all that day and the two days following (that is Friday, Saturday, & Sunday) in their informations & examinations against the same Walter Brute. The same Walter Brute submitted himself to the determination of the church, 
The Wri●●ges of Walter 〈◊〉 ex 〈◊〉.  & to the correction of the said john Bishop, as it appeareth word for word in a scroll written in the English tongue: The tenor of which scroul, is as followeth.  
¶ I Walter Brute submit myself principally to the evangely of jesus Christ, 
The tenor of the sub●●●ion of Walter Brute.  and to the determination of holy kirk, and to the general Counsels of holy kirk. And to the sentence and determination of the four Doctors of holy write, that is Austen, Ambrose, Jerome, and Gregory. And I meekly submie me to your correction, as a subject aught to his Bishop.  
Which scroll as afore is recited in the English tongue, the foresaid Walter Brute read, with a loud and intellible voice, at the Cross in the churchyard on Monday, that is to say, the 6. day of the said month of October, before the sermon made unto the people in presence of the said bishop of Herford & other above written, 
The sub●●●sion of Walter Brute open●● read at Herford.  as also other Barons, knights and noble men & clergy, and also a great multitude of people. After which reading of the scroll, the foresaid Tho. Crawlay bachelor of divinity, made the Sermon unto the people, & took for his theme the words of the Apostle to the Rom. the xi. chap. that is as followeth. Be not over wise in your own conceits but stand in fear etc.  
☞ Out of these declarations and writings of Walter Brute, the Bishop with the Monks and doctors above rehearsed, did gather and draw out certain articles, to the number of 37. which they sent to the University of Cambridge to be confuted, unto two learned men. M. Colwill, & M. Newton, Bachelors of divinity. Which M. Colwil, & Newton did both labour in the matter, to the uttermost of their cunning, in replying and answering to the said 37. articles.  
* Besides them also W. Woodforde a Friar (who wrote likewise against the articles of Wickliff) labouring in the same cause, made a solemn & a long tractation, compiling the articles of the said Brute, to the number of 29. All which treatises, as I wish to come to the reader's hand, that the slenderness of them might be known: so it may happen perease, that the same being in my hands may hereafter be further published, with other like tractations more, as convenient time for the prolixity thereof may hereafter, better serve then now.  
What after this became to this Walter Brute, orwhat end he had, I find it not registered: but like it is, that he for this time escaped. Certain other writings I find moreover, which albeit they bear no name of this Walter, nor of any certain author: yet because they are in the same register adjoined to the history of him, I thought therefore most fit here to be inserted. Of the which the one was a letter sent to Nicholas Hereford a little above specified: who being at the first a great follower of john Wicklif, as appeareth before pag. 438. was now in the number of them which sat upon this Walter, as is in the next page above recorded. The copy of this letter, bearing no name of any special author, but only as sent by a certain Lollard (as the register doth term him) is written in manner and forine as followeth.  
¶ Here followeth the Copy of a letter sent to master Nicholas Hereford, by a Lollard, as in the Register it is said.  
FOr as much as no man that putteth his hand to the plough and looketh back, 
A letter sent to Nicholas Herford.  is meet for the kingdom of God, as our Saviour Christ saith: What marvel is it, although master Nicholas Herford, which at the first (by the visitatió of the spirit of god peradventure) put his hand, that is, gave his diligence, unto the plough, that is, to the sowing of the word of God and holy scripture, as well in preaching as in doing good works: is now so blind and unskilful to expound the scripture, that he knoweth not what is understood by the kingdom of heaven. Truly it is no marvel, O thou that art master of the Nicholitanes, which like Nicholas the most false deacon, hast left or forsaken the infallible knowledge of the holy scripture. For the true knowledge of the Theological verity is shut up as well from thee as from all the other Nicholitanes following thy conditions, 
Nicolaitaens.  for as much as thou goest not in by the door to expound the same evangelical verity. Therefore when thou didst recite this other day, first, the pharisaycal and hypocritical woe (nothing at all to any purpose) thou shouldest have said justly in this sort, both of thyself, and other thy followers and religious Antichrist's: Woe be unto us Scribes and Pharises, which shut up the kingdom of heaven, that is to say, the true knowledge of the holy Scripture, before men by our false glofes and crooked similitudes: and neither we ourselves enter into the same kingdom or knowledge, nor suffer other to enter into it. Wherefore, it seemeth unto the faithful sort, that wrongfully, falsy, & without any reverence, ye have expounded that text of Gregory. 1, q. 1. that is to say. Quicunque studet. etc. For this is the true understanding of the same. 
1. q 1. ca Quicunque studet.  Knowing first that there be some priests after the thing, and name only; and doth show that this is true: that whosoever studieth to receive the holy order by giving of money: He is not a priest, secundum rem, & nomen: But to say the truth, he desireth to be called a priest, that is to be a priest Secundum nomen tantùm. And such a priest which is a priest in name only, is no priest. No more then S. Marry painted is S. Mary: Nor a false doctor a doctor, but no doctor: And a man painted is not a man, but no man. And thus such a priest in name only, is not a priest. Because that all faithful men do firmly believe with S. Gregory that no man buying the holy orders, may then be called a priest as he saith. 1. q. 1. They that buy or sell holy orders can be no priests. Whereupon is written, Anathema dandi, & Anathema accipiendi. That is Simoniacal heresy. And it followeth, how therefore, if they be accursed and not blessed, can they make others blessed▪ And when that they be not in the body of Christ, how can they either receive or deliver the body of Christ? He that is accursed, how can he bless? as though he would say. It is unpossible. As Pope Vrbanus saith. 1. q. 1. Si qui a Simoniacis. etc. Where he saith thus. They that willingly know & suffer themselves to be consecrated, 
1. q. 1. Si quis a Simoniacis.  nay rather execrated of those that are infected with Simony: we judge that their consecration is altogether void. Also Pope Leo in 2. q. 
Ex Leone Papa, 2. q. 1.  1. saith in this wise. Grace, if it be not freely given or received, is not grace Spiritual usurers do not receive freely: Therefore, they receive not the spiritual grace, which specially worketh in the ecclesiastical orders. If they receive it not, they have it not: if they have it not freely, they cannot give it freely. And by this it is more clearer than the light that they which know so much and receive orders by spiritual usury or simony, are neither priests nor deacons, neither after the manner nor character. For if such carecter or mark were otherwise given in giving orders, it were requisite always that there should be a certain grace imprinted in the man, but there is no such grace given or imprinted as afore is manifest: Therefore there is no such Character to be sayned. Therefore, such Character or mark abideth not in him, for as much as he never had nor hath the same. And yet furthermore in the same place. What then do the simonycall prelate's give? And he maketh answer truly even that which they have, as the spirit of lying. How prove we this? Because that if it be the spirit of verity, as the same verity doth testify from whom it cometh, it is freely received. And it followeth for the whole purpose no doubt: It is convicted to be the spirit of lying, which is not freely received.  
By this it appeareth manifestly to the faithful sort, that those which wittingly and simonically are made priests, for as much as they receive not the Character of the Lord but only the spirit of lying and the mark of Simon Magus, and of judas the traitor, that they be not priests neither according to the mark nor manners. Nor such do no more make the sacraments of the Church, than other lay men may in the time of necessity, nor yet so truly, 
Brother in nature. In manners no brother.  during their heretical naughtiness. And yet in deed (brother mine,) univocè natura, but yet aequivocè in moribus. I do not write thus sharply unto you, through anger, or any unperfect hate: but through the perfect hate of your horrible heresy, and denying the faith of Christ, that I may say with David in the Psalm. Perfecto odlo oderam etc. And I am very sorry for you, that you which in times past have excellently well, and fruitfully preached the Gospel in the pulpit, do now as well fail in the congruity of the Latin tongue, as in the other science natural. For as it was heard thrice in one lecture you said appetitis, that is to say, pronouncing the middle syllable long, which thing not only the masters, but also the young scholars understood. And many other faults there in your Grammar, which for shame I dare not recite. I send unto you these five conclusions.  
The first conclusion. It is an infallible verity that the words of the four chief doctors, expounding the holy scripture according to the verity which the words do pretend, are to be holden and kept. 
5. Conclusions sent.   
The second: He which importeth any equivocation out of any of the Doctors expounding, for the coulouring of his text, his equivocation is always to be left.  
The third: No perversion of any reprobate is able to turn the congregation of the elect from the faith, because all things that shall come to pass, are eternally in God devised & ordained for the best, unto the elect Christians.  
The fourth: Like as the mystical body of Christ is the congregation of all the Electiso Antichrist mystically is the church of the wicked & of all the reprobates.  
The fift: The conclusions of Swinderby, be agreeable to the faith in every part.  
¶ This letter was thus subscribed. By the spirit of God, sometime visiting you.  
☞ Besides this epistle above prefixed, there is also found annexed with the same, a devise of an other certain letter counterfeited under the name of Lucifer prince of darkness: writing to the Pope and all popish Prelates, persecuting the true and right Church (with all might and main) to maintain their pride and domination in this earth, under a colourable pretence & visor of the catholic church, & succession Apostolical. Which letter although it seemeth in some authors to be ascribed to Dekam, above mentioned: yet because I find it in the same Register of the church of Herford contained, & inserted among the tractations of Walter Brute, and devised (as the Register said) by that Lollards: I thought no meeter place, than here to annex the same, the tenor whereof thus proceedeth in words as follow.  
¶ The devise or counterfeit of a certain letter feigned under the name of Lucifer Prince of darkness, writing to the persecuting prelate's of the popish clergy.  
I Lucifer prince of darkness and profound heaviness, Emperor of the high mysteries of the King of Acharont, 
The epistle of Lucifer to the proud prelate's of the pope's clergy.  Captain of the dungeon, Erebus king of hell, and controller of the infernal fire: To all our children of pride, and companions of our kingdom, and especially to our Princes of the Church of this latter age and time (of which our adversary jesus Christ, according to the Prophet, saith: I hate the church or congregation of the wicked) send greeting, & wish prosperity to all that obey our commandments, as also to those that be obedient to the laws of Satan already enacted, & that are diligent observers of our behests, and the precepts of our decree. Know ye that in times past certain vicar's or vicegerents of Christ, 
The difference between the bishops of the primitive church and of the latter church.  following his steps in miracles and virtues, living and continuing in a beggarly life, converted (in a manner) the whole world from the yoke of our tyranny unto their doctrine & manner of life: To the great derision and contempt of our prison house and kingdom: and also to the no little prejudice and hurt of our jurisdiction and authority, nor fearing to hurt our fortified power and to offend the majesty of our estate. For than received we no tribute of the world, neither did the miserable sort of common people, rush at the gates of our deep dungeon as they were wont to do with continual pealing and rapping, 
Humility edifieth. Pride destroyeth.  but then the easy, pleasant, & broad way, which leadeth to death, lay still without great noise of trampeling travailers, neither yet was trod with the feet of miserable men. And when all our courts were without sutets, Hell then began to howl: And thus continuing in great heaviness & anguish, was rob and spoiled. Which thing considered, the impatient rage of our stomach could no longer suffer, neither the ougle retchelous negligence of our great Captain general could any longer endure it. But we, seeking remedy for the time that should come after, have provided us of a very trim shift: For in stead of these Apostles and other their adherentes which draw by the same line of theirs, as well in manners as doctrine, & are odious enemis unto us: We have caused you to be their successors, & put you in their place, which be Prelates of the church in these latter times, by our great might and subtlety, as christ hath said of you they have reigned but not by me. Once we promised unto him all the kingdom of the world if he would fall down and worships us, 
Placing ofproud prelate's the cause of all mischief. The Church never well governed since the Devils often were take of the Churchmen.  but he would not, saying: my kingdom is not of this would, and went his way, when the multitude would have made him a temporal king. But to you truly which are fallen from the state of grace, and that serve us in the earth: is that my promise fulfilled, and all terrene things be our means which we have bestowed upon you, are under government. For he hath said of us as ye know: The prince of the world cometh etc. and hath made us to reign over all children of unbelief Therefore our adversaries before recited, did patiently submit themselves unto the Princes of the world, and did teach that men should do so, saying. Be ye subject to every creature for God's cause, whether it be to the King as most chiefest. And again: Obey ye them that are made rulers over you etc. For so their master commanded them saying: The kings of the heathen have dominion over them etc. But I think it long till we have powered our poison upon the earth, and therefore fill yourselves full. And now be ye not only unlike those fathers, but also contrary unto them in your life and conditions, and extol yourselves above all other men. Neither do ye give to God that which belongeth to him, 
Pride in prelate's noted.  nor yet to Caesar that which is his: But exercise you the power of both the sword, according to our decrees, making yourselves doers in worldly matters, 
Popish prelate's neither give to God not to Caesa● that which belongeth to God & Caesar. The double jurisdiction of the pope's 2. sword cometh of Lucifer. The outrages of the pope's clergy described. Dominos. Sanctos. Sanctisim●●  fight in our quarrel, entangled with secular labours and business. And climb ye by little & little from the miserable state of poverty, unto the highest seats of all honours, & the most princely places of dignity by your devised practices, & false and deceitful wiles and subtlety: that is, by hypocrisy, flattery, lying, perjury, treasons, deceits, simony, and other greater wickedness than which our infernal furies may devise. For after that ye have by us been advanced thither where ye would be: yet that doth not suffice you, but as greedy starvelings more hungry than ye were before, ye suppress the poor, scratch and rack together all that comes to hand, perverting and turning every thing topsie toruey: so swollen, that ready ye are to burst for pride living like Lechers in all corporal delicateness, and by fraud dyrecting all your doings. You challenge to yourselves names of honour in the earth, calling yourselves Lords, holy, yea and most holy persons.  
Thus, either by violence ye raven, or else by ambition, subtly ye pilfer away, and wrongfully wraft, and by false title possess those goods which for the sustentation of the poor members of Christ (whom from our first fall we have hated) were bestowed and given: consuming them as ye yourselves list, & therewith ye cherish and maintain an innumerable sort of whores, strumpets, 
The lascivious and whorish life of the Romish clergy.  and bawds, with whom ye ride pompously like mighty Princes, far otherwise going, than those poor beggarly priests of the primative Church. For I would ye should build yourselves rich and gorgeous palaces, ye far like Princes, eating and drinking the most daintiest meats, and pleasantest wi●es that may be gotten: ye hoard and heap together an infinite deal of treasure, not like to him that said, gold and silver I have none, ye serve and fight for us according to your wages O most acceptable society or fellowship, promised unto us by the Prophet, and of those father's long ago reproved: Whilst that Christ called thee the Synagogue of Satan, and likened thee to the mighty whore which committed fornication with the kings of the earth, 
The whorish latter Church of Rome.  the adulterous spouse of Christ, and of a chaste person made a strumpet. Thou hast left thy first love and haste cleaved unto us, O our beloved Babylon, O our citizens, which from the transmigration of jerusalem, come hither: we love you for your deserts, we rejoice over you, which contemn the laws of Simon Peter, 
Pope successor not of Simon Peter but of Simon Magus. Wicked and unworthy ministers admitted in the Pope's church. Unworthy bestowing of benefices.  and embrace the laws of Simon Magus our friend, and have them at your finger's ends, and exercise the same publicly, buying and selling spiritual things in the Church of God, and against the commandment of God. Ye give benefices and honours by petition, or else for money, for favour, or else for filthy service. And refusing to admit those that be worthy to ecclesiastical dignities, & perferring those that are unworthy, you call unto the inheritance of god's sanctuary, bawds, liars, flatterers, your nephews, and your own children, & to a childish boy, ye give many prebends: the least whereof ye deny to bestow upon a poor good man: ye esteem the person of a man and receive gifts, ye regard money and have no regard of souls. Ye have made the house of God a den of thieves. All abuse, all extortion, is more exercised, a hundredth fold in your judgement seats, then with any secular tyrant. Ye make laws & keep not the same, & ye dispense with your dispensations as it pleaseth you, 
Acception of person. Bribery.  you justify the wicked for rewards, and ye take away the just man's desert from him. And briefly ye perpetrate or commit all kind of mischief, even as it is our will ye should. And ye take much pain for lucre's sake in our service, 
Lorie of Lucre.  and especially to destroy the Christian faith. For now the lay people are almost in doubt what they may believe, because if ye preach any thing to them at sometimes (although it be but seldom seen, 
Extortion. Perverting of justice.  & that negligently enough, even as we would have it) yet notwithstanding they believe you not, because they see manifestly that ye do clean contrary, to that ye say. Whereupon, the common people, doing as ye do, which have the government of them, 
Destruction of true faith.  & should be an example to them of well doing: ●ow many of them leaning to your rules, do run headlong into a whole sea of vices: 
The life of papists contrary to their teaching.  And so continually a very great multitude flocketh at the strong and well fenced gates of our dungeon. And doubtless, ye send us so many day by day of every sort and kind of people, that we should not be able to entertain them, but that our insatiable Chaos with her thounsande ravening laws is sufficient to devour an infinite number of souls. And thus the sovereignty of our Empire, 
The Pope increaseth ●ell  by you hath been reform, and our intolerable loss restored. Wherefore, most specially we commend you, & give you most hearty thanks: Exhorting all you, that in any wise ye persevere and continue, as hitherto ye have done: neither that you slack henceforth your enterprise. For why, by your helps we purpose to bring the whole world again under our power & dominion. Over and besides this, we commit unto you no small authority, to supply our places in the betraying of your brethren, and we make and ordain you our vicars, & the ministers of Antichrist our son, 
Antichrist.  now hard at hand, for whom ye have made a very trim way and passage. Furthermore, we counsel you which occupy the highest rooms of all other, that you work subtly, and that ye (feignedly) procure peace between the princes of the world, and that ye cherish and procure secret causes of discord. And like as craftily ye have destroyed and subverted the Roman Empire: 
The pope a ●yned p 〈◊〉 of peace between princes. The Ro●●ine empire craftily ●●●uerted by the pope. Simony the pope's nurse.  so suffer ye no kingdom to be overmuch enlarged or enriched by tranquility and peace. Lest perhaps in so great tranquility (all desire of peace set aside) they dispose themselves to view and consider your most wicked works, suppressing on every side your estate: and from your treasures take away such substance, as we have caused to be reserved and kept in your hands, until the coming of our well-beloved son Antichrist. We would ye should do our commendations to our entirely beloved daughters, pride, deceit, wrath, avarice, bellichere, and lechery, & to all other my daughters: and especially to Lady Simony, which hath made you men, and enriched you, and hath given you suck with her own breasts, & weaned you, and therefore in no wise see that you call her sin. And be ye lofty and proud, because that the most high dignity of your estate doth require such magnificence. And also be ye covetous, 
Promoting of proud & 〈◊〉 Cardinals.  for whatsoever ye get and gather into your farthel, it is for Saint Peter, for the peace of the church, and for the defence of your patrimony and the Crucifix, and therefore ye may lawfully do it. Ye may promote your Cardinals to the highest seat of dignities without any let in all the world, in stopping the mouth of our adversary jesus Christ, and alleging again: that he preferred his kinsfolks (being but of poor and base degree) unto the Apostleship, but do not you so, but rather call, as ye do, those that live in arrogancy, in hawtines of mind, and filthy lechery, unto the state of wealthy riches and pride, and those rewards & promotions, 
Cloaked holiness.  which the followers of Christ forsook, do ye distribute unto your friends. Therefore as ye shall have better understanding, prepare ye vices cloaked under the similitude of virtues. Allege for yourselves the gloss of the holy scripture, and wrest them, 
wresting of scripture.  directly to serve for your purpose. And if any man preach or teach otherwise then ye will, oppress ye them violently with the sentence of excommunication, & by your censures heaped one upon another, by the consent of your brethren. Let him be condemned, 
Tyranny & cruelty by the pope.  as an heretic, and let him be kept in most strait prison, and there tormented till he die, for a terrible example to all such as confess Christ. And setting all favour apart, cast him out of your temple: lest peradventure the engraffed word may save your souls, which word I abhor, as I do the souls of other faithful men. And do your endeavour, that ye may deserve to have the place which we have prepared for you, under the most wicked foundation of our dwelling place. Far ye well, with such felicity as we desire and intend finally to reward and recompense you with.  
¶ Given at the centure of the earth, in that our dark place, where all the rabblement of Devils were present, specially for this purpose called unto our most dolorous Consistory, under the Character of our terrible seal, for the confirmation of the premises. Ex Registro Herfonrdensi ad verbum. 
Ex Registro Hereford.   
Who was the true author of this poesy or epistle above written it is not evidently known: neither yet doth it greatly skill. The matter being well considered of their part, which here be noted: may minister unto them sufficient occasion of wholesome admonition, either to remember themselves what is amiss, or to be think with themselves what is to be amended. divers other writings of like argument both before & since, have been devised: as one bearing the title Luciferi ad malos principes Ecclesiasticos, imprinted first at Paris in Latin. And under the writing thereof, bearing this date. Anno a palatij nostri fractione, consortiumque nostrorum subtractione. 1351. Which if ye count from the Passion of the Lord: reacheth well to the time of Wickliff 1385. which was above vj. years before the examination of this Walter Brute.  
There is also an other epistle of Lucifer, 
Epist Lucif. ad praelatos.  prince of darkness, ad praelatos, mentioned in the Epistle of the school of prague, to the university of Oxford, set forth by Huldericus Huttenus, about the year of our Lord (as is there dated) 1370. which seemeth to be written before this epistle.  
Also Vincentius in Speculo histo. 
Vincent. Spec. hist. lib. 25. cap. 89.  lib. 25. cap. 89. inferreth like mention of a letter of the fiends infernal, unto the clergy men as in a vision represented before 400. years. In which the devils give thanks to the spiritual men, for that by their silence and not preaching the Gospel, they send infinite souls to hell. etc.  
divers other letters also of like devise, have been written, & also recorded in authors. Whereunto may be added, that one jacobus Cartusiensis, 
Ex prophetia Hildegardis.  writing to the Bishop of Wormace, allegeth out of the prophecy of Hildegardis in these words: Ideo et diabolus in semetipso de vobis sacerdotibus ait: Escas epulantium, convivia et omnes voluptates in istis invenio, sed et oculi, et aures, et venter meus, et venae meae, de spumis illorum plenae sunt, et ubera mea plena sunt divicijs illorum etc. 1. Therefore saith he, the devil may say of you priests in himself: The meats of banqueting dishes, and feasts of all kind of pleasure, I find in these men: Yea also, mine eyes, mine ears, my belly, & all my veins be full of their froathing, and my breasts be full stuffed with their riches. etc. Furthermore, saith he, they labour every day to rise up higher with Lucifer, but every day they fall with him more deeply.  
Hereunto also appertaineth a story written, & commonly found in many old written books. In the year of our Lord. 1228. at Paris in a Synod of the clergy, there was one appointed to make a Sermon. 
The devil giveth thanks to clergy men. The silence of priests for not preaching the Gospel damneth many a soul.  Who being much careful in his mind, & solicitous what to say, the devil came to him, and ask why he was so careful for his matter, what he should preach to the clergy, say thus, quoth he: The princes of hell salute you (Oh you princes of the Church) & gladly give you thanks, because through your default and negligence, it cometh to pass, that all souls go down to hell. Adding moreover, that he was also enforced by the commandment of God to declare the same, yea and that a certain token moreover was given to the said clerk for a sign, whereby the synod might evidently see, that he did not lie. Ex cattle. Illyr. Fol. 546.  

¶ The Bull of Pope Bonifacius the ix. against the Lollards. 
The pope's letter to the B. of Hereford.   
BOnifacius Bishop, servant of the servants of God: To the reverend brother john Bishop of Hereford, sendeth greeting & Apostolical benediction. We mean to write unto our well-beloved son in Christ (Richard the renowned king of England) in form enclosed within these presents. Therefore we will and command your brotherhood, that as much as ye may, ye study and endeavour yourself to exhort and induce the same king, to do those things which we have written unto him, as it is said before. And notwithstanding, that now many a day you ought to have done it of yourself, & not to look that we should persuade you to that effect by us written: you may proceed as well by our authority, as by your own, for as much as it was given you before: that here after we may know effectually by your diligence, what zeal your devotion beareth unto the Catholic faith, and to the conserving of the ecclesiastical honour, and also to the execution of your pastoral office.  
¶ Given at Rome, at S. Peter's the xv. kalends of October, the 6. year of our bishoplike dignity.   

¶ The tenor of the Bull, to the renowned prince Richard by the grace of God king of England & of France: whereof mention is made above, as followeth, and is thus much in effect.  
TO our well-beloved son in Christ, 
The pope's wild Bull let lose against the servants of Christ.  richard the noble king of England, we send greeting etc. It grieveth us from the bottom of our hearts, and our holy mother the Church in all places through Christendom lamenteth. We understand that there be certain heresies sprung, and do without any condign restraint range at their own liberty, to the seducing of the faithful people, and do every day with overmuch liberty enlarge their undiscreet bounds. 
A lack good hart what sorrow the pope taketh.  But how much the more carefully we labour for the preservation both of you & your famous kingdom, and also the sincerity of the faith: and do with much more ardent desire covet, that the prosperous state of the same should be preserved and enlarged the sting of greater sorrow doth so much the more penetrate and molest us, for as much as we see (alas the while) in our time, and under the regal presidence of your most Christian government: a certain crafty and hairebraine sect of false Christians, in the same your kingdom, to grow and increase: which call themselves the poor men of the treasury of Christ and his disciples, and whom the common people by a more sounder name call Lollards (as a man would say withered darnel) according as their sins require: and perceive, that they wax strong, & as it were prevail against the diocesans of some places, and other governors as they meet together not courageously addressing themselves against them as they ought to do (whereof chief and not undeservedly I give them admonition) for that they take thereby the more bolder presumption and stomach among the unlearned people. And for as much as those whom we cannot call men, but the damnable shadows or ghosts of men, do rise up against the sound faith, & holy universal church of Rome: and that very many of them being indifferently learned, 
As though no learning were but in the church of Rome.  which (to the confusion & eternal damnation of some of them) they got sitting upon their mother's lap the said Church of Rome, do rise up or inveigh against the determination of the holy fathers, with too much presumptuous boldness, to the subversion of the whole ecclesiastical order and estate: Have not been afraid, nor are not yet afraid, publicly to preach, very many erroneous detestable, and heretical articles, for that they are not put to silence, reproved, driven out, rooted out or otherwise punished, by any that hath authority and the fear and love of God. 
The dragon here spoureth out his floods of water to drown the Christians.  And also they are not afraid, openly to write the same articles, and so being written to deliver them to your kingly parliament, and obstinately to affirm the same. The venomous and disdainful recital of which articles, upon good advisement at this present we pass over: lest the sufferance of such sensuality, might fortune to renew the wound that reason may heal. Yet notwithstanding, lest so great and contagious an evil should escape unpunished, and that without deserved vexation, and also that it might not get more hart and wax stronger: we therefore (according to that our office and duty is, where such negligence and sluggishness of our prelate's being present, where this thing is) do commit and give in commandment to our reverend brethren, Canterbury, 
Behold the spirit of the pope's meek holiness.  and York, Archbishops by other our letters: that they stand up in the power of God against this pestilent and contagious sect, and that they lively persecute the same in form of law: root out and destroy those, that advisedly and obstinately refuse to withdraw their foot from the same stumbling block, any restraint to the contrary notwithstanding. But because the assistance, counsel, 
The bowels of jesus Christ be full of mercy: the bowels of the pope full of tryanny.  favour, and aid of your kingly estate & highness are requisite to the execution of the premises: we require, exhort, and beseech the same your princely highness, by the bowels of the mercy of jesus Christ, by his holy faith, by your own salvation, by the benefit that to all men is common, and by the prosperity assured to every man and woman, that not only your kingly severity may readily show and cause to be showed unto our Archbishops and their Commissaries (in this behalf requiring the foresaid due execution) convenient aid and favour, as otherwise also to cause them to be assisted: But that also you will enjoin your Magistrates and justices of assize, and peace more straightly, that of their own good wills, they execute the authority committed unto them, with all severity against such damned men, according as they are bound by the office which they are put in trust with: Against those I mean, which have determined obstinately to defile themselves in their malice and sins, those to expel, banish, and imprison, and there so long to keep them, till condign sentence shall pronounce them worthy to suffer punishment. For your kingly wisdom seethe, that such as they be, do not only deceive poor simple souls (or at the least do what they can to deceive them) but also bring their bodies to destruction, and further prepare confusion and ruinous fall unto their temporal Lords. Go to therefore my sweet son, and endeavour yourself to work so in this matter, 
Help the pope at a pincheror else he is like to take a ●all.  as undoubtedly we trust you will: that as this firebrand (burning and flaming over sore) began under your precedent or government: so under your severe judgement and virtuous diligence, might, favour, and aid: not one spark remain hid under the ashes, but that it be utterly extinguished and speedily put out.  
¶ Given at our palace of S. Peter at Rome, the xv. kalends of October, in the sixth year of our pontificality.   

¶ The Kings Commission.  
RIchard by the grace of God, king of England, & France, and Lord of Ireland. To all those unto whom these present letters shall come, greeting. Know ye, that where as lately at the instance of the reverend father, William Archbishop of Caunterbury, Metropolitan of all England, and Legate of the Apostolycal seat: we for the redress and amendment of all those which would obstinately preach or maintain, publicly, or privily, any conclusions of the holy scripture, repugnant to the determynation of our holy mother the church, & notoriously redounding to the subversion of the Catholic faith, or containing any heresy or error, within the province or bishopric of Canterbury: Have by our special letters patents, in the zeal of the faith, given authority and licence unto the foresaid Archbishop & to all and singular his suffragans, to arrest all and every of them that will preach or maintain any such conclusions, wheresoever they may be found, and to commit them either to their own prisons or any others at their own pleasure: and to keep them in the same, until they repent them of the errors & pravities of those heresies: or till that, of such manner of arrests, by us or by our counsel it should be otherwise determined, 
The hot complaining charity of the B. of Herford.  that is to say, to every one of them and their ministers throughout their cities and dioceses. And now the reverend father in god john B. of Herford, hath for a certainty informed us: that although the same B. hath according to justice convinced a certain fellow named W. Swinderby, pretending himself to be a chaplain, 
W. Swinderby and Steven Bel complained of to the king.  & one Stephen Bell a learned man, and hath pronounced them heretics and excommunicate, & false informers among the common people, and hath declared the same by the definitive sentence of the aforesaid bishop for that they have presumed to affirm and preach openly in divers places within the diocese of Herford, many conclusions or naughty opinions notoriously redounding to the subversion of the Catholic sound faith, and tranquility of our kingdom. The same Bishop notwithstanding, neither by the ecclesiastical censures, neither yet by the force and strength of our commission was able to revoke the foresaid William and Stephen, nor yet to bridle the malice and indurate contumacy of them: For that they, after that they were upon such heretical pravity convict by the same bishop (to the intent they might delude his judgement and justice) conveyed themselves by and by, unto the borders of Wales, with such as were their factors and accomplices, in keeping themselves close, unto whom the force of our said letters doth in no wise extend. Whereupon, the said Bishop hath, made supplication unto us, that we will vouchsafe to provide a sufficient remedy in that behalf. We therefore which always (by the help of almighty God) are defenders of the faith, willing to withstand such presumptuous and perverse enterprises by the most safest way and means we may give and commit full power and authority to the foresaid bishop and to his ministers, by the tenor of these presents, to arrest or take, 
Furioso●● committas gladium.  or cause to be arrested or taken, the foresaid William and Sthephen, in any place within the city & diocese of Hereford and our dominion of Wales, with all the speed that may be, and to commit them either to our prison or else to the prison of the same bishop or any other prison at their pleasure, if such need be, and there to keep them safe. And afterwards, unless they will obey the commandments of the Church, with diligence to bring them before us and our counsel, or else cause them to be brought. That we may determine for their further punishment, as we shall think it requisite convenient to be done by the advise of our counsel, 
Pseudo catholica fides.  for the defence and preservation of the Catholic faith. And that the foresaid William and Stephen, being succoured by the aid of their factors or favourers, should not be able to fly or escape to their accustomed starting holes: and that the sharpness of their pains so aggravated, may give them sufficient cause to return to the lap again of their holy mother the church: we straightly charge and command all and singular our Shrifes, bailiffs, Barones, and all other our officers, in the City and Diocese of Hereford, & in any other place being within our dominion of Wales, by the tenor of these presents: that from time to time (where they think it most meet) they cause it openly to be proclaimed in our name, that none, of what state, degree, pre-eminence, kind, or other condition he shallbe of, do cherish openly or secretly, the foresaid William and Steven, until the time that they repent them of their heresies and errors, and shallbe reconciled unto the holy Church of God: Neither that any person or persons: be believers, favourers, or receivers, defenders, or in any case wittingly instructors, of the said William or Stephen, or any other of the residue of the heretics that are to be convinced: upon the forfeiture of all that ever they have. And that also they giving their attendance, be obedient & answerable to the foresaid bishop and his deputies in this behalf, for the execution of the premises: and that they certify us and our counsel distinctly, and plainly, from time to time, of the names of all and singular persons, which shall fortune to be found culpable in this behalf, under their seals. In witness whereof, we have caused these out letters patents to be made.  
Witness ourself at Westminster the ix. day of March, in the xv. year of our reign. Farington   
¶ An other letter of the said king against Walter Brute.  
RIchard by the grace of God king of England and of France and Lord of Ireland: 
another letter of K. Richard against W. Brute.  To his beloved and faithful john Chaundos knight, john Eynfore knight, Renold de la Bear knight Walter Deveros knight, Thomas de la Bare knight, William Lucy knight, Leonard Hakelute knight, and to the Mayor of the City of Hereford, to Thomas Oldcastle, Rich, Nash, Roger Wygmore, Thomas Waylwayne, john Skydmore, john VpHarry, Henry Motton, and to the Sheriff of Hereford, sendeth salutations.  

Walter Brute.  For asmuch as it is advertised us, that one Walter Brute, and other such children of iniquity, have damnably holden, affirmed, and preached, certain articles and conclusions being notoriously repugnant against the holy Scripture (of the which, some of them as heresies, and the rest as errors, are finally by the Church condemned) and that in divers places within the diocese of Hereford and parts near adjoining, both privily, openly, and obitinately: which thing we perceive not only to redound to the subversion (in a manner) of the Catholic faith, which as well we, as other catholic Princes ought of duty to maintain, but also to forewarn us of the subversion of our faithful Diocesans. And that the said Bishop, upon the good deliberation and advisement of a great number of Doctors in Divinity, and other learned & skilful men in the Scriptures, of special devotion, according to his bounden duty, purposed to begin and make divers and sundry processes by law to be sent unto the foresaid Walter and his accomplices, to appear personally before him and other the Doctors aforesaid, in the cathedral church of Hereford, the morrow after the translation of S. Thomas of Hereforde next ensuing, and to proceed in the same place against the same Walter, in the foresaid articles and conclusions, for the amendment of his soul. Now a fresh (because that the said Walter and others of their retinue, cleaning and confederating with him, might not suffer condign pains according to their demerits) endeavour themselves to make void and frustrate the said godly purpose of the same Bishop, 
Whether the doctrine of Bruce was ever against reliance, how this like ●●. ●rut.  in such correction & execution as should have been done: and with force do resist and let the same with all the power they may, to the great contempt of us and of our crown, and to the breaking and hurting of our peace, and pernicious example of others: Do appoint you and every of you, immediately as soon as this our commission shall be delivered unto you, in our behalf and name, to make open proclamation in the diocesie and parts aforesaid, where ye shall think it most meet and convenient: That no man be so hardy henceforth, of what state or condition soever he shall be, within the Diocese and parts aforesaid, upon pain of forfeiture of all that ever he hath, to make or levy any conventicles, assemblies, or confederacies, by any colour: or that they presume to attempt or procure any other thing, whereby our peace may be hurt or broken, or that the same Bishops and Doctors aforesaid, may be by any means molested or let in the execution of such correction as is to be done, according to the Canonical sanctions, and to arrest all those which ye shall find or take offending in this behalf, or that keep themselves in any such conventicles. And that they being committed to prison, be there kept, till you shall have other commandment from us and our counsel for their deliverance: And that ye distinctly and plainly certify us and our said counsel, of all your doing in this behalf under your seals, or else the seals of some of you. And therefore we straightly charge and command you, and every of you: that ye diligently attend upon the premises, and that in your deeds ye execute the same with all diligence and careful endeavour, in the form and manner aforesaid. And further, we give strait charge and commandment to all and singular Sheriffs, Majors, Bailiftes, Constables, and other our faithful subjects, by the tenor of these presents: that they be attending upon you, counseling and aiding you and every of you, as is meet and convenient in the doing and execution of the premises. In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters patents to be made.  
Witness myself at Westminster, the 22. day of September, in the 17. year of our reign: ¶ By the same King and Counsel.  
Thus king Richard by the setting on of W. Courtney Archb. of Canterb. and his fellows, 
K. Richard ●t against the Gospel. ●●● by the Archb. and the prelate's Ex Regist. W. Court. ●●● Archb. Cant.  taking part with the Pope, and Romith Prelates: waxed something straight and hard to the poor Christians of the contrary side of wyckleffe, as by these letters above prefixed may appear. albeit, during all the life of the said king, I find of none expressly by name that suffered burning. notwithstanding, some there were which by the foresaid Archbish. William Courtney, and other Bishops, had been condemned and divers also abjured, and did penance as well in other places, as chief about the town of Leycester as followeth here to be declared, 
Roger Dex●●● Nicholas Taylor. Rich. Wag●●fe, Mich. Scrivener, W. Smith, john. Henry, W. Parchn●nar, Roger Goldsmith accused.  out of the Archishops' register and records:  
At what time the said Archbishop W. Courtney was in his visitation at the town of Leycester, certain there were accused and detected to him, by the monks and other Priests in the said town. The names of which persons there detected, were one Roger Dexter, Nicholas Taylor Richard wagstaff, Michael Scrivener, William Smith, john Henry, Wil Parchmeanar, and Roger Goldsmith, inhabitances of the same town of Leycester: These with othermoe, were denounced to the Archbishop for holding the opinion of the Sacrament of the aultare, of auricular confession, and other Sacraments, contrary to that which the Church of Rome doth preach and observe. All which parties above named, & many other more whose names are not known, did hold these heresies and errors here under written, and are of the Romish church condemned.  

1. That in the Sacrament of the altar, after the words of consecration, there remaineth the body of Christ with the material bread.  
2. That images ought not to be worshipped in any case, nor that no man ought to set any candles before them.  
3. That no cross aught to be worshipped.  
4. That Masses, and Matins, ought not with an high and loud voice to be said in the Church.  
5. Item, that no Curate or Priest taken in any crime can consecrate, hear confessions, nor minister any of the Sacraments of the church.  
6. That the Pope and all prelate's of the Church, can not bind any man in the sentence of excommunication, unless they know him to be first excommunicated of God.  
7. That no Prelate of the church, can grant any pardons.  
8. That every lay man may in every place, preach & teach the Gospel.  
9 That it is sin to give any alms or charity, to the friars preachers, Minorites, Augustine's, or Carmelites.  
10. That no oblation ought to be used at the funeralies of the dead.  
11. That it is not necessary to make confession of our sins to the Priest.  
12. That every good man although he be unlearned, is a Priest.   
These Articles they taught, 
Roger, Nicholas, Richard Michael, Willam, and Roger, accursed with book, bell, and candle.  preached, & affirmed manifestly in the town of Leceiter & other places adjoining: Whereupon, the said Archb. monished the said Roger, and Nicholas with the rest, on the next day to make answer unto him in the said monastery to the foresaid articles. But the foresaid Roger and Nicholas with the rest, hide themselves out of the way, and appeared not. Whereupon, the Archb. upon All hallow day, being the 1. day of November, celebrating the high mass at the high altar in the said monastery, being attired in his Pontificalibus: denounced the said parties with all their adherents, fautors, favourers, and counsellors, excommunicate and accursed, which cyther held, taught, or maintained the foresaid conclusions heretical & erroneous, and that in solemn wise, by ringing the bells, lighting the candles, and putting out the same again, and throwing them down to the ground with other circumstances thereunto belonging. Upon the morrow after (being all Soulne day) he sent for all the curates & other lay men of the town of Leicester, to inquire more diligently of the verity of such matter as they knew, & were able to say against any persons whatsoever, concerning the foresaid articles, as also against the parties before named and specified upon their others: denouncing every one of them, severally by their names to be excommunicated and accursed, & caused them also in divers parish churches in Leicester, also to be excommunicate. 
The whole town of Leicester interdicted.  And further the said Archb. interdicted the whole Town of Leycester, & all the churches in the same, so long as any of the foresaid excommunicate persons should remain or be within the same, and till that all the Lollards of the town, should return and amend from such heresies & errors, obtaining at the said Archb. his hands the benefit of absolution.  
At length it was declared & showed to the said Archb. 
Matild an Anchores, cited to appear.  that there was a certain anchoress whose name was Matilde, enclosed within the Churchyard of S. Peter's church of the said town of Leycester, to be infected (as they said) with the pestiferous contagion of the foresaid heretics & Lollards: whereupon, after that the said Archb. had examined the foresaid Matilde, touching the foresaid conclusions, heresies, and errors, and found her not to answered plainly and directly to the same, but sophistically and subtly: gave and assigned unto her a day peremptory, personally to appear before him in the Monastery of C. james at Northampton, more fully to answer to the said articles, heresies, and errors, which was the 6. day of the said month of November: commanding the abbot of the monastery of Pratis aforesaid, that the door of the recluse in which the said Matild was, should be opened, and that till his return he should cause her to be put in safe custody. That done, he sent forth his mandate, against the Lollards under this form.  
¶ William by the permission of God. 
The king's process sent by the B. to arch the 8. aforenamed.  etc. To his well-beloved sons, the Mayor & bailiffs, of the town of Leicester Diocese, greeting. We have lately received, the king's letters graciously granted us for the defence of the catholic faith, in these words following. Richard by the grace of God, king of England and of France. etc. We on the behalf of our holy mother the Church, by the king's authority aforesaid, do require you: that you cause the same Richard, William, Roger, and the rest, to be arrested, and sent unto us, that they with their pernicious doctrine do not infect the people of God. etc. Given under our seal. etc.  

Margaret Caily a Nun constrained against her will to take again her habit.  By an other instrument also in the same Register, is mention made of one Margaret Caily Nun, which forsaking her order, was by the said Archb. constrained against her will, again to enter the same, as by this instrument here under ensuing may appear.  
¶ William by the grace of God, etc. To our revereud brother in God, john by the grace of God, Bishop of Ely greeting. etc. In the visitation of our diocese of Lincoln according to our office, amongst other enormities worthy reformation, we found, one sheep out of our fold strayed and amongst the briars tangled, to wit, Margarete Caily, Nun professed, of the monastery of S. Radegonde within your Diocese: who casting the habit of her Religion, was found in secular attire, many years being an Apostata, & leading a dissolute life. And lest her blood should be required at our hands, we have caused her to be taken, and brought unto you being her pastor: and straightly enjoining you by these presents do command, that you admit the same Margarete again into her foresaid Monastery (although returned against her will) or else into some other place, where for her soul's health you shall think most convenient: and that from henceforth she be safely kept, as in the strait examination of the same you will yield an account. Given under our seal. etc.  

Matild recanteth.  By sundry other instruments also in the same register recorded I find, that the foresaid Matilde the anchoress, upon the strait examination and handling of the foresaid Archbishop, before whom peremptorily she was enjoined to appear, and till that day of appearance taken out of the recluse and committed to safe custody as you heard: resracted and recanted her foresaid articles and opinions. For the which she being enjoined 40. days penance, was again admitted into her foresaid recluse in Leycester. The bishops letter to the Magistrates of the town thus beginneth. Willielmus permissione divina. etc. dilectis filijs. etc.  

William Smith Roger Dexter, & Alice his wife abjure.  Also, by an other letter of the foresaid Archbish. to the Dean of the Cathedral church of our Lady of Leycester being registered, I find: that of the number of those 8. persons before recite●, whom the Archbishop himself at high Mass, did in his Pontificalibus so solemnly curse with book, bell, and candle: After certain process being sent out against them, or else in the mean time being apprehended & taken: two of them recanted their opinions, to wit, William Smith, and Roger Dexter. But in the mean time Alyce the wife of the said Roger Dexter, taking hold of the foresaid articles with her husband also, together with the said William Smith, abjured the same. For these be the words of the instrument. Subsequenter verò, praefati Wilielmus, Rogerus, & Alicia reatus suos respicientes, se nostro conspectul praesentarunt. etc. notwithstanding, whether they presented themselves willingly, or else were brought against their wills (as most like it was) hard penance was enjoined them before they were absolved. These be the words of the instrument.  
Sancta matter ecclesia. etc. i. Seeing our holy mother the church, denieth not her lap to any penitent child returning to the unity of her, but rather proffereth to them the same: we therefore do receive again the said William, Roger, & Alice to grace. And further have caused them to abjure all and singular the aforesaid articles & opinions before they received of us the benefit of absolution, & were loosed from the sentence of excommmunication wherein they were snarled: enjoining unto them penance, according to the quantity of the crime, 
The manner of their penance enjoined.  in form as followeth, that is to say. That every one of them the sunday next after their returning to their proper goods: they the said William, Roger, & Alice, holding every one an image of the crucifix in their right hands, and in their left hands every one of them a taper of wax, weighing half a pound weight, in their shirts (having none other apparel upon them) do go before the Cross three times, during the procession of the Cathedral Church of our Lady of Leicester: that is to say, in the beginning of the procession, in the middle of the procession, and in the latter end of the procession: to the honour of him that was crucified in the memorial of his passion, and to the honour of the virgin his mother: who also devoutly bowing their knees and kneeling, shall kiss the same crucifix so held in their hands. And so with the same procession, they entering again into the church: shall stand during all the time or the holy Mass, before the image of the Cross with their Lapers and crosses in their hands. And when the Mass is ended, the said William, Roger, & Alice, shall offer to him that celebrated that day the Mass. 
Ann. 1309.  Then upon the Saturday next ensuing: the said William, Roger, and Alice, shall in the full and public market, within the town of Leicester, stand in like manner in their shirts, without any more clothes upon their bodies, holding the foresaid crosses in their right hands, which crosses, three tunes they shall (during the market) devoutly kiss reverently kneeling upon their knees: 
3. kisses ●● the ●●olle.  that is, in the beginning of the market, in the middle of the market, and in the end of the market. And the said William (for that he some what understandeth the Latin tongue) shall say this Antheame with the collect Sancta Katherine: 
The collect of Katherine. The Pater noster, & A. we Ma●●.  and the foresaid Roger and Alice, being unlearned, shall say devoutly a Pater noster, and an ave Maria. And thirdly, the Sunday next immediately after the same, the said William, Roger, and Alice, in their parish Church of the said town of Leicester, shall stand and do as upon the Sunday before, they stood and did in the cathedral Church of our Lady aforesaid, in all things. Which done, the foresaid William, Roger, and Alice, after Mass, shall offer to the Priest or chaplain that celebrated the same, with all humiliti and reverence the wax tapers, which they shall carry in their hands. And because of the cold weather that now is, lest the foresaid penitents might peradventure take some bodily hurt standing so long naked (being mindful to moderate partly the said our rigour) we give leave: 
Cold weather graciously considered.  That after their entrance into the churches above said, whilst they shall be in hearing the foresaid masses: that they may put on necessary garments to keep them from cold, so that their heads and feet notwithstanding, be bare and uncovered. We therefore will and command you together and a part, that you denounce the said William, Roger, and Alice, to be absolved and restored again to the unity of our holy mother the church, and that you call them forth to do their penance in manner and form aforesaid. Given at Dorchester, the 17. day of November in the year of our Lord God 1389. and the 9 year of our translation.  
Unto the narration of these above said, we will adjoin the story of one Peter Pateshul au Austen Friar, 
Peter Pateshul against the friars.  who obtaining by the Pope's privilege (through the means of Walter Dis, confessor to the Duke of Lancaster) liberty to change his coat and religion, and hearing the doctrine of john Wicklesse & other of the same fort: began at length to preach openly and to detect the vices of his order, in such fort as all men wondered to hear the horrible reciting thereof. This being brought to the cares of his order, they to the number of 12. (coming out of their house to the place where he was preaching) thought to have withstood him perforce. Among whom one especially for the zeal of his religion, stood up openly in his preaching, and contraried that which he said, who then was preaching in the Church of S. Christopher in London. 
Londinen against the friars.  This when the faithful Londoners did see, taking grief hereat, were moved with great ire against the said Friar, thrusting him with his other brethren out of the church, whom they not only had beaten and fore wounded, but also followed them home to their house, mineding to have destroyed their mansion with fire also, and so would have done, had not one of the sheriffs of London, with two of the Friars of the said house well known & reported amongst the Londoners, with gentle words mitigated their rage and violence. 
Peter Pateshull.  After this, Peter Pateshull thus disturbed as is aforesaid, was desired by the Londoners (for so much as he could not well preach amongst them) to put in writing that, which he had said before, and other things more that he knew by the Friars: Who then at their request writing the same, accused the friars of murder, committed against divers of their brethren. And to make the matter more apparent & credible, he declared the names of them that were murdered, 
The Friars accused with horrible crimes.  with the names also of their tormentors. And named moreover, time and place where and when they were murdered, and where they were buried. He affirmed further, that they were Sodomites and traitors both to the king and the realm with many other crimes, which mine author for tediousness, leaveth of to recite. And for the more confutation of the said friars, the Londoners caused the said Bill, to be openly set up at S. Paul's Church door in London, 
Anno 138●. Ex Chron. D. Albani.  Which was there red and copied out of very many. This was dove in the year of our Lord 1387. and in the 10. year of King Richard second. Ex Chron. Monachi Albanensis. Cuius est exordium. Anno gratiae millesimo. etc.  
Thus it may appear by this and other above recited, how the Gospel of Christ preached by john Wickleffe and others, began to spread & fructify abroad in London, and other places of the realm: and more would have done no doubt, had not William Courtney, the Archbishop & other Prelates with the king, set them so forcibly with might & main, to gainstand the course thereof. Albeit as is said before, I find none which yet were put to death therefore, during the reign of this king Richard the second. 
Few of none burned in K. Richard's ●●re.  Whereby it is to be thought of this king, that although he cannot be utterly excused for molesting the godly & innocent preachers of that time, (as by his brieves & letters afore mentioned may appear) yet neither was he so cruel against them, as other that came after him: And that which he did seemed to proceed by the instigation of the Pope and other Bishops, rather than either by the consent of his Parliament, or advise of his counsel about him, or else by his own nature. For as the decrees of that parliament in all his time, were constant in stopping out the Pope's provisions, 
Kings ma●y times brought in ●●● much f●●e of the Pope.  & in bridling his authority as we shall see (Christ willing) anon: so the nature of the king was not altogether so fiercely set, if that he following the guiding thereof, had not stand so much in fear of the Bishop of Rome and his Prelates, by whose importune letters & calling on, he was continually urged, to do contrary to that, which both right required, & will perhaps in him desired. But howsoever the doings of this king are to be excused, 
Commēdai●●a of Queen Anna wife ●● king Richard, Anno. 1394. The marriage of Queen Anne to K. Richard. The occasion how the doctrine of Wickliff come to Bohemia. The death of Queen Anne. Exsragmento Libri ●●●us●lem Wigornēsos bibliothecae. Ex accomnid●lo D. M●ib. Archb. Can. Queen Anne had the 4. Gospels, with the Doctors in English.  or not, undoubted it is that Queen Anne his wife most rightly deserveth singular commendation: who at the same time living with the king had the gospels of Christ in English, with 4. doctors upon the same. This Anne was a Bohemian borne, and sister to Wincelaus K. of Boheme before: who was married to king Richard about the 5. (some say, the 6.) year of his reign, and continued with him the space of 11. years. By the occasion whereof it may seem not unprobable, that the Bohemians coming in with her, or resorting into this realm after her, perused and received here the books of john Wickleffe, which afterward they conveyed into Bohemia, whereof partly mention is made before, pag. 464.  
The said, virtuous Queen Anne, after she had lived with king Richard about 11. years, in the 17. year of his reign changed this mortal life, and was buried at Westminster. At whose funeral, Thomas Arundel then Archb. of York, and Lord chancellor, made the Sermon. In which Sermon (as remaineth in the library of Worceter recorded) he entreating of the commendation of her, said these words: that it was more joy of her, then of any woman that ever he knew. For notwithstanding that she was an alien borne, she had in English all the 4. gospels, with the Doctors upon them: affirming moreover and testifying, the she had sent the same unto him to examine. And he said they were good and true. And further with many words of praise did greatly commend her, in that she being so great a Lady, & also an alien, would study so lowly so virtuous books. And he blamed in that sermon sharply the negligence of the Prelates, & other men. In so much that some said, he would on the morrow, leave up the office of chancellor, and forsake the world, & give him to fulfil his pastoral office, for that he had seen and read in those books. And then it had been the best Sermon that ever they heard. Haec ex libro Wygo. In the which Sermon of Thomas Arundel, three points are to be considered, first the laudable use of those old times received to have the Scripture and Doctors in our vulgar English tongue. Secondly, the virtuous exercise and also example of this godly Lady, who had these books not for a show hanging at her girdle: but also seemeth by this Sermon to be a studious occupier of the same. The third thing to be noted is, what fruit the said Thomas archbishop declared also himself to receive at the hearing and reading of the same books of hers in the English tongue. 
Tho. Arundel, Arch. breaketh his own. promise.  notwithstanding, the ●ame Thomas Arundel, after this Sermone and promise made, became the most cruel enemy that might be against English books, and the authors thereof as followeth after in his story to be seen.  

Tho. Arundel and the B. of London, go to Ireland to the King to complain of the favourers of God's word.  For shortly after the death of Queen Anne, the same year (the king being then in Ireland) this Thomas Arundel Archb. of York, and Bishop of London, Rob. Braybrocke (whether sent by the Archb. of Cant. and the clergy, or whether going of their own accord) crossed the seas to Ireland, to desire the king in all speedy wise to return and help the faith and church of Christ, against such as holding of Wickleffes teaching, went about (as they said) to subvect at their proceedings, and to destroy the canonical sanctions of their holy mother church. At whose complaint the king hearing the one part speak, and ●ot advising the other, was in such fort incensed: that incontinent leaving all his affairs incomplete, he sped his return toward England, 
Ex histor. D. Alb●ni. Anno. 1395.  Where he kept his Christians at Dublin, in the which mean time, in the beginning of the next year following, which was Anno. 1395. A Parliament was called at Westminster, by the commandment of the King. In which parliament, certain Articles or Conclusions were put up by them of the gospel side, 
Conclusions offered up in the parliament houses.  to the number of 12. Which Conclusions moreover were fastened up upon the church door of S. Paul in London, and also at Westminster: The copy of which Conclusions with the words and contents thereof, here under ensueth.  

¶ The book of Conclusions, or Reformations, exhibited to the Parliament holden at London, and set up at Paul's door and other places, in the 18. year of the reign of king Richard the 2. & in the year of our Lord. 1395.  
THe first conclusion, 
Conclusions exhibited in the parliament.  when as the Church of England began first to dote in temporalities after her stepmother the great church of Rome, & the churches were authorised by appropriations: faith, hope, and charity began in divers places to vanish and fly away from our Church, for so much as pride with her most lamentable and dolorous genealogy of mortal and deadly sins, did challenge that place by title of heritage, and this conclusion is general and approved by experience, custom and manner, as ye shall after hear.  
The second conclusion, 
Papistical priesthood.  that our usual priesthood which took his original at Rome, & feigned to be a power higher than angels, is not that Priesthood which Christ or●cyned unto his disciples. This conclusion is thus proved, forso much as the Romish priesthood is done with signs and pontifical rites and ceremonies, and benedictions, of no force & effect, neither having any ground in scripture, for so much as the Bishop's ordinal and the new Testament do nothing at all agree, neither do we see that the holy Ghost both give any good gift through any such signs or ceremonies: because that he together with all noble & good gifts, cannot consist and be in any person with deadly sin. The corollary or effect of this conclusion is, that it is a lamentable and dolorous mockery unto wise men, to see the Bishops mock & play with the holy Ghost in the giving of their orders: because they give crowns for their characters and marks, in stead of white hearts, & this character is the mark of Antichrist, brought into the holy Church to cloak and colour their idleness.  
The third conclusion, 
The single life of priests.  that the law of chastity enjoined unto priesthood, the which was first ordained to the prejudice of women, induceth Sodomy into the church: but we do excuse us by the Bible, because the suspect decree doth say, that we should not name it. Both reason & experience proveth this conclusion. 
He doth very excellently paint out the lecherous clergy.  Reason thus, forsomuch as the delicate feeding and far of the Clergy, will have either a natural purgation, or some worse. Experience thus, for somuch as the secret trial and proof or such men is, that they do delight in women. And whensoever thou dost prove or see such a man, mark him well, for he is one of the number. The corollary of this conclusion is, that these private religions with the beginners thereof, 
He prophesieth against monkery.  ought most chief to be disannulled as the original of the sin and offence: But God of his might, doth of privy sins send open vengeance.  
The fourth conclusion, 
The feigned miracle of transubstantiation.  that most harmeth the innocent people is this: that the feigned miracle of the Sacrament of bread, inducoth all men, except it be a very few, unto idolatry: For somuch as they think that the body which shall never be out of heaven, is by the virtue of the priests words essentially included in the little bread, the which they do show unto the people. But would to God they would believe that which the evangelical Doctor teacheth us in his Trialoge, Quòd panis altaris est accidentaliter Corpus Christi. 
He meaneth here Wickliff.  i. that the bread of the altar is the body of Christ accidentally: for so much as we suppose that by that means, every faithful man and woman in the law of God, may make the Sacrament of that bread without any such miracle. The corollary of this conclusion is, that albeit the body of Christ, 
The feast of Corpus Christi invented by Tho. Aquinas.  be endowed with the eternal joy, the service of Corpus Christi made by Friar Thomas, is not true, but painted full of false miracles, neither is it any marvel: for so much as friar Thomas at that time taking part with the Pope, would have made a miracle of a hen's egg, and we know it very well that every lie openly preached and taught, both turn to the rebuke & opprobry of him which is always true without any lack.  
The 5. conclusion is this, that the exorcism & hallowings, consecrations, and blessings over the Wine, Bread, 
The exorcisms and blessings of Priests.  Wax, Water, Dyle, Salt, Incense, the Altar stone, and about the Church walls, over the Westiment, Chalice, Mitre, Cross, and Pilgrimstaves, are the very practices of Necromancy, rather than of sacred divinity. This conclusion is thus proved, because that by such exorcisms, the creatures are honoured to be of more force & power then by their own proper nature, for we do not see any alteration, or change in any creature so exorcised, except it be by false faith which is the principal point of devilish art. The cocolarie of this is, that if the book of exorcisation or conjuring of holy water which is sprinkled in the Church, were altogether faithful and true: we think certainly that holy water used in the Church, were the best medicine for all kind of sickness and sores, Cuius contrarium experimur. i. the contrary whereof daily experience doth teach us.  
The sixth conclusion which maintaineth much pride, is, that a king and Bishop both in one person, 
The difference between the ecclesiastical & politic estate.  a Prelate and justice in temporal causes, a Curate an Officer in worldly office, doth make every kingdom out of good order. This conclusion is manifest, because the temporalty and the spirituality, are two parts of the holy universal Church, and therefore he which addicteth himself to the one part, let him not intermeddle with the other, Quia nemo potest duobus Dominis servire, wherefore to be called Amphroditae, which are men of both kinds or Ambidextri, which is such as can play with both hands, were good names for such men of double estates. The corollary of this conclusion is, that thereupon we the procurators of God in this case, do sue unto the Parliament: that it may be enacted, that all such as be of the clergy (as well of the highest degree as of the lowest) should be fully excused, and occupy themselves with their own cure and charge, and not with others.  

The foundation of Masses for the dead.  The seventh conclusion that we mightily affirm is, that spiritual prayers made in the church for the souls of the dead (preferring any one man by name, more than an other) is a false foundation of alms, whereupon all the houses of alms in England are falsely founded. This conclusion is proved by two reasons: The one is, that a meritorious prayer (of any force or effect) ought to be a work proceeding from mere charity: and perfect charity accepteth no person, because thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself, Whereby it appeareth, that the benefit of any temporal gift bestowed & given unto priests and houses of alms, is the principal cause of any special prayers, the which is not far different from sunonie. The other reason is, that every special prayer made for men condemned to eternal punishment, is very displeasant before God. And albeit it be doubtful, yet is it very likely unto the faithful Christian people, that the founders of every such house of alms for their wicked endowing of the same, are for the most part passed by the broad way. The corollary is, that every prayer offorce and effect proceeding of perfect charity, would comprehend generally all such, whom God would have saved, and to live. The merchandise of special prayers now used for the dead, maketh mendicant possessioners & other hierling priests, which otherwise were strong enough to work & to serve the whole realm: And maintaineth the same in idleness, to the great charge of the realm, because it was proved in a certain book which the king hath, that a hundredth houses of alms, 
A hundred thou says of alms sufficient for England.  are sufficient for the whole realm. And thereby might peradventure greater increase and profit come unto the temporality.  
The 8. conclusion needful to tell the people beguiled, is, that pilgrimages, prayers, and oblations made unto blind crosses or roods, 
Pilgrimages & oblations.  or to deaf images made either of wood or stone: are very near of kind unto Idolatry, and far different from alms. And albeit that these things which are forbidden and imagined, 
The Image of the Trinity an abominable thing. A poor man the perfect Image of God.  are the book of error unto the common people: notwithstanding, the usual and common image of the Trinity is most especially abominable. This conclusion God himself doth openly manifest, commanding alms to be given to the poor & needy man, for he is the image of God in more perfit similitude and likeness than any block or stone. For God did not say, let us make a block or stone unto our likeness and image, but let us make man, for so much as the supreme & highest honour which the clergy calleth Latria, pertaineth only to the Godhead, 
Latria. Dulia.  & the inferior honour which clergy call Dulia, pertaineth unto men and angels, and to none other inferior creature. The corollary is, the the service of the cross celebrate twice every year in our church, is full of idolatry: For if rood, tree, nails, and spear, ought so profoundly to be honoured and worshipped, 
judas lips.  then were judas lips (if any man could get them) a marvelous goodly relic. But thou Pilgrim, we pray thee tell us, when thou dost offer to the bones of the Saints and holy men which are laid up in any place: whether dost thou relieve thereby the holy man which is already in joy, or that alms house that is so well endowed, 
The de●● of Tho. Becket ●● Can●●● not to be counte●● martyrdom. Auricular confessi●●. Confession the minister of Iust.  whereas they are canonised (the Lord knoweth how) and to speak more plain, every faithful Christian may well judge and suppose, that the strokes of that same man, whom they calls. Thomas, were no came of martyrdom, nor yet be.  
The 9 conclusion that keepeth the people low, is, that auricular confession which is said to be so necessary for salvation, & the feigned power of absolution: exalteth and setteth up the pride of priests, and giveth them opportunity of other secret talks, which we will not at this tune talk of, for so much as both Lords and Ladies do witness that for fear of their confessors, they dare not speak the truth: and in time of confession is good opportunity ministered, of wooing, or to play the bawds, or to make other secret conventions to deadly sin. They affirm and say, that they are commissaries sent of God to judge & discern of all manner sin, to pardon and cleanse what so ever please them. They say also, 
The impudent bo●●●es of Priests.  that they have the keys of heaven and hell, & that they can excommunicate, curse and bless, bind and lose, at their own will and pleasure: in so much, that for a small reward, or for 12. d. they will sell the blessing of heaven by charter and clause of warrants sealed by their common seal. This conclusion is so common in use, that it needeth not any probation. 
The pope treasurer of the Church, in steed of treasure layeth up coals.  The corollary hereof is, that the Pope of Rome which feigned himself to be the profound treasurer of the whole Church, having that same worthy jewel which is the treasure of the passion of Christ in his own keeping and custody, together with the merits of all the saints in heaven, whereby he giveth feigned indulgences and pardons a poena & culpa: He is a treasurer almost banished out of charity, whereby he may deliver all captives being in purgatory at his pleasure, and make them not to come there. But here every faithful Christian may easily perceive that there is much falsehood hid in our church. 
How what it lawful, the prose by experience.   
The 10. that manslaughter (either by war or by any pretenced law of justice, for any temporal cause, or spiritual revelation) is expressly contrary unto the new Testament, which is the law of grace, full of mercy. This conclusion is evidently proved by the examples of the preaching of Christ here in earth, who chief teacheth every man to love his enemies, and have compassion upon them, and not to kill and murder them. The reason is this, that for the most part when as men do fight, after the first stroke, charity is broken: and whosoever dieth without charity, goth the right way to hell. And beside that, we do well understand & know that none of the clergy, neither by any other lawful reason, can deliver any man from the punishment of death, for one deadly sin, and not for an other: but the law of mercy which is the new Testament, forbiddeth all manner of murder. For in the Gospel it is spoken unto our forefathers, thou shalt not kill. The corollary is: It is a very robbing of the people, when Lords purchase indulgences and pardons a poena & culpa, unto such as do help their armies to kill and murder the christian people in soreine countries for temporal gain, as we do see certain soldiers which do run amongst the Heathen people to get themselves fame & renown by the murder & slaughter of men. Much more do they deserve evil thanks at the hands of the king of peace, for so much as by humility and peace, our faith is multiplied & increased: for murderers and manquellers, Christ doth hate and manaseth: he that striketh with the sword, shall perish with the sword.  
The 11. conclusion is, which is shame to tell: that the vow of chastity made in our church by women which are frail and unperfit in nature, is the cause of bringing in many great and horrible offences and vices, incident unto the nature of man. For albeit, the murder of their children borne before their time, 
Nuns & widows which vow single life.  and before they are christened, and the destruction of their nature by medicine, are filthy & foul sins: yet they accompanying amongst themselves, or with unreasonable beasts, or with any creature not having life, do pass to such an unseemliness, that they are punished by infernal torments. The corollary is, that widows & such as take the mantel and the ring deliciously fed, we would that they were married, because that we can not excuse them from private offence of sin.  
The 12. that the multitude of arts not necessary (used in this our Church) causeth much sin & offence in waste, curiosity, and disguising in curious apparel: experience & reason partly doth show the same, for so much as nature with a few acts, is sufficient for man's use and necessity.  
This is the whole tenor of our ambassade which Christ hath commanded us to prosecute at this time, most fit and convenient for many causes. And albeit that these matters be here briefly noted and touched: yet notwithstanding, they are more at large declared in another book with many other more in our own proper tongue, which we would should be common to all Christian people. Wherefore, we earnestly desire and beseech God for his great goodness sake, that he will wholly reform our Church (now altogether out of frame) unto the perfection of his first beginning and original. Ex Archivis Regijs.   

¶ These verses following, were annexed unto the conclusions.  
Plangunt Anglorum gentes crimen Sodomorum,  
Paulus fert horum sunt idola causa malorum,  
Surgunt ingrati Gyerzite Simone nati,  
Nomine praelati hoc defensare parati,  
Qui Reges estis populis quicunque praeestis,  
Qualiter his gestis, gladios prohibere potestis▪   

¶ The which verses are thus Englished.  
The English nation doth lament, of Sodomites their sin.  
Which Paul doth plainly signify, by Idols to begin.  
But Giersitis full ingrate, from sinful Simon sprung.  
This to defend (though Priests is name) make bulwarks 'greed and strong.  
Ye Princes therefore which to rule, the people God hath placed,  
With justice sword why see ye not, this evil great defaced.    

After these conclusions were thus proposed in the Parliament, the king not long after returned home from Dubline into England, toward the latter end of the Parliament. Who at his return, called certain of his nobles unto him, Richard Stury, jews Clifforde, Thomas Latimer, john Montacute, 
Rich, Stury, jews Clifford, Tho. Latimer, ●. Monntacute, good favourers. ●  etc. whom he did sharply rebuke, and did terribly threaten for that he heard them to be favourers of that side: charging them straightly, never to hold, maintain, nor favour any more those opinions and conclusions. And namely of Richard Stury, he took an oath that he should never from that day, favour or defend any such opinions: which oath being taken, the king then answered. And I swear (saith he) again to thee, that if thou dost ever break thine oath, thou shalt die for it a shameful death. etc. Ex Chron. D. Albani.  
All this while W. Courtney Archbishop of Caunterbury was yet alive, who was a great stirrer in these matters. But yet Pope Urbane the great master of the Catholic sect was dead and buried 6. year before. 
Pope Vibane. 9 dead Anno 1389. Pope Boniface. 9  After whom succeeded in the schismatical sea of Rome pope Boniface 9 who nothing inferior to his predecessor in all kind of cruelties, left no diligence unattempted to set forward that which Urbane had begun, in suppressing them that were the setters forth of the light of the Gospel: and had written sundry times to king Richard as well for the repealing of the Acts of Parliament against his provisions, Quare impedit, and praemunire facias: as also that he should assist the Prelates of England in the cause of God (as he pretended) against such, 
The letters of pope Boniface 9 to K. Richard.  whom he falsely suggested to be Lollards and traitors to the Church, to the king, and the Realm. etc. Thus the courteous pope, whom he could not reach with his sword, at least with cruel slander of his malicious tongue, would work his poison against them, which letter he wrote to the king in the year of our Lord. 1396. 
Anno. 1396. The death of W. Court my Archb. of Cant. Tho. Arundel Archb. of Cant. Ann. 1398.  Which was the year before the death of W. Courtney Archbishop of Caunterbury. After whom succeeded in that see, Thomas Arundel brother to the Earl of Arundel, being first Bishop of Ely, afterward Archbishop of York, and Lord Chancellor of England, and at last made Archbishop of Caunterbury about the year of our Lord 1397. The next year following, which was the year of our Lord 1398. and the 9 year of the Pope, I find in certain records of the Bishop of Duresme, a certain letter of K. Richard 2. written to the said pope Boniface: Which because I judged not unworthy to be seen, I thought here to annex the same, proceeding in form as followeth.  
¶ To the most holy father in Christ and Lord, Lord Boniface the 9 by the grace of God high Pope of the most holy Romish and universal Church, his humble and devout son Richard by the grace of God king of England, and France, Lord of Ireland, greeting, and desiring to help the miseries of the afflicted Church, and kissing of that his blessed feet.  
WHo will give my head water, & mine eyes streaming tears, that I may bewail the decay and manifold troubles of our mother, 
A letter of K. Richard ●●o Pope Boniface. 9  which have chanced to her by her own children in the distress of this present schism and division. For the sheep have forgotten the proper voice of their shepherds, and hirelings have thrust in themselves to feed the lords flock, who are clothed with the apparel of the true shepherd, challenging the name of honour & dignity, resembling so the true shepherd, that the poor sheep can scarce know whom they ought to follow, or what pastor as a stranger they ought to flee, and whom they should shun as an hireling: Wherefore we are afraid, lest the holy standard of the Lord beforsaken of his host, and so that City being full of riches become solitary and desolate, and the land or people which was so●t to say (flourishing in her prosperities) I sat as a Queen, and am not a widow, lest it be destitute of the presence of her husband, and as it were so bewitched that she shall not be able to discern his face, and so wrapped in mazes, that she shall hot know where to turn her, that she might more easily find him, and that she shall with weeping speak that saying of the spouse: I sought him whom my soul loveth, I sought him and found him not: For now we are compelled so to wander, that if any man say, behold here is Christ, or there, we may not believe him so saying: and so many shepherds have destroyed the lords vinyeard, and made his amiable portion a waste wilderness.  
This multitude of shepherds is become very burdenous to the Lords flock. For when two strive to be chief, the state of both their dignities stands in doubt, and in so doing they give occasion to all the faithful of Christ, of a schism and division of the Church. And although both parties go about to subdue unto their power the whole Church militant, yet contrary to both their purpose, by working this way, there beginneth to rise now a division in the body of the Church. Like as when the division of the quick innocent body was asked, when the two harlots did strive afore Solomon: 
Desire to rule in the Church.  like as the ten tribes of Israel followed ●eroboham the intruder, and were withdrawn from the kingdom for salomon's sins even so of old time the desire of ruling hath drawn the great power of the world from the unity of the Church. Let yourselves remember, we beseech you, how that all Greece did fall from the obedience of the Romish Church in the time of the faction of the primarche of Constantinople, 
Greece renounced the Romish Church.  and how Mahome with his fellows by occasion of the supremacy in Ecclesiastical dignity, deceived a great part of Christians, and withdrew them from the Empire and ruling of Christ. And now in these days, where as the same supremacy hath withdrawn itself from the obedience of it, in so much that now in very few realms the candle that burns afore the Lord remaineth, and that for David's sake his servant: And although now remain few countries professing the obedience of Christ's true vicar: yet peradventure if every man were left to his own liberty, he would doubt of the preferring of your dignity, or that is worse, would utterly refuse it by such doubtful evidence alleged on both sides: and this is the subtle craft of the crooked Serpent, that is to say, under the pretence of unity, to procure schisms: as the spider of a wholesome flower gathers poison: and judas learned of peace to make war. Wherefore, it is lively believed of wise men, that except this pestilent schism be withstand by and by, the keys of the Church will be despised, and they shall bind the consciences but of a few? and when either none dare be bold to correct this fault or to reform things contrary to God's law, 
The king seemeth here to prophesy.  so by this means at length temporal Lords will take away the liberties of the Church, and peradventure the Romans will come and take away their place, people and lands: they will spoil their possessions and bring the men of the Church into bondage, and they shall be contemned, reviled and despised: because the obedience of the people and devotions towards them will almost be taken away, when the greater part of the Church left to their own liberty shall wax prouder than they be wont, leaving a wicked example to them that do see it. For when they see the Prelates study more for covetousness than they were wont, to purse up money, to oppress the subjects, in their punishings to seek for gain, to confound laws, to stir up strife, to suppress truth, to vex poor subjects with wrong corrections, in meat and drink intemperate, in feastings past shame: what marvel is it if the people despise them as the foulest forsakers of God's law? but all these things do follow if the Church should be left long in this doubtfulness of a schism, and than should that old s●ying be verified: in those days there was no king in Israel, but every one did that that seemed right and straight to himself. Micheas did see the people of the Lord scattered in the mountains as they had been sheep without a shepherd: for when the shepherd is smitten, the sheep of the flock shallbe scattered, the great stroke of the shepherd is the minishing of his jurisdiction, by which the subjects are drawn from his obedience. When jason had the office of the highest Priest, he changed the ordinance of God, and brought in the customs of the heathen, the priests leaving the service of the holy altar & applying themselves to wresting other exercises of the Grecians, & despising those things that belonged to the priests, did labour with all their might to learn such things of the Grecians, and by that means the place, people, and holy oynting of Priests which in time past were had in great reverence of kings, were trodden under foot of all men, and rob by the kings power, and was profaned by thrusting in for money. Therefore, let the highest vicar of Christ look unto this with a diligent eye, and let him be the follower of him by whom he hath gotten authority above others. 
Bishops taught by Christ not to play the Lords.  If you mark well most holy father, you shall find that Christ rebuked sharply two brethren, coveting the fease of honour: he taught them not to play the Lords over the people, but the more grace they were prevented with, to be so much more humble than other, and more lowly to serve their brethren. To him that asked his coat, to give the cloak: to him that smote him on the one cheek, to turn the other to him. For the sheep that are given to his keeping, he must forsake all earthly things, and to shed his own blood, 
The right ornament of a true Bishop.  yea and if need required to die. These things I say be those that adorn the highest Bishop if they be in him, not purple, not his white horse, nor his Imperial crown, because he among all men is most bound to all the sheep of Christ. For the fear of GOD therefore, and for the love of the flock which ye guide, consider these things diligently, and do them wisely, and suffer us no longer to waver betwixt two: although not for your own cause, to whom peradventure the fullness of your own power is known: yet in pitying our weakness, if thou be he, tell us openly, and show thyself to the world, that all we may follow one. Be not to us a bloody bishop, lest by your occasion man's blood be shed, least hell swallow such a number of souls, & lest the name of Christ be evil spoken of by Infidels, through such a worthy parsonage. But peradventure ye will say, for our righteousness it is manifest enough, 
A bald answer.  and we will not put it to other men's disputations. If this bald answer should be admitted, the schism should continue still, seeing neither part is willing to agree to the other: and where the world is as it were equally divided betwixt them, neither part can be compelled to give place to the other without much bloodshed. The incarnation of Christ and his resurrection was well enough known to himself and his disciples, yet he asked of his father to be made known to the world. He made also the Gospel to be written, and the doctrine of the Apostles, & sent his Apostles into all the world, to do the office of preaching, that the same thing might be known to all men. The foresaid reason is the subtlety of Mahomet, the which knowing himself guilty of his sect, utterly forbade disputations. If ye have so full trust of your righteousness, put it to the examination of worthy persons in a general council, to the which it belongeth by right to define such doubts, or else commit it unto able persons, and give them full power to determine all things concerning that matter, or at the lest by forsaking the office on both parties, leave the Church of God free, speedily to provide for a new shepherd.  
We find, kings have forsaken their temporal kingdoms, upon only respect of devotion, 
Public respect to be preferred before private.  and have taken the apparel of Monks profession. Therefore let Christ's Vicar (being a professor of most high holiness) be ashamed to continue in his seat of honour, to the offence of all people, and the prejudice and hurt of the Romish church, and the devotion of it, and cutting away kingdoms from it. But if you say, it is not requisite that the cause of God's church should he called in controversy, and therefore we cannot so easily go from it, 
Answer to a popish objection.  seeing our conscience gainesayeth it. To the which we answer, if it be the cause of God and the church, let the general council judge of it: but if it be a personal cause (as almost all the world probably thinketh) if ye were the follower of Christ, ye would rather choose a temporal death, then to suffer such a wavering, I say not, to the hurt of so many, but the endless destruction of souls, 
Hard counsel for the pope.  to the offence of the whole world, and to an everlasting shame of the Apostolical dignity. Did not Clement named (or that I may more truly speak) ordained of S. Peter to the apostolic dignity and to be bishop, resign his right, that his deed might be taken of his successors for an example? Also Pope Siricius gave over his Popedom to be a comfort of the 11000. Virgins. Therefore much more ought you (if need require) give over your Popedom, that you might gather together the children of God which be scattered abroad. For as it is thought a glorious thing to defend the common right, even to bloodshed: so is it sometimes necessary for a man to wink at his own cause, and to forsake it for a greater profit, and by that means better to procure peace. Should not he be thought a devil and Christ's enemy of all men, that would agree to an election made of him for the Apostolical dignity and Popedom, if it should be to the destruction of Christians, division of the church, the offence and loss of all faithful people? If such mischiefs should be known to all the world by God's revelation, to come to pass by such receiving of the Popedom and Apostolical dignity: then by the like reason, why shall he not be judged of all men an Apostata and forsaker of his faith, 
Unity of the church to be preferred before worldly dignity.  which chooseth dignity, or rather worldly honour, than the unity of the Church? Christ died that he might gather together the children of God which are scattered abroad: but such an enemy of God and the Church, wisheth his subjects bodily to die in battle, and the more part of the world to pearish in soul, rather than forsaking to be Pope to live in a lower state, although it were honourable. If the fear of God the desire of the heavenly kingdom, & the earnest love of the unity of the church do move your hart, show in deed that your works may bear record to the truth.  
Clement and Siricius most holy Popes, not only are not reproved, but rather are reverenced of all men, 
The Pope will not lose his dignity for any public tranquiline.  because they gave over their right for profitable causes, & for the same cause all the church of holy men show forth their praise Likewise your name should live for ever and ever if ye would do the like for a necessary cause, that is to say, for the unity of God's Church. give no heed to unmeasurable cryings of them that say, that the right choosing of Popes is lost, except ye defend your part manfully: but be afraid, lest such stirrers up of mischief look for their own commodity or honour, 
Wicked flatterers about the pope.  that is to say, that under your wing they might be promoted to richesses and honour. After this sort Achithophel was joined and Absalon in persecuting his own father, and false usurping of his kingdom.  
Furthermore, there should be no jeopardy to that election, because both parties stick stiffly to the old fashion of election, and either of them cover the pre-eminence of the Romish Church, 
Better that the order of the pope's election should cease: then the church should suffer any division.  counseling all Christians to obey them. And although through their giving over the fashion of choosing the Pope should be changed for a time: it were to be borne, rather than to suffer any longer this division in God's church. For that fashion in choosing is not so necessary required to the state of a Pope, but the successor of the Apostle as necessary cause required, might come in at the door by an other fashion of choosing, and that Canonical enough. And this we are taught manifestly by examples of the fathers: for Peter the Apostle appointed after him Clement, and that not by false usurping of power, as we suppose. And it was thought, that that fashion of apoynting of Popes, was lawful unto the time of Pope hilary. Which decreed that no Pope should appoint his successor.  
Afterward, 
Bishops of Rome appointed their successors to the time of pope hilary.  the election of the Pope went by the clergy and people of Rome, and the Emperor's counsel agreeing thereto, as it appeareth in the election of the blessed Gregory. But Martinus Pope with the consent of the holy Synod granted Charles the power to choose the Pope. But of late Nycholas the 2 was the first whom Martin makes mention of in his counsels, to be chosen by the Cardinals. But all the Bishops of Lombardy (for the most part) withstood this election, and chose Cadulus to be Pope, saying that the Pope ought not to be chosen, but of the precinct of Italy. Wherefore, we think it not a safe way so earnestly to stick to the traditions of men, in the fashion of choosing the Pope, & so oft to change, lest we be thought to break God's traditions concerning the unity of the church. Yea rather it were better yet to ordain a new fashion of his election, and meeter for him as it hath been afore. 
Election of the pope not as was before.  But all things concerning the same election might be kept safe, if God's honour were looked for afore your own, and the peace of the Church were uprightly sought: for such a dishonouring should be most honour unto you, and that giving place shall be the getting of a greater dignity, & the willing deposing of your honour, 
Good counsel lost.  should obtain you the entry of everlasting honour, and should procure the love of the whole world toward you, and you should deserve to be exalted continually, as David was in humbling himself. O how monstrous a sight and how foul a monster is a man's body disfigured with two heads? So if it were possible, the spouse of Christ should be made so monstrous, if she were ruled with two such heads: but that is not possible, she is ever altogether fair, in whom no spot is found, therefore we must cast away that rotten member, & thruster in of his second head: 
Christ's seameles coat broken.  We cannot suffer any longer so great a wickedness in God's house, that we should suffer God's cote that wants a feame, by any means to be torn by the hands of two, that violently draw it in sunder. For if these two should be suffered to reign together, 
The Popes compared to the soldiers that cursed christ  they would so betwixt them tear in pieces that little coat of the Lord, that scarce one piece would hang to another. They pass the wickedness of the soldiers that cursed Christ. For they willing to have the coat remain whole, said: Let us not cut it, but let us cast lots for it, whose it shallbe. But these 2. Pope's suffering their right and title to be tried by no lot nor way (although not in words yet in deeds) they pronounce this sentence: It shall neither be thine nor mine, but let it be divided, for they chose rather as it appeareth to be Lords (though it be but in a little part, and that to the confusion of unity of the Church) then in leving that lording to seek for the peace of the church. We do not affirm this, but we show almost the whole judgement of the world of them being moved so think by likely conjectures. We looked for amendment of this intolerable confusion, by the space that these two inventors of this mischi●●liued. But we looked for peace and behold trouble: for neither in their lives nor in their deaths, they procured any comfort, but rather dying as it were in a doubt betwixt two ways, left to their successors matters of contention continual. But now for the space of 7. years of their successors, that which we desired and looked for afore (that is, they should bear good grapes and they bring forth wild grapes) in this matter we fall into a deep despair. But in as much that we hear the comfort of the Lord, which promised that miserably he would destroy those wicked men, & let his vinyeard to other husbandmen which will bring him fruit at their times appointed, he hath promised faithfully that he will help his spouse in her need, to th'end of the world: & we leaning on the sure hope of this promise and in hope contrary to hope believing, by God's grace will put our helping hands to easing of this misery, when a convenient time shall serve, as much as our kingly power is able, although our wit doth not perceive how these things afore rehearsed may be amended: yet we being encouraged to this by the hope of gods promise, will do our endeavour: like as Abraham believed his son being slain by sacrifice, that the multitude of his seed should increase to the number of the stars, 
A godly purpose if it had been put in execution.  according to God's promise. Now therefore the time draws near to make an end of this schism lest a third election of a schismatic against the Apostles successor make a custom of the doing, and so the Pope of Auinion shallbe double romish pope, and he shall say with his partakers, as the Patriarch of Constantinople said unto Christ's vicar when he forsook him: The Lord be with thee, for the Lord is with us. And is much to be feared of all Christian men. For that pharisee gins now to be called the pope of Auinion among the people. But peradventure it would be thought of some men, that it belongeth not to secular princes to bridle outrages of the Pope: 
Seculare princes are to bridle the outrages of the pope.  to whom we answer, that naturally the members put themselves in jeopardy for to save the head, and the parts labour to save the whole. Christ so decked his spouse, that her sides should cleave together, and should uphold themselves, by course of time and occasion of things, they should correct one an other and cleave together tunably. Did not Moses put down Aaron, because he was unfaithful? Solomon put down Abiathar, who came by lineal dissent from Anatoth, and removed his priesthood from his kindred to the stock of Eliazar in the person of Sadock which had his beginning from Ely the priest's 3.2 Oho Emperor, deposed Pope john the 12. because he was lecherous. Henry the Emperor put down Gratianus, because he used Simony in buying & selling spiritual livings. And Otho deposed Pope Benner the first, 
Pope's put down by princes.  because he thrust in himself. Therefore by like reason, why may not kings and Princes bridle the romish Pope in default of the Church: if the quality of his fault require it, or the necessity of the Church by this compel to help the Church oppressed by tyranny. In old time schisms which rose about making the Pope, were determined by the power of secular Princes: as the schism betwixt Symachus and Laurence was ended in a Counsel afore Theodoricus king of Italy. Henry the Emperor when two did strive to be Pope, he deposed them both, and received the third being chosen at Rome to be Pope, that is to say, Clement the second, which crowned him with the Imperial crown. And the Romans promised him that from thenceforth, they would promote none to be Pope without his consent. Alexander also overcame 4. Pope's schismatics, all which Frederick the Emperor corrected.  
Thus look on the register of Popes and their deeds, and ye shall find that schisms most commonly have been decised by the powers of secular princes, the schismatics cast out, and sometimes new pope's made, and sometime the old ones cast out of their dignities, and restored to their old dignities again. If it were not lawful for secular princes to bridle the outrages of such a Pope lawfully made, and afterward becoming a tyrant: In such a case he might oppress overmuch the Church, he might change Christendom into Heathens, and make the labour of Christ crucified to be in vain, 
Lawful that Princes should withstand the tyranny of the Pope.  or else truly God should not have provided for his spouse in earth by all means as much as is possible by service of men to withstand dangers. Therefore we counsel you with such a loving affection as becomes Children, that ye consider in your hart well, least in working by this means ye prepare away of Antichrist, through your desire to bear rule, and so by this means as we fear the one of these two shall chance: Either ye shall cause all the princes of the world to rise against you to bring in a true follower of Christ to have the state of the Apostolical dignity, or that is worse, the whole world despising the ruling of one shepherd shall leave the Romish Church desolate. But God keep this from the world, 
The king seemeth here to prophesy of the desolation of the Roman pope.  that the desire of honour of two men should bring such a desolation into the Church of God: for than that departing away which the Apostle prophesied, should come afore the coming of Antichrist, were at hand: which should be the last disposition of the world, peaceably to receive Antichrist with honour. Consider therefore the state of your most excellent holiness, how ye received the power from God to the building of the Church and not to the destruction, that Christ hath given you wine and oil to heal the wounded, and hath appointed you his vicar in these things as pertain to gentleness, and hath given us these things which serve to rigour. For we bear not the sword without a cause to the punishment of evil doers, the which power ordained of God we have received, ourselves being witness: beseeching you to receive our counsel effectually, that in doing thus, the waters may return to the places from whence they came, and so the waters may begin to be made sweet with salt: lest the axe swim on the water and the would fineke, and lest the fruitful Olive degender into a wild Olive, and the leprosy of Naaman that Noble man, cleave continually to the house of Giezy, and lest the pope and the Phariseis crucify Christ again, Christ the spouse of the Church which was wont to bring the chief Bishop into the holiest place, 
The pope and Pharises, new crucifiers of Christ.  increase your holiness, or rather to restore it being lost.  
Written, etc. Ex Fragmento libri cuiusdam Dunelm.  
¶ This Epistle of king Richard 2. written to Pope Boniface the 9 in the time of the schism, about the year as appeareth 1397. As it contained much good matter of wholesome counsel to be followed: so how little he wrought with the Pope, the sequel after ward declared. For the schism notwithstanding continued long after, in which neither of the pope's would give over their hold, or yield any thing to good counsel given them, for any respect of public wealth. Such a stroke heareth ambition in this Apostolical see, which we are wont so greatly to magnify. But of this enough, which I leave and refer to the consideration of the Lord, seeing men will not look upon it.  
Drawing now toward the latter end of king Richard's reign, it remaineth, that as we did before in the time of K. Edward the third, 
The Pope's usurped jurisdiction never received in England, before a late years.  so here also we show forth a summary recapitulation of such parliamental notes & proceedings as then were practised by public parliament in this king's time, against the jurisdiction of the Bysh. of Rome: to the intent, that such (if any such be) that think, or have thought the receiving of the pope's double authority to be such an ancient thing within this realm, may diminish their opinion: As evidently may appear by divers arguments heretofore touched, concerning the election and investing of bishops by the king. As where king Oswin commanded Tedde to be ordained Archbish. of York. Also where king Egfride caused Cuchbert, was brought to K. Canuce and at his commandment was instituted Bishop of the same see. 
Ex lib. Guliel. Malmesb. de gestis pontiff. Anglorum. Ex Mat. Paris. lib. de vita Henri  Ex lib. Malmesb. de gestis pontiff. Anglorum. And likewise Math. Parisiensis testifieth, that king Henry the 3. gave the archbishopric of Caunterbury, to Radulphus then Bishop of London, and invested him with staff and ring. And the s●●re king gave the Bishopric of wint. to W. Gifford: and moreover, following the steps both of his father and brother before him, endued him with the possessions pertaining to the said Bishopric (the contrary statute of pope Urbane, forbidding that Clerks should receive any Ecclesiastical dignity at the hand of Princes, or of any lay person to the contrary notwithstanding etc.) Innumerable examples of like sort are to be seen in ancient histories of this our realm. As also out of the parliament tolls in the time of king Edward hath sufficiently been touched a little before. Whereunto also may be added the notes of such parliaments, as have been held in the reign of this present king Richard the second, the collation whereof in part here followeth.  

* Notes of certain parliaments holden in the the reign of king Richard 2. making against the Pope.  
IN the first year of King Richard 2. in the parliament holden at Westminster, 
Ex Archinis parlamentarijs. An. 1. Reg. Rich. 2. tit. 66.  it was requested and granted: that the pope's collector be willed no longer to gather the first fruits of benefices within this realm, being a very novelty, and that no person do any longer pay them.  
Item, 
Tit. 67.  that no man do procure any benefice by provision from Rome, on pain to be out of the kings protection.  
Item, 
Tit. 68  that no Englishman do take to farm of any Alien, any Ecclesiastical benefice or Prebend, on the like pain. In which bill was rehearsed, that the French men had 6. thousand pounds yearly of such livings in England.  
Item, 
Tit. 77.  that remedy might be had against the pope's reservations to dignities elective, the same being done against the treaty of the pope, taken with king Edward 3.  
In the second year of the said king Richard the second, 
Ex Anno. 2. Tit. 70.  it was by petition requested: that some order might be taken touching Aliens, having the greatest part of the Church dignities in their hands. Whereunto the king answered, that by advise of the Lords, he will provide therefore.  
Item, 
Tit. 71.  it was enacted, that all the benefices of Cardinals and others rebels, to pope Urbane that now is, shall be seized into the kings hands.  
An Act that Pope Urbane was true & lawful Pope, 
Tit. 78.  and that the livings of all Cardinals and other rebels to the said Pope, should be seized into the kings hands, and the king be answered of the profits thereof: And that whosoever within this Realm, shall procure or obtain any provision or other instrument from any other Pope than the same Urbane, shall be out of the kings protection.  

Ex 3. Anno. Reg. Rich. 2.  Moreover, in the third year of king Richard the second, the Prelates and Clergy made their protestation in this Parliament, expressly against a certain new grant, to wit, 
Here note well a strange proceeding.  their extortions: That the same never should pass with their assent and good will, to the blemishing of the liberties of the Church, if by that word extortion, they meant any thing largely to proceed against Ordinaries & others of the Church. But if they meant none otherwise to deal hereafter therein, them before that the time had been done then would they consent. Whereunto it was replied for the king, 
But mark the strange event.  that neither for the same their said protestation, or other words in that behalf, the king would not stay to grant to his justices in that case and all other cases, as was used to be done in times past, and was bound to do by virtue of his oath done at his coronation.  
Furthermore, in the fourth year of the said king Richard 2. it was requested, 
Tit. 44.  that provision might be had against the pope's collectors, for levying of the first fruits of ecclesiastical dignities within the realm.  

Tit. 46.  Item, that all Prior's Aliens might be removed out of their houses, and licenced to departed, & never to revert. And that English men may be placed in their livings, answering the king as they did.  

Ex 9 Anno eiusdem Regis. Tit. 4.  And in the 9 year of the foresaid king, touching matter of the Staple: the speaker of the Parliament pronounced, that he thought best the same were planted within the realm, considering that Calis, Bruges, and other towns beyond the seas, grew very rich thereby, and good towns here very much decayed, and so much for the common profit. Touching the king, he affirmed that the subsidy & custom of wool more yielded to the king when the staple was kept in England by one thousand marks yearly, than it did now being holden beyond the seas.  

Tit. 36.  Item: that inquisition and redress might be had against such religious persons, as under the licence to purchase 10. li. yearly, do purchase 80. li. or 100 li.  

Tit. 44.  Item, that all Clerks advanced to any ecclesiastical dignity or living by the king, will grant to the king the first fruits of their livings, none otherwise than they would have done to the Pope being advanced by him.  

Tit. 26.  In the 11. year of K. Richard. 2. it was put up by the petitions of the commons, that such impositions as are gathered by the pope's bulls of Volumus and imponimus of the translations of B.B. and such like might be employed on the kings wars against the schismatics of Scotland. And that such as bring into the realm the like bulls and novelries may be reputed for traitors.  

An 13. Regis Rich. 2. Tit. 24.  In the 13. year of his reign, followed an other parliament, in which although the archbish. of Canterbury and York, for them and the whole Clergy of their provinces, made their solemn protestations in open Parliament, that they in no wise meant or would assent to any statute or law made in restraint of the pope's authority, but utterly withstood the same, willing this protestation of theirs to be enroled: yet the said protestation of theirs at that time took no great effect.  

Tit. 34.  Item, in the same Parliament was put up by public petition, that the pope's collector should be commanded to avoid the Realm within 40. days, or else to be taken as the kings enemy, and that every such collector from henceforth, may be an Englishman and sworn to execute the statutes made in this Parliament.  
Moreover in the said Parliament, the year abovesaid of the king: 
Ex titu. 9  the 26. of january, M. john Mandour Clark was charged openly in the parliament, that he should not pass, ne send over to Rome, ne attempt or do any thing there touching the Archdeaconry of Durham in prejudice of the king or of his laws, or of the party presented thereto by the king, on peril that might ensue.  

Ex an. 14. Regis Richardi secund●. tit. 6.  The next year following which was the 14. of this kings reign, it was enacted first touching the staplers, that after the feast of the Epiphany next ensuing, that the staple should be removed from Calais into England, in such places as are contained in the statute made in 27. Edw. 3. the which statute should be fully executed: and further, that every Alien that bringeth merchandise into the Realm, should find sufficient surety to buy and carry away commodities of the Realm, to half the value of his said merchandise.  

Tit. 24. Against usury.  Item, in the same parliament petition was made, that against the horrible vice of usury than termed shifts, practised as well by the clergy as laity, the order made by john Notte, late Mayor of London, might be executed throughout the Realm.  

Ex. tit. 29.  Moreover in the 15. year of the reign of the foresaid king it was accorded: for that sir W. Brian knight, had purchased from Rome a Bull directed from the Archbshop of Cant, and York, to excommunicate such as had broken up his house, and had taken away divers letters, privileges, and charters. The same Bull being red in the parliament house, was adjudged prejudicial to the king's crown and in derogation of the laws, for the which he was by the king and assent of the Lords committed to the Tower, there to remain at the kings will and pleasure.  
In the said Parliament also, 
Vide articulum. Tit. 29.  W. Archb. of Canterbury maketh his protestation in the open parliament, saying, that the pope ought not to excommunicate any bishop, or to intermeddle, for, or touching any presentment to any ecclesiastical dignity recorded in any the kings courts. He further protested, that the pope ought to make no translation, to any Bishopric, within the realm against the kings will: for that the same was to the destruction of the realm and crown of England which hath always been so free, as the same hath had none earthly sovereign, but only subject to God in all things touching regalties, and to none other. The which protestation he prayed might be entered.  
In the 17. year of the reign of the king aforesaid, it was desired that remedy might be had, 
Ex An. 17. Reg. Rich● Titul. 33.  against such religious persons as caused their villains or underlings to marry free women inheritable, whereby the lands came to those religious men's hands by collusion.  
Item, that sufficient persons might be presented to benefices who may dwell on the same so as their stock for want thereof do not perish.  
Item, that remedy might be had against the Abbots of Colchester and Abinton, who in the towns of Colchester and Colnham claim to have sanctuary.  
To come to the parliament holden in the 20. year of this kings reign, 
Ex an. 20. Reg. Rich. 2. tit. 22.  we find moreover in the said rolls: how that the Archb. of Cant. and York, for themselves and the clergy of their provinces, declared to the king in open parliament, 
Here the Archb. of Cant. goeth contrary to himself.  that forasmuch as they were sworn to the pope and see of Rome, if any thing were in the parliament attempted in restraint of the same, they would in no wise assent thereto, but verily withstand the same, the which their protestation they require to be enroled.  
Upon the petition of the begging Friars there at large it was enacted: 
Titul. 32.  that none of that order should pass over the seas, without licence of his sovereign, nor that he should take upon him no order of M. of Divinity, unless he were first opposed in his Chapter provincial, on pain to be put out of the kings protection.  
Item, 
Tit. 36.  that the king's officers for making arrests or attachementes in Churchyards, are therefore excommunicated, whereof remedy was required.  
In the year of the same kings reign. 21. the Parliament being holden at Westminster, 
Ex 21. an. Reg. Rich. titul. 15.  we find how the commons in full Parliament, accused Thomas Arundel archbishop of Caunterbury, for that he as Chancellor procured, and as chief doer executed the same commission, made traitorously in the tenth year of the king. And also that he the said Archbishop procured the Duke of Gloucester and the Earls of Arundel and Warwick, to encroth to themselves royal power, and to judge to death Simon de Burley, and sir john berner's without the king's assent. Whereon, the Commons required that the same archbish. might rest under safe keeping: whereunto, for that the same impeachementes touched so great a person, they would be advised.  
Item, 
Ex tit. 16.  the 25. day of September, the Commons prayed the king to give judgement against the said Archbishop, according to his deserts. The king answered, that privately the said Archbishop had confessed to him, how he mistook himself in the said Commission, and therefore submitted himself to the king's mercy. 
Tho. Arundel Archb. of Cant. proved a traitor by parliament.  Wherefore, the king Lords and sir Thomas Percy, proctor for the clergy: adjudged the fact of the said Archbishop to be treason, and himself a traitor, and therefore it was ordered: that the said Archbishop should be banished, his temporalties seized, his lands and goods forfeited, as well in use as in possession.  
The king further prescribed, 
Ex tit. 17.  that the said Archbishop should take his passing on Friday within 6. weeks of Michaelmas, at Dover, towards the parts of France.   
Thus having hitherto sufficiently touched and comprehended such things as have happened in the reign of this king, necessary for the Church to know, by course of story: we come now to the 22. year of King Richard's reign, which is the year of our Lord, 1399. In the which year happened the strange and also lamentable deposing of this king Richard the second aforesaid, from his kingly sceptre. Strange, for that the like example hath not often been seen in seats royal. Lamentable, for that it cannot be but grievous to any good man's hart, 
Anno. 1399. The depo 〈◊〉 of king Archb. the 2. The Story 〈◊〉 ●●ge & ●●entable.  to see him either so to deserve, if he were justly deposed: or if he were vuiustly deprived, to see the kingly title there not able to hold his right, where by force, it is compelled to give place to might.  
As concerning the order and process of whose deposing for that it neither is greatly pertinent to my argument, and is sufficiently contained in Robert Fabian and in the kings records, in the Chronicle of S. Albon, and in other histories at large, it were here tedious and superfluous to intermeddle with repeating thereof. 
●l●es and virtues mixed ●● K. Rich.  What were the conditions and properties of this king, partly before hath been touched. In whom as some good virtues may be noted: so also some vices may seem to be mixed withal. But especially this, that he starting out of the steps of his progenitors, ceased to take part with them, which took part with the gospel. Whereupon, it so fell, not by the blind wheel of fortune, but by the secret hand of him, which directeth all estates: 
What it is ●● the six in maintenance of the Gospel.  that as he first began to forsake that maintaining of the Gospel of God, so the Lord began to forsake him. And where the protection of God beginneth to fail there can lack no causes to be charged withal, whom God once giveth over to man's punishment. So that to me considering the whole life and trade of this prince, among all other causes alleged in stories against him: none seemeth so much to be weighed of us, or more hurtful to him, than this forsaking of the Lord and his word, Although to such as list more to be certified in other causes concurring withal, many and sundry defects in that king may appear in stories to the number of 33. articles alleged or forced rather against him. 
Articles 33. ●●l against K. Richard.   
In which as I cannot deny, but that he was worthy of much blame: so to be displaced therefore from his regal seat, and rightful state of the crown, it may be thought perhaps the causes not to be so rare so material in a prince which either could or else would have served: had not he given over before to serve the Lord and his word, choosing rather to serve the humour of the Pope and bloody Prelates, them to further the Lords proceed in preaching of his word. And then as I said, how can enemies lack where God standeth not to friend? or what cause can be so little which is not able enough to cast down, where the Lords arm is shortened to sustain? Wherefore, it is a point of principal wisdom in a Prince not to forget, that as he standeth always in need of God his helping hand: so always he have the discipline and fear of him before his eyes, 
God's special labour necessary for princes, ●al. ●.  according to the counsel of the godly King David Psal. 2.  
And thus much touching the time and race of this K. Richard, with the tragical story of his deposing. The order and manner whereof purposely I pretermit, only contented briefly to lay together, a few special things done before his fall, such as may be sufficient in a brief somme, both to satisfy the Reader inquisitive of such stories, and also to forewarn other Princes to beware the like dangers. In such as write the life and Acts of this Prince, thus I read of him reported, 
The king led with lewd counsel.  that he was much inclined to the favouring and advancing of certain persons about him, & ruled all by their counsel, which were then greatly abhorred and hated in the realm: The names of whom were Rob. Ueer earl of Oxford, whom the king had made Duke of Ireland. Alexander Nevile Archbishop of York, Michiel Delapoole Earl of Suffolk, Robert Trisiliam Lord chief justice, Nicholas Brembre with other.  
These men, being hated and disdained of divers of the nobles, 
The nobles up in arms against certain of the king's counsellors.  and of the commons, the king also by favouring them, was less favoured himself. In so much, that the Duke of Gloucester, named Thomas Woodstock the kings Uncle, with the Earl of Warwick, and Earl of Derby: stood up in arms against those counsellors and abusers (as they named them) of the king. In so much that the king for fear was constrained against his mind to remove out of his court, Alexander Nevile Archb. of York, john Ford Bishop of Duresme, Friar Thomas Rushoke Bishop of Chichester the kings confessor, with the Lord Haringworth, Lord Burnell, and Bemond, Lord Ueer. and divers other.  
And furthermore, in the Parliament the same year following, Robert Trisilian the justice was hanged and drawn. Also Nicholas Brembre Knight, james Salisbury also, and james Barnese both Knights, joh. Bewchampe the kings Steward and john Blake Esquire in like manner. All these by the counsel of the Lords being cast in the parliament against the kings mind, did suffer, which was in the 11, of his reign, he being yet under governors: but consequently after the same, the king claiming his own liberty, being come to the age of 20. began to take more upon him. And this was one thing that stirred up the kings stomach against the Nobles. 
Ex. Chron. D. Albani. The second preparatine to the kings deposing.  Ex Chron. Alban.  
2. another thing that stirred him up as much against the Londoners was this: for that he would have borrowed of them a M. pound, and they denied him to their double & triple disadvantage, as after ensued upon it. Ibidem. another occasion besides this, between the king and the Londoners happened thus, by reason of one of the Bishop of Salisburies' servants, named Roman, and a Baker's man: who then carrying a basket of horsebread in Fletstreet the foresaid Roman took a horselose out of the basket. The Baker ask why he did so, the bishops lusty yeomcu turned back again and broke his head: whereupon the neighbours came out, and would have arrested this Roman but he escaped away unto the bishops house. Then the Constable would have had him out, but the Bishop's men shut fast the gates, that they should not approach. Thus, much people gathered together, threatening to burst open the gates and fire the house, unless they had the foresaid party to them brought out. Whereby much ado there was, till at length the Mayor and Sheriffs came and quieted the rage of the commons, & sent every man home to his house, charging them to keep peace. Here as yet was no great harm done, but if the bishop for his part had been quiet, and had not stirred the coals of debate, which were well slaked already all had been ended without further perturbation. 
I. Waltam B. of Salisb. makebate  But th● stomach of the Bishop not yet digested (although his m●n had done the wrong) having no great cause so to do, whose name was john Waltam being then treasurer of England, 
Tho. Arundel Archb. of York.  went to Thomas Arundel archbish. the same time of York, and Lord Chancellor of England to complain of the Londoners. Where is to be noted, or rather revealed by the way a privy mystery, which although be not in this story touched of the writers: yet it touched the hearts of the bishops not a little. 
Londoners savourers of Wickliff's doctrine.  For the Londoners at that time were notoriously known to be favourers of wickliffs side, as partly before this is to be seen, and in the story of S. Alban's more plainly doth appear: where the author of the said history writing upon the 15. year of King Richard's reign, reporteth in these words of the Londoners, 
Ex histor. D. Albani cuius sic habet initium. An. gratia. etc.  that they were Male creduli in deum & traditiones avitas, Lollardorum sustentatores, religiosorum detractores, de cimarum detentores, & communis vulgi depauperatores etc. that is not right believers in God, nor in the traditions of their forefathers: susteyters of the Lollards: depravers of religious men withholders of tithes: and impoverishers of the common people, etc.  
Thus the Londoners being noted and suspected of the bishops, 
Londoners complained of to the king, by the Bishops.  were the more maliced (no doubt therefore) of the said bishops, which were the more ready to find & take all occasions to work against them, as by their doing herein may well appear. For the bishop of Salisbury, and archb. of York, 
Beati pacifici.  having no greater matter against them, than was declared: with a grievous complaint went to the king, complaining of the Mayor and Sheriffs of London. What trespass the Mayor and Sheriffs had done, as ye have heard before, so may you judge. Now what followed after let us hear. The king incensed not a little with the complaint of the Bishops, conceined eftsoons against the Mayor and Sheriffs, and against the whole City of London, a great stomach. In so much that the Mayor & both the Sheriffs were sent for, and removed from their office. Sir Edward Darlyngton then was made warden & Governor of the city, who also for his gentleness showed to the Citizens, was also deposed, and an other named sir Baldwyn Radington, 
The court removed from London to York.  placed in that room. Moreover, so much grew the kings displeasure against the City that he also removed from London the courts, & terms to be kept at York, that is to say, the Chancery, the Exchequer, the kings bench the hamper, and the common place: where the same con●●●ued from Midsummer, till Christenmas, to the great decay of the City of London: which was an. 1393. 
The 3. preparative to the kings deposing.   
Thiudly, an other great cause which purchased the K. much evil will among his subjects, was the secret murdering of his own Uncle named T. Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, of whom mention was made before, where was declared how the said Duke, with the Earl of Arundel, the Earl of Warwick and the Earl of Derby, with other, 
The king arresting his own Uncle, caused him to be put wrongfully to death.  were up in armour against certain wicked counsellors about the king. Whereupon, the king watching afterward his time, came into Chelsford, & so to the place near by, where the Duke lay: wherewith his own hands he arrested the said Duke his Uncle, and sent him down by water immediately to Calais. And there through the kings commandment, 
The king arresting his own Uncle, caused him to be put wrongfully to death.  by secret means was put to death, being strangled under a featherbed, the Earl Martial being then the keeper of Calis. Whereby great indignation ro●e in many men's hearts against the king.  
With the same Duke of Gloucester, also about the same time, was arrested and imprisoned the Earl of Warwick, and the Earl of Arundel: who being condemned by parliament, were then executed, whereby great grudge and great indignation rose in the hearts of many against the king. an. 1397.  
Fourthly to omit here the blank charts sent over all the land by the king: and how the king was said to let out his realm to farm: Over and beside all these above premised, fell an other matter, which was the principal occasion of this mischief: The banishment I mean of Henry earl of Derby, and made Duke of Herford a little before, being son of john of Gaunt the Duke of Lancaster (who died shortly after the banishment of his son, and lieth buried in the Church of S. Paul in London) and the Duke of Norfolk: who was before Earl of Nottingham, and after by this king, made Duke of Norfolk the year before. At which time the king made 5. Dukes, a Marquis and four Earls, to wit: Duke of Herforde, which was before Earl of Derby: Duke of Awmerle, which was before Earl of Rutland: Duke of Southrey, who was before Earl of Kent: Duke of Exester, which was before Earl of Huntingdon, and this Duke of North folk, 
earl of Nottingham made duke of Norfolk.  being before Earl of Notinghame, as is aforesaid etc. The occasion of banishing these foresaid Dukes was this.  
About this present time, the Duke of Herforde did appeach the Duke of Norfolk upon certain words to be spoken against the king. Whereupon, casting their gloves one against the other, 
The duke of Norfolk, and duke of Hereford banished.  they appointed to fight out the quarrel, a day being for the same appointed at Coventry. But the king took up the matter in his own hands, banishing the Duke of Norfolk for ever, which after died at Venice: and the other Duke which was the Duke of Herford, for 10. years. Beside these, also was exiled in France Thomas Arunder archbishop of Caunterbury, 
Tho. Arundel banished as a traitor, by parliament.  by Act of Parliament, in the same year, for points of treason, as ye have heard before expressed, page. 512. col. 2. All which turned to the great inconvenience of this king, as in the event following may appear.  
These causes and preparatives thus premised, it followed the year after, 
Ann. 1399.  which was an. 1399. and last year of this king, that the king upon certain affairs to be done, took his voyage into Ireland. In which mean time: Henry of Bollingbroke, Earl of Derby, and Duke of Herford and with him the foresaid archbishop Thomas Arundel, (which before were both exiled) returning out of France to Calais, came into England challenging the Dukedom of Lancaster, after the death of his father. With ●hem also came the son and heir of the Earl of Arundel, being yet but young. These together setting out of Calais, arrived at Ravenspur in the North. At the knowledge whereof, much people gathered unto them.  
In this mean time, as the Duke was hovering on the sea to enter the land: L. Edmund Duke of York the king's Uncle to whom the king committed the custody of this realm (having intelligence thereof) called to him the Bishop of Chichester named Edmund Stafford Chancellor of the Realm, and W. Scroupe Earl of Wiltshyre Lord Treasurer, also I. Busshey W. Bagot, Henry Grene, and john Ruschell, with divers other, consulting with them what was best in that case to be done. Who then gave their advise (whether wilful or unskilful, it is not known, but very unfruitful) that he should leave london, and go to S. Albon, there to wait for more strength able to encounter with the Duke. But as the people out of divers quarters resorted thither, many of them protested that they would do nothing to the harm and prejudice of the Duke of Lancaster, who they said was unjustly expulsed. The rest then of the counsel. I. Busshey, W. Bagot, Henry Grene, W. Stroupe Treasurer, hearing and understanding how the commons were minded to join with the Duke of Hereford, left the Duke of York, and the lord Chancellor, and fled to the Castle of Bristol. Where is to be understand that these four were they to whom the common fame ran that the king had let out his realm to farm: and were so hated of the people, that it is to be thought, that for the hatred of them more than for the king, 
What evil company doth about a king. K. Richard returneth from Ireland to Milford haven.  this commotion was among the people.  
As this broil was in England; the noise thereof sounding to the kings ears, being then in Ireland, for hasty speed of returning into England, left in Ireland both his business, and most of his ordinance also behind him. And so passing the seas, landed at Milforde haven, not daring as it seemed to come to London.  
On the contrary side, unto Henry Duke of Herforde, being landed as is said, in the North, came the Earl of Northumberland: Lord Henry Percy, and Henry his son the Earl of Westmoreland, Lord Radulph Nevile, and other Lords more to a great number, so that the multitude rose to 60000. able soldiers. Who first making toward the Castle of Bristol, took the foresaid Busshey, Grene Scroupe, and Bagot: of whom three incontinent were beheaded, Bagot escaped away and fled away to Ireland.  
The king in this mean while, 
K. Richard forsake of his su●ie●s.  lying about Wales, destitute and desolate without comfort or counsel, who neither durst come to London, neither would any man come to him, and perceiving moreover, the commons that were up in such a great power against him, would rather die, then give over that they had begun, for fear of themselves: Seing therforeno other remedy, 
What it is for a prince to be beloved of his subjects.  called to him L.T. percy Earl of Worcester, and steward of his household, willing him with other of his family, to provide for themselves in tyme. Who then openly in the hall broke his white rod before them all, commanding every man to shift for himself. Although Fabian and some other say, that he did this of his own accord, contrary to his allegiance. The king compassed on every side with miseries, shifted from place to place, the Duke still following him, till at length being at the Castle of Conewey, 
K. Richard agreed to resigned ● crown.  the king desired to talk with Tho. Arundel archb. and the Earl of Northumberland: To whom he declared, that he would resign up his crown, in condition that an honourable living might be for him provided, and life promised to 8. persons, such as he would name. Which being granted and ratified, but not performed, he came to the Castle of Flint, where (after talk had with the Duke of Lancaster) he was brought the same night by the Duke and his army to Chester: And from thence was conveyed secretly into the Tower, there to be kept till the next parliament. By the way as he came near to London, divers evil disposed men of the city being warned thereof, gathered themselves, thinking to have slain him, 
The king committed to the Tower.  for the great cruelty he had used before toward the City. But by the policies of the Mayor and rulers of the City, the madness of the people was stayed. Not long after followed the Duke, and also began the parliament. In which Parliament, the Earl of Northumberland with many other Earls and Lords were sent to the king in the Tower, to take of him a full resignation according to his former promise, and so they did. This done divers accusations and articles were laid and engrossed against the said King, to the number of 33. some say 38. which for the matter not greatly material in them contained, I overpass. And that next year after was had to Pomferr Castle, and there famished to death.   

King Henry the fourth.  
ANd thus King Richard by common assent being deposed from his rightful crown: The Duke of Lancaster was led by Thomas Arundel the Archbishop, to the feat royal: 
The words of Henry Duke, claiming the crown.  who there standing up, and crossed himself on the forehead and the breast, spoke in words as followeth.  
¶ In the name of God, Amen. I Henry of Lancaster, claim the Realm of England and the crown, with all the appurtenances as I that am descended by right line of the blood coming from that good Lord King Henry the 3. And through the right that God of his grace hath sent to me with the help of my kin and of my friends to recover the same, which was in point to be undone for default of good governance and due justice. etc.  
¶ After which words, 
K. Henry 4. enthroned and crowned.  the Archbishop ask the assent of the people, being joyful of their new king: took the Duke by the hand, & placed him in the kingly throne, which was an. 1399, 
Anno. 1400.  and shortly after by the foresaid Archbishop he was crowned also for king of England. Ex Chron. De Alban.  
The next year after, followed a Parliament holden at Westminster, in which Parliament, one will. Sautre, a good man and a faithful priest, 
W. Sautre Martyr.  inflamed with zeeale of true Religion, required he might be heard for the commodity of the whole realm. But the matter being smelled before by the Bishops, they obtained that the matter should be referred to the convocation: 
W. Sautre brought before the bishops in the convocation.  Where the said William Sautre being brought before the Bishops and Notaries thereunto appointed, the convocation was differred to the Saturday next ensuing.  
When Saturday was come, that is to say, the 12. day of February, Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Caunterbury, in the presence of his Counsel provincial being assembled in the said Chapter house, against one fyr William Sautre, otherwise called Chatris, chaplain personally then and there appearing by the commandment of the foresaid archbishop of Caunterbury, objected: that the said sir William before the Bishop of Norwiche, had once renounced and abjured divers and sundry conclusions heretical and erroneous: and that after such abjuration made, he publicly and privily, held taught & preached, the same conclusions or else such like, disagreeing to the catholic faith, and to the great peril and pernicious example of others. And after this, he caused such like conclusions holden and preached as is said, by the said Sir William without renunciation, then and there to be read unto the said Archbishop, by master Robert haul, Chancellor unto the said bishop in a certain scroll written, in tenor of words as followeth.  
Sir William Chatris otherwise called Sautre, parish Priest of the Church S. Scithe the virgin in London, publicly and privily doth hold these conclusions under written.  


The articles 〈◊〉. Sautre.  ¶ In Primis, he saith, that he will not worship the cross on which Christ suffered, but only Christ that suffered upon the Crosse.  
2. Item, that he would sooner worship a temporal king, than the foresaid wooden cross.  
3. Item, that he would rather worship the bodies of the Saints, than the very cross of Christ, on which he hung, if it were before him.  
4. Item, that he would rather worship a man truly contrite, than the cross of Christ.  
5. Item, that he is bound rather to worship a man that is predestinate, than an angel of God.  
6. Item, that if any man would visit the monuments of Peter and Paul, or go on Pilgrimage to the Tomb of S. Thomas, or else any whether else, for the obtaining of any temporal benefit: he is not bound to keep his vow, but that he may distribute the expenses of his vow upon the alms of the poor.  
7. Item, that every priest and Deacon is more bound to preach the word of God, then to say the canonical hours.  
8. Item, that after the pronouncing of the Sacramental words of the body of Christ, the bread remaineth of the same nature that it was before, neither doth it cease to be bread.   
To which conclusions or articles being thus read, the Archbish. of Caunterb. required the same Sir William to answer. And then the said William asked a copy of such articles or conclusions, and a competent space to answer unto the same. Whereupon the said Archb. commanded a copy of such articles or conclusions to be delivered then and thereunto the said sir William, assigning the Thursday than next ensiting to him to deliberate and make answer in. When Thursday the said day of appearance was come, Master Nicholas Rishton, auditor of the causes and business belonging to the said archbishop (then being in the Parliament house at Westminster otherwise let) continued the said convocation with all matters rising, depending and appartinent thereunto, by commandment of the said Bishop, until the next morrow at eight of the clock. When the morrow came, being Friday. The foresaid sir William Sautre, in the chapter house before the said bishop and his counsel provincial then and there assembled, making his personal appearance, exhibited a certain scroll containing the answers unto certain articles or conclusions given unto him as is aforesaid by the said Bishop: 
The answer of W. Sautre given up in writing.  and said, that unto the foresaid Archbishop, he delivered the same as his answer in that behalf, under the tenor of such words as follow.  
I William Sautre priest unworthy, say and answer that I will not, nor intent not to worship the cross whereon Christ was crucified, 
The cross materially not to be worshipped  but only Christ that suffered upon the cross: so understanding me that I will not worship the material cross, for the gross corporal matter: yet notwithstanding I will worship the same as a sign, token, and memorial of the passion of Christ Adoratione vicaria. And that I will rather worship a temporal King, than the foresaid wooden cross, as the material substance of the same. And that I will rather worship the bodies of Saints, than the very cross of Christ whereon he hung: with this addition, that if the very same Cross were afore me, as touching the material substance. And also that I will rather worship a man truly confessed and penitent, than the cross on which Christ hung, as touching the material substance.  
And that also I am bound, 
A man predestinate rather to be worshipped than an Angel: that is to say, neither can be worshipped without idolatry.  and will rather worship him whom I know to be predestinate, truly confessed and contrite, than an angel of God: for that the one is a man of the same nature with the humanity of Christ, and so is not a blessed angel. Notwithstanding I will worship both of them, according as the will of God is I should.  
Also, that if any man hath made a vow to visit the shrines of the Apostles Peter and Paul, or to go on pilgrimage unto S. Thomas tomb, or any whither else to obtain any temporal benefit or commodity: he is not bound simply to keep his vow, upon the necessity of salvation. But that he may give the expenses of his vow in alms amongst the poor, by the prudent counsel of his superior as I suppose.  
And also I say, that every Deacon and Priest is more bound to preach the word of God, then to say the canonical hours, according to the primitive order of the church. 
How bread remaineth in the Sacrament.   
Also touching the interrogation of the sacrament of the altar: I say that after the pronouncing of the sacramental words of the body of Christ, there reaseth to be very bread simply, but remaineth bread, holy true, and the bread of life: ynd I believe the said sacrament to be the very body of Christ, after the pronouncing of the sacramental words.  
When all these answers were thoroughly by Master Robert Hall, directly and publicly there read: the foresaid Archb. of Cant. inquired of the said sir William, whither he had abjured the foresaid heresies and errors objected against him, as before is said, before the Bishop of Norwich or not, or else had revoked and renounced the said or such like conclusions or articles, or not? To which he answered and affirmed, that he had not. And then consequently (all other articles, conclusions and answers above written, immediately omitted) the said Archbishop examined the same sir W. Sautre, especially upon the sacrament of the altar.  
First, whether in the sacrament of the altar after the pronouncing of the sacramental words, remaineth very material bread or not. Unto which interrogation the same sir W. somewhat waveringly, said, and answered, that he knew not that. Notwithstanding he said, that there was very bread, because it was the bread of life which came down from heaven.  
After that the said Archbishop demanded of him, whither in the sacrament after the sacramental words, rightly pronounced of the Priest, the same bread remaineth, which did before the words pronounced or not? And to this question the foresaid William answered in like manner as before, saying that there was bread holy, true, and the bread of life. etc.  
After that, the foresaid Archb. asked him, whether the same natural bread before consecration, by the sacramental words of the priest rightly pronounced, be transubstantiated from the nature of bread, into the very body of Christ, or not? Whereunto sir William said, that he knew not what that matter ment.  
And then the said Archbish. assigned unto the said sir William, 
The convocation continued.  time to deliberate, and more fully to make his answer till the next day: and continued this convocation then and there till the morrow. Which morrow to wit, the 19 day of February being come: 
W. Sautre again examined.  the foresaid Archbish. of Cant. in the said chapter house of S. Paul in London, before his counsel provincial, then and there assembled, specially asked and examined the same sir William Sautre there personally present, upon the sacrament of the altar, as before. And the same Sir William again in like manner as before, answered.  
After this, amongst other things the said Bishop demanded of the same William if the same material bread being upon the altar after the sacramental words being of the priest rightly pronounced, is transubstantiated into the very body of Christ, or not? And the said sir William said he understood not what he meant.  
Then the said archbishop demanded, whether that material bread being round and white, prepared and disposed for the sacrament of the body of Christ upon the altar, wanting nothing that is meet and requisite thereunto, by the virtue of the sacramental words being of the priest rightly pronounced, be altered and changed into the very body of Christ, and ceaseth any more to be material and very bread or not? Then the said sir William deredingly answering, said he could not tell.  
Then consequently the said Archbishop demanded, whether he would stand to the determination of the holy Church or not, which affirmeth: that in the Sacrament of the altar, after the words of consecration, being rightly pronounced of the Priest, the same bread which before in nature was bread, ceaseth any more to be bread. To this interrogation, 
Determination of the Church so to be followed as it is joined to the will of God.  the said sir William said: that he would stand to the determination of the church, where such determination was not contrary to the will of God.  
This done: he demanded of him again, what his judgement was concerning the Sacrament of the altar: who said and affirmed, that after the words of consecration by the priest duly pronounced, remained very bread and the same bread which was before the words spoken. And this examination about the sacrament, lasted from 8. of the clock of the same day, until a 11. of the clock or there abouts: in so much, that during all this time, the foresaid W. would no otherwise answer: neither yet touching the same sacrament, receive catholic information, according to the institution of the pope's Church and his Christian faith Wherefore, the said Cant. by the counsel and assent of his whole covent then and there present: did promulgate and give sentence by the mouth of Robert Hall, against the same Sir William Sautre (being personally present, and refusing to revoke his heresies, that is to say his true doctrine, but constantly defending the same) under the renour of words as followeth.  

The sentence against W. Sautre.  IN the name of God amen. We Thomas by the grace of GOD Archbishop of Caunterbury, primate of England and Legate of the sea Apostolical, by the authority of God almighty and blessed saint Peter and Paul, and of holy Church, and by our own authority sitting for tribunal or chief judge, having God alone before your eyes: by the counsel and consent of the whole clergy our fellow brethren, and suffragans assistants unto us in this present counsel provincial, by this our sentence definitive, do pronounce, decree and declare by these presents, thee William Sautre otherwise called Chawtrey parish Priest pretenced, personally appearing before us, in and upon the crime of heresy judicially and lawfully convict as an heretic, and as an heretic to be punished.  
Which sentence definitive being thus read: the foresaid Archb. of Cant. continued in the same provincial counsel till Wednesday next, and immediately ensuing, to wit the 24. day of the same month of February: which being expired, the bishop of Norwich, according to the commandment of the said archb. of Cant. presented unto the foresaid William Sawtre by a certain friend of his, being present at the same council, a certain process enclosed and sealed with his seal, giving the names of credible witnesses sealed with their seals: The tenor whereof followeth in this wise.  

A certain process against W. Sautre presented by the Bish. of Norwiche.  Memorandum, that upon the last day of April, in the year of our Lord. 1399. in the 7. indiction and 10. year of the papacy of Pope Boniface the 2. In a certain chamber within the manner house of the said Bish. of Norwich, at South Helingham (where the register of the said Bishop is kept) before the hour of 9 in a certain chapel within the said manor situate, and the 1. day of May, than next and immediately ensuing in the foresaid chamber, sir Wil Chawtris, parish priest of the church of S. Margaret in the town of Linne, appeared before the Bishop of Norwich, in the presence of john de Derlington, Archdeacon of Norwich, doctor of the decrees, Friar Walter Disse, and john Rikinghall professors in divinity, William Carlton, doctor of both laws, and W. Friseby, with huge Bhridham, public notaries: and there publicly affirmed and held, the conclusions, as before is specified.  
All and singular the premises the foresaid William affirmed upon mature deliberation. And afterwards to wit the 19 day of May in the year, judiction, and Papacy aforesaid, in the chapel within the manor house of the said Henry Bishop of Norwich, situate at South Helingham: The foresaid sir William, revoked and renounced all and singular the foresaid his conclusions: abjuring and correcting all such heresies and errors, taking his oath upon a book before the foresaid Henry the Bishop of Norwiche, that from that time forward he would never preach, affirm, nor hold, privily nor apertly the foresaid conclusions. And that he would pronounce according to the appointment of the said Bishop, the foresaid conclusions to be erroneous and heresies, in the parish Churches of Linne and Tilney and in other places & at the assignment of the said Bishop, and farther swore, that he would stand to the ordinance of the said Bishop, touching the premises, in the presence of the discrete and worshipful men afore recited with divers others more.  
As concerning the first conclusion that he said he would not worship the Cross etc. he confessed himself to have erred and that the article was erroneous and submitted himself. Also as touching the second article, that he said he would rather worship a king etc. he confessed himself to have erred and the article to be erroneous and submitted himself, and so forth of all the rest.  
Then next after this, upon the 25. day of May in the year of our Lord aforesaid, in the Churchyard of the chapel of S. james within the town of Linne The foresaid William, in presence of the foresaid Bishop and clergy and the people of the said Town of Linne standing round about: publicly declared in English tongue, the foresaid conclusions to be erroneous and heresies, as was contained in a certain scroll. And after this, the 26. day of May in the year abovesaid, in the Church of the Hospital of S. john's in the town of Linne: The said Sir William, before the said Bishop sitting as judge, swore & took his oath upon the holy Evangelists that he would never after that time preach openly & publicly the foresaid conclusions, nor would hear the confessions of any of the subjects of his Diocese of Norwiche, without the special licence of the said Bishop. etc., In the presence of friar john Smermen, M. john Rikinghaie, Doctor of Divinity, W. Carlton Doctor of both laws, and Thomas Bulton officer of the liberty of Linne aforesaid with divers others.  

¶ The tenor of the scroll and recantation.  
IN primis, touching the first and second, where I said, that I would adore rather a temporal Prince, and the lively bodies of the saints than the wooden cro●e, whereupon the Lord did hang, I do revoke and recant the same as being therein deceived.  
To this I say, that the article is false and erroneous, and by false information, I held it, the which I renounce and ask forgiveness thereof, and say that it is a precious relic, and that I shall hold it while I live, and that I swear here.  
I know well that I erred wrongfully, by false information: for I wots well, that a deacon or a priest is more bound to say his martin's and Hours, then to preach, for thereto he is bounden by right, wherefore I submit me etc.  
Touching that article, I know right well that I erred by false information. Wherefore I ask forgiveness.  
As concerning vows, I say, that opinion is false and erroneous, and by false information I held it, for a man is holden to hold his vow etc.  
To the 7. article I say, that I did it, by authority of Priesthood, where through I knowledge well that I have gilt and trespassed, wherefore I submit me to god and to holy Church, and to you father, swearing that I shall never hold it more.  
The 8. I say, that I held it by false and wrong information. But now I know well that it is heresy, and that bread anon as the word of the sacrament is said, is no longer bread material, but that it is turned into very Christ's body and that I swear here.  
I say that this is false and erroneous. etc.   
I say as I said. etc.  
This being done, 
Process against W. Sautre.  the 22. day of February aforesaid in the year of our Lord 1400. in the chapter house of Saint Paul in London aforesaid: The foresaid Archbishop of Caunterbury, in the convocation of his prelate's & Clergy and such like men there being present, caused the fore recited process of the bishop of Norwich to be read openly & publicly to Sir Wil. Sautre otherwise called Chatris. And afterward, he asked the said sir William, whether he plainly understood and knew such process & the contents within the same, and he said yea. And further he demanded of him, if he would or could say or object any thing against the process, and he said no. And after that incontinent, the foresaid archbishop of Canterbury demanded and objected against the said sir William as divers others more did: That after he had before the Bysh. of Norwiche revoked and abjured judicially divers errors & heresies, that among other errors, and heresies by him taught, holden, and preached he affirmed: That in the same sacrament of the altar after the consecration made by the Priest as he taught, there remained material bread: which heresy amongst others as errors also he abjured before the foresaid Bishop of Norwich. 
Ex Regist. Cantuar.  Hereunto the foresaid William answered smiling or in mocking wise, saying, and denying that he knew of the premises. Notwithstanding he publicly affirmed that he held and taught the foresaid things after the date of the said process made by the said Bishop of Norwich, and that in the same council also he held the same. Then finally, it was demanded of the said sir William, why he ought not to be pronounced as a man fallen into heresy, and further to proceed unto his degradation, according to the canonical sanctions: whereunto he answered nothing, neither could he allege any cause to the contrary.  
Wheruepon, the foresaid Archb. of Cant. by the counsel and consent of the whole council, and especially by the counsel and assent of the reverend fathers and Bishops, as also, priors, Deans, Archdeacon's, and other worshipful Doctors and Clerks then and there present in the council: Fully determined to proceed to the degradation, and actual deposing of the said William Sautre, as re-fallen into heresy, and as incorrigible, according to the sentence definitive put in writing, the tenor whereof is in words as followeth.  

Sentence of relapse.  In the name of God Amen: We Thomas by the grace of God Archb. of Cant. Legate of the sea Apostolical and Metropolitan of all England: do find and declare, that thou William Sawtrie, otherwise called Chatris Priest, by us with the counsel & assent of all and singular our fellow brethren and whole Clergy, by this our sentence definitive declared in writing, hast been for heresy convict and condemned, and art (being again fallen into heresy) to be deposed and degraded, by these presents.  
And from that day being Wedensday, there was in the said council provincial nothing further prosecuted, but was continued with all dependentes, till the Friday next ensuing. Which Friday approaching, M. Nicholas Rishton, by the commandment of the said Archb. of Canterb. being then busied as he said in the Parliament house: continued this council and convocation with all incidents, dependants, and occasions, growing and annexed thereunto, to the next day, to wit saturday next and immediately after ensuing. Upon Saturday being the 26. of the said month of February, the foresaid Archbishop of Canterbury fate in the bishops seat of the foresaid Church of S. Paul in London, and solemnly appareled in his Pontifical attire, sitting with him as his assistants these reverend fathers and Bishops, of London, Lyncolne, Harford, Exeter, Menevensis & Roffensis Episcopi, above mentioned: commanded and caused the said sir W. Sautry appareled in priestly vestments, to be brought & appear before him. That done, he declared and expounded in English to all the clergy and people there, in a great multitude assembled: that all process was finished and ended against the said sir William Sautry. Which thing finished, before the pronouncing of the said sentence of the Relapse against the said sir William as is premised, he often then and there recited & read. And for that he saw the said William in that behalf, nothing abashed: He proceeded to his degradation and actual deposition in form as followeth.  

Sentence of degradation.  IN nomine patris & silij & spiritus sancti. Amen. We Thomas by God's permission Archb. of Cant. Primate of all England, and Legate of the apostolic sea: do denounce thee William Sawtre otherwise called Chautris, Chaplain feigned, in the habit and apparel of a Priest, as an heretic and one refallen into heresy by this our sentence definitive, by counsel, assent, and authority, to be condemned: And by conclusion of all our fellow brethren, fellow bishops, Prelates, council provincial, and of the whole clergy: do degrade and deprive thee of thy priestly order. And in sign of degradation and actual deposition from thy priestly dignity, for thine incorrigibility and want of amendment: we take from thee the patent and chalice, 
The patent and chalice taken from him.  and do deprive thee of all power & authority of celebrating mass: and also we pull from thy back, the Casule, and take from thee the vestiment, and deprive thee of all manner of Priestly honour.  
Also, we Thomas the aforesaid Archb. by authority, counsel, and assent, which upon the foresaid William we have, being Deacon pretenced, in the habit and apparel of a Deacon, having the new Testament in thy hands, being an heretic and twice fallen, condemned by sentence as is aforesaid: do degrade and put thee from the order of a Deacon. 
The book of a new Testament taken from him.  And in token of this thy degradation and actual deposition we take from thee the book of the new testament, & the stole, and do deprive thee of all authority in reading the gospel, and of all and all manner of dignity of a Deacon.  
Item, we Thomas Archbish. aforesaid, by authority, counsel, and assent, which over thee the foresaid William we have, being a subdeacon pretenced: in the habit & vestiment of a subdeacon, an heretic, and twice fallen, condemned by sentence as is aforesaid: do degrade & put thee from the order of a subdeacon. 
The Albe taken from him.  And in token of this thy degradation & actual deposition, we take from thee the albe and maniple, and do deprive thee of all and all manner of subdiaconall dignity.  
Also, we Thomas, Archb. aforesaid, by counsel, assent and authority which we have over thee the foresaid William, an Accolite pretenced, wearing the habit of an Accolite, and heretic, twice fallen, by our sentence as is aforesaid condemned: do degrade and put from thee all order of an Accolite: And in sign and token of this thy degradation, and actual deposition, 
The candlestick & taper taken from him.  we take from thee the candlestick and taper, and also Vrceolum, and do deprive thee of all and all manner dignity of an Accolite.  
Also, we Thomas, Archb. aforesaid by assent, counsel, and authority which upon thee the foresaid William we have, 
The holy water buck conjured from him.  an Exorcist pretenced, in the habit of an Exorcist or holy water clerk, being an heretic, twice fallen, and by our sentence as is aforesaid condemned, we do degrade & depose thee from the order of an Exorcist: and in token of this thy degradation and actual deposition, we take from the book of conjurations, and do deprive thee of all and singular dignity of an Exorcist.  
Also, we Thomas Archbish. aforesaid, by assent, counsel, and authority, as is above said, do degrade & depose thee the foresaid William, reader pretenced, clothed in the habit of a reader, an heretic, twice fallen, and by our sentence as is aforesaid, condemned: from the order of a reader. And in token of this thy degradation and actual deposition, we take from thee the book of the divine sections (that 
He meaneth the legend book, as saith the Register.  is the book of the Church legend) and do deprive thee of all and singular manner of dignity of such a reader.  
Item, we Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury aforesaid, by authority, counsel, and assent, the which we have as is aforesaid, 
The Surplice taken from him.  do degrade and put thee foresaid William Sawtre, sexton pretenced, in the habit of a sexton, and wearing a surplice, being an heretic, twice fallen, by our sentence definitive condemned, as aforesaid: from the order of a Sexton. And in token of this thy degradation and actual deposition, 
The church door keys taken from him.  for the causes aforesaid, we take from thee the keys of the Church door, and thy surplice, and do deprive thee of all and singular manner of commodities of a door keeper.  
And also, by the authority of omnipotent God the father, the son, and holy ghost, and by our authority, counsel, & assent of our whole council provincial above written, we do degrade thee and depose thee being here personally present before us, 
Privilege of the clergy taken from him.  from orders, benefices, privileges and habit in the church, and for thy pertinacy incorrigible we do disgrade thee, before the secular Court of the high Constable and marshal of England, here being personally present, and do depose thee from all and singular clerkly honours and dignities whatsoever, by these writings. Also in token of thy degradation and deposition, 
The priests cap taken from his head, maketh up all in all.  here actually we have caused thy crown and ecclesiastical tonsure in our presence to be razed away, & utterly to be abolished, like unto the form of a seculare lay man: and here do put upon the head, of thee the foresaid William, the cap of a lay secular person: beseeching the court aforesaid, that they will receive favourably the said William unto them thus recommitted.  
Thus William Sawtre the servant of Christ, being utterly thrust out of the Pope's kingdom, and metamorphosed from a clerk to a secular lay man, was committed (as ye have heard) unto the secular power. Which so done, the Bishops yet not herewith contented, cease not to call upon the king, to cause him to be brought forth to speedy execution. Whereupon the king, ready enough and to much to gratify the clergy, and to retain their favours, directeth out a terrible decree against the said William Sawtre, and sent it to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London to be put in execution, the tenor whereof here under emueth.  

¶ The decree of the king against William Sawtre.  
THe decree of our sovereign Lord the king & his counsel in the Parliament, 
The cruel decree of the king against Sawtre.  against a certain new sprung up heretic. To the Mayor & Sheriffs of London. etc. Where as the reverend father Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and Legate of the Apostolic sea, by the assent, consent, & counsel of other bishops, and his brethren suffragans, and also of all the whole Clergy within his province or diocese, gathered together in his provincial counsel, the due order of the law being observed in all points in this behalf: hath pronounced and declared by his definitive sentence, W. Sautre sometime chaplain, to be fallen again into his most damnable heresy, the which before time the said W. had abjured, thereupon to be a most manifest heretic, and therefore hath decreed, that he should be disgraded, & hath for the same cause really disgraded him from all prerogative & privilege of the clergy, decreing to leave him unto the secular power: and hath really so left him, according to the laws & canonical sanctions set forth in this behalf, 
Preposterous zeal without knowledge.  and also that our holy mother the Church hath no further to do in the premises. We therefore being zealous in religion, and reverent lovers of the catholic faith, willing and minding to maintain & defend the holy church, & the laws & liberties of the same, to root all such errors & heresies out of our kingdom of England, & with condign punishment to correct & punish all heretics or such as be convict: Provided always, that both according to the law of God & man, and the canonical institutions in this behalf, accustomed, that such heretics convict & condemned in form aforesaid, aught to be burned with fire. We command you as straigtly as we may or can, firmly enjoining you, that you do cause the said William being in your custody, in some public or open place within the liberties of your city aforesaid (the cause aforesaid being published unto the people) to be put into the fire, and there in the same fire really to be burned, to the great horror of his offence, and the manifest example of other Christians. Fail not in the execution hereof, upon the peril that will fall thereupon, Teste rege, apud Westmonast. 26. Februar. an. regni sui.    

¶ The burning of William Sawtre.  

Admonition to Princes.  Thus it may appear how kings and princes have been blinded and abused by the false Prelates of the Church, in so much that they have been their slaves and butchers, to slay Christ's poor innocent members. See therefore what danger it is for Princes, not to have knowledge and understanding themselves but to be led by other men's eyes, & specially trusting to such guides, who through hypocrisy both deceive them, & through cruelty devour the people.  

K Henry the first of English kings that tormented the Christians with fire.  As king Henry the fourth who was the deposer of king Richard, was the first of all English kings that began the unmerciful burning of Christ's saints, for standing against the Pope: so was this William Sawtre the true and faithful martyr of Christ, the first of all them in Wickliff's time, which I find to be burned in the reign of the foresaid king, which was in the year of our Lord. 1400.  
After the martyrdom of this godly man, the rest of the same company began to keep themselves more closely, for fear of the king, who was altogether bend to hold with the Pope's prelacy. Such was the reign of this Prince, that to the godly he was ever terrible, in his actions immeasurable, to few men heartily beloved, but Princes never lack flatterers about them. Neither was the time of his reign very quiet, but full of trouble, of blood, and misery. Such was their desire of K. Richard again, in the reign of this king, that many years after he was rumoured to be alive (of them which desired belike that to be true, which they knew to be false) for the which, 
Much murder & beheading in K. Henry's time the 4.  divers were executed. For the space of six or seven. years together, almost no year passed without some conspiracy against the king. Long it were here to recite the blood of all such Nobles and other, which was spilled in the reign of this king, as the Earl of 
* It is to be doubted.  Kent, Earl of Salisbury, Earl of Huntingdon, named john Holland. etc. as writeth the story of S. Albans. But the English writers differ something in their names, and make mention of 4. Earls of Surrey, of Excester, of Salisbury, and Lord Spenser Earl of Gloucester. 
Ex calendario 〈◊〉.  Ex Lib. cui tit. Calendarium Bruti.  
And the next year following, Sir John Clarendon knight, with two of his servants, the Prior of Land, with 8. friars, were hanged and quartered. And after these Henry Percy the younger, the Earl of Worcester, named Thomas Percy his uncle, Lord of Kinderton, and L. Richard de Uernova. The Earl of Northumberland scarce escaped with his pardon. 
Anno 1403.  an. 1403. In the which year, the prison in Cornhill called the ton, was turned into the conduit, there now standing.  
To let pass other more hanged and quartered the same time, as Blount knight, & Benet Kely knight, and Thomas Wintersel Esquire. Also the same year was taken and executed sir Bernard Brokes knight, sir john Shilley knight, Sir john Mandelyn, and William Frierby. After all these L. Henry Earl of Northumberland, and L. Bardolfe conspiring the king's death, were taken in the North and beheaded, which was in the 8. year of this king Henry.  
This civil rebellion of so many nobles & other against the king, 
Archb. of York, and L. Mowbray against King Henry 4.  declared what grudging hearts the people then bare toward this king Henry. Among whom I cannot pretermit here also the Archb. of York named Richard Scrope, who with the L. Moubrey Marshal of England, gathered a great company in the North country, 
L. Bardolfe, Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland against the king. Ex histor. Scala mund.  against the foresaid king, to whom also was adjoined the help of L. Bardolfe, & Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland. Ex Chron. D. Albani. And to stir up the people more willingly to take their parts, they collected certain Articles against the said king, to the number of 10. and fastened them upon the doors of Churches and Monasteries, to be read of all men in English. Which articles if any be disposed to understand, & for somuch as the same also contain a great part of the doings between king Henry & king Richard aforesaid, 
Articles set upon church doors against K. Hen. 4.  I thought for the better opening of the matter here under to inserte the same, in such form as I found them in the history of Scala mundi expressed.  

¶ Articles set up on Church doors against king Henry the fourth.  
IN the name of God. Amen. 
Ann. 1405.  Before the Lord jesus Christ, judge of the quick and dead. etc. We A.B.C.D. etc. not long sithence became bound by oath upon the sacred evangelical book, unto our sovereign Lord Richard late king of England and France, in the present of many prelate's, potentates, and nobility of the realm: that we so long as we lived, should bear true allegiance and fidelity towards him and his heirs succeeding him in the kingdom by just title, right, and line, according to the statutes and custom of this realm of England: By virtue whereof, we are bound to foresee that no vices or heinous offences arise in the common weal, do take effect or wished end, but that we ought to give ourselves and our goods to withstand the same, without fear of sword or death whatsoever, upon pain of perjury, which pain is everlasting damnation. Wherefore, we seeing & perceiving divers horrible crimes, and great enormities daily without ceasing to be committed, by the children of the devil and satans soldiers against the supremacy of the Church of Rome, the liberty of the church of England, and the laws of the realm, against the person of king Rich. and his heirs against the prelate's, noble men, religion, and commonalty, and finally against the whole weal public of the realm of England, to the great offence of the majesty of almighty God, and to the provocation of his just wrath and vengeance towards the realm and people of the same. And fearing also the destruction both of the Church of Rome and England, & the ruin of our country to be at hand, having before our eyes the justice & the kingdom of God, calling always on the name of jesus, having an assured confidence in his clemency, mercy and power: have here taken unto us certain articles subscribed in form following, to be proponed, tried, and heard before the just judge jesus Christ, and the whole world, to his honour, the delivery of the church, the clergy and commonalty, and to the utility & profit of the weal public. But if (which God forbidden) by force, fear of violence of wicked persons we shallbe cast in prison, or by violent death prevented, so as in this world we shall not be able to prove the said articles as we would wish, then do we appeal to the high celestial judge, that he may judge & discern the same, in the day of his supreme judgement.  

A bill of articles s●typ against king Henry 4.  1. ¶ First, we depose, say, except, and intend to prove against the Lord Henry Derby, son of the Lord john of Gaunt late Duke of Lancaster, and commonly called king of England (himself pretending the same, although without all right and title thereunto) and against his adherents, fautors, and complices: that ever they have been, are, and will be, traitors, invaders, and destroyers of God's Church in Rome, England, Wales, and Ireland, and of our sovereign Lord Richard late King of England, his heirs, his kingdom, and common wealth, as shall hereafter manifestly appear.  
2. secondarily we depose etc. against the said Lord Henry, for that he had conceived, deutied, & conspired certain heinous crimes and traitorous offences against his said sovereign Lord Richard his state and dignity, as manifestly did appear in the contention between the said Lord Henry, and the Lord Thomas Duke of Norfolk begon at Coventry, but not finished thoroughly. Afterwards he was sent in exile, by sentence of the said king Richard, by the agreement of his father the Lord john Duke of Lancaster, by the voice of divers of the Lords temporal, & nobility of the realm, and also by his own consent: there to remain for a certain time appointed unto him by the said Lords, and withal he was bound by oath not to return into England before he had obtained favour & grace of the king. Not long after, when the king was departed into Ireland, for reformation of that country appertaining to the crown of England, but as then rebelling against the same: the said Lord Henry in the mean time contrary to his oath and fidelity, and long before the time limited unto him was expired: with all his fautors and invaders, secretly entered into the Realm, swearing and protesting before the face of the people, that his coming into the Realm in the absence of the king, was for none other cause, but that he might in humble sort with the love and favour of the king, and all the Lords spiritual and temporal, have and enjoy his lawful inheritance descending unto him of right after the death of his father: which thing as it pleased all men, so cried they: Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord: But how this blessing afterwards turned into cursing, shall appear in that which followeth: and also ye shall understand his horrible and wicked conspiracy against his sovereign Lord king Richard, 
K. Henry perjured.  and divers other Lords as well spiritual as temporal, besides that his manifest perjury shall well be known, and that he remaineth not only foresworn and perjured, but also excommunicate, for that he conspired against his sovereign Lord our king. Wherefore we pronounce him by these presents, as well perjured as excommunicate.  
3. Thirdly we depose etc. against the said Lord Henry, that he the said Lord Henry, immediately after his entry into England, by crafty and subtle policy, caused to be proclaimed openly throughout the Realm, that no tenths of the Clergy, 
K. Henry changed with unluthe.  fifteens of the people, sealing up of cloth, diminution of wool, impost of wine, nor other extortions or exactions whatsoever, should hereafter be required or exacted: hoping by this means to purchase unto him the voice and favour of the prelate's spiritual, the Lords temporal, the Merchants, & commonalty of the whole Realm. After this, he took by force the king's Castles and fortresses, spoiled and devoured his goods wheresoever he found it, crying havoc, havoc. The king's majesty subjects as well spiritual as temporal he spoiled and rob, some he took captive and imprisoned them, and some he slew & put to miserable death, whereof many were Bishops, prelate's, Priests, and religious men. Whereby it is manifest, that the said Lord Henry is not only perjured, in promising & swearing that there should be hereafter no more exactions, payments, or extortions within the realm, but also excommunicate for the violence and injury done to Prelates and Priests. Wherefore by these presents we pronounce him as afore, as well perjured as excommunicate.  
4. Fourthly we depose etc. against the said Lord Henry, that he hearing of the King's return from Ireland into Wales, 
K. Henry charged with treason against his sovereign.  rose up against his sovereign Lord the king with many thousands of armed men, marching forward with all his power towards the Castle of Flint in Wales, where he took the king & held him prisoner, and so led him captive as a traitor unto Leicester: from whence he took his journey towards London, misusing the king by the way both he and his, with many injuries and opprobrious contumelies and scoffs. And in the end committed him to the Tower of London, and held a Parliament, the king being absent & in prison, wherein for fear of death he compelled the king to yield and resign unto him all his right & title of the kingdom and crown of England. After which resignation being made, the said Lord Henry standing up in the Parliament house, stoutly and proudly before them all; said & a●●●med: that the kingdom of England and crown of the same with all thereunto belonging, did pertain unto him at that present as of very right, and to none other: for that the said king Richard by his own deed was deprived for ever of all the right, title, & interest that ever he had, hath, or may have in the same. And thus at length by right and wrong, he exalted himself unto the throne of the kingdom: since which time, our common weal never flourished nor prospered, but altogether hath been void of virtue, for that the spirituality was so oppressed, exercise and warlike practices hath not been maintained, charity is waxed cold, & covetousness and misery hath taken place, & finally mercy is taken away & vengeance supplieth the rcome. Whereby it doth appear (as before is said) that the said Lord Henry is not only perjured & false by usurping the kingdom and dominion belonging to another, but also excommunicate for the apprehending, unjust imprisoning, and depriving his sovereign Lord the king of his royal crown and dignity. Wherefore, as in the articles before, we pronounce the said Lord Henry to be excommunicate.  
5. Fiftly we depose, etc. against the said Lord Henry, that he the same Lord Henry with the rest of his favourers & complices, heaping mischief upon mischief, have committed and brought to pass a most wicked and mischievous fact, yea, such as hath not been heard of at any time before. For after that they had taken and imprisoned the king, and deposed him by open injury against all human nature, yet not content with this: they brought him to Poinfret Castle, and there imprisoned him, where xv. days & nights they vexed him with continual hunger, thirst, and cold, and finally bearest him of life, with such a kind of death as never before that time was known in England, but by God's providence it is come to light. 
K. Henry charged with a●●●d●ring of his prince.  Who ever heard of such a deed, or who ever saw the like of him▪ Wherefore O England arise, stand up, avenge the cause, the death, and injury of thy king and prince: which if thou do not, take this for certainty, that the righteous God will destroy thee by strange invasions and foreign power, and avenge himself on thee for this so horrible an act. Whereby doth appear, not only his perjury, but also his excommunication most execrable: so that as before we pronounce, the said Henry not only perjured, but also excommunicate.  
6. Sixtly we depose, etc. against the said Lord Henry, that after he had attained to the crown and sceptre of the kingdom, he caused forthwith to be apprehended divers Lords spiritual, 
K. Henry charged with the orders of the church.  Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and religious men of all orders, whom he arrested, imprisoned, & bound, and against all order brought them before the secular judges to be examined: not sparing the Bishops whose bodies were anointed with sacred oil, nor priests, nor religious men, but commanded them to be condemned, hanged, and beheaded by the temporal law and judgement, notwithstanding the privilege of the Church, and holy orders, which he ought to have reverenced and worshipped it he had been a true and lawful king: for the first and chiefest oath in the coronation of a lawful king is, to defend and keep inviolate the liberties and rights of the Church, and not to deliver any Priest or religious man into the hands of the secular power, except for heresy only, and that after his degradation according to the order of the Church. Contrary unto all this hath he done, so that it is manifest by this article as afore in the rest, that he is both perjured and excommunicate.  
7. seventhly we depose, etc. against the said Lord Henry that not only he caused to be put to death the Lords spiritual and other Religious men, but also divers of the Lords temporal and nobility of the Realm, and chiefly those that studied for the preservation of the commonweal, not ●casing as yet, to continued his mischievous enterprise, if by God's providence it be not prevented & that with speed. Amongst all other of the Nobility, these first he put to death: the Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Gloucester, 
K. Henry charged with tyranny.  the Lord Roger Clarendon the kings brother, with divers other knights and esquires: and afterwards, the Lord Thomas Percy Earl of Worcester, and the Lord Henry Percy son and heir to the Earl of Northunberland, the which Lord Henry he not only slew, but to the uttermost of his power again and again he caused him to be slain. For after that he was once put to death, and delivered to the Lord of Furnivale to be buried (who committed his body to holy sepulture, with as much honour as might be, commending his soul to almighty God, with the suffrages of the blessed mass & other prayers) the said Lord Henry most like a cruel beast still thirsting his blood, caused his body to be exhumate & brought forth again, and to be reposed between two millstones in the town of Shreusbury, there to be 〈◊〉 with armed men: And afterwards to be beheaded an● quartered, commanding his head and quarters to be carried unto divers cities of the kingdom. Wherefore for so detestable a fact never heard of in any age before, we pronounce him as in the former articles excommunicate.  
8. Eightly, we depose, etc. against the said Lord Henry, for that after his attaining to the crown, he willingly ratified, allowed, and approved a most wicked statute set forth & renewed in the parliament holden at Winchester. 
The K charged with evil government.  The which statute is directly against the Church of Rome, the power, & principality thereof given by our Lord jesus Christ and unto blessed S. Peter & his successors Bishops of Rome: unto whom belongeth by full authority the free disposing of all spiritual promotions as well superior as inferior: which wicked statute, is the cause of many mischiefs vid. of simony, perjury, adultery, incest, misorder, & disobedience, for that many Bishops, Abbots, prior's, and prelates (we will not say by virtue, but rather by error of this statute) have bestowed the benefices vacant upon young men, rude and unworthy persons, which have compacted with them for the same, so that scarce no one prelate is found that hath not covenanted with the party promoted for the half yearly, or at the least the third part of the said benefice so bestowed. And by this means, the said statute is the destruction of the right of S. Peter, the Church of Rome, and England, the Clergy and universities, the maintevance of wars, and the whole common wealth, etc.  
9 Ninthly, we say and depose, etc. against the said Lord Henry, that after he had tyrannously taken upon him the government of the Realm: England never flourished since, nor prospered, by reason of his continual exactions of money and oppressions, yearly of the clergy and commonalty: neither is it known how this money so extorted is bestowed, when as neither his soldiers, nor his gentlemen are paid as yet their wages and fees for their charges and wonderful toil and labour, neither yet the poor country people are satisfied for the victual taken of them: 
K. Hen. charged with oppression and perjury.  And nevertheless, the miserable clergy, and more miserable commonalty, are forced still to pay, by menaces and sharp threatenings. Notwithstanding he swore when he first usurped the crown, that hereafter there should be no such exactions nor vexations, neither of the clergy nor l●●tie. Wherefore, as afore, we pronounce him perjured, etc.  
10. In the tenth and last article, we depose, say, and openly protest by these presents, for ourselves & all our assistants in the cause of the Church of Rome and England, and in the cause of king Richard his heirs, the clergy, and commonalty of the whole Realm: that neither our intention is, was, nor shall be, in word nor deed to offend any state, either of the prelates spiritual, Lords temporal, nor commons of the realm: but rather foreseeing the perdition and destruction of this Realm to approach, we have here brought before you certain articles concerning the destruction of the same, to be circumspectly considered of the whole assembly, as well of the Lords spiritual as temporal, and the faithful commons of England: beseeching you all in that bowels of jesus Christ, the righteous judge, and for the merits of our blessed Lady the mother of God, and of S. George our defender, under whose displayed banner we wish to live and die, and under pain of damnation, that ye will be favourable to us and our causes which are three in number. 
Three causes declared.  Whereof the first is, that we exalt unto the kingdom the true & lawful heir, and him to crown in kingly throne with the diadem of England. And secondly, that we renoke the weshmen, the Irishmen, and all other our enemies unto perpetual peace and amity. Thirdly and finally, that we deliver and make free our native country from all exactions, extortions, & unjust payments: Beseeching our Lord jesus Christ to grant his blessing, the remission of their sins, & life everlasting to all that assist us to their power in this godly and meritorious work: and unto all those that are against us, we threaten the curse of almighty God by the authority committed unto us by Christ and his holy Church, and by these presents we pronounce them excommunicate.   
These Articles being seen and read, much concourse of people daily resorted more and more to that archbishop. The Earl of Westmoreland being than not far off, 
Earl of Westmoreland against the Archb.  with john the king's son (hearing of this) mustered his soldiers with all the power he was able to make, & bend toward the Archbishop: but seeing his part too weak to encounter with him, useth practise of policy, where strength would not serve. And first coming to him under colour of friendship dissembled, laboureth to seek out the causes of that great stir: To whom the Archbishop again answering, no hurt to be intended thereby, but profit rather to the king and common wealth, and maintenance of public peace: but for so much as he stood in great scare, and danger of the king, he was therefore compelled so to do: 
Falsehood in 〈◊〉  And withal showed unto him the contents of the Articles aforesaid, which when the Earl had read, setting a fair face upon it, seemed highly to commend the purpose and doings of the Bishop: promising moreover that he would help also forward in that quarrel, to the uttermost of his power. And required upon the same, a day to be set, when they with equal number of men, might mere together, in some place appointed to have farther talk of the matter. The Archbishop easily persuaded, was content, although much against the counsel of the Earl Martial, and came. Where the Articles being openly published and read, the Earl of Westmoreland with his company, pretended well to like upon the same, and to join their assents together. Which done, he exhorted the Archbishop, that for so much as his garrison had been now long in armour, and from home, he would therefore discharge the needless multitude of his soldiers, and dismiss them home to their work and business, 
The Archb. of York craftily circumvented.  and they would together drink and join hands in the sight of the whole company. Thus they shaking hands together, the Archbishop sendeth away his soldiers in peace, not knowing himself to be circumvented, before he was immediately arrested by the hands of the foresaid Earl of Westmoreland, 
The Archb. of York, L. Tho'Moubray with many York shire ●●n executed, The Earl of North●berland, L. Tho. Bar. dolfe slain. Anno. 1408. Abbot of 〈◊〉  and shortly after the king coming with his power to York, was there beheaded the monday in Whi●sonweeke, and with him also Lord Thomas Mowbray Martial, with divers other moreover of the city of York, which had taken their parts. After whose slaughter, the King proceedeth farther to persecute the Earl of Northumberland, & Lord Thomas Bardolph. Who then did fly to Berwick. From thence they reincoved to Wales. At length within two years after, fight against the kings part, were slain in the field. an. 1408. In the which year, divers other also in the Northparts, for favouring the foresaid Lords, were likewise condemned by the king and put to death. Among whom, the Abbot of Hales, for the like treason was hanged.  
The king after the shedding of so much blood, seeing himself so hardly beloved of his subjects, thought to keep in yet with the Clergy, & with the Bishop of Rome, seeking always his chiefest stay at their hands. And therefore was compelled in all things, to serve their humour, as did appear as well in condemning William Sawtre before, as also in other, which consequently we have now to entreat of. In the number of whom cometh now by the course of time to write of one john Badby a Tailor and a lay man, who by the cruelty of Thomas Arundel Archbishop, and other Prelates, was brought to his condemnation in this king's reign, 
Anno. 1409.  an. 1409. according as by their own registers appeareth, & followeth by this narration to be seen.   

¶ john Badby Artificer.  
IN the year of our Lord. 
john Badby martyr. Ex Regist. Tho. Arundel.  1409. on Sunday being the first day of March, in the afternoon: The excommunication following of one john Badby tailor, being a lay man, was made in a certain house or haul within the precinct of the preaching friars in London, in an utter cloister: upon the crime of heresy & other articles, repugnant to the determination of the erroneous church of Rome, before Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury and other his assistants, as the Archbishop of York, of London, of Winchester, of Oxford, of Norwich, of Salisbury, of Bath, of Bangor, Et menevensis Episcopi, and also Edmond Duke of York, Thomas Bewford, the chancellor of England, Lord de Roos, the clerk of the rolls, & a great number of other Lords, both spiritual and temporal being then at the selfsame time present: Master Morgan read the articles of his opinions to the hearers, according as it is contemned in the instrument read by the foresaid M. Morgan, the tenor whereof followeth and in effect is such.  
In the name of God, Amen: Be it manifest to all men by this present public instrument, 
The articles read.  that in the year after the incarnation of our Lord, according to the course and computation of the Church of England, otherwise in the year 1409. in the second indiction, in the third year of the Popedom of the most holy father in Christ & Lord, Lord Gregory xi. by that divine permission Pope, the second day of january, in the Chapel Caruariae of S. Thomas Martyr, high unto the Cathedral Church of Worcester, being situate in the said Diocese, in the presence of me the public Notary, and of the witnesses under written: the foresaid john Badby a lay man, of the said Diocese of Worcester, appearing personally, before the reverend father in Christ and Lord, Lord Thomas, by the grace of God Bishop of Worcester, sitting in the said Chapel for chief judge, was detected of and upon the crime of heresy, being heretically taught, & openly maintained by the foresaid john Badby. That is, 
The Sacrament of Christ's body.  that the Sacrament of the body of Christ, consecrated by the Priest upon the altar, is not the true body of Christ, by the virtue of the words of the Sacrament. But that after the Sacramental words spoken by the Priest to make the body of Christ: the material bread doth remain upon the altar as in the beginning, neither is it turned into the very body of Christ after the Sacramental words spoken of the Priest. Which john Badby, being examined and diligently demanded by the foresaid reverend father concerning the premises, in the end did answer: that it was impossible that any Priest should make the body of Christ, & that he believed firmly that no Priest could make the body of Chrst by such words Sacramentally spoken in such sort. And also he said expressly, that he would never while he lived believe, that any Priest could make the body of Christ sacramentally, unless that first he saw manifestly the like body of Christ to be handled in the hands of the priest upon the altar, in his corporal form. And furthermore he said, that john Rakier of Bristol had so much power & authority to make the like body of Christ, as any priest had. Moreover he said, that when Christ sat at supper with his disciples: he had not his body in his hand, to the intent to distribute it to his disciples: and he said expressly, that he did not this thing. And also he spoke many other words teaching & fortifying the heresy in the same place, both grievous, and also out of order, and horrible to the ears of the hearers, sounding against the Catholic faith.  
Upon which occasion, the same reverend father admonished and requested the said john Badby oftentimes, and very instantly to charity: for so much as he would willingly that he should have forsaken such heresy and opinion, holden, taught, and maintained by him, in such sort against the Sacrament, to renounce and utterly abjure them, and to believe other things which the holy mother the Church doth believe. And he informed the said john on that behalf both gently, and also laudably. Yet the said john Badby, although he were admonished and requested both often and instantly by the said reverend father: said and answered expressly, that he would never believe otherwise then before he had said, taught, and answered. Whereupon, the foresaid reverend father Bishop of Worcester, seeing, understanding, and perceiving the foresaid john Badby to maintain and fortify the said beresie, being stubborn, 
I can not blame ye that ye are so angry, for it was not for your profit.  and proceeding in the same stubbornness: pronounced the said john to be before this time convicted of such an heresy, and that he hath been, and is an heretic, and in the end declared it in these words.  
In the name of God, Amen. We Thomas Bishop of Worcester, do accuse thee john Badby being a lay man of our Diocese, 
The sentence o● the B. of Worcester against john Badby.  of and upon the crime of heresy before us, sitting for cheese judge, being oftentimes confessed and convicted of and upon that, that thou hast taught and openly affirmed, as hitherto thou dost teach, boldly affirm, and defend: that the Sacrament of the body of Christ, consecrated upon the altar by the Priest, is not the true body of Christ: But after the Sacramental words to make the body of Christ by virtue of the said Sacramental words pronounced, to have been in the crime of heresy: and we do pronounce thee, both to have been, and to be an heretic, and do declare it finally by these writings.  
These things were done accordingly as is above written and are recited in the year, indiction, popedom, month, day and place aforesaid, being present the same time, john Malune Prior of the Cathedral Church of Worcester, john Dudle Monk, 
A table of monks and friars about the condemnation of john Badby  and john Haule the supprior of the said Church, Thomas Pening of the order of the Carmelites, Thomas Fekenham of the order of the preaching Friars, William Pomfret of the order of the Minorites, being professors and masters in divinity, William hails, Gualther of London, john Swippedew being public Notaries, 
Quare fremuerunt g●ntes. Psal. 2.  and William Beuchampe and Thomas Gerbris being Knights, Richard wish of Tredington, Thomas willbe of Dentbury, john Weston of Yewley, being parsons of Churches, and Thomas Baleinges, the master of Saint Wolstone in Worcester, and also Henry Haggely, john Penerell, Thomas Trogmorton and William Wasseborne esquires of the Diocese of Worcester and Norwich, 
Scribes with Pharises.  and many other worshipful and honest men being witnesses and called specially to the things aforesaid.  
And I john Chew Clerk, of the Diocese of Bath and Welles, and by the authority apostolical, public Notary of the said Bishop: have in testimony of the premises, put my hand & seal to the examination, interrogation, monition, and answer of the same john Badby, and to his obstinacy: & also to the proceedings of all and singular other doings as is aforesaid, which against him before the said bishop were handled & done, in the year, indiction, popedom, month, day, and place aforesaid, which with the forenamed witnesses was personally present: and the same, even as I heard them and saw them to be done (being occupied with other matters) caused them to be written and published, and into this public form have compiled the same. I the foresaid Notary am also privy, unto the words and examinations interlined between seven or eight lines of the beginning of this instrument, which lines I also the foresaid Notary do approve and make good.  
And I Walter London Clerk, of the Diocese of Worcester, and by the authority Apostolical, public Notary: to all and singular the foresaid things as afore by the foresaid Notary is recited, & in the year, indiction, popedom, month, day, and place aforesaid were handled and done, being with other the fore recited witnesses personally present: and to all & every of the same (as I saw & heard them to be done, being thereunto faithfully desired and required.) In testimony of the premises, have signed & subscribed according to the accustomed manner. Haec ex Reg. Cant.  
And when the articles, in the foresaid instrument contained, were by the Archbishop of Canterbury publicly and vulgarly read and approved: 
The answer of john Badby to the articles.  he publicly confessed & affirmed, that he had both said and maintained the same. And then the Archbishop to convince the constant purpose of the said john Badby, commanded the same articles again to be read, often instructing him both by words and examples, informing and exhorting him that thereby he might be brought the sooner to the Religion that he was of. And furthermore, the said Archbishop said and affirmed there openly to the same john: that he would (if he would live according to the doctrine of Christ) gauge his soul for him at the judgement day. And after that again he caused those articles in the said instrument expressed, to be read by the foresaid Philip Morgan, & the said Archbishop himself expounded the same in English as before: whereunto john Badby answered. As touching the first article concerning the body of Christ, he expressly said, that after the consecration at the altar, there remaineth material bread, & the same bread which was before: notwithstanding (said he) it is a sign or sacrament of the living God.  
Also; when the second article was expounded unto him, that it is impossible for any Priest etc. To this article he answered and said, that it could not sink into his mind that the words are to be taken as they literally lie, unless he should deny the incarnation of Christ.  
Also, being examined of the third Article concerning jacke Raker, he said: That if jacke Raker were a man of good living, and did love and fear God, that he hath as much power so to do, as hath the Priest: and said further, that he hath heard it spoken of some doctors of divinity, that if he should receive any such consecrated bread, he were worthy to be damned, & were damned in so doing.  
Furthermore he said that he would believe the omnipotent God in trusitie, 
The substance of bread not changed in the Sacrament.  and said moreover that if every host being consecrated at the altar were the Lords body, that then there be 20000. gods in England. But he believed (he said) in one God omnipotent, which thing the foresaid Archb. of Cant. denied not.  
And when the other conclusion was expounded. That Christ sitting with his Disciples at supper, etc. To this he answered and said that he would greatly marvel: that if any man had a loaf of bread, and should break the same and give to every man a mouthful, that the same loaf should afterwards be whole.  
When all these things were thus finished, and that all the said conclusions were often red in the vulgar tongue: the foresaid Archb. demanded of him, whether he would renounce and forsake his opinions and such like conclusions or not, and adhere to the doctrine of Christ and Catholic faith? He answered, that according to that he had said before, he would adhere and stand to those words, which before he had made answer unto. Then the Archb. oftentimes required the said john in the bowels of jesus Christ that he would forsake those opinions and conclusions, 
The constancy of john Badby before the Archb.  and that henceforth he would clean to the christian faith: which thing to do in the audience of all the lords and others that were present, he expressly denied and refused.  
After all this, when the foresaid Archbishop of Cant. & the Bishop of London had consulted together, to what safe keeping the said john Badby (until the wednesday next) might be committed: It was concluded, that he should  
be put in a certain chamber or safe house within the Mansion of the Friar preachers, 
The Bishops make sure work. The Archb. 〈◊〉 and jailor.  and so he was: and then the Archbishop of Caunterbury said, that he himself would keep the key thereof, in the mean time. And when the foresaid wednesday was expired, being the 15. day of March, and that the foresaid Archbishop of Canterbury, with his fellow brethren and suffragans were assembled in the Church of S. Paul in London: 
A stiterunt reges terrae & principes convenerunt in unum adversus. etc. Psal. 2.  The Archbish. of Canterbury taking the Episcopal seat, called unto him the Archbishop of York, Richard London, Henry Winchester, Robert Chichester, Alexander Norwich, & the noble prince Edmond the Duke of York, Ralph Earl of Westmoreland, Thomas Beaufort Knight Lord Chancellor of England, and the Lord Beamond with other noble men as well spiritual as temporal, that stood and sat by, whom to name it would be long: Before whom the said john Badby was called personally to answer unto the Articles premised in the foresaid instrument. Who when he came personally before them, the articles were read by the Official of the court of Cant. and by the Archb. (in the vulgar tongue) expounded, publicly and expressly: and the same Articles, as he before had spoken and deposed, he still held and defended, and said, that whilst he lived, he would never retract the same. And furthermore he said specially to to be noted, that the Lord duke of York personally there present as is aforesaid, and every man else for the time being: is of more estimation and reputation, than the Sacrament of the altar, by the priest in due form consecrated. And whilst they were thus in his examination, the Archbishop considering and weighing that he would in no wise be altered, and seeing moreover his countenance stout and hart confirmed, so that he began to persuade other as it appeared in the same: These things considered, the Archprelate when he saw that by his allurements it was not in his power, neither by exhortations, reasons, nor arguments, to bring the said john Badbye from his constant truth to his Catholic faith (executing and doing the office of his great master) proceeded to confirm and ratify the former sentence given before by the Bishop of Worcester against the said john Badby, pronouncing him for an open and public heretic. And thus shifting their hands of him, they delivered him to the secular power: and desired the said temporal Lords, then and there present very instantly, that they would not put the same john Badby to death for that his offence, 
Note here murdering wolves in sheeps clothing.  nor deliver him to be punished or put to death, in the presence of all the Lordsabone recited.  
These things thus done and concluded by the Bishops in the forenoon: on the afternoon, the Kings writ was not far behind. By the force whereof, I. Badby still persevering in his constancy unto the death, was brought into Smithfield, and there being put in an empty barrel, was bound with iron chains fastened to a stake, having dry wood put about him.  
And as he was thus standing in the pipe or ton (for as yet Cherillus Bull was not in ure among the bishops) it happened that the Prince the king's eldest son, was there present. Who showing some part of the good Samaritane, began to endeavour and assay how to save the life of him, whom the hypocritical Levites and Phariseis sought to put to death. He admonished and counseled him, that having respect unto himself, he should speedily withdraw himself out of these dangerous Labyrinths of opinions, 
The pri●● labourc●● to turn Badby.  adding oftentimes threatenings, the which might have daunted any man's stomach. Also Courtney at that time Chancellor of Oxford, preached unto him, and informed him of the faith of holy Church.  
In this mean season, the Prior of S. Bartlemewes' in Smithfield, brought with all solemnity the Sacrament of God's body, 
The sacrament solemnly brought to Smithfield at the burning of Badbye.  with twelve torches borne before, and so showed the Sacrament to the poor man being at the stake. And then they demanded of him how he believed in it, he answering: that he knew well it was hallowed bread, and not gods body. And then was the tun put over him, and fire put unto him. And when he felt fire, he cried, mercy (calling belike upon the Lord) and so the Prince immediately commanded to take away the tun, and quench the fire. The Prince his commandment being done, asked him if he would forsake heresy to take him to the faith of holy Church: which thing if he would do, he should have goods enough, promising also unto him a yearly stipend out of the king's treasury, so much as should suffice his contentation.  
¶ The description of the horrible burning of john Badby, and how he was used at his death.  
This godly Martyr john Badby having thus consummate his testimony and martyrdom in fire, the persecuting Bishops yet not herewith contented, and thinking themselves as yet either not strong enough, or else not sharp enough against that poor innocent flock of Christ: to make all things sure and substantial on their side, 
All the power of man set against the Gospel.  in such sort, as this doctrine of the Gospel now springing should be suppressed for ever: laid their conspiring heads together, & having now a king for their own purpose, ready to serve their turn in all points (during the time of the same Parliament above recited yet continuing) the foresaid bishops and clergy of the realm, exhibited a Bull unto the king's majesty: subtilely declaring, what quietness hath been maintained within this realm by his most noble progenitors, who always defended the ancient rites and customs of the Church, and enriched the same with large gifts, to the honour of God and the realm: and contrariwise, what trouble and disquietness was now risen by divers (as they termed them) wicked and perverse men teaching and preaching openly and privily, 
The Gospel of Christ counted as wicked and heretical.  ascertain new, wicked and heretical kind of doctrine, contrary to the Catholic faith and determination of holy Church: whereupon the king always oppressed with blind ignorance by the crafty means and subtle pretences of the clergy, granted in the said Parliament (by consent of the nobility assembled) a statute to be observed called Ex officio as followeth.  

The Statute Ex officio.  

The cruel statute, ex. officio.  That is to say, that no man within this Realm or other the kings majesties dominions, presume or take upon him to preach privily or apertly, without special licence first obtained of the ordinary of the same place (Curates in their own parish Churches, and persons heretofore privileged, and others admitted by the Canon law, only excepted) Nor that any hereafter do preach maintain, teach, inform openly or in secret, or make or write any book contrary to the catholic faith, and determination of the holy Church. Nor that any hereafter, make any conventicles or assemblies, or keep and exercise any manner of schools touching this sect, wicked doctrine and opinion. And further that no man hereafter shall by any means, favour any such preacher, any such maker of unlawful assemblies, or any such book maker or writer, and finally any such teacher, informer, or stirrer up of the people. And that all and singular persons having any the said books, writings, or schedules containing the said wicked doctrines and opinions, shall within forty days after this present proclamation and statute, really and effectually deliver or cause to be delivered all and singular the said books and writings, unto the ordinary of the same place. And if it shall happen any person or persons of what kind, state, or condition soever he or they be, to do or attempt any manner of thing contrary to this present proclamation & statute, or not to deliver the same books in form aforesaid: That then the ordinary of the same place in his own diocese by authority of the said proclamation and statute shall cause to be arrested and detained under safe custody, the said person or people in this case defamed, and evidently suspected or any of them, until he or they so offending have by order of law purged him or themselves as touching the articles laid to his or their charge in this behalf: 
A bloody law of king Henry. 4.  or until he or they have denied and recanted (according to the laws ecclesiastical) the said wicked sect, preachings, teachings: and heretical and erroneous opinions And that the said ordinary by himself or his Commissaries proceed openly and judicially to all the effect of law against the said persons so arrested and remaining under safe custody, & that he end and determine the matter within three months after the said arrest, (all delays and excuses set apart) according to the order and custom of the Canon law. And if any person, in any cause above mentioned, shallbe lawfully convicted before the ordinary of the diocese or his Comissaries: that then the said Ordinary, may lawfully cause the said person so convicted (according to the manner and quality of his fact) to be laid in any of his own prisons, and there to be kept so long as to his discretion shall be thought expedient.  
And further the said Ordinary (except in cases by the which according to the Canon law, the party offending aught to be delivered to the secular power) shall charge the said person with such a fine of money to be paid unto the kings majesty, as he shall think competent for the manner and quality of his offence, And the said diocesan shallbe bound to give notice of the said fine, into the kings majesties Exchequer, by his letters patent under his seal: to the intent that the said fine may be levied to the kings majesties use of the goods of the person so convict.  
And further if any person within this realm and other the the kings majesties dominion, shallbe convicted before the Ordinary of the place, or his Comissaryes, of the said wicked preachings, doctrines, opinions schools, and heretical and erroneous informations or any of them: and will refuse to abjure and recant the said wicked sect, preachings teachings, opinions, schols and informations: Or if after his abjuration once made, the relapse be pronounced against him by the diocesan of the place, or his Commissaries (for so by the Canon law he ought to be left to the secular power, upon credit given to the ordinary or his Commissaries) That then, the Sheriff of the same County, the Mayor, Sheriffs, or Sheriff, or the Mayor or Bailiffs of the same City, village or Borough of the same County, and nearest inhabiting to the said Ordinary or his said Commissaries: shall personally be present, as oft as they shallbe required, to confer with the said Ordinary or his commissaries in giving sentence against the said persons offending or any of them. 
A bloody statute.  And after the said sentence so pronounced, shall take unto them the said persons so offending, and any of them, and cause them openly to be burned in the sight of all the people: To the intent that this kind of punishment may be a terror unto others, that the like wicked doctrines and heretical opinions, or the authors and favourers thereof be no more maintained within this Realm and dominions, to the great hurt (which God forbidden) of Christian religion, and decrees of holy Church. In which all and singular the premises, concerning the statute aforesaid: Let the Sheriffs, Mayors, and Bailiffs of the said Counties, Cities: Villages, and boroughs, be attendant, aiding, and favouring, the said Ordinaries and their Commissaries.   
By this bloody statute so severely and sharply enacted against these simple men, here hast thou (gentle Reader a little to stay with thyself: and to consider the nature and condition of this present world, how it hath been set and bend ever from the beginning, by all might, counsel, and ways possible, to strive against the ways of God, and to overthrow that which he will have set up. And although the world may see by infinite stories and examples, that it is but in vain to strive against him: yet such is the nature of this world (all set in malignity) that it will not cease still to be like itself.  
The like law and statute in the time of Dioclesian and Maximinus was attempted, 
The law of Maximinus and the statute ex officio compared.  as before appeareth, pag. 83. & for the more strength were written also in tables of brass, to the intent that the name of Christ should utterly be extincted for ever. And yet, the name of Christ remaineth, where that brazen law remained not three years. The which law written them in brass, although it differ in manner & form, from this our statute Ex officio, yet to the same end & cruelty, to spill the blood of saints, there is no difference between the one and the other. Neither is there any diversity touching the first original doer and worker of them both. For the same Satan, which then wrought his uttermost against Christ, before he was bound up: the same also now after his losing out, doth what he can, though not after the same way, yet to the same intent. For than 〈◊〉 outward violence as an open enemy, he did what he could Now by a more covert way, under the title of the Church he unpugneth the Church of Christ, using a more subtle way to deceive, under gay pretenced titles: but no less pernicious in the end, whereto be shouteth, as well appeareth by this bloody statute Ex officio, the sequel whereof cost afterward, many a Christian man's life. As in process of story remaineth more hereafter (Christ willing) to be declared.  
Furthermore for the more fortification of this statute of the king aforesaid, concurreth also an other constitution made much about the same time by the Archb. of Canterb. Thomas Arundel. So that no industry nor policy of man here did lack to set the matter forward, but specially on the bishop's parts, who left no means unattempted, how to subvert the right ways of the Lord.  
First, in most diligent and exquisite execution of the kings statute set forth: the execution whereof they did so exactly apply, that marvel it is to consider, all other laws of kings (commonly,) be they never so good) to be so coldly kept, and this only among all the rest so nearly followed. But herein is to be seen the diligence of the romish Prelates, which never let any thing to fall, that maketh for the dignity of their estate.  
Secondly, beside their vigilant care, in seeing the kings statute to be executed: No less industrious also were they in adding thereunto mo● constitutions of their own, as from time to time appeareth as well by other Archbishops hereafter, and by Pope Martin, as also by this constitution here present made by Thomas Arundel the Archb.  
But before we enter to the relation of these foresaid constitutious of that clergy men, here cometh in more to be said and noted touching the foresaid Statute ex Officio to prove the same not only to be cruel and impious but also to be of itself of no force and validity for the burning of any person for cause of Religion, for the disprofe of which statute we have sufficient authority remaining as yet in the parliament Rolls to be seen in her majesties Court of Records: which here were to be debated at large but that upon special occasion we have differed the ample discourse thereof to the cruel persecution of the Lord Cobhame hereafter ensuing as may appear in the defence of the said lord Cobham against Nicholas Happeffield under the title and name of Alanus Copus And thus referring them for the examination of this statute to the place aforesaid, let us now return to Thomas Arundel, and his bloody constitutions above mentioned. The stile and tenor whereof, to the intent the rigour of the same may appear to all men I thought hereunder to adjoin, in words as followeth.  

* The constitution of Thomas Arundel, against the followers of God's truth.  

A cruel constitution by the Archb. against the Gospelers with 13. articles.  Thomas by the permission of God, Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and Legate of the see Apostolic: To all and singular our reverend brethren fellow Bishops, and our suffragans. And to Abbots, priors, Deans of Cathedral Churches, Archdeacon's, provosts and Canons: also to all persons, vicars, chaplains, & Clerks in Parish Churches, and to all lay men whom and where so ever, dwelling win our province of Canterbury, greeting: & grace to stand firmly in the doctrine of the holy mother Church. It is a manifest & plain case: that he doth wrong and injury to the most reverend council, who so revolteth from the things, being in the said Council once discussed and decided. And whosoever dare presume to dispute of the supreme or principal judgement here in earth, in so doing incurreth the pain of sacrilege, according to the authority of civil wisdom and and manifest tradition of human law. Much more than they who trusting to their own wits, are so bold to violate and with contrary doctrine to resist, and in word and deed to contemn the precepts of laws and Canons, rightly made and proceeding from the kaybearer and porter of eternal life and death: 
Blasphemy, not of pure man, but of true God. He meaneth here of Thomas Becket his predecessor, who had ●is brains beat out in the time of K. Hen. 2 Scripture clerkly applied. This gear hangeth togea. there like germans lips. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mark this you Grammarians.  bearing the room and person, not of pure man, but of true God here in earth: which also have been abserued hitherto, and of the holy fathers our predecessors, unto the glorious effusion of their blood, & voluntary sprinkling out of their brains: Are worthy of greater punishment, deserving quickly to be cut off, as rotten members, from the body of the Church militent. For such aught to consider, what is in the old testament written: Moses and Aaron among his Priests, that is, were chief heads amongst them. And in the new Testament among the Apostles there was a certain difference: And though they were all Apostles yet was it granted of the Lord to Peter, that he should bear pre-eminence above the other Apostles: And also the Apostles themselves would the same, that he should be the chiefetayn over all the rest. And being called Cephas, that is, head: should be as Prince over the Apostles. Unto whom it was said: Thou being once converted, confirm thy brethren: as though he would say, If there happen any doubt among them, or if any of them chance to err and stray out of the way of faith, of just living, or right conversation: Do thou confirm and reduce him in the right way again. Which thing no doubt the Lord would never have said unto him, if he had not so minded, 
Mark well the pope's divinity. An argument far fet that true doctrine conssisteth in making one head of the Church.  that the rest should be obedient unto him. And yet all this notwithstanding, we know and daily prove, that we are sorry to speak, how the old Sophister, the enemy of mankind, (foreseeing and fearing left that sound doctrine of the church determined from ancient times by the holy forefathers: should withstand his malices, if it might keep the people of god in unity of faith under one head of the church) doth therefore endeavour by all means possible, to extirp the said doctrine, feigning vices to be virtues. And so under false pretences of verity dissimuled, soweth discord in catholic people, 
How aptly he painteth the proceedings of his own popish Church  to the intent, that some going one way, some an other: He in the mean time may gather to himself a Church of the malignant, differing wickedly from the universal mother holy church. In the which Satan transforming himself into an Angel of light, bearing a lying and deceitful balance in his hand, pretendeth great righteousness, in contrarying the ancient doctrine of the holy mother church, and refusing the traditions of the same determined and appointed by holy fathers: persuading men (by feigned forgeries) the same to be nought: and so inducing other new kinds of doctrine, leading to more goodness, as he by his lying persuasions pretendeth, although he in very truth neither willeth nor mindeth any goodness but rather that he may sow schisms, whereby divers opinions & contrary to themselves being raised in that Church faith thereby may be diminished, and also the reverend holy mysteries through the same contention of words may be profaned with Pagans, jews, and other infidels, and wicked miscreants. 
Apos. 6.  And so that figure in the Apos. 6. is well verified, speaking of him that sat on the black horse, bearing a pair of balance in his hand, by that which heretics are understand. Who at the first appearance like to weights or balance, make as though they would set forth right and just things, to allure the hearts of the hearers. But afterward, appeareth the black horse, that is to say, their intention, full of cursed speaking. For they under a divers show and colour of a just balance, 
The figure of the black horse in the Apoc. doctorly expo●ded.  with the tail of a black horse sprinkling abroad heresies and errors, do strike. And being poisoned themselves, under colour of good, raise up infinite slanders, and by certain persons fit to do mischief, do publish abroad as it were the sugared taste of honey mixed with poison, thereby the sooner to be taken: working and causing through their slight and subtiltyes, that error should be taken for verity, wickedness for holiness, and for the true will of Christ. Yea and moreover the foresaid persons thus picked out, do preach before they be sent, and presume to sow the seed, before the seed discreetly be separate from the chaff. Who not pondering the constitutions and decrees of the Canons, provided for the same purpose against such pestilent sowers, do prefer sacrifice Diabolical (so to term it) before obedience be given to the holy Church militant  
We therefore considering and weighing, 
Behold the true image of Wolves under sheeps clothing.  that error which is not resisted, seemeth to be allowed, and he that openeth his bosom to wide, which resisteth not the viper thinking there to thrust out her venom: And willing moreover to shake off the dust from our feet, and to see to the honour of our holy mother Church, whereby one uniform holy doctrine may be sown and planted in the church of God, (namely in this our province of Caunterbury) so much as is us doth lie, to the increase of faith and service of God, first rooting the evil weeds and offenditles which by the means of perverse preaching, mad doctrine, have sprung up hitherto, and are like more hereafter to grow: purposing by some convenient way with all diligence possible to withstand them in time, and to provide for the peril of souls, which we see to rise under pretence of the premises: also to remove all such obstacles, by which the said our purpose may be stopped, by the advise and assent of all our Suffragans and other Prelates, being present in this our convocation of the Clergy, as also of the procurators of them that be absent: and at the instant petition of the procurators of the whole Clergy within this our province of Canterbury, for the more fortification of the common law in this part, adding thereunto punishment and penalties condign as be here under written, we will and command ordain and decree.  
That no manner of person secular or regular, 
The first constitution.  being authorised to preach by the laws now prescribed, or licensed by special privilege: shall take upon him the office of preaching the word of God, or by any means preach unto the clergy or laity, either within the Church or without, in English, except he first present himself, and be examined of the Ordinary of the place where he preacheth. And so being found a fit person, as well in manners as knowledge he shall be sent by the said Ordinary, to some one Church or more as shallbe thought expedient by the said Ordinary according to the quality of the person. Nor any person aforesaid shall presume to preach, except first he give faithful signification in due form of his sending and authority, that is: That he that is authorised, do come in form appointed him in that behalf: and those that affirm they come by special privilege, do show their privilege unto the Parson or Vicar of the place where they preach. And those that pretend themselves to be sent by the ordinary of the place, shall likewise show the Ordinaries letters made unto him for that purpose, under his great seal. Let us always understand, the Curate (having the perpetuity) to be sent of right unto the people of his own cure. 
No priests to preach, but by limitation of the prealates.  But if any person aforesaid, shallbe bidden by the ordinary of the place, or any other superior to preach, by reason of his errors and heresies which before peradventure he hath preached and taught: that then and from thenceforth, he abstain from preaching within our province: until he have purged himself, & be lawfully admitted again to preach by the just arbitrement of him that suspended and forbade him. And shall always after that, carry with him to all places wheresoever he shall preach, the letters testimonial of him that restored him.  
Moreover, the Parish Priests or vicars temporal, not having perpetuities, nor being sent in form aforesaid shall simply preach in that Churches where they have charge only those things which are expressly contained in the provincial constitution set forth by john our predecessor of good memory, to help that ignorance of the priests, which beginneth: Ignorantia Sacerdotum. 
A jolly mean to bring the world into such darkness.  Which book of constitutions, we would should be had in every parish Church in our province of Caunterbury, within three months next after the publication of these presents, and (as therein is required) that it be effectually declared by that priests themselves yearly, and at the tunes appointed. And lest this wholesome statute might be thought hurtful of some, by reason of payment of money, or some other difficulty: we therefore will & ordain, that that examinations of the people aforesaid, and the making of their letters by the Ordinary be done gratis and freely without any exaction of money at all, by those to whom it shall appertain. And if any man shall willingly presume to violate this our statute grounded upon the old law, after the publication of the same: he shall incur the sentence of greater excommunication ipso facto: whose absolution we specially reserve by tenor of these presents, to us and our successors. But if any such Preacher despising this wholesome Statute, and not weighing the sentence of greater excommunication do the second time take upon him to preach: saying and alleging, and stoutly affirming that the sentence of greater excommunication aforesaid, cannot be appointed by the Church in the persons of the Prelates of the same: That then, the Superiors of the place, do worthily rebuke him, and forbidden him from the Communion of all faithful Christians.  
And that the said person hereupon lawfully convicted (except he recant and abjure after the manner of that Church) be pronounced an heretic by the Ordinary of the place. And that from thenceforth he be reputed and taken for an heretic and schismatic, and that he incur (ipso facto) the penalties of heresy and schismacie, expressed in the law: And chief that his goods be adjudged confiscate by the law, and apprehended and kept by them, to whom it shall appertain. And that his faurours, receivers, & defenders being convicted, in all cases be likewise punished, if they cease not of within one month, being lawfully warned thereof by their superiors.  

Constit. 2.  Furthermore, no clergy man, or parochians of any parish or place within our province of Cant. shall admit any man to preach within their Churches, churchyards or other places whatsoever, except first there be manifest knowledge had of his authority, privilege, or sending thither, according to the order aforesaid: Otherwise the Church, churchyard, or what place whatsoever, in which it was so preached, shall ipso facto, receive the Ecclesiastical interdict & so shall remain interdicted, until they that so admitted and suffered him to preach, have reform themselves, and obtained that place so interdicted, to be released in due form of law, either from the Ordinary of the place, or his superior.  

Constit. 3.  Moreover, like as a good householder casteth wheat into the ground (well ordered for that purpose) thereby to get the more increase: even so we will and command, that the preacher of God's word, 
what tyranny is this to bind the preachers mouth what to say.  coming in form aforesaid, preaching either unto the Clergy or Laity, according to his matter proponed: shallbe of good behaviour, sowing such seed as shallbe convenient for his auditory. And chief preaching to the Clergy, he shall touch the vices commonly used amongst them, and to the laity he shall declare the vices commonly used among them, and not otherwise: But if he preach contrary to this order, then shall he be sharply punished by the ordinary of that place, according to the quality of that offence.  
Item, for as much as the part is vile, that agreeth not with the whole: 
Constit. 4.  we do decree and ordain, that no preacher aforesaid, or any other person whatsoever, shall otherwise teach or preach concerning the sacrament of the altar, matrimony, confession of sins, or any other sacrament of the Church, or article of the faith, then that already is discussed by the holy mother Church, nor shall bring any thing in doubt that is determined by the church: 
A bar for the preachers.  nor shall to his knowledge privily or apertly pronounce blasphemous words concerning the same, nor shall teach, preach, or observe any sect, or kind of heresy whatsoever, contrary to the wholesome doctrine of the Church. He that shall wittingly & obstinately attempt the contrary, after the publication of these presents, shall incur the sentence of excommunication ipso facto: From the which (except in point of death) he shall not be absolved, until he hath reform himself by abjuration of his heresy, at the discretion of the Ordinary, in who● territory he so offeded, and hath received wholesome penitence for his offences. But if the second time he shall so offend, being lawfully convicted, he shallbe pronounced an heretic, & his goods confiscate and apprehended, and kept by them to whom it shall appertain. The penance before mentioned, shallbe after this manner: If any man contrary to the determination of the Church, that is, in p ● decrees, decretals, or our constitutions provincial, do openly or privily teach or preach any kind of heresy or sect he shall in the parish Church of the same place, where he so preached, upon one sunday, or other solemn day, or more, at the discretion of the ordinary, and as his offence is more or less, expressly revoke that he so preached, taught or affirmed, even at the time of the solemnitic of the mass, when the people are most assembled, and there shall effectually and without fraud preach, and teach the very truth determined by the church: and further shallbe punished after the quality of his offence, as shallbe thought expedient to the discretion of the Ordinary.  
Item, 
Const. 5.  for as much as a new vessel being long used, favoureth after the head, we decree and ordain, that no schoolmasters and teachers what soever, that instruct children in grammar, 
A caveat for schoolmasters.  or others whom so ever, in primitive sciences shall in teaching them, intermingle any thing concerning the catholic rayth, the sacrament of the altar, or other Sacraments of the Church, contrary to the determinations of the church. Nor shall suffer their scholars to expound the holy Scriptures, (except the text as hath been used of ancient time,) nor shall permit them to dispute openly or privily concerning the catholic faith, or Sacraments of the Church. Contrariwise, the offender herein shallbe grievously punished by the Ordinary of the place, as a favourer o● errors and schisms.  
Item, 
Const. 4.  for that a new way doth more frequently lead a stray, than an old way: we will and command that no book or treatise made by john Wickliff, or other whom soever, about that time or sithence, or hereafter to be made: be from henceforth read in schools, halls, hospitals, or other places whatsoever, within our province of Canterbury aforesaid, 
Books of john Wickliff forbidden.  except the same be first examined by the university of Oxford or Cambridge, or at the last by twelve persons, whom the said universities or one of the shall appoint to be chosen at our discretion, or the laudable discretion of our predecessors: and the same being examined as aforesaid, to be expressly approved and allowed by us or our successors, and in the name and authority of the university, to be delivered unto the Stationers to be copied out, and the same to be sold at a reasonable price, the original thereof always after, to remain in some chest of that university. But it any man shall read any such kind of book in schools or otherwise, as aforesaid: he shallbe punished as a sour offchisme, and a favourer of heresy, as the quality or the fault shall require.  
Item, 
Constit. 7.  it is a dangerous thing (as witnesseth blessed S. Jerome) to translate the text of the holy scripture out of one tongue into an other: for in the translation the same sense is not always easily kept, as the same S. Jerome confesseth, 
He confesseth that S. Jerome erred in his translation. And yet the said Archb. commended Queen Anne, for having the scripture in English.  that although he were inspired, yet oftentimes in this he erred. We therefore decree and ordain, that no man hereafter by his own authority, translate any text of the Scripture into English, or any other tongue, by way of a book, libel, or treatise, and if no man read any such book libel or treatise, now lately set forth in the time of john Wickliff, or sithence, or hereafter to be set forth, in part or in whole, privily, or apertly: upon pain of greater excommunication, until the said translation be allowed by the Ordinary of the place, or (if the case so require) by the Council provincial: He that shall do contrary to this shall likewise be punished as a favourer of error & heresy.  
Item, 
Constit. 8.  for that almighty God cannot be expressed with any Philosophical terms, or otherwise invented of man: And S. Augustine faith, That he hath oftentimes revoked such conclusions as hath been most true, because they have been offensive to the ears of the religious: we do ordain and specially forbid, that no manner o● person, of what state degree, 
Terms and propositions in disputing to be observed.  or condition, so ever he be, do allege or propone any conclusions or propositions in that catholic faith, or repugnant to good manners, (except necessary doctrine pertaining to their faculty of teaching or disputing in their schools or otherwise) although they defend the same with never so curious terms and words. For as saith blessed S. Hugh of the Sacraments, that which oftentimes is well spoken, is not well understood. If any man therefore after the publication of these presents, shallbe convict wittingly to have proponed such conclusions or propositions, except (being monished) he reform himself in one month by virtue of this present constitution: He shall incur the sentence of greater excommunication ipso facto, and shallbe openly pronounced an excommunicate, until he hath confessed his fault openly in the same place where he offended, and hath preached the true meaning of the said conclusion or proposition in one church or more, as shallbe thought expedient to the Ordinary.  
Item, no manner of person shall presume to dispute upon that articles determined by that church, 
Constit. 6.  as is contained in the decrees, decretals, our constitutions provincial, or in the general Counsels. But only to seek out the true meaning thereof, & that expressly, whether it be openly or in secret: 
Authority of the pope's decretals not to be doubted d under pain● of heresy.  nor none shall call in doubt the authority of the said decretals or constitutions, or the authority of him that made them, nor teach any thing contrary to that determination thereof: And chief concerning the adoration of the holy cross the worshipping of Images, of saints, going on pilgrimage to certain places, or to the relics of saints, or against that oaths in cases accustomed to be given in both common places, that is to say, spiritual & temporal: But of all it shallbe commonly taught and preached, that the cross & Image of the Crucifix, and other Images of Saints in the honour of them whom they present, 
Adoration of the cross.  are to be worshipped with procession, bowing of knees, offering of frankincense, kissinges, oblations, lighting of candles, and pilgrimages, 
* With all abomination.  and with all other kind of ceremonies and manners that hath been used in the time of our predecessors: And that giving of oaths in cases expressed in the law, and used of all men to whom it belongeth in both common places, aught to be done upon the book of the Gospel of Christ. Contrary unto this who so ever doth preach, teach, or obstinately affirm (except he recant in manner and form aforesaid) shall forthwith incur the penalty of heresy, and shallbe pronounced an heretic, in all effect of law.  

Constit 10.  Item, we do decree and ordain, that no chaplain be admitted to celebrate in any diocese within our province of Caunterbury, where he was not borne, or not received orders: 
No priest to celebrate without their letters of orders.  except he bring with him his letters of orders, & letters commendatory from his ordinary, and also from other Bishops in whose diocese of a long lime he hath been conversant, whereby his conversation and manners may appear: So that it may be known, whether he hath been detained with any new opinions touching that catholic faith or whether he be free from the same: otherwise, as well he that celebrateth as he that suffereth him to celebrate, shallbe sharply punished at the discretion of the Ordinary.  
Finally, because those things which newly and unaccustomably excepeth up, 
Constit. 11.  standeth need of new and speedy help: and where more danger is, there ought to be more marry circumspection and stronger resistance, & and not ●●out good cause: that less noble aught discretely to be cut away that the more noble may the more perfectly be nourished Considering therefore, and in lamentable wife showing unto you, how the ancient University of Oxford, which as a fruitful vine was wont to extend forth her fruitful branches to the honour of God, 
Oxford famous for sincere religion.  the great perfection, and defence of the Church: now partly being become wild, bringeth forth bitter grapes, which being undiscreetly eaten of ancient fathers that thought themselves skilful in the law of God: hath set on edge the teeth of their children: and our province is infected with divers and unfruitful doctrines, and defiled with a new & damnable name of Lollardie, to the great reproof and offence of the said University being known in foreign countries: & to the great irksomeness of the students there, and to the great damage and loss of the Church of England, which in times passed by her virtue as with a strong wall, was wont to be defended, and now like to run in ruin not to be recovered. At the supplication therefore of that whole clergy of our province of Cancrone terbury: and by the consent and assent of all our brethren & suffragans: and other the prelate's in this convocation assembled, and the proctor's of them that are absent: lest the river being cleansed: the fountain should remain corrupt and so the water coming from thence should not be pure intending most wholesomely to provide for the honour and utility of our holy mother the Church and the university moresayd. We do ordain and decree: that every warden, Provost: or master of every College, or principal of every hall within the university aforesaid: shall once every month at the least, diligently inquire in the said College, hall, or other place where he hath authority, whether any scholar or inhabitant in such college, or hall. etc. have held, alleged, or defended, 
Inquisition to bemade through Colleges and halls of Oxford.  or by any means proponed, any conclusion proposition o● opinion concerning the catholic faith or sounding contrary to good manners, or contrary to the determination of the Church, otherwise then appertaineth to necessary doctrine. And if he shall find any suspected or defamed herein, he shall according to his office admonish him to desist. And if after such monition given, the said party offend again in the same or such like, he shall incur ipso facto (besides the penalties aforesaid) the sentence of greater excommunication. And nevertheless, if it be a scholier that so offendeth the second time, whatsoever he shall afterward do in the said university, shall not stand in effect. And if he be a doctor, a master, or bacheller, he shall forth with be suspended from every scholars act, and in both cases shall lose the right that he hath in the said College or hall, whereof he is, Ipso facto: and by the ward: Provost, Master, principal, or other to whom it appertaineth, he shallbe expelled, 
I would 〈◊〉 like were used now for the banishing of papistry.  & a Catholic, by lawful means forth with placed in his place. And if the said wardens, provosts or Masters of Colleges or principals of halls, shallbe negligent concerning the inquisition and execution of such persons suspected and defamed by that space of x. days, from the time of the true or supposed knowledge of that publication of these presents: that then they shall incur that sentence of greater excommunication: and nevertheless shallbe deprived ipso facto, of all the right which they pretend to have in the colleges, halls etc. and the said Colleges & halls etc. to be effectually vacant: And after lawful declaration hereof made by them to whom it shall appertain, new wardens, provosts, Masters, or principals, shallbe placed in they, places, as hath been accustomed in colleges and halls, being vacant in the said university. But if the wardens themselves, Provostes, Masters or principals aforesaid, be suspected and defamed of and concerning the said conclusions or propositions, or be favourers & defenders of such as do therein offend: and do not cease, being thereof warned by us, or by our authority: or by the ordinary of the place: that then by law they be deprived, as well of all privilege scholastical within the university aforesaid, as also of their right and authority in such College, hall, etc. Besides other penalties afore mentioned, and that they incur the said sentence of greater excommunication.  
But if any man in any case of this present constitution or any other above expressed: 
Constit. 12.  do rashly and wilfully presume to violate these our statues in any part thereof (although there be an other penalty expressly there limited) ye shall he be made altogether unable and unworthy by the spare of three years after, without hope of pardon to obtain any ecclesiastical benefice within our province of Caunterbury: and nevertheless according to all his demerits and the quality of his excess, at the discretion of his superior he shallbe lawfully punished.  
And further, that the manner of proceeding herein be not thought uncertain: considering with ourselves, 
Constit. 13.  that although there be a kind of equality in the crime of heresy and offending the prince, as is avouched in divers laws: yet the fault is much unlike, and to offend the divine majesty requireth greater punishment, then to offend the Prince's majesty. And where it is sufficient (for fear of danger that might ensue by delays) to convince by judgement the offender of the Prince's majesties proceeding against him fully & wholly, 
Easier to o●fend against the prince's law then against the bishops.  with a citation sent by messenger, by letters, or edict not admitting proof by witnesses, and sentence definitive to be: we do ordain, will, and declare, for the easier punishment of the offenders in the premises, and for the better reformation of the church divided and hurt, that all such as are defamed, openly known, or vehemently suspected in any of the cases aforesaid, or in any article of the catholic faith sounding contrary to good manners: by authority of the ordinary of the place or other superior, be cited personally to appear, cyther by letters, public messenger being sworn: or by edict openly set at that place where the said offender commonly remaineth, or in his parish Church, if he hath any certain dwelling house. Otherwise, in the Cathedral church of the place where he was borne, and in the parish church of the same place where he so preached and taught: And afterwards certificate being given, that the citation was formally executed against the party cited being absent and neglecting his appearannce it shallbe proceeded against him fully and plainly without sound or show of judgement, and without admitting proof by witnesses and other canonical probations. And also after lawful information had, the said ordinary (all delays set apert) shall signify declare, and punish the said offender, according to the quality of his offence, and in form aforesaid: and further, shall do according to justice, the absence of the offender notwithstanding.  
Given at Oxford.   
¶ Who would have thought by these laws and constitutions so substantially founded, so circumspectly provided, so diligently executed: but that the name and memory of this persecuted sort, should utterly have been rooted up, & never could have stand. And yet such be the works of th● lord, passing all men's admiration, all this notwithstanding so far was it of, that the number and courage of these good men was vanquished, that rather they multiplied daily & increased. For so I find in Registers recorded, that these foresaid persons, whom the king and the Catholic fathers, did so greatly detest for heretics, were in divers countries of this realm dispersed and increased: especially at London, in Lincolnshire in Northfolk, in Herefordshyre, in Shreusbury, in Calais, and divers other quarters more, with whom the Archb. of Caunterbury Thomas Arundel, the same time had much ado, as by his own registers doth appear. Albeit some there were, that did shrink, many did revolt and renounce, for danger of the law. Among whom was john Purvey, which recanted at Paul's Cross, 
john Purvey. john Edward. john Becket. john Seynons abjured.  of whom more followeth (the Lord willing) to be said in the year 1421. Also john Edward priest of the diocese of Lincoln, who revoked in the green yard at Norwich, Richard Herbert, and Emmot Willy of London, also john Becket, who recanted at London. Item, john Seynons of Lincolneshyre, who was caused to revoke at Caunterbury. The articles of whom which commonly they did hold, and which they were constrained to abjure, most specially were these as follow.  

Their Articles.  

The articles.  First, that the office of the holy Cross (ordained by the whole Church) celebrated, doth contain idolatry.  
Item, they said and affirmed, that all they which do reverence and worship the sign of the cross, do commit idolatry, and are reputed as Idolaters.  
Item, they said and affirmed, that the true flesh and blood of our Lord jesus Christ, is not in the sacrament of the altar, after the words spoken by the priest truly pronounced.  
Item, they said and affirmed, the sacrament of the altar to be sacramental bread, not having life, but only instituted for a memorial of Christ's passion.  
Item, they said and affirmed, that the body of Christ which is taken on the altar, is a figure of that body of christ as long as we see the bread and wine.  
Item: they said and affirmed, that the decree of the prelate's and clergy in the province of Caunterbury, in their last convocation, with the consent of the king and the nobles in the last Parliament against him that was brent lately in the city of London: was not sufficient to change the purpose of the said john, when the substance of material bread is even as before in the sacrament of the altar, it was no change being made in the nature of bread.  

1 Their arcle commonly was thus, that who so taketh upon him the office of a Priest though he have no cure of souls, nor licence of his ordinary, is bound to preach the Gospel.  * Item, that any lay man may preach the Gospel in every place, and may teach it by his own authority, without the licence of his Ordinary.  
Iten, that it is sin: to give any thing to the preaching friars: to the Minorites, to the Augustine's, to the Carmelites.  
Item, that we ought not to offer at the funerals of the dead.  
Item, that the confession of sins to the people, is unneedful.  
Item, that every good man (though he be unlearned) is a priest.  
Item, that the infant (though he die unbaptised) shallbe saved.  
Item, that neither the pope, nor the prelate, neither any ordinary can compel any man to swear by any creature of God, or by the bible book.  
Item, that as well the Bishop, the simple man, the priest, and the lay man, be of like authority (as long as they live well.)  
Item, that no man is bound to give bodily reverence to any prelate.    

¶ William Thorpe.  

The examination of the constant servant of God William Thorpe.  THus much briefly being signified by the way, touching these which have been forced in time of this king, to open abjuration: Next cometh to our hands the worthy history of master William Thorpe, a warrior valiant, under the triumphant banner of Christ, with the process of his examinations, before the foresaid Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Caunterb. written by the said Thorpe and storied by his own pen, at the request of his friends as by his own words in the process here of may appear. In whole examination (which seemeth first to begin. an. 1407.) thou shalt have, good reader, both to learn and to marvel. To learn, in that thou shalt bear truth discoursed and discussed, with the contrary reasons of the adversary dissolved. To marvel, for that thou shalt behold here in this man, the marvelous force and strength of the Lords might, spirit and grace, working and fight in his soldiers, & also speaking in their mouths, according to the word of his promise. Luke xxi. To the rest of the story we have neither added nor diminished: but as we have received it, 
This history 〈◊〉 set forth & corrected by M. W. Tyndall.  copied out, & corrected by master William tindal (who had his own handwriting) so we have here sent it, and set it out abroad. Although for the more credit of the matter, I rather wished it in his own natural speech wherein it was first written. Notwithstanding, to put away all doubt and scrouple herein, this I thought before to premonishe and testify to the Reader, touching the certainty hereof, that they be yet alive which have seen the self same copy in his own old English, resembling the true antiquity both of the speech, and of the time: The name of whom as for record of the same to avouch, is M. Whithead, who as he hath seen the true ancient copy in the hands of George Constantine, so hath he given credible relation of the son, both to the printer, & to me. Furthermore the said master tindal (albeit he did somewhat alter & amend the English thereof, and frame it after our manner) yet not fully in all words: but that something doth remain, favouring of the old speech of that time. What the causes were why this good man & servant of Christ, W. Thorp did write it● and pen it out himself, it is sufficiently declared in his own preface, set before his book, which here is prefixed in manner as followeth.  

¶ The preface of William Thorpe.  
THe Lord God that knoweth all things, 
The preface.  woreth well that I am right sorrowful for to write to make known this sentence beneath written: whereby of mine even christian set in high state & dignity, so great blindness & malice may be known: that they which do presume of themselves to destroy vices, and to plant in men virtues, neither dread to offend God, 
God's laws must be knowe● and followed.  nor lust to please him as their works do show. For certes the bidding of God and his law, which in the praising of his most holy name he commandeth to be known & kept of all men and women, young and old, after the cunning & power that he hath given to them: The Prelates of this land and their ministers, with the covent of priests chief consenting to them, enforce them most busily to withstand and destroy the holy ordinance of God. And there through, God is greatly wroth and moved to take hard vengeance, not only upon them that do the evil but also on them that consent to these Antichrist's limnes: which know or might know, their malice and falsehood, & dress them not to withstand their malice and their great pride. 
Four caused ●●. setting forth ●. 13 examination.  Nevertheless, 4. things moveth me to write this sentence beneath.  
The first thing that moveth me hereto is this, that where as it was known to certain friends, that I came from that prison of Shrewsbury, and as it befell in deed that I should to the prison of Caunterbury: them divers friends in divers places, spoke to me full heartily and full tenderly: and commanded me then, if it so were that I should be examined before the Archb. of Cant. that if I might in any wife, I should write mine apposing, and mine answering. And I promised to my special friends, that if I might, I would gladly do their bidding as I might.  
The second thing that moveth me to write this sentence 
The 2. 〈◊〉  is this: divers friends which have heard that I have been examined before the Archbishop, have come to me in prison, and counseled me busily, and coveted greatly that I should do the same thing. And other brethren have sent to me, and required on God's behalf, that I should write out and make known, both mine apposing & mine answering, for the profit that (as they say) upon my knowledging, may come thereof. But this they had me, that I should be busy in all my wits, to go as near the sentence and the words as I could, both that were spoken to me & that I spoke: Upaventure this writing may come an other time, before the archbishop and his counsel. And of this counseling I was right glad: for in my conscience I was moved to do this thing, & to ask hitherto the special help of God. And so then I considering the great desire of divers friends of sundry places, according all in one: I occupied all my mind & my wits so busily, that through gods grace I perceived by their meaning and their charitable desire, some profit might come there through. For southfastnes and truth hath these conditions: where ever it is impugned, 
Truth leaveth always a sweet ●mel behind it.  it hath asweete smell, and thereof cometh a sweet favour. And the more violently the enemies dress themselves to oppress and to withstand the truth, the greater and the sweeter smell cometh thereof. And therefore, this heavenly find of God's word, will not as a smoke pass away with the wind: but it will descend and rest in some clean soul, that thirsteth thereafter. And thus some deal by this writing may be perceived through God's grace, how that the enemies of the truth (standing boldly in their malice) enforce them to withstand the freedom of Christ's Gospel, for which freedom Christ became man & shed his hart blood. And therefore it is great pity & sorrow: that many men & women do their own weyward will nor busy them not to know nor to do that pleasant will of God.  

Godly counsel given if it may be followed.  The men & women that hear the truth and southfastnes, and hear or know of this (perceiving what is now in the church) ought here through, to be the more moved in all their wits, to able them to grace, & to set lesser price by themselves, that they without tarrying: forsake wilfully & bodily all the wrethednes of this life, since they know not how soon, nor when, nor where, nor by whom God will teach them, 
Persecution followeth the true Church.  & assay their patience. For no doubt, who that ever will live piteously, that is charitably in Christ jesus, shall suffer now here in this life persecution, in one wife or an other. That is, if we shallbe saved, it behoveth us to imagine full busily: the vility and soulnes of sin, and how the Lord God is displeased therefore: & so of this vility of bidiousnes of sin, it behoveth us to busy us in all our wits, for to abhor and hold in our mind a great shame of sin ever, & so then we own to sorrow heartily therefore, and ever fleeing all occasion thereof. And then behoveth us to take upon us sharp penance, continuing therein, for to obtain of that Lord forgiveness of our foredone sins, and grace to abstain us hereafter from sin. And but if we enforce us to do this wilfully: and in convenient time, the Lord (if he will not utterly destroy and cast us away) will in divers manners move tyrants against us: for to constrain us violently to do penance, 
The cause why persecution is suffered to come  which we would not do wilfully. And trust that this doing is a special grace of the Lord, & a great token of life & mercy. And no doubt, who ever will not apply himself (as is said before) to punish himself wilfully, neither will suffer patiently, meekly, and gladly the rod of the Lord, howsoever that he will punish him: their wayward wills and their impatience, are unto them earnest of everlasting damnation. But because there are but few in number that do able them thus faithfully to grace, for to live here so simply and purely, and without gall of malice and of grudging: herefore the lovers of this world hate & pursue them that they know patiented, meek, chaste, & wilfully poor, hating and fleeing all worldly vanities & fleshly lusts. For surely, their virtuous conditions are even contrary to the manners of this world.  

The third cause.  The third thing that moveth me to write this sentence is this, I thought I shall busy me in myself to do faithfully, that all men and women (occupying all their business in knowing and in keeping of God's commandments) able them so to grace, that they might understand truly the truth, and have and use virtue and prudence, and so deserve to be lightened from above with heavenly wisdom: 
Edification of other, necessary to be considered.  so that all their words & their works may be hereby made pleasant sacrifice unto the Lord God: and not only for help of their own souls, but also for edification of holy Church For I doubt not: but all they that will apply them to have this foresaid business, shall profit full me kill both to freds & foes. For some enemies of the truth, through the grace of God, shall through charitable folks be made astonished in their conscience, and peradventure converted from vices to virtues: and also, they that labour to know and to keep faithfully the biddings of God, and to suffer patiently all adversities, shall hereby comfort many friends.  
And the fourth thing that moveth me to write this sentence is this: 
The 4. cause.  I know by my sudden & unwarned apposing and answering, that all they that will of good hart without feigning, able themselves wilfully & gladly after their cunning and their power, to follow christ patiently, traveling busily, privily, and apertly in work and in word, to withdraw whom soever that they may from vices, planting in them (if the may) virtues, comforting them & furthering them that stand in grace: so that therewith they be not born up in vain glory, through presumption of their wisdom nor inflamed with any worldly prosperity: but ever meek and patient: purposing to abide steadfastly in that will of God, suffering wilfully and gladly without any grudging what soever rod the Lord will chastise them with: that then, this good Lord will not forget to comfort all such men and women in all their tribulations, & at every point of temptation that any enemy purposed for to do against them. To such faithful lovers specially, & patient followers of christ the Lord sendeth by his wisdom from above, them which the adversaries of the truth, may not know nor understand. But through their old and new unshamefast sins, those tyrants and enemies of southfastnes, 
The assistance of God never faileth the that are persecuted.  shallbe so blinded & obstinate in e●ill, that they shall ween themselves to do pleasant sacrifices unto the Lord God in their malicious and wrongful pursuing and destroying of innocent men's and women's bodies: which men & women, for their virtuous living, and for their true knowledging of the truth and their patient wilful and glad suffering of persecution for righteousness, deserve through the grace of God, to be heirs of the endless bless of heaven. And for the fervent desire and the great love that these men have, as to stand in southfastnes and witness of it: though they be suddenly & unwarnedly brought forth to be aposed of their adversaries: the holy Ghost yet that moveth and ruleth them through his charity, will in that hour of their answering speak in them and show his wisdom: that all their enemies shall not again say, nor against stand, lawfully.  
And therefore, all they that are steadfast in the faith of God yea, which through diligent keeping of his commandments, & for their patient suffering of whatsoever adversity that cometh to them, hope surely in his mercy, purposing to stand continually in perfect charity. For those men and women, dread not so the adversities of this life, that they will fear (after their cunning and their power) to knowledge prudently the truth of god's word, when, where, and to whom they think their knowledging may profit. Yea and though therefore persecution come to them in one wise or an other, certes they patiently take it, knowing their conversation to be in heaven. It is an high reward and a special grace of God: for to have and enjoy the everlasting inheritance of heaven, for the suffering of one persecution in so short time as is the term of this life. For lo, this heavenly heritage & endless reward: is the Lord God himself which is the best thing that may be. This sentence witnesseth the Lord God himself where as he said to Abraham I am thy meed: And as the Lord said: he was and is the meed of Abraham: so he is of all his other saints. This most blessed and best meed, he grant to us all for his holy name, that made us of nought, and sent his only most dear worthy son, our Lord jesus Christ for to redeem us with his most precious hart blood. Amen.   

The examination of William Thorpe, penned with his own hand.  
Known be it to all men, 
Examinatió of William Thorpe before Tho. Arundel Archb.  that read or hear this writing that on the sunday next after the feast of S. Peter: that we call Lammesse: in the year of our Lord. 1407. I william Thorpe being in prison in the Castle of Saltwoode, was brought before Tho. Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellor then of England. And when that I came to him: he stood in a great chamber and much people about him: and when that he saw me, he went fast into a closit bidding all secular men that followed him to go forth from him soon, so that no man was left than in that closet but the Archbishop himself and a Physician that was called Malueren, person of S. Dunstanes in London, & other two persons unknown to me which were ministers of the law. And I standing before them, by and by the Archbish. said to me: William, I know well that thou hast this xx. winters & more, traveled about busily in the north country and in other divers countries of England, 
Loitering prelate's, cánot abide travelling preachers. The grace of God and of my Lord of Cant. be 2. things.  sowing about false doctrine, having great business if thou might with thine untrue teaching and shrewd will, for to infect & poison all this land. But through the grace of God thou art now withstanded & brought into my ward, so that I shall now sequester thee from thine evil purpose, and let thee to enuenime the sheep of my province. Nevertheless S. Paul saith: If it may be, as much as in us is, we ought to have peace with all men. Therefore William, if y● wilt now meckly and of good hart, without any feigning, kneel down and lay thy hand upon a book and kiss it, 
Your ordinance, and why not to God's ordinance if it please your grace?  promising faithfully as I shall here charge thee, that thou wilt submit thee to my correction, & stand to mine ordinance, & fulfil it duly by all thy cunning and power, thou shalt yet find me gracious unto thee. Then said I to the archbishop. Sir, since ye dame me an heretic & out of believe, will ye give me here audience to tell my believe. And he said, yea tell on. And I said. I believe that there is not but one God almighty, and in this Godhead, and of this Godhead, are three persons, that is, the father, the son, and the soothfast holy Ghost. And I believe, that all these three persons are even in power and in cunning, and in might, full of grace and of all goodness. For what soever that the father doth or can or will, that thing also the son doth and can and will: and in all their power, cunning and will, the holy Ghost is equal to the father and to the son.  
Over this I believe, that through counsel of this most blessed Trinity, in most convenient time before ordained for the salvation of mankind, the second person of this Trinity; was ordained to take the form of man, that is, the kind of man. And I believe, that this second person our Lord jesus Christ, was conceived through the holy ghost, in the womb of the most blessed virgin Mary, without man's seed. And I believe, that after 9 months Christ was borne of this most blessed virgin, without any pain or breaking of the closer of her womb, and without filth of her virginity.  
And I believe, that Christ our Saviour was Circumcise● in the eight day after his birth, in fulfilling of the law, and his name was called jesus, which was so called of the Angel, before that he was conceived in the womb of Mary his mother.  
And I believe, that Christ, as he was about thirty. year old, was baptized in the flood of jordane of john Baptist: and in the likeness of a Dove the holy Ghost descended there upon him, & a voice was heard from heaven, saying: Thou are my well-beloved son, in thee I am full pleased.  
And I believe, that Christ, was moved then by the holy ghost, for to go into desert, and there he fasted 40 days & 40. nights without bodily meat and drink. And I believe that by and by after his fasting, when the manhood of christ hungered, the fiend came to him, and tempted him in gluttony, in vain glory, and in courtise: but in all those temptations, Christ concluded the fiend, and withstood him. And then without tarrying, jesus began to preach and to say unto the people: do ye penance, for the Realm of heaven is now at hand.  
I believe that Christ in all his time here lived most holity, and taught the will of his father most truly: and I believe that he suffered therefore, most wrongfully, greatest repriests and despisinges.  
And after this, 
〈…〉 crea●● of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉  when Christ would make an end here of this remporal life, I believe that in the day next before that he would suffer passion in the morn: In form of bread and of wine, he ordained the Sacrament of his flesh and his blood, that is, his own precious body, & gave it to his Apostles for to eat: commanding them, and by them all their after comers, that they should do it in this form that he showed to them, use themselves, and teach and common forth to other men and women this most worshipful holiest sacrament, in mindfulness of his holiest living, & of his most true preaching, & of his wilful and patiented suffering of the most painful passion.  
And I believe, that this Christ our Saviour, after that he had ordained this most worthy Sacrament of his own precious body: he went forth wilfully against his enemies, and he suffered them most patiently to lay their hands most violently upon him, and to bind him, and to lead him forth as a thief, & to scorn him, and buffet him, and all to blow or file him with their spittings. Over this, I believe, that Christ suffered most meekly and patiently his enemies, for to ding out with sharp scourges the blood that was between his skin and his flesh: yea without grudging Christ suffered the cruel jews to crown him with most sharp thorns, and to strike him with a reed. And after, Christ suffered wicked jews to draw him out upon the cross, & for to nail him thereupon hand and foot. And so through his pitiful nailing, Christ shed out wilfully for man's life, the blood that was in his veins. And then Christ gave wilfully his spirit into the hands or power of his father, & so, as he would, & when he would, christ died wilfully for man's sake upon the cross. And notwithstanding that Christ was wilfully, painfully, & most shamefully put to death, as to the world: there was left blood and water in his hart as before ordained, that he would shed out this blood & this water for man's salvation. And therefore he suffered the Jews to make a blind knight to thrust him into the hart with a spear, and this the blood and water that was in his hart, Christ would shed out formans love, And after this, I believe that Christ was taken down from the cross and buried. And I believe that on the third day by power of his Godhead, Christ rose again from death to life. And the xl. day thereafter, I believe that Christ ascended up into heaven and that he there sitteth on the right hand of the father almighty. And the fifty day after this up going, he sent to his Apostles the holy ghost, that he had promised them before. And I believe that Christ shall come & judge all mankind; some to everlasting peace, and some to everlasting pains.  
And as I believe in the father & in the son, that they are one God almighty, so I believe in the holy Ghost that he is also with them the same God almighty.  
And I believe an holy church, that is, all they that have been, 
●hat is the holy church▪  and that now are, & always to the end of the world shallbe, a people the which shall endeavour them to know & to keep the commandments of God, dreading over all thing to offed God, and loving and seeking most to please him. And I believe, that all they that have had & yet have, and all they that yet shall have the foresaid virtues, surely standing in the belief of God, hoping steadfastly in his merciful doings, continuing to their end in perfect charity, wilfully, patiently and gladly suffering persecutions, by the example of Christ chiefly and his Apostles, all these have their names written in the book of life.  
Therefore I believe, 
The true notes of the true church.  that the gathering together of this people, living now here in this life, is the holy Church of God, fight here on earth against the fiend, the prosperity of the world, and their fleshly lusts. Wherefore, seeing that all the gathering together of this Church before said, and every part thereof, neither coveteth, nor willeth, nor loveth, nor seeketh any thing but to eschew the offence of God, & to do his pleasing will: meekly, gladly, and wilfully, with all mine hart, I submit myself unto this holy Church of Christ, to be ever buxom & obedient to that ordinance of it, & of every member thereof; after my knowledge and power by the help of God. Therefore I knowledge now and evermore shall, if God will, that with all my hart and with all my might, I will submit me only to the rule and governance of them, whom after my knowledge, I may perceive by the having and using of the before said virtues, to be members of the holy Church. Wherefore these articles of belief and all other (both of the old law and of the new, which after the commandment of God any man ought to believe) I believe verily in my soul, as a sinful deadly wretch of my cunning and power, aught to believe: praying the Lord God for his holy name, for to increase my belief, and to help my unbelief.  
And for because to the praising of God's name, I desire above all things to be a faithful member of holy church, 
What heresy in this belief, I pray you my Lord?  I make this protesta●on before you all four that are now here present, covering that all men & women that now be absent, knew the same: that is, what thing so ever before this time I have said or done, or what thing here I shall do or say, at any time hereafter. 
The old Testament and new.  I believe, that all the old law and the new law given and ordained by the counsel of the three persons of the Trinity, were given and written to the salvation of mankind. And I believe, that these laws are sufficient for man's salvation. And I believe every article of these laws, to the intent, that these articles ordained and commanded of these 3 persons of the most blessed trinity, are to be believed.  
And therefore to the rule & the ordinance of these, God's laws, meekly, gladly and wilfully, I submit me with all mine hart: that whosoever can or will by authority of god's law, or by open reason, tell me that I have erred or now err, or any time hereafter shall err in any article of belief (from which inconvenience God keep me, for his goodness) I submit me to be reconciled and to be buxum & obedient unto those laws of God, and to every article of them. For by authority, specially of these laws, I will, thorough the grace of God, be untied charitably unto these laws. Yea sir, & over this, I believe & admit all the sentences, authorities and reasons of the saints & doctors, according unto holy scripture, and declaring it truly.  
I submit me wilfully and meekly to be ever obedient after my cunning and power, 
Doctor's so to be followed as they follow the word.  to all these saints and Doctors, as they are obedient in work and in word to God & to his law, and further not (to my knowledge) not for any earthly power, dignity or state, thorough the help of God. But sir I pray you tell me, if after your bidding, I shall lay my hand upon the book, to what intent: to swear thereby▪ And the Archby. said to me, yea, wherefore else? And I said to him. 
To swear by a book whether it be lawful.  Sir a book is nothing else but a thing coupled together of divers creatures, and to swear by any creature both God's law and man's law is against it.  
But Sir, this thing I say here to you before these your clerks, 
How where, and when to swear.  with my foresaid protestation, that how, where when, and to whom, men are bound to swear or to obey in any wise after God's law, and saints, and true Doctors, according unto God's law: I will thorough God's grace be ever ready thereto, with all my cunning and power. But I pray you sir for the charity of God, that ye will before that I swear (as I have here rehearsed to you) tell me how or whereto, that I shall submit me: and show me whereof that ye will correct me, and what is the ordinance that ye will thus oblige me to fulfil.  
¶ And the Archbishop said unto me: I will shortly that now thou swear here to me, that thou shalt forsake all the opinions which the sect of Lollordes hold, and is slandered with: so that after this time, neither privily nor apertly, thou hold any opinion which I shall (after thou hast sworn) rehearse to thee here. Nor thou shalt favour no man nor woman, young nor old, that holdeth any these foresaid opinions: but after thy knowledge and power, thou shalt force thee to withstand all such distroublers of holy church in every diocese, that thou comest in: and them that will not leave their false and damnable opinions, thou shalt put them up, publishing them and their names, and make them known to the bishop of the diocese that they are in, or to that bishops ministers. And over this I will, that thou preach no more unto the time that I know by good witness & true, that thy conversation be such, that thy hart and thy mouth accord truly in one, contrarying all the feud learning that thou hast taught here before.  
☞ And I hearing these words, thought in my hart, that this was an unleeful ask: and deemed myself cursed of God, if I consented hereto, & I thought how Susan said: Anguish is to me on every side. And in that I stood still and spoke not, the Archbishop said to me: Answer one wise or other. And I said: Sir, if I consented to you thus as ye have here before rehearsed to me, I should become an appealer, or every bishops espy, somoner of all England, For and I should thus put up, 
Behold the popish proceedings whereto they tend.  and publish the names of men and women, I should herein deceive full many persons: Yea sir, as it is likely by the doom of my conscience, I should herein be cause of the death both of men and women. yea both bodily and ghostly. For many men & women that stand now in the way of salvation: if I should for the learning and reading of their believe, publish them therefore up to Bishops or to their unpiteous ministers, I know some deal by experience, that they should be so distroubled & diseased with persecution or otherwise, that many of them (I think) would rather choose to forsake the way of truth them to be travailed, scorned, slandered, or punished, as bishops and their ministers now use for to constrain men & women to consent to them.  
But I find in no place in holy scripture, that this office that ye would now enfeaffe me with, 
No marvel why: for Christ and Antichrist how can they agree.  accordeth to any Priest of Christ's sect, nor to any other christian man. And therefore to do this, were to me a full noyous bond to be bound with, & over grievous charge. For I suppose, that if I thus did, many men and women would, yea Sir, might justly unto my confusion say to me, that I were a traitor to God and to them: since (as I think in mine hart) many men & women trust so mikle in this case, that I would not for saving of my life, do thus to them. For if I thus should do, full many men & women would (as they might full truly) say, that I had falsely and cowardly forsaken the truth, and slandered shamefully the word of God. For if I consented to you to do here, after your will, for bonchefe or mischief that may befall to me in this life: I dame in my conscience, that I were worthy herefore to be cursed of god and also of all his Saints: fro which inconvenience, keep me and all christian people, almighty God now and ever for his holy name. And then the Archbishop said unto me. Oh, thine hart is full hard indurate as was the hart of Pharaoh, 
It is pretty when Pharaoh judgeth Moses hard hearted. Where learned you my Lord to call your brother Racha.  and the devil hath overcomen thee and perverted thee, & he hath so blinded thee in all thy wits, that thou hast no grace to know the truth nor the measure of mercy that I have proffered to thee. Therefore, as I perceive now by the foolish answer, thou hast no will to leave thine old errors.  
But I say to thee lewd lozel, other quickly consent thou to mine ordinance and submit thee to stand to my decrees: or by S. Thomas, thou shalt be disgraded, and follow thy fellow in Smithfield. And at this saying, I stood still and spoke not, 
He meaneth God's Martyr William Sautrey.  but I thought in mine hart that God did to me great grace, if he would of his great mercy bring me to such an end. And in mine hart I was nothing afraid with this manassing of the Archbishop. And I considered there two things in him. One, that he was not yet sorrowful for that he had made William Sawtre wrongfully to be burnt: & as I considered, that the Archbishop thirsted yet after more shedding out of innocent blood. And fast therefore I was moaned in all my wits, for to hold the Archbishop neither for Prelate nor for Priest of God. And for that mine inward man was thus altogether departed from the Archbishop, me thought I should not have any dread of him. But I was right heavy and sorrowful, for that there was no audience of secular men by: but in my hart I prayed the Lord God, for to comfort me and strength me against them that there were against the soothfastness. And I purposed to speak no more to the Archbishop and his clerks then me need behoved: and all thus I prayed God for his goodness to give me then and always grace to speak, with a meek & an easy spirit: and whatsoever thing that I should speak, that I might thereto have true authorities of Scriptures or open reason. And for that I stood thus still and nothing spoke, one of the Archbishop's Clerks said unto me. What thing musest thou? Do thou as my Lord hath now commanded to thee here.  
And yet I stood still and answered him not: 
The order and 〈◊〉 of his bringing up.  And then soon after the Archbishop said to me: Art thou not yet bethought, whether thou wilt do as I have said to thee? And I said then to him: Sir, my father and my mother, on whole soul's god have mercy (if it be his will) spent mikle money in divers places about my learning, for the intent to have made me a Priest to God. But when I came to years of discretion, I had no will to be Priest, and therefore my friends were right heavy to me, and then me thought their grudging against me was so painful to me, that I purposed therefore to have left their company. And when they perceived this in me, they spoke sometime full fair & pleasant words to me: But for that they might not make me to consent of good hart to be a Priest, they spoke to me full oftentimes very grievous words, and manassed me in divers manners, showing to me full heavy cheer. And thus one while in fair manner, an other while in grievous, they were long time (as me thought) full busy about me, or I consented to them to be a Priest.  
But at the last, when in this matter they would no longer suffer mine excusations, but either I should consent to them, or I should ever bear their indignation, yea, their curse (as they said.) Then I seeing this, prayed them that they would give me licence for to go to them that were named wise Priests, and of virtuous conversation to have their counsel, and to know of them the office & the charge of Priesthood. And hereto, my father and my mother consented full gladly, & gave me their blessing & good leave to go, and also money to spend in this journey. And so that I went to those Priests whom I heard to be of best name, and of most holy living, and best learned, & most wise of heavenly wisdom: and so I communed with them unto the time that I perceived by their virtuous and continual occupations, that their honest and charitable works passed their same which I heard before of them.  
Wherefore Sir, by the example of the doctrine of them: and specially for the godly and innocent works which I perceived then of them, and in them: After my cunning and power, I have exercised me then and in this time, to know perfectly gods law, having a will and desire to live thereafter, which willeth that all men and women should exercise themselves faithfully there about. If than Sir, either for pleasure of them that are neither so wise nor of so virtuous conversation to my knowledge, nor by common fame to any other men's knowledge in this land, as these men were of whom I took my counsel & information: I should now forsake thus suddenly and shortly, and unwarned, all that learning that I have exercised myself in this thirty. winter and more, my conscience should ever be herewith out of measure unquieted: and as Sir I know well, that many men & women should be there through greatly troubled & slandered: And as I said sir, to you before, for mine untruth and false cowardness, many a one should be put into full great reproof, yea sir, I dread that many one (as they might then justly) would curse me full bitterly: and sir I fear not, but the curse of God, which I should deserve herein, would bring me to a full evil end, if I continued thus. And if thorough remorse of conscience I repented me any time, returning into the way, which you do your diligence to constrain me now to forsake: yea sir, all the bishops of this land, with full many other Priests, would desame, me, and pursue me as a relapse: & they that now have (though I be unworthy) some confidence in me, hereafter would never trust to me, though I could teach & live never so virtuously, more than I can or may. For if after your counsel I left utterly all my learning, I should hereby first wound & defile mine own soul, and also I should here through, give occasion to many men and women of full sore hurting, yea sir as it is likely to me, if I consented to your will: I should he rin by mine evil example in it, as far as in me were, flay many folk ghostly, that I should never deserve for to have grace of god, to the edifying of his church, neither of myself, nor of none other man's life, and undone both before God and man.  
But sir, by example chief of some whose names I will not now rehearse, 
Philip Repington made bish. and a persecutor.  of H. of I. P. and B. and also by the present doing of Philip Rampington, that is now become B. of Lincoln: I am now learned (as many more hereafter through God's grace shallbe learned) to hate & to flee all such slander that these foresaid men chief have defiled, principally themselves with. And in it that in them is, they have enue nimed all the church of God, for the slanderous revoking at the cross of Paul's, of H.P. and of B. and how now Philip Rampington pursueth Christ's people. And the feigning that these men dissemble by worldly prudence, keeping them cowardly in their preaching and communing within the bonds and terms (which without blame may be spoken and showed out to the most worldly livers) will not be unpunished of God. For to the point of truth that these men showed out sometime, they will not now stretch forth their lines. But by example, each one of them as their words and their works show, busy them through their feigning, for to slander and to pursue Christ in his members, rather than they will be pursued.  
¶ And the Archbishop said to me: These men the which thou speakest of now, were fools and heretics, when they were counted wise men of thee and other such losels. But now they are wise men, though thou and such other dame them unwise. Nevertheless I witted never none that right said, that any while were envenomed with your contagiousness, that is, contaminated and spotted doctrine.  
☞ And I said to the Archbishop: Sir, I think well that these men & such other are now wise as to this world: 
Happy be 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉.  But as their words sounded sometime, and their works showed outwardly, it was like to move me that they had earnest of the wisdom of God, & that they should have deserved mi●le grace of God, to have saved their own souls & many other men's, if they had continued faithfully in wilful poverty, & in other simple virtuous living: and specially, if they had with these foresaid virtues continued in their busy fruitful sowing of God's word: as to many men's knowledge they occupied them a season in all their wits, full busily to know the pleasant will of God, traveling all their members full busily for to do thereafter, purely and chief to the praising of the most holy name of god, and for grace of edification and salvation of Christian people. 
〈◊〉 worth 〈◊〉 coue●●●.  But woe worth false covetise, and evil counsel and tyranny, by which they and many men and women are led blindly into an evil end.  
¶ Then the Archbishop said to me: Thou and such other Losels of thy sect, would shave your herds full near for to have a benefice. 
〈◊〉 pity 〈◊〉 pre●●● cannot 〈…〉 popish 〈◊〉.  For by jesus, I know none more covetous shrews than ye are, when that ye have a benefice. For lo, I gave to john Puruay a benefice but a mile out of this Castle, and I heard more complaints about his covetousness for tithes and other misdoings, than I did of all men that were advanced within my diocese.  
☞ And I said to the Archbishop: Sir, purvey is neither with you now for the benefice that ye gave him, nor he holdeth faithfully with the learning that he taught and writ before time: and thus he showeth himself neither to be hot nor cold, and therefore he and his fellows, may sore droad, that if they turn not hastily to the way that they have forsaken: peradventure they be put out of the number of Christ's chosen people.  
¶ And the Archbishop said: Though purvey be now a false harlot, I quite me to him: But come he more for such cause before me (or we part) I shall know with whom he holdeth. But I say to thee: which are these holy men and wise, of whom thou hast taken thine information?  
☞ And I said: 
A worthy 〈◊〉 sa●●● of M. john Wickliff.  Sir, Master john Wickliff was holden of full many men, the greatest clerk that they knew then living, and therewith he was named a passing ruely man & an innocent in his living: and herefore, great men communed oft with him, and they loved so his learning, that they writ it, & busily enforced them to rule themselves thereafter. Therefore sir, this foresaid learning of M. john Wickliff, is yet holden of full many men and women, the most agreeable learning unto the living and teaching of Christ & of his Apostles, and most openly showing & declaring how the church of Christ hath been and yet should be ruled and governed. Therefore, so many men and women covet this learning and purpose, 
M. john 〈…〉, Ramington, 〈◊〉 Her●●●, Davy 〈◊〉, I. 〈◊〉.  through God's grace, to conform their living like to this learning of Wickliff. M. john Aston taught & writ accordingly, and full busily, where and when, and to whom that he might, and he used it himself right perfectly unto his lives end. And also Philip of Rampington while he was a Canon of Leicester. Nicholas Hereford, Davy Gotray of Pakring Monk of Byland and a Master of divinity, and john purvey and many other which were holden right wise men & prudent, taught and writ busily this foresaid learning, & conformed them thereto. And with all these men, I was oft right homely & communed with them long time and oft: and so before all other men I those willingly to be informed of them and by them, and specially of wickliff himself, as of the most virtuous and godly wise man that I heard of or knew. And therefore of him specially and of these men I took the learning that I have taught: and purpose to live thereafter (if God will) to my lives end. For though some of those men be contrary to the learning that they taught before, I wot well that their learning was true which they taught: and therefore with the help of God I purpose to hold and to use that learning which I heard of them, while they fate on Moses' chair, & specially while that they sat on the chair of Christ. But after that works that they now do, I will not do with God's help. For they feign, and hide, & contrary that truth, which before they taught out plainly and truly. For as I know well, when some of those men have been blamed for their slanderous doing: they grant not that they have taught a miss or erred before time, but that they we●e constrained by pain to leave to tell out the sooth, & thus they choose now rather to blaspheme God, then to suffer a while here persecution bodily, for soothfastness that Christ shed out his hart blood for.  
¶ And the Archbishop said: 
The testimony for Wickliff, out of the mouth of his own adversary.  That learning that thou callest truth and soothfastness, is open slander to holy church, as it is proved of holy Church. For albeit, that Wickleffe your author was a great clerk, and though that many men held him a perfect liver: yet his doctrine is not approved of holy church, but many sentences of his learning are damned as they well worthy are. 
Many such 〈…〉 our 〈◊〉.  But as touching Philip of Rampington, that was first canon, and after Abbor of Leicester, which is now Bishop of Lincoln: I tell thee, that the day is comen, for which he fast the even. For neither he holdeth now, nor will hold, the learning that he taught, when he was a Canon of Leicester. For no bishop of this land pursueth now more sharply them that hold thy way, than he doth.  
☞ And I said: 
Repington became a persecutor, after he was made bishop.  Sir full many men and women wondereth upon him, and speaketh him mikle shame, and holdeth him for a cursed enemy of the truth.  
¶ And the Archbish. said to me: Wherefore tarriest thou me thus here with such fables, wilt thou shortly (as I have said to thee) submit thee to me or no?  
☞ And I said: Sir I tell you at one word, I dare not for the dread of God submit me to you, after the tenor & sentence tharye have above rehearsed to me.  
And thus as if he had be●e wroth, he said to one of his clerks. Fetch hither quickly, the certification that came to me ●rom Shrewsbury under the 〈◊〉 seal witnessing the errors and heresies, which this Lozel hath venunously sown there.  
Then hastily the clerk took out and laid forth on a cupboard, divers rolls and writings, among which there was a little one, which the clerk delivered to the Archbishop. And by and by the Archbishop read this roll containing this sentence.  
The third sunday after Easter, 
The sacrament after consecration material bread. Articles objected against William Thorpe.  the year of our Lord 1407. William Thorpe came unto the town of Shrewsbury, and thorough leave granted unto him to preach: He said openly in S. Chaddes church in his sermon, that the sacrament of the altar, after the consecration, was material bread. And that images, should in no wise be worshipped. And that men should not go on pilgrimages. And that priests have no title to tithes. And that it is not lawful for to swear in any wise.  
¶ And when the Archbishop had red thus this roll, 
Wholesome enough for man's soul though not for your kitchen.  he rolled it up again, and said to me. Is this wholesome learning to be among the people?  
☞ And I said to him: Sir I am both ashamed on their behalf, and right sorrowful for them that have certified you these things thus untruely: for I preached never, nor taught thus privily nor apertly.  
¶ And the Archbishop said to me, I will give credence to these worshipful men which have written to me, and witnessed under their scales there among them. Though now thou deniest this, 
O Shrevesbury, thouhast a cause to repent th●e, in that thou wouldst not receive the truth when it was offered thee  weenest thou that I will give credence to thee? Thou Lozel, hast troubled the worshipful communality of Shrewsbury, so that the Bailiffs and commonalty of that town have written to me, praying me that am Archbishop of Cant. primate and Chancellor of England, that I will vouchsafe to grant them: that if thou shalt be made (as thou art worthy) to suffer open iouresse for thine heresies, that thou may have thy iouresse openly there among them: So that all they whom thou and such other Losels have there perverted, 
The Romish church must be established, by persecuting of true preachers.  may thorough fear of thy deed be reconciled again to the unity of holy Church. And also they that stand in true faith of holy Church, may thorough thy deed be more established therein. And as if this ask well pleased the Archbishop, he said. By my thrift, this hearty prayer, and fervent request, shall be thought on.  
But certainly, nother the prayer of the men of Shrewsbury, nor the manassing of the Archbishop made me any thing afraid. But in rehearsing of this malice, and in the hearing of it, 
A sure trust in God's truth, confoundeth the malice of tyran●es.  my hart greatly rejoiced, & yet doth. I thank God for the grace, that I then thought, and y●t think shall come to all the Church of God here thorough, by the special merciful doing of the Lord. And as having no dread of the malice of tyrants, by trusting steadfastly in the help of the Lord, with full purpose for to knowledge the soothfastness, and to stand thereby after my cunning and power: I said to the Archbishop, Sir if the truth of God's word might now be accepted as it should be, I doubt not to prove by likely evidence, that they that are famed to be out of the faith of holy Church in Shrewsbury, 
If the touchstone might try: truth should be known. The description of the right Christians in Shrevesbury. The Catholics of Shrevesbury. Shreusbury, except thou turn from thy wicked ways, thou canstnot receive the truth.  & in other places also, are in the true faith of holy Church. For as their words found, and their works show to man's judgement (dreading and loving faithfully God) their will, their desire, their love & their business are most set to dread, to offend God, & to love for to please him in true & faithful keeping of his commandments. And again, they that are said to be in the faith of holy Church in Shrewsbury & in other places, by open evidence of their proud, envious, malicious, covetous, lecherous, and other foul words & works: neither know, nor have will to know, nor to occupy their wits truly and effectuously in the right faith of holy Church. Wherefore all these, nor none that follow their manners, shall any time come verily in the faith of holy church, except they enforce them more truly to come in the way which now they despise. For these men and women that are now called faithful and holden just, nother know, nor will exercise themselves to know (of faithfulness) one commandment of God.  
And thus full many men and women now, and specially men that are named to be principal limbs of holy church, styree God to great wrath, & deserve his curse for that they call or hold them just men, which are full unjust, as their vicious words, their great customable swearing, and their slanderous and shameful works show openly and witness. And therefore, such vicious men & unjust in their own confusion, call them unjust men & women, which after their power and cunning busy themselves to live justly after the commandment of God. And where sir ye say, that I have distroubled the commonalty of Shrewsbury, & many other men and women with my teaching: If it this be, it is not to be wondered of wise men, 
jerusalem troubled by the p●eaching of Christ.  since all the communality of that City of jerusalem was distroubled of Christ's own person, that was very God and man, and most prudent preacher that ever was or shallbe. And also all the synagogue of Nazareth was moved against Christ, & so fulfilled with ire towards him for his preaching, that the men of the synagogue rose up and cast Christ out of their City, & led him up to the top of a mountain for to cast him down there headling. Also accordingly hereto, the Lord witnesseth by Moses, that he shall put dissension betwixt his people, and the people that contrarieth and pursueth his people. Who sir is he, that shall preach the truth of God's word to the unfaith full people, and shall set the soothfastness of the Gospel, and the prophecy of God almighty to be fulfilled?  
¶ And the Archbishop said to me. It followeth of these thy words, that thou and such other thinkest: that ye do right well for to preach and teach as ye do, without authority of any Bishop. For ye presume, that the Lord hath choose you only for to preach, as faithful disciples and special followers of Christ.  

The word of God ought truly to be preached.  ☞ And I said: Sir by authority of God's law and also of Saints and Doctors I am learned to dame, that it is every priests office and duty for to preach busily, freely & truly the word of God. For no doubt every Priest should purpose first in his soul, & cover to take the order of priesthood chief for to make known to the people the word of God, after his cunning and power: approving his words euey to be true by his virtuous works, and for this intent we suppose that Bishops & other Prelates of holy church, should chief take and use their prelacy, and for the same cause Bishops should give to Priests their orders. 
If this lesson had been well followed, the world had not been brought to such darkness by blind & dumb priests.  For Bishops should accept no man to Priesthood, except that he had good will and f●●l purpose, & were well disposed, and well learned to preach. Wherefore sir, by the bidding of Christ, & by the example of his most holy living, & also by the witnessing of his holy Apostles and Prophets, we are bound under full great pain, to exercise us after our cunning and power (as every Priest is likewise charged of God) to fulfil duly the office of priesthood. We presume not here of ourselves for to be esteemed (neither in our own reputation nor in none other man's) faithful disciples, & special followers of Christ. But sir, as I said to you before, we deem this by authority chief of God's word, that it is the chief duty of every priest, to busy them faithfully to make the law of God known to his people, & so to commune the commandment of God charitably, how that we may best, where, when, and to whom that ever we may, is our very duty. And for the will & business that we own of due debt to do justly our office through the stirring and special help (as we trust) of God, 
An effectuous prayer, God grant in all ministers.  hoping steadfastly in his mercy: we desire to be the faith full disciples of Christ, and we pray this gracious Lord or his holy name, that he make us able to please him with devout prayers, & charitably Priestly works, that we may obtain of him to follow him thankfully.  
¶ And the Archbishop said to me: L●ud lozel, whereto makest thou such vain reasons to me? Asu●●h not Saint Paul, 
Why 〈◊〉 preached without 〈◊〉 bishops l●cence.  how should Priests preach, except they be sent? But I sent thee never to preach. For thy venomous doctrine is so known throughout England, that no Bishop will admit thee to preach by witnessing of their letters. Why then lewd Idiot, willest thou presume to preach, since thou art not sent nor licenced of thy sovereign to preach. Saith not S. Paul, that subjects ough to obey their sovereigns, and not only good & virtuous: but also tyrants that are vicious?  
☞ And I said to the Archbishop: Sir, as touching your le●ter of licence or other Bishops, 
He answereth to 〈◊〉 question ●●●cerning 〈◊〉 letter of ●●cence.  which ye say we should have to witness that we were able to be sent for to preach: We know well that neither you sir, nor any other bishop of this land, will grant to us any such letters of licence, but if we should oblige us to you, and to other bishops by unleeful oaths, for to pass not the bonds and terms which ye sir, or other bishops will limit to us. And since in this matter your terms be some to large, & some to straight: we dare not oblige us thus to be bounden to you for to keep the terms, which you will limit to us, as you do to Friars, & such other Preachers. 
The inconveniences of seeking of the bi●●ops letter or licence.  And therefore, though we have not your letter sir, nor letters of any other bishops writren with ink upon parchment: we dare not therefore leave the office of preaching (to which preaching, all Priests after their cunning and power are bound: by divers testimonies of God's law, and great Doctors) without any mention making of Bishop's letters. For as mikle as we have taken upon us the office of Priesthood (though we are unworthy thereto) we come and purpose to fulfil it with the help of God, by authority of his own law, and by witness of great doctors and Saints, accordingly hereto trusting steadfastly in the mercy of God. 
The witness of the preachers, i● the good life of the followers.  For that he commandeth us to do the office of Priesthood, he will be our sufficient letters and witness, if we by example of his holy living and teaching, specially occupy us faithfully to do our office justly: yea that people to whom we preach (be they faithful or unfaithful) shall be our letters, that is our witness bearers: for the truth where it is sown, may not be unwitnessed. For all that are converted & saved by learning of God's word, & by working thereafter: are witness bearers: that the truth and soothfastness which they heard and did after, is cause of their salvation. And again, all unfaithful men and women which heard the truth told out to them, and would not do thereafter: also all they that might have heard the truth, & would not hear it, because that they would not do thereafter.  
All these shall bear witness against themselves, & the truth which they would not hear, or else heard it & despised to do thereafter, through their unfaithfulness, is & shallbe cause of their damnation. Therefore sir, since this aforesaid witnessing of God, and of divers Saints and Doctors, & of all the people good & evil, sufficeth to all true preachers: we think that we do not the office of Priesthood, if that we leave our preaching, because that we have not, or may not have duly Bishops letters, to witness that we are sent of them to preach. This sentence approveth Saint Paul, where he speaketh of himself, & of faithful Apostles and disciples saying thus. We need no letters of commendation as some preachers do, which preach for covetousness of temporal goods, 
Two mine of sovereigns.  and for men's praising. And where ye say Sir, that Paul biddeth subjects obey their sovereigns, that is sooth, and may not be denied. But there is two manner of sovereigns, virtuous sovereigns and vicious tyrants. 
He meaneth prelate's that be unvirtuous.  Therefore, to these last sovereigns', neither men nor women that be subject, own to obey in two manners. To virtuous sovereigns & charitable, subjects own to obey wilfully and gladly, in hearing of their good counsel, in consenting to their charitable biddings. and in working after their fruitful works.  
This sentence Paul approveth where he saith to subjects. Be ye mindful of your sovereigns, that speak to you the word of God, & follow you the faith of them, whose conversation you know to be virtuous. For as Paul saith, after these sovereigns, to whom subjects own to obey in following of the manners: work busily in holy studying, how they may withstand and destroy vices, first in themselves, and after in all their subjects, and how they may best plant in them virtues. Also these sovereigns, make devout and fervent prayers for to purchase grace of God, that they and their subjects may over all thing, dread to offend him, and to love for to please him. Also these soveraignste whom Paul biddeth us obey, as it is said before, live so virtuously: that all they that will live well, may take of them good example, to know & to keep the commandments of God. But in this foresaid wise, subjects ought not to obey nor to be obedient to tyrants, while they are vicious tyrants, since their will, 
Two manner ●●●be●ing: 〈◊〉 following their do●●ges and examples. 2. ●● suffering their oranges, Wicked 〈◊〉 are not 〈◊〉 followed in evil. Well reaso●● my lord 〈◊〉 like a 〈◊〉.  their counsel, their biddings, and their works are so vicious, that they ought to be hated & left. And though such tyrants be maisterfull and cruel in boasting and manasing, in oppressions & divers punishinge: S. Peter biddeth the servants of such tyrants, to obey meekly such tyrants, sufferings patiently their malicious cruelness. But Peter counseleth not any servant or subject, to obey to any Lord or Prince, or sovereign in any thing that is not pleasing to God.  
¶ And the Archbishop said unto me. If a sovereign bid his subject do that thing that is vicious, this sovereign herein is to blame: but the subject for his obedience, deserveth meed of God. For obedience pleaseth more to God, than any sacrifice.  
☞ And I said. Samuel the Prophet said to Saul the wicked king, that God was more pleased with that obedience of his commandment, then with any sacrifice of beasts. But David saith, and S. Paul, and S. Gregory accordingly together, 
Obedience 〈◊〉 be ge●●, but in 〈◊〉 leeful 〈◊〉 lawful.  that not only they that do evil, are worthy of death and damnation: but also they that consent to evil doers. And sir, the law of holy Church teacheth in the decrees, that no servant to his Lord, nor child to the father or mother, nor wife to her husband, nor monk to his Abbot, aught to obey, except in leeful things, and lawful.  
¶ And the Archbishop said to me. All these alledgings that thou bringest forth, 
〈◊〉 preemption 〈◊〉 standeth 〈◊〉 your ●●●derfull ●●bition. 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉 priesthood, they resent to 〈◊〉. Math. 10. 〈◊〉 vlt. 〈◊〉 10.  are not else but proud presumptuousness. For hereby thou inforcest thee to prove, that thou and such other are so just, that ye ought not to obey to Prelates. And thus against the learning of S. Paul that teacheth you not to preach, but if ye were sent: of your own authority, ye will go forth and preach, and do what ye lift.  
☞ And I said. Sir, presenteth not every Priest the office of the Apostles, or the office of the disciples of Christ? And the Archbishop said, yea.  
And I said. Sir, as the x. chapped. of Matthew, and the last chapter of Mark witnesseth: Christ sent his Apostles for to preach. And the x. chapter of Luke witnesseth, that Christ sent his two and seventy disciples for to preach, in every place that Christ was to come to. And S. Gregory in the common law saith, that every man that goeth to priest hood, 
The office 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of ●●●●ching.  taketh upon him the office of preaching: For as he saith, that Priest stirreth God to great wrath, of whose mouth is not heard the voice of preaching. And as other more gloss upon ezechiel, witness: that the Priest that preacheth not busily to the people, shall be partaker of their damnation that perish through his default. And though the people be saved by other special grace of God then by the priests preaching, 
Priests that 〈◊〉 not, 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 people. 〈◊〉.  yet the Priests, in that they are ordained to preach, and preach not, as before God, they are manslayers. For as far as in them is, such Priests as preach not busily and truly, slayeth all the people ghostly: in that they withhold from them the word of God, that is life and sustenance of men's souls. And Saint Hydore said, Priests shall be damned, for wickedness of the people, if they teach not them that are ignorant, or blame not them that are sinners. For all the work or business of Priests, 
Doctrine of 〈◊〉. Discipline of works.  standeth in preaching and teaching, that they edify all men, as well by cunning of faith, as by discipline of works, that is virtuous teaching. And as the Gospel witnesseth: Christ said in his teaching. I am borne & comen into this world, to bear witness to the truth, and he that is of the truth, heareth my voice.  
Then Sir, since by the word of Christ specially, that is his voice, 

Priests not 〈◊〉 sent ●● preach, 〈◊〉 commanded to preach. Gregorius. Lincolniensu.  
Whatsoever a man doth leaving that ●alone which he is ●●●chieflye ●●und to do, is sin.  
Yet this bishop plucketh him not by the 〈◊〉, nor burneth not of his hand, a● Bone● did. Holychurch   Priests are commanded to preach: whatsoever priest that it be, that hath not good will and full purpose to do thus, and ableth not himself after his cunning and power to do his office by the example of Christ and of his Apostles: whatsoever other thing that he doth displeaseth God. For lo, S. Gregory saith, that thing left, that a man is bound chief to do, whatsoever other thing that a man doth: it is unthankful to the holy ghost: and therefore saith Lincoln. The Priest that preacheth not the word of God, though he be seen to have none other default, he is Antichrist and Sathanas, a night thief, and a day thief, a sleyer of fowls, and an angel of light turned into darkness. Wherefore Sir, these authorities and other well considered, I dame myself damnable, if I either for pleasure or displeasure of any creature, apply me not diligently to preach the word of God. And in the same damnation I deem all those Priests, which of good purpose and will, enforce them not busily to do thus, & also all them that have purpose or will to let any Priest of this business.  
¶ And the Archbishop said to those 3. Clerks that stood before him. Lo Sirs, this is the manner and business of this Lozel and such other, to pick out such sharp sentences of holy Scripture and Doctors, to maintain their sect & lore against the ordinance of holy Church. And therefore Lozel, it is thou that covetest to have again the Psalter that I made to be taken from thee at Caunterbury, to record sharp verses against us. But thou shalt never have that Psalter, nor none other book, till that I know that thy hart & thy mouth accordfully, to be governed by holy Church.  
☞ And I said: Sir, 
2. Parts of the Church.  all my will and power is, & ever shall be (I trust to God) to be governed by holy Church.  
¶ And the Archbishop asked me, what was holy Church.  
☞ And I said: Sir, I told you before, what was holy Church. But since ye ask me this demand: I call Christ and his Saints holy Church.  
¶ And the Archbishop said unto me. I wore well that Christ and his Saints are holy Church in heaven, but what is holy Church in earth?  
☞ And I said: Sir, though holy Church be every one in charity, yet it hath two parts. The first and pricipal part, hath overcomen perfectly all the wretchedness of this life, and reigneth joyfully in heaven with Christ. And the other part is here yet in earth, busily & continually fight day and night against temptations of the fiend: forsaking and hating the prosperity of this world, despising and withstanding their fleshly lusts, which only are the pilgrims of Christ, wandering toward heaven by steadfast faith & grounded hope, and by perfect charity. For these heavenly pilgrims, may not, nor will not, be letted of their good purpose, by the reason of any doctors discording from holy scripture, nor by the floods of any tribulation temporal, nor by the wind of any pride, of boast, or of manasing of any creature: For they are all fast grounded upon the sure stone Christ, hearing his word and loving it, exercising them faithfully and continually in all their wits to do thereafter.  
And the Archbishop said to his Clerks. See ye not how his hart is indurate, and how he is traveled with the devil occupying him thus busily to alledgr such sentences to maintain his errors and heresies? Certain, thus he would occupy us here all day, if we would suffer him.  
One of the clerks answered, 
Well helped forward M. Clark.  Sir, he said right now that this certification that came to you from Shrewsbury, is untruly forged against him. Therefore sir, appose you him now hear in all that points which are certified against him, & so we shall hear of his own mouth his answers, and witness them.  
And the Archb. took the certification in his hand, & looked thereon a while, and then he said to me.  
Lo here it is certified against thee by worthy men and faithful of Shrewsbury, that thou preachedst there openly in S. Chads church: that the Sacrament of the altar was material bread after the consecration, what sayest thou? was this truly preached? 
The foresaid articles renewed against Thorpe.   
☞ And I said: Sir, I tell you truly that I touched nothing thereof the sacrament of the altar, but in this wise, as I will with God's grace tell you here. As I stood there in the pulpit, busying me to teach the commandment of God: there knilled a sacring bell, & therefore much people turned away hastily, and with noise ran fro towards me. And I seeing this, said to them thus: Good men ye were better to stand here still and to hear God's word. 
The virtue of the sacrament standeth in the belief, more than in the outward sign.  For certes the virtue & the meed of the most holy Sacrament of the altar standeth mikle more in the belief thereof that ye ought to have in your soul, them it doth in the outward sight thereof. And therefore, ye were better to stand still quietly to hear gods word, because that through the hearing thereof, men come to very true belief. And otherwise sir, I am certain I spoke not there, of the worthy sacrament of the altar.  
¶ And the Archb. said to me: I believe thee not whatsoever thou sayest, since so worshipful men have witnessed thus against thee. 
Material bread.  But since thou deniest that thou sayedst thus there, what sayest thou now? Resteth there after the consecration in the host, material bread or no?  
☞ And I said: sir I know in no place in holy Scripture where this term material bread is written: and therefore sir, when I speak of this matter, I use not to speak of material bread.  
¶ Then the Archb. said to me: Now teachest thou men to believe in this sacrament?  
☞ And I said: Sir, as I believe myself, so I teach other men.  
¶ He said, tell out plainly thy belief thereof.  
☞ And I said with my protestation: Sir, I believe that the night before that Christ jesus would suffer (wilfully) passion for mankind on the morn after: he took bread in his holy and most worshipful hands, lifting up his eyes, and giving thanks to God his father, blessed this bread and broke it, and gave it to his disciples, saying to them: Take and eat of this all you, this is my body. And that this is & aught to be all men's belief, Matthew, Mark, Luke and Paul witnesseth. Other belief Sir I have none, nor will have, nor teach: for I believe, that this sufficeth in this matter. For in this belief with God's grace I purpose to live and die, knowledging as I believe and teach other men to believe that the worshipful Sacrament of the altar, is the Sacrament of Christ's flesh and his blood, in form of bread and of wine.  
¶ And the Archb. said to me. It is sooth that this Sacrament is very Christ's body in form of bread. But thou & thy sect teachest it to be substance of bread. Think you this true teaching?  
☞ And I said: Neither I, nor any other of the sect that ye damn, teach any otherwise then I have told you, nor believe otherwise to my knowing. Nevertheless sir, I ask of you for charity, that ye will tell me here plainly, how ye shall understand the text of Saint Paul, where he saith thus: This thing feel you in yourself that is in Christ jesus, while he was in the form of god. Sir, calleth not Paul here the form of God, the substance or kind of God? Also sir, saith not the church in the hours of the most blessed virgin accordingly hereto, where it is written thus? Thou author of health remember, that sometime thou took of the undefiled virgin, the form of our body. Tell me for charity therefore, whether the form of our body, be called here the kind of our body or no?  

The papists have none other defence for than but only the Church. Every ordinance of Churchmen bindeth not our faith.  ¶ And the Archb. said to me: wouldst thou make me to declare this text after thy purpose, since the Church now hath determined: that there abideth no substance of bread after the consecration, in the sacrament of the altar? believest thou not this ordinance of the church?  
☞ And I said: Sir, whatsoever Prelates have ordained in the Church, our belief standeth ever whole. I have not heard, that the ordinance of men under belief, should be put into belief.  
¶ And the Archb. said to me: If thou hast not learned this before, learn now to know that thou art out of belief. If in this matter and other, thou beleavest not as the holy Church believeth. What say Doctors treating of this Sacrament?  

The greatest Doctors of the church be Apostles. S. Paul calleth it bread. The Canon of the mass calleth it bread.  ☞ And I said: Sir, S. Paul that was a great Doctor of holy Church, speaking to the people, and teaching them in the right belief of this most holy Sacrament: calleth it bread that we break. And also in the Canon of the mass after the consecration: this most worthy Sacrament is called holy bread. And every priest in this land, after that he hath received this sacrament, saith in this wise: That thing that we have taken with our mouth, we pray God that we may take it with a pure and clean mind. That is as I understand, we pray God that we may receive throw very belief, this holy sacrament worthily. 
S. Austen calleth it bread.  And Sir, Saint Augustine saith: that thing that is seen, is bread: but that men's faith asketh to be informed of, is very Christ's body. And also, Fulgence an ententife Doctor, saith: As it were an error to say that Christ was but a substance, that is very man, and not very GGD: or to say that Christ was very God, and not very man: so is it (this Doctor saith) an error to say, that the Sacrament of the altar is but a substance: And also Sir, accordingly hereto, in the secret of the mid Mass on Christmas day, 
The secret of the mass on Christmas day, nameth it a terrene substance.  it is written thus: Idem refulsit Deus, sic terrena substantia nobis conferat quod divinum est: which sentence sir, with the secret of the fourth ferry, quatuor temporum Septembris: I pray you sir declare here openly in English.  

My Lord can revile apace he can declare but a little. Choke him up my Lord.  ¶ And the Archbishop said to me, I perceive well enough where about thou art, and how the devil blindeth thee, that thou may not understand the ordinance of holy Church, nor consent thereto. But I command thee now, answer me shortly: believest thou that after the consecration of this foresaid Sacrament: there abideth substance of bread, or not?  
☞ and I said: Sir, as I understand it is all one to grant or believe, that there dwelleth substance of bread, & to grant and to believe that this most worthy sacrament of Christ's own body is accident without subject. 
To grant the real being of the body without bread, is as much as to grant the accident to be without the subject.  But Sir, for as mikle as your ask passeth my understanding, I dare neither deny it nor grant it, for it is school matter, about which I busied me never for to know: & therefore I commit this term accidens sine subiecto, to those Clerks which delight them so in curious and subtle sophistry, because they determine oft so difficult and strange matters, & wade and wander so in them from argument to argument, with pro & contra, 
Against proud Sophisters. Templum domini. Templum domini.  till that they wots not where they are, & understand not themselves. But the shame that these proud Sophisters have to yield them to men, and before men, maketh them oft fools and to be concluded shamefully before God.  
¶ And the archb. said to me: I purpose not to oblige thee to the subtle arguments of clerks, since thou art unable thereto: but I purpose to make thee obey to the determination of holy Church.  
☞ And I said: sir, by open evidence and great witness, a M. year after the incarnation of Christ, the determination which I have here before you rehearsed, was accept of holy Church as sufficient to the salvation of all them that would believe it faithfully, 
The church stood 〈◊〉 till the 〈◊〉 broke 〈◊〉.  and work thereafter charitably. But Sir, the determination of this matter which was brought in since the fiend was loosed by Friar Thomas again, specially calling the most worshipful Sacrament of Christ's own body an accident without subject: 
Transubstantiation brought in by ●●yer Tho. Aquin.  which term, since I know not that God's law approveth it in this matter, I dare not grant, but utterly I deny to make this friars sentence, or any such other, my belief, do with me God what thou wilt.  
¶ And the Archb. said to me: 
It is happy he did not fly in his face as ●●nner did. The 2. point touching Images. Thorpe charged with an vntru●th.  Well, well, thou shalt say otherwise or that I leave thee. But what sayest thou to this second point that is recorded against thee by worthy men of Shrewsbury, saying that thou preachedst there, that Images ought not to be worshipped in any wise.  
☞ And I said: Sir, I preached never thus, nor through god's grace I will not any time consent to think nor to say thus, neither privily nor apertly. For lo, the Lord witnesseth by Moses, that the things which he made were right good, and so then they were, and yet they are & shallbe good and worshipful in their kind. And therefore, to the end that God made them to, they are all praisable and worshipful, & specially man that was made after the image & likeness of God, 
Man a worshipful image of God.  is full worshipful in his kind, yea this holy image that is man, God worshippeth. And herefore every man should worship other, in kind, and also for heavenly virtues that men use charitably. And also I say, wood, tin, gold silver, or any other matter that images are made of: all these creatures are worshipful in their kind, and to the end that God made them for. 
Though m● accept the painting of or carving of images, yet is it not the right way to learn to serve God.  But the carving, casting, & painting of an imagery, made within man's hand, albeit that this doing be accept of man of highest state and dignity, & ordained of them to be a Calendar to lend men, that neither can nor will be learned to know God in his word, neither by his creatures, nor by his wonderful & divers workings: Yet this imagery ought not to be worshipped in form, nor in the likeness of man's craft. Nevertheless, that every matter the painters paint with since it is God's creature, aught to be worshipped in the kind, and to the end that God made and ordained it to serve man.  
¶ Then the Archbishop said to me, I grant well that no body ought to do worship to any such images for themselves. But a crucifix ought to be worshipped for the passion of Christ that is painted therein, 
The image of the Trinity.  and so brought there through to man's mind: and thus the images of the blessed Trinity, and of the Virgin Mary Christ's mother, and other images of saints, 
A similitude of the king's seal or letters, to prove the worship of images.  aught to be worshipped. For lo, earthly kings and Lords which use to send their letters ensealed with their arms, or with their privy signet to them that are with them, are worshipped of these men. For when these men receive their lords letters, in which they see and know the wills and biddings of the Lords in worship of their Lords they do off their caps to these letters. Why not them, since in Images made with man's hand, we may read and know many divers things of GOD, and of his Saints, shall we not worship their images?  
☞ And I said, 
No similitude to be made between earthly things & spiritual, namely, when God's word doth express to the contrary. So you say my Lord, but God saith contrary in his commandments. Painter's devotion & the Pope's divinity do well agree. Preparation of the painters to make a fair and a devout Image.  within my foresaid protestation I say, that these worldly usages of temporal laws that ye speak now of, may be done in case without sin. But this is no similitude to worship Images made by man's hand, since that Moses, David, Solomon, Baruch, and other saints in the Bible, forbidden so plainly the worshipping of such Images.  
¶ Then the archbishop said to me: Lewd lozel: in the old law before that Christ took mankind, was no likeness of any person of the trinity, neither showed to man nor known of man: But now since Christ became man, it is leeful to have Images to show his manhood. Yea though many men which are right great Clerks & other also, held it an error to paint the Trinity: I say it is well done to make and to paint the Trinity in images. For it is great moving of devotion to men, to have and to behold the Trinity and other images of saints, carved, cast, & painted. For beyond the sea, are the best painters that ever I saw. And sirs I tell you, this is their manner, and it is a good manner. When that an Image maker shall carve, cast in mould, or paint any Images, he shall go to a Priest, & shrive him as clean, as if he should then die: and take penance, and make some certain vow of fasting or of praying or pilgrimages doing, praying the Priest specially to pray for him, that he may have grace to make a fair and a devout Image.  
☞ And I said: Sir, I doubt not if these painters that ye speak of, or any other painters understood truly the text of Moses, of David, of the wise man, of Baruch, and of other saints and doctors: These painters should be moved to shrine them to God with full inward sorrow of hart, taking upon them to do right sharp penance for the sinful & vain craft of painting, carving, or casting they had used: Promising God faithfully, never to do so after: knowledging openly before all men their reprovable learning. And also sir, these priests that shrine (as you do say) painters, & enjoin them to do penance, & pray for their speed, promising to them help of their prayers for to be curious in their sinful crafts: sin herein more grievously, than the painters. For these priests do comfort and give them, counsel to do that thing, which of great pain, yea under the pain of gods curse, they should utterly forbid them. For certes sir, if the wonderful working of God, & the holy living & teaching of Christ, and of his Apostles and Prophets, were made known to the people by holy living & true, and busy reaching of priests: these things (sir) were sufficient books and Calendars to know God by, & his Saints, without any images made with man's hand. 
The true ●ookes and ●alenders to ●on God.  But certes, the vicious living of priests and their covetousness, are chief cause of this error, and all other viciousness that reigneth among the people.  
¶ Then the Archbish. said unto me, I hold thee a vicious Priest and a cursed, and all them that are of thy sect, for all priests of holy church, & all images that move men to devotion, thou & such other go about to destroy. 
●etter ●ot my 〈◊〉, than ●● see blind 〈◊〉 there ●● be worshipped.  Lozel, were i● a fair thing to come into the church and see therein none Image?  
☞ And I said: sir, they that come to the church for to pray devoutly to the lord God, may in their inward wits be the more fervent, that all their outward wits be closed from all outward seeing & hearing, and from all disturbance, & lettings. And since Christ blessed than that saw him not bodily, and have believed faithfully in him: it sufficeth then to all men (through hearing and knowing of gods word, and to do thereafter) for to believe in God, 
The ●ight ●●●ice of a C●●●stian.  though they see never images made with man's hand after any person of the Trinity, or of any other saint.  
¶ And the Archb. said to me, with a fervent spirit: I say to thee josell that it is right well done to make and to have an image of the Trinity, 
My Lord, ●●●ryea, ●●il not ●●●were Gods nay.  Yea, what sayst thou? is it not a stirring thing to behold such an image?  
☞ And I said: Sir, ye said right now that in the old law or Christ took mankind, no likeness of any person of the Trinity was showed to men: wherefore sir, ye said it was not then leeful to have images, but now ye say, since Christ is becomen man, it is leeful to make & to have an image of the Trinity, 
Note this ●●worship●●●s and maintainers ●● Images.  & also of other saints. But sir, this thing would I learn of you: since the father of heaven, yea & every person of the Trinity was without beginning God almighty, & many holy prophets that were deadly men, were martyred violently in the old law, and also many men & women them died Confessors: Why was it not then as leeful & necessary as now to have made an Image of the father of heaven, and to have made and had other images of Martyrs, prophets, and holy Confessors, to have been Calendars to advise men and move them to devotion, as ye say that images now do?  

The Syna●●●●e of Antichrist will have authority.  ¶ And the Archb. said: The synagogue of the jews had not authority to approve those things as the Church of Christ hath now.  
☞ And I said: Sir: S. Gregory was a great man in the new law, & of great dignity, and as the common law witnesseth, he commended greatly a Bishop, in that he forbade utterly the Images made with man's hand should be worshipped.  
¶ And the Archb. said: Ungracious josell, thou savourest no more truth than an hound. Since at the rood at the North-door at London, at our Lady at Walsingam, & many other divers places in England, are many great & praysable miracles done: should not the images of such holy saints and places, 
Great miracles done by images, but my Lord doth not tell by whose power. Miracles importing worship to be done to Images may well be suspected not to come of G●d.  at the reverence of God & our lady & other saints be more worshipped than other places and images, where no miracles are done?  
☞ And I said: Sir, there is no such virtue in any imagery, that any images should herefore be worshipped, wher fore I am certain that there is no miracle done of god in any place in earth, because that any images made with man's hand should be worshipped. And herfore sir, as I preached openly at Shrewsbury & other places, I say now here before you: That no body should trust that there were any virtue in imagery made with man's hand, and therefore no body should vow to them nor seek them, nor kneel to them, nor bow to them, nor pray to them, nor offer any thing to them, 
A Christian man ought not to vow, seek, nor how, nor pray, nor offer nor kill an Image. For the unfaithfulness of men, the devil may work miracles.  nor kiss them, nor incense them. For lo the most worthy of such images, the brazen Serpent (by Moses made, at Gods bidding) the good K. Ezechie destroyed worthily & thankfully, & all because it was ensenced. Therefore sir, if men take good heed to the writing and to the learning of S. Augustine, of S. Gregory, and of Saint john chrysostom, and of other Saints and doctors, how they spoke & write of miracles, that shallbe done now in the last end of the world: It is to dreyd, that for the unfaithfulness of men & women, the Fiend hath great power, for to work many of the miracles that now are done in such places. For both men and women delight now more for to hear and know miracles, than they do know God's word, or to hear it effectuously. Wherefore, to the great confusion of all them that thus do Christ saith: The generation of adulterers requireth tokens, 
The word of God sufficeth us to salvation, without miracles. That which is of nature unknown, cannot be resembled by any visible creature known.  miracles, and wonders. Nevertheless as divers saints say, now when the faith of god is published in Christendom, the word of God sufficeth to man's salvation, without such miracles: and thus also the word of God sufficeth to all faithful men & women, without any such images. But good sir, since the father of heaven that is God in his godhead, is the most unknown thing that may be, and the most wonderful spirit, having in it no shape or likeness, and members of any deadly creature: in what likeness or what image may God the father be showed or painted?  
¶ And the Archb. said: 
Holy church of your own building.  as holy church hath suffered the Images of the Trinity, & all other images to be painted & showed: it sufficeth to them that are members of holy church. But since thou art a rotten member, cut away from holy church: thou favourest not the ordinance thereof. But since the day passeth, leave we this matter  
ANd then he said to me: 
The 3. article.  What sayest thou to the third point that is ●●●●●fied against thee, preaching openly in Shreusbury, 
Pilgrimage.  that pilgrimage is not leeful: and over this, thou saidst that those men and women that go on pilgrimages to Canterbury, to Beverley, to Karlington, to Walsingam, and to any such other places, are accursed and made foolish, spending their goods in waste.  
☞ And I said: Sir, by this certification I am accused to you that I should teach, 
Two manner of Pilgrimages.  that no pilgrimage is leeful. But I said never thus. For I know that there be true pilgrimages and leeful, and full pleasant to God: and therefore sir, howsoever mine enemies have certified you of me, I told at Shrewsbury of two manner of pilgrimages.  
¶ And the Archbishop said to me, whom callest thou true pilgrims?  
☞ And I said: 
The true pilgrimage is to travel in heavenly things.  Sir, with my protestation, I call them true pilgrims traveling toward the bliss of heaven, which in the state, degree, or order that God calleth them to, do busy them faithfully for to occupy all their wits bodily and ghostly, to know truly, and to keep faithfully the bid of God, hating and fleeing all the seven deadly sins, and every branch of them: Ruling them virtuously (as it is said before) with all their wits, doing discretlie, wilfully, and gladly, all the works of mercy, bodily and ghostly, after their cunning and power, abling them to the gifts of the holy ghost, disposing them to receive them in their souls, and to hold therein, the right blessings of Christ: Busieng them to know and to keep, the seven principal virtues, and so then they shall obtain here through grace, for to use thankfully to God, all the conditions of charity. And then, they shall be moved with the good spirit of God, for to examine oft and diligently their conscience, that neither wilfully nor wittingly they err in any article of belief, having continually (as frailty will suffer) all their business, to dread and to flee the offence of God, and to love over all, and to seek ever to do his pleasant will. 
Every good work, is a good step to heaven.  Of these pilgrims I said, what soever good thought that they any time think, what virtuous word that they speak, and what fruitful work that they work: Every such thought, word and work is a step numbered of God, toward him into heaven. These foresaid pilgrims of God, delight sore when they hear of Saints or of virtuous men and women, how they forsook wilfully the prosperity of this life, 
The manner and examples of saints.  how they withstood the suggestion of the fiend, how they restrained their fleshly lusts, how discreet they were in their penance doing, how patient they were in all their adversities, how prudent they were in counseling of men and women, moving them to hate all sin, and to fly them, and to shame ever greatly thereof, and to love all virtues, and to draw to them, imagining how Christ and his followers by example of him, suffered scorns and slanders, and how patiently they abode and took the wrongful manasing of tyrants: How homely they were and serviceable to poor men, to relieve and comfort them bodily and ghostly, after their power and cunning, and how devout they were in prayers, how fervent they were in heavenly desires, and how they absented them from spectacles of vain sayings and hearings, and how stable they were to let and to destroy all vices, and how laborious and joyful they were, to sow and to plant virtues. These heavenly conditions and such other, have pilgrims, or endeavour them for to have: whose pilgrimage God accepteth.  
And again, I said, as their works show, the most part of men and women that go now on pilgrimages, have not these foresaid conditions, nor loveth to busy them faithfully for to have. For as I well know, since I have full oft assayed, examine whosoever will xx. of these pilgrims, and he shall not find three men or women that know surely a commandment of God, nor can say their Pater noster, & ave Maria, nor their Creed readily in any manner of language. And as I have learned & also know somewhat by experience of these same pilgrims, telling the cause, why that many men and women go hither and thither now on pilgrimage: It is more for the health of their bodies, then of their souls: more for to have riches and prosperity of this world, then for to be enriched with virtues in their souls: more to have here worldly & fleshly friendship, then for to have friendship of God, and of his saints in heaven. For whatsoever thing man or woman doth, 
Pilgrimage displeasant to God.  the friendship of God, nor of any other Saint cannot be had, without keeping of God's commandments. Further, with my protestation, I say now as I said in Shrewsbury, though they that have fleshly wills, travel far their bodies and spend mekel money, to seek and to visit the bones or Images (as they say they do) of this Saint or of that: such pilgrimage going is neither praisable nor thankful to God nor to any saint of God, since in effect, all such pilgrims despise God and all his commandments & Saints. For that commandments of God they will nother know nor keep, nor conform than to live virtuously by example of Christ and of his Saints. 
Goods evil bestowed in pilgrimage.  Wherefore sir, I have preached and taught openly, and so I purpose all my life time to do with God's help, saying that such fond people waste blamefully Gods goods in their vain pilgrimages, spending their goods upon vicious hostelars, which are oft unclean women of their bodies: & at the least, those goods with the which they should do works of mercy after Gods bidding, to poor needy men and women.  
These poor men's goods and their livelihood, these runners about, 
The inconvenience that cometh by pilgrimage.  offer to rich priests which have me kill more livelihood than they need. And thus those goods they wast wilfully, & spend them unjustly against gods bidding upon strangers, with which, they should help and relieve, after Gods will, their poor needy neighbours at home: ye & over this folly, oft times divers men and women, of these runners thus madly hither and thither into pilgrimage: borrow hereto, other men's goods, ye and sometime they stealemens goods hereto, and they pay them never again. Also sir, I know well that when divers men and women will go thus after their own wills, and finding out one pilgrimage: they will ordain with them before, to have with them both men and women, that can well sing wanton songs, and some other pilgrims, will have with them bag pipes: so that every town that they come through, what with the noise of their singing, and with the sound of their piping, and with the jangling of their Caunterbury bells, and with the barking out of dogs after them, that they make more noise, than if the king came there away, with all his clarions, & many other minstrels. And if these men and women be a month out in their pilgrimage, many of them shall be an half year after, great janglers, tale tellers, and liars.  
¶ And the Archb. said to me: Lewd josel, thou seest not far enough in this matter, for thou considerest not the great travail of pilgrims: 
Well spoken my Lord for Lincolnshire bagpipes. And why then blamed Boner Philpot for singing in the stocks?  therefore, thou blamest that thing that is praysable. I say to thee, that it is right well done, that pilgrims have with them both singers and also pipers: that when one of them that goeth barefoot, striketh his to upon a stone, and hurteth him sore, & maketh him to bleed: it is well done that he or his fellow begin then a song, or else take out of his bosom a bagpipe, for to drive away with such mirth, the hurt of his fellow. For with such solace, the travail and weariness of pilgrims, is lightly, and merrily borne out.  
☞ And I said: sir, S. Paul teacheth men to weep with them that weep.  
¶ And the Archb. said, what ianglest thou against men's devotion? Whatsoever thou or such other say, 
A new found way to grace of the bishops making.  I say that the pilgrimage that now is used, is to them that do it, a praysable and a good mean to come the rather to grace. But I hold thee unable to know this grace, for thou enforcest thee to let the devotion of the people: since by authority of holy scripture, men may leefully have & use such solace as thou reprovest. For David in his last Psalm, teacheth men to have divers instruments of music for to praise therewith God:  
☞ And I said: 
Instruments & music of the old testament, how they are to be applied and used in the new testament.  sir, by the sentence of divers Doctors expounding the psalms of David: that music and minstrelsy that David & other saints of the old law spoke of, ought now nother to be taken nor used by the letter, but these instruments with their music ought to be interpreted ghostly: For all those figures are called virtues and grace, with which virtues men should please god, & praise his name. For S. Paul saith: all such things befell to them in figure. Therefore sir, I understand, that the letter of this psalm of David and of such other Psalms and sentences doth slay them that take them now literally. This sentence as I understand sir, Christ approveth himself, putting out the minstrels, or that he would quicken the dead damsel.  
¶ And the Archb. said to me. 
organs in the Church. A fit comparison my Lord, & like yourself.  Lend lozel, is it not leeful to us to have Organs, in the church for to worship there withal God? And I said, ye sir, by man's ordinance: But by the ordinance of God, a good sermon to the people's understanding were mekil more pleasant to God.  
☞ And the Archb. said, that Organs and good delectable songs, quickened & sharpened more men's wits than should any sermon.  
¶ But I said: sir, lusty men & worldly lovers, delight and covet & travail to have all their wits quickened & sharpened with divers sensible solace: But all the the faithful lovers and followers of Christ, have all their delight to hear gods word, and to understand it truly, and to work thereafter faithfully and continually. For no doubt, to dread to offend God, and to love to please him in all things quickeneth and sharpeneth all the wits of Christ's chosen people: and ableth them so to grace, that they joy greatly to withdraw their ears and all their wits and members, from all worldly delight and from all fleshly solace. 
The saying of Jerome.  For S. Jerome (as I think) saith. No body may joy with this world & reign with Christ.  
☞ And the Archb. (as if he had been displeased with mine answer) said to his clerks. What guess ye that this Idiot will speak there, 
You swear my Lord.  where he hath no dread: since he speaketh thus now here in my presence? Well, well, by God thou shalt be ordained for. And then he spoke to me all angrily.  
WHat sayest thou to this fourth point, 
The 4. article concerning priests tithes.  that is certified against thee, preaching openly & boldly in Shrewsbury, that priests have no title to tithes.  
And I said. Sir, I named there no word of tithes in my preaching. But more than a month after that I was arrested: there in prison, a man came to me into the prison, ask me what I said of tithes. And I said to him. Sir, in this town are many clerks and priests, of which some are called religious men, though many of them be seculars. Therefore, ask ye of them this question. And this man said to me. Sir, our Prelates say, that we also are obliged to pay our tithes of all things that renew to us: and that they are accursed, 
A paradox without God's word.  that withdraw any part wittingly fro them of their tithes. And I said (sir) to that man, as with my protestation I say now before you: that I wonder that any priest dare say, men to be accursed, without the ground of God's word, And the man said. Sir our priests say, that they curse men thus by authority of God's law. And I said Sir I know not where this sentence of cursing is authorised now in the Bible. And therefore sir, I pray you that ye will ask the most cunning clerk of this town, that ye may know where this sentence of cursing them that tithe not, is now written in god's law: for if it were written there, I would right gladly be learned where. But shortly this man would not go fro me, to ask this question, of an other body: But required me there, as I would answer before God, if in this case, that cursing of priests were lawful & approved of God? And shortly herewith came to my mind the learning of S. Peter, teaching priests specially to hallow the Lord Christ in their hearts: being evermore ready (as far as in them is) to answer through faith and hope to them that ask of them a reason. And this lesson Peter teacheth men to use with a meek spirit & with dread of the Lord. Wherefore sir, I said to this man in this wise. In the old law, 
A difference to be put betwixt the old law and the new. Priests had the x. part of the tithes given to the Levites.  which ended not fully, till the time that Christ rose up again from death to life: God commanded tithes to be given to the levites, for the great business and daily travail that pertained to their office. But priests, because their travel was mekil more easy & light, than was the office of the levites: God ordained the priests should take for their livelihood to do their office, the tenth part of those tithes that were given to the levites. But now (I said) in the new law, neither Christ nor any of his apostles took tithes of the people nor commanded the people to pay tithes, neither to Priests nor to deacons. 
Christ commandeth ●●es, not ● his, except tithes ●●almes.  But Christ taught the people to do alms, that is, works of mercy, to poor needy men (of surplus, that is superfluous of their temporal goods) which they had, more than them needed reasonably to their necessary livelihood. And thus (I said) not of tithes, but of pure alms of the people, Christ lived and his Apostles: when they were so busy in preaching of the word of God to the people, that they might not travel otherwise for to get their livelihood. But after Christ's ascension, and when the Apostles had received the holy Ghost: they travailed with their hands, for to get their livelihood, when that they might thus do for busy preaching. Therefore by example of himself, S. Paul teacheth all the priests of christ for to travail with their hand, when for busy teaching of the people they might thus do. And thus, all these Priests whose priesthood God accepteth now, or will accept, or did in the Apostles time, and after their disease: will do to the world's end. But (as Cisterciensis telleth) in the thousand year of our Lord jesus Christ. 211. year, one Pope the x. Gregory ordained new tithes first to be given to priests now in the new law. 
Tithes by ●h●m and when they were first commanded ●a the new ●●w.  But Saint Paul in his time, whose trace or example all Priests of God enforce them to follow, seeing the covetousness that was among the people, desiring to destroy the soul sin through the grace of God & true virtuous living and example of himself: wrote & taught all priests for to follow him as he followed Christ, patiently, willingly, and gladly in high poverty: Wherefore, Paul saith thus. 
Paul ha●●ng power to take, yet ●●ed it not. Paul would not be chargeous. 〈◊〉 priests were coue●●us than, what be they now? This rule, with the rule of begging Frices, can not stand together  The Lord hath ordained that they that preach the Gospel, shall live of the Gospel. But we (saith Paul) that covet and busy us to be faithful followers of Christ, use not this power. For lo (as Paul witnesseth afterward) when he was full poor and needy, preaching among the people: he was not chargeous unto them, but with his hands he travailed not only to get his own living, but also the living of other poor and needy creatures. And since the people was never so covetous, nor so avarous (I guess) as they are now: It were good counsel that all priests took heed to this heavenly learning of Paul following him herein wilful poverty, nothing charging the people for their bodily livelihood. But because that many Priests do contrary to Paul in this foresaid doctrine: Paul biddeth the people take heed to those priests that follow him as he had given them example. As if Paul would say thus to the people: Accept ye none other Priests than they, that live after the form that I have taught you. For certain, in whatsoever dignity or order that any Priest is in, if he conform him not to follow Christ & his Apostles in wilful poverty, & in other heavenly virtues, and specially in true preaching of God's word: though such a one be named a Priest, 
Wholesome ●●ough my Lord if your ●it were to ●●uour it. But it con●●rieth not the ordinance neither of God nor of his word▪ If priests would not ●●acke in their duty, they should not lack in having sufficient. Fallax argumentum secundum, non causam ●vt causam. The evil demeanour of the priests, is the cause why the people be so slack in their tithes. priests being content with sufficiency, and a bare living, aught to part the residue to the poor.  yet he is no more but a priest in name, for the work of a very Priest, in such a one wanteth. This sentence approveth Augustine, Gregory, Chrisostom, & Limcolne plainly.  
¶ And the Archb. said to me. Thinkest thou this wholesome learning for to sow openly, or yet privily among the people? Certain, this doctrine cotrarieth plainly the ordinance of holy fathers which have ordained, granted, & licensed priests to be in divers degrees, & to live by tithes & offerings of the people, and by other duties.  
☞ And I said, sir, if priests were now in measurable measure & number, and lived virtuously, & taught busily and truly the word of God, by example of Christ & of his apostles, without tithes, offerings, & other duties that priests now challenge & take: the people would give them freely, sufficient livelihood.  
¶ And a clerk said to me. How wilt thou make this good, that the people will give freely to priests their livelihood: since that now by the law every priest can scarcely constrain the people to give them their livelihood.  
☞ And I said. Sir it is now no wonder though the people grudge to give priests the livelihood that they ask: Mekil people know now, how that priests should live, & how that they live contrary to Christ & to his Apostles. And therefore, the people is full heavy to pay (as they do) their temporal goods to parsons and to other vicars & priests, which should be faithful dispensators of the parishes goods: taking to themselves no more, but a scarce living of tithes, nor of offerings, by the ordinance of the common law. For whatsoever priests take of the people (be it tithe or offering, or any other duty or service) the priests ought not to have thereof no more, but a bare living: & to departed the residue to the poor men & women specially of the parish of whom they take this temporal living. But the most deal of priests now wasteth their parishes goods, and spendeth them at their own will after the world, in their vain lusts: So that in few places poor men have duly (as they should have) their own sustenance, nother of tithes nor of offerings nor of other large wages & foundations that priests take of the people in divers manners above that they need for need full sustenance of meat & clothing. 
Priests did so than, but our priests do not to now.  But the poor needy people are forsaken and left of Priests to be sustained o● the parishens, as if the priests took nothing of the parishers for to help the people with.  
And thus sir, into over great charges of the parishens they pay their temporal goods twice where once might suffice, if priests were true dispensators. Also sir, the parishners that pay their temporal goods (be they tithes or offerings) to priests that do not their office among them justly are partners of every sin of those Priests: 
Whether tithes are to be paid to priests doing not their duty.  because that they sustain those priests folly in their sin, with their temporal goods. If these things be well considered, what wonder is it then sir, if the parishners grudge against these dispensators?  
¶ Then the Archb. said to me, 
Ghostly mother? nay, an unghostly stepdame, to all God's children.  Thou that shouldst be judged & ruled by holy church, presumptuously thou deemest holy church to have erred in the ordinance of tithes & other duties to be paid to priests. It shall be long or thou thrive Lozel, that thou despisest thy ghostly mother. How darest thou speak this (Lozel) among the people? Are not tithes given to priests for to live by?  
☞ And I said: 
By the law none could challenge tithes, but only the seed of Levy Our priests be not of the seed of Levy. Ergo by the law our priests cannot challenge tithes.  Sir S. Paul saith, that tithes were given in the old law to Levites and to Priests, that came of the lineage of Levy. But our priests he saith, came not of the lineage of Levy, but of the lineage of juda, to which juda no tithes were promised to be given. And therefore Paul saith, since the priesthood is changed from the generation of Levy to the generation of juda: It is necessary that changing also be made of the law. So that priests live now, with out tithes & other duty that they now claim, following Christ & his Apostles in wilful poverty, as they have given them example. 
As the priestbood is changed, so is the law changed.  For since Christ lived (all the time of his preaching) by pure alms of the people. And by example of him, his Apostles lived in the same wise, or else by the travail of their hands as it is said above. Every priest, whose priesthood Christ approveth, knoweth well, & confesseth in word and in work, that a disciple ought not to be above his master, but it sufficeth to a disciple to be as his master, simple, and pure, meek and patient: and by example specially of his master Christ, every Priest should rule him in all his living, & so after his cunning & power, a priest should busy him to inform and to rule, whom so ever he might charitably.  
¶ And the Archbish. said to me with a great spirit, 
Bless but curse not saith S. Paul.  God's curse have thou & mine for this teaching: for thou wouldst hereby, make the old law more free and perfect than the new law. For thou sayest, that it is leeful to Levites and to priests to take tithes in the old law, 
He goeth near you my Lord, when he toucheth your tithes.  and so to enjoy their privileges: but to us priests in the new law, thou sayest it is not lawful to take tithes. And thus thou givest levites of the old law, more freedom than to priests of the new law.  
☞ And I said. Sir, I marvel, that ye understand this plain text of Paul thus. 
The difference of the freedoms between the old and new laws.  Ye wots well, that the Levites and priests in the old law that took tithes, were not so free nor so perfect, as Christ and his Apostles that took no tithes. And sir, there is a Doctor (I think that it is Saint Jerome) that saith thus. The priests that challenge now in the new law, 
For what cause tithes were given in the old law,  tithes: Say in effect, that Christ is not become man, nor that he hath yet suffered death for man's love. Wherefore, this Doctor saith this sentence. Since tithes were the hires and wages limited to Levites and to priests of the old law for bearing about of the tabernacle, and for slaying and fleeing of beasts, and for burning of sacrifice, and for keeping of the temple, and for tromping of battle before the host of Israel, and other divers observances that pertained to their office: Those priests that will challenge or take tithes, deny that Christ is come in the flesh, and do the priest's office of the old law, for whom tithes were granted: for else (as this Doctor saith) priests take now tithes wrongfully.  
¶ And the archb. said to his clerks. Heard ye ever Lozel speak thus? Certain, this is the learning of them all, that wheresoever they come, and they may be suffered: they enforce them to expugn the freedom of holy Church.  
☞ And I said. 
If you take a way tithes, you undo the church.  Sir, why call you the taking of tithes, and of such other duties that priests challenge now (wrongfully) the freedom of holy church: Since neither Christ nor his apostles, challenge nor took such duties. Herefore these takings of priests now are not called justly the freedom of holy church, but all such giving and taking aught to be called and holden, the slanderous covetousness of men of the holy church.  
¶ And the archb. said to me. Why Lozel, wilt not thou and other that are consedered with thee, seek out of holy scripture, & of the sense of doctors, all sharp authorities against lords, knights, and squires, & against other secular men, as thou dost against priests.  

Thorpe, preach against whom thou wilt, so thou touch not this scab.  ☞ And I said: Sir, whatsoever men or women, lords of ladies, or any other that are present in our preaching specially, or in our commoning after our cunning, we tell out to them their office & their charges: But sir, since chrysostom saith, that priests are the stomach of the people, it is needful in preaching, & also in commoning, to be most busy about this priesthood: 
The viciousness and pride of priests infecteth ●ll the world.  Since by the viciousness of priests both Lords & commons are most sinfully infected & led into the worst. And because that the covetousness of priests & pride, & the boast that they have & make of their dignity and power: destroyeth not only the virtues of priesthood in priests themselves, but also over this, it stirreth God to take great vengeance both upon the Lords, & upon commons, which suffer these priests charitably.  

A spiteful meekness that is in scarlet gowns.  ¶ And the Archb. said to me. Thou judgest every priest proud that will not go arrayed as thou dost. By god I dame him to be more meek that goeth every day in a scarlet gown, than thou in thy thread bore blue gown. Whereby knowest thou a proud man?  
☞ And I said. Sir a proud priest may be known, when he denieth to follow Christ & his Apostles, in wilful poverty and other virtues: 
The signs and marks of proud priests.  & coveteth worldly worship, and taketh it gladly, & gathereth together with pleding, manasing, or with flattering, or with simony any worldly goods: And most, if a priest busy him not chief in himself, & after in all other men, and women after his cunning & power, to withstand sin.  

Paul saith, god shall judge all fornicators, what say you my Lord?  ¶ And the Archb. said to me. Though thou knewest a priest to have all these vices, & though thou sawest a pryest lovely lie now by a woman, knowing her fleshly: wouldst thou therefore dame this priest damnable? I say to thee that in the turning about of thy hand, such a sinner may be verily repent.  
☞ And I said. Sir I will not damn any man for any sin that I know done or may be done, so that the sinner leaveth his sin. But by authority of holy Scripture, he that sinneth thus openly as ye show here, is damnable for doing of such a sin: and most specially, a priest the should be example to all other for to hate & fly sin. 
priests ought to be examples of good lining.  And in how short time that ever ye say the such a sinner may be repent: he ought not of him the knoweth his sinning, to be judged verily repentant, without open evidence of great shame & hearty sorrow for his sin. For whosoever (and specially a priest) that useth pride, envy, covetousness, lechery, simony or any other vices: showeth not as open evidence of repentance as he hath given evil example & occasion of sinning, if he continued in any such sin as long as he may: it is likely that sin leaneth him, & he not sin. And as I understand such a one sinneth unto death, for whom no body oweth to pray, as S. john saith.  

Clerkly spoken and like a Parasite.  ¶ And a Clerk said then to the Archb. Sir, the longer that ye appose him, the worse he is: and the more ye busy you to amend him, the waywarder he is. For he is of so shrewd a kind, that he shameth not only to be himself a soul nest, but without: shame he busyeth him to make his nest souler.  

Forget nothing I pray you my Lord.  ☞ And the Archbishop said to his Clerk. Suffer a while, for I am at an end with him, for there is an other point certified against him, and I will hear what he saith thereto.  
¶ And so than he said to me. Lo it is here certified against thee, that thou preachedst openly at Shrewsbury, that it is not lawful to swear in any case.  
☞ And I said, Sir I preached never so openly, nor I have taught in this wise in any place. But sir, as I preached in Shrewsbury, with my protestation I say to you now here: 
Not lawful to swear by any creature. Men ought not to swear when without an oath he may excuse himself that is compelled to swear.  that by the authority of the Gospel of S. james, & by witness of divers Saints & doctors: I have preached openly in one place or other, that it is not leeful in any cause to swear by any creature. And over this Sir, I have also preached and taught by the foresaid authorities: the no body should swear in any case, if that without oath in any wise he that is charged to swear might excuse him to them that have power to compel him to swear, in leeful thing & lawful. But if a man may not excuse him without oath, to them that have power to compel him to swear, than he ought to swear only by God, taking him only that is southfastnesse, for to witness the southfastnes.  

Well said Sir john of you, your holy mother struck your head.  And then a Clerk asked me if it were not leeful to a subject at the bidding of his Prelate, for to kneel down and touch the holy Gospel book, and kiss it, saying: So help me God and this holydome, for he should after his cunning and power, do all things that his Prelate commandeth him.  
☞ And I said to them: Sirs, ye speak here full generally or largely. What if a prelate commanded his subject to do an unlawful thing, should he obey thereto?  
¶ And the Archb. said to me: A subject ought not to suppose, 
These prelate's would be thou be to be good, be they never so bad.  that his prelate will bid him do an unlawful thing. For a subject aught to think that his prelate will bid him do nothing but that he will answer for before God, that it is leeful: And then, though the bidding of the prelate be unleeful, the subject hath no peril to fulfil it, since that he thinketh & judgeth, that whatsoever thing his prelate biddeth him do, that it is leeful to him for to do it.  
☞ And I said, sir I trust not thereto. But to our purpose: Sir I tell you, that I was once in a gentleman's house, and there were then two Clerks there, a master of divinity, and a man of law, which man of law was also communing in divinity. And among other things, these men soak of oaths, 
A communication betwixt a lawyer and a divine.  & the man of law said: at the bidding of his sovereign, which had power to charge him to swear, he would lay his hand upon a book, and hear his charge: and if his charge to his understanding were unleeful, he would hastily withdraw his hand upon the book, taking there only God to witness, that he would fulfil that leeful charge, after his power. And the master of divinity said then to him thus. Certain, he that layeth his hand upon a book in this wise, and maketh there a promise to do that thing that he is commanded: Is obliged thereby by book oath, then to fulfil his charge. For no doubt, he that chargeth him to lay his hand thus upon a book (touching the book, & swearing by it, and kissing it, promising in this form to do this thing or that) will say and witness, that he that toucheth thus a book, and kisseth it, hath sworn upon that book. And all other men that see that man thus do, and also all those that hear hereof, in the same wise will say and witness, that this man hath sworn upon a book. Wherefore, 
To swear by a book is to swear by creatures.  the master of divinity said, it was not leeful neither to give nor to take any such charge upon a book: for every book is nothing else, but divers creatures, of which it is made of. Therefore to swear upon a book, is to swear by creatures, and this swearing is ever unleeful. This sentence witnesseth chrysostom plainly, 
Chrisostom blameth book oath.  blaming them greatly that bring forth a book for to swear upon, charging Clerks, that in no wise they constrain any body to swear, whether they think a man to swear true or false.  
¶ And the Archbishop and his Clerks, 
Here now lacked Boner, to scratch him by the face.  scorned me, and blamed me greatly for this saying. And the Archb. manassed me with great punishment & sharp, except I left this opinion of swearing.  
☞ And I said: Sir, this is not mine opinion, but it is the opinion of Christ our saviour, & of S. james, & of chrysostom, & other divers saints and doctors.  
¶ Than the Archb. had a clerk read this homely of Chrisostom: which homely, this clerk held in his hand written in a roll: which roll the Archb. caused to be taken from my fellow at Caunterbury. And so then this clerk read this role, till he came to a clause where chrysostom saith, that it is sin to swear well.  
And then a clerk Malueren (as I guess) said to the Archb. Sir, 
Fither Malueren, or else Sir Bryan Blowcole.  I pray you were of him, how he understandeth chrysostom here, saying it to be sin to swear well.  
And so the Archbish. asked me, how I understood here chrysostom.  
And certain, 
Christ promiseth & giveth mouth & utterance.  I was somewhat afraid to answer hereto: For I had not busied me to study about the sense thereof, but lifting up my mind to God, I prayed him of grace, And as fast as I thought how Christ said to his apostles: When for my name ye shall be brought before judges, I shall give into your mouth, wisdom that your adversaries shall not against say. And trusting faithfully in the word of God, I said: Sir, I know well that many men & women, have now swearing so in custom, 
The place of chrysostom expounded, how it is sin to swear well.  that they know not, nor will not know, that they do evil for to swear as they do: But they think and say, that they do well for to swear as they do, though they know well that they swear untruly. For they say, they may by their swearing (though it be false) void blame or temporal harm, which they should have, 
What it is to swear well.  if they swear not thus. And sir, many men and women maintain strongly that they swear well, when that thing is sooth that they swear for. Also, full many men & women say now, that it is well done to swear by creatures, when they may not (as the say) otherwise be believed. And also, full many men and women now say, that it is well done to swear by God, and by our Lady, and by other saints, for to have them in mind. But since all these sayings are but excusatious, and sin: me thinketh sir, that this sense of Chrisostom may be alleged well against all such swearers: witnessing that all these sin grievously though they think themselves for to swear in this foresaid wise, well. For it is evil done and great sin, for to swear truth, when in any manner, a man may excuse himself without oath.  
¶ And the Archbishop said, that chrysostom might be thus understand.  

Pope holy Church.  And then a clerk said to me: wilt thou tarry my Lord no longer, but submit thee here meekly to the ordinance of holy Church, and lay thy hand upon a book touching the holy Gospel of GOD, promising not only with thy mouth, but also with thine hart to stand to my Lord's ordinance?  
☞ And I said: Sir have I not told you here, how that I heard a master of divinity say: that in such case it is all one to touch a book, 
To touch a book is to swear by a book. It is happy that he cal●ed not for a candle, and made a Sce●ola of him, as ●oner did 〈◊〉 Tomkins.  and to swear by a book?  
¶ And the Archb. said: There is no master of divinity in England so great, that if he hold this opinion before me, but I shall punish him as I shall do thee, except thou swear as I shall charge thee.  
☞ And I said: Sir, is not chrysostom an ententife Doctor?  
¶ And the Archb. said, yea.  
☞ And I said: if chrysostom proveth him worthy great blame, that bringeth forth a book to swear upon: it must needs follow, that he is more to blame that sweareth on that book.  

It is happy that chrysostom was not here, or else he would have had him by the back. But that word cannot be touched. Thorpe refseth not swear.  ¶ And the Archb. said: if chrysostom meant accordingly to the ordinance of holy church, we will accept him.  
☞ And then said a clerk to me. Is not the word of God & God himself equipolient, that is, of one authority?  
¶ And I said, yea.  
☞ Then he said to me, why wilt thou not swear then by the Gospel of God, that is god's word, since it is all one to swear by the word of God, & by God himself.  
¶ And I said: Sir, since I may not now otherwise be believed, but by swearing: I perceive (as Austen saith) that it is not speedful that ye that should be my brethren should not believe me: therefore I am ready by the word of God (as the lord commanded me by his word) to swear.  
☞ Then the Clerk said to me. Lay then thine hand upon the book, touching the holy Gospel of God and take thy charge.  
¶ And I said: Sir I understand that the holy Gospel of God may not be touched with man's hand.  
☞ And the Clerk said I fonded, and that I said not truth.  
¶ And I asked this clerk whether it were more to read the Gospel to touch the Gospel.  
☞ And he said it was more to read the Gospel.  

Whether the book be the Gospel. ●●om saith the Gospel is not the Gospel for ●rading, but for believing. The Gospel is not the leaves of the book, but the root of reason. S. Paul.  ¶ Then I said: Sir, by authority of S. Jerome, the gospel is not the gospel for reading of the letter, but for the belief that men have in the word of God. That it is the gospel that we believe, and not the letter that we read: for because the letter that is touched with man's hand, is not the Gospel, but the sentence that is verily believed in man's hart, is the Gospel. For so Jerome saith. The Gospel, that is the virtue of God's word, is not in that leaves of the book, but it is in the root of reason. Neither the Gospel (he sayeth) is in the writing above of the letters, but the Gospel is in the marking of the sentence of scriptures. This sentence approveth S. Paul, saying thus. The kingdom of God is not in word but in virtue. And David saith: The voice of the Lord that is his word, is in virtue. And after David saith: Through the word of God the heavens were form, and in the spirit of his mouth is all the virtue of them. And I pray you sir, 
David.  understand ye well how David saith, then in the spirit of the mouth of the Lord, is all the virtue of angels and of men.  
And the clerk said to me. Thou wouldst make us to fond with thee. 
This clerk was well ●eene in the Mass book  Say we not that the Gospels are written in the Mass book?  
☞ And I said. Sir, though men use to say thus, yet it is unperfect speech. For the principal part of a thing is properly the whole thing. For lo, man's soul that may not now be seen here, nor touched with any sensible thing, is properly man. And all the virtue of a tree is in the root thereof that may not be seen, for do away the root, & the tree is destroyed And sir, 
The Gospel is not the letter but hid in the letter.  as ye said to me right now, God & his word are of one authority: And sir, S. Jerome witnesseth, that Christ (very God & very man) is hid in the letter of the law: thus also sir, the gospel is hid in the letter. For sir, as it is full likely many divers men and women here in the earth, touched Christ & saw him, & knew his bodily person, which neither touched, nor saw, nor knew ghostly his godhead. Right thus sir, many men now touch & see, & write, & read the scriptures of gods law, which neither see, touch, nor read effectually the gospel. For as the godhead of Christ (that is the virtue of God) is known by the virtue of belief, so is the Gospel, that is, Christ's word.  
¶ And a clerk said to me. 
Misty matters for your blind eyes.  These be full misty matters and unsavoury that thou showest here to us.  
☞ And I said: Sir, if ye, that are masters, know not plainly this sentence, ●e may sore dread that the kingdom of heaven be taken from you, as it was from the princes of priests and from the elders of the ●owes.  
¶ And then a Clerk (as I guess) Malueren, said to me. Thou knowest not thine equivocations: for the kingdom of heaven hath divers understandings. What callest thou the kingdom of heaven in this sentence, that thou showest here?  
☞ And I said: 
The kingdom of God taken for the understanding of God's word.  Sir, by good reason and sentence of doctors the Realm of heaven is called here, the understanding of God's word.  
¶ And a clerk said to me. From whom thinkest thou that this understanding is taken away?  
☞ And I said: Sir (by authority of Christ himself) the effectual understanding of Christ's word is taken away from all them chief, 
This salt was somewhat two sharp for their rotten flesh to abide.  which are great lettered men, & presum to understand high things, & will be holden wise men & desire mastership & high state & dignity: but they will not conform them to the living and teaching of Christ & of his Apostles.  
¶ Then the Archb. said. Well, well, thou wilt judge thy sovereigns. By God, the king doth not his duty, but he suffer thee to be condemned.  
☞ And than an other Clerk said to me. 
Help down with him sir john.  Why (on Friday that last was) counsailedst thou a man of my Lords that he should not shrive him to no man but only to god?  
¶ And with this ask I was abashed: And then by and by I knew that I was subtly betrayed of a man that came to me in prison on the Friday before, commoning with me in this matter of confession. 
Note here the crafty practice of this holy church.  And certain, by his words I thought, that this man came then to me, of full fervent and charitable will: But now I know he came to tempt me & to accuse me, God forgive him if it be his wil And withal mine hart when I had thought thus, I said to this clerk, Sir, I pray you that ye would fetch this man hither: and all the words as near as I can repeat them, which that I spoke to him, on Friday in the prison. I will rehearse now here before you all, and before him.  
☞ And (as I guess) the Archbishop said then to me. They that are now here, suffice to repeat them. How saidst thou to him?  
¶ And I said: Sir, that man came and asked me in divers things, 
A false brother.  and after his ask, I answered him (as I understood) that good was: And as he showed to me by his words, he was sorry of his living in court, and right heavy for his own vicious living, and also for the viciousness of other men, and specially of priests evil living: & herefore he said to me with a sorrowful hart (as I guessed) that he purposed fully within short time for to leave the court, and to busy him to know God's law, and to confirm all his life thereafter. And when he had said to me these words & more other which I would rehearse and he were present, he prayed me to hear his confession. And I said to him, sir, wherefore come ye to me, to be confessed of me, ye wot well that the Archb. putteth & holdeth me here, as one unworthy either to give or to take any sacrament of holy Church.  
☞ And he said to me. Brother I wot well, and so wot many other more, that you and such other are wrongfully vexed, and therefore I common with you the more gladly. And I said to him. Certain I wot well that many men of this court, and specially the priests of this household would be full evil apaid both you & with me, if they witted that ye were confessed of me. 
A crafty train of a popish dissembler.  And he said, that he cared not therefore, for he had full little affection in them: And as me thought, he spoke these words and many other, of so good will and of so high desire, for to have known and done the pleasant will of God. And I said to him, as with my foresaid protestation I say to you now here: Sir, I counsel you, for to absent you from all evil company, and to draw you to them that love and busy them to know and to keep the precepts of God: And then the good spirit of God will move you for to occupy busily all your wits in gathering together of all your sins, as far as ye can bethink you, shaming greatly of them and sorrowing heartily for them: Yea sir, the holy Ghost will then put in your hart a good will and a servant desire for to take and to hold a good purpose, to hate ever and to fly, (after your cunning and power) all occason of sin: and so then, wisdom shall come to you from above, lightening (with divers beams of grace and of heavenly desire) all your wits, 
Auricular confession.  informing you how ye shall trust steadfastly in the mercy of the Lord: knowledging to him only all your vicious living, praying to him ever devoutly of charitable counsel and continuance. Hoping without doubt, that if ye continued thus, busying you faithfully to know & to keep his bid, that he will (for he only, may) forgive you all your sins. And this man said to me. Though God forgive men their sins yet it behoveth men to be assoiled of priests, & to do the penance that they enjoin them.  
And I said to him, Sir, it is all one to assoil men o● their sins, & to forgive men their sins. Wherefore, sinned it pertaineth only to God to forgive sin: 
God only forgiveth sin, man only can counsel to leave sin.  It sufficeth in this case, to counsel men & women for to l●aue their sin, and to comfort them that busy them thus to do, for to hope steadfastly in the mercy of God. And again ward, Priests ought to tell sharply to customable sinners, that if they will not make an end of their sin, but continued in divers sin● while that they may sin, all such deserve pain without any en▪ And herefore, Priests should over busy them to live well and holily, and to teach the people 〈◊〉 & truly the word of God, showing to all folk in open preaching and in privy counseling; that the lord God only forgiveth sin. And therefore, those priests that take upon them to assoil men of their sins, blaspheme God: since that it pertaineth only to the Lord, to assoil men of all their sins, For no doubt, a thousand year after that Christ was man, no Priest of Christ durst take upon him to teach the people, neither privily nor apertly, that they behoved needs to come to be assailed of them, as Priests now do. But by authority of Christ's word: Priests bound indurate customable sinners, to everlasting pains, which in no time of their living, would busy them faithfully to know the biddings of God, nor to keep them. And again, all they that would occupy all their wits to hate & to fly all occasion of sin, dreading over all thing, to offend God, and loving for to please him continually: to these men & women Priests showed, how the Lord assoileth them of all their sins. And thus Christ promised to confirm in heaven, all the binding and losing that priests by authority of his word, bind men in sin that are indurate therein, or lose them out of sin here upon earth, 
Shrife & confession to priests.  that are verily repentant. And this man hearing these words said, that he might well in conscience consent to this sentence. But he said. Is it not needful to the lay people that can not thus do, to go shrine them to priests▪ And I said, If a man feel himself so distroubled with any sin, 
A good secular man may be counsellor, where a priest faileth by S. Augustine.  that he can not by his own wit avoid this sin without counsel of them that are herein wiser than he. In such a case, the counsel of a good Priest is full necessary. And if a good priest fail as they do now commonly, in such a case S. Augustine saith, that a man may lawfully common and take counsel, of a virtuous secular man. But certain, that man or woman is overladen and too beastly, which cannot bring their own sins into their mind, busying them night and day for to hate & to forsake all their sins, doing a sigh for them after their cunning and power. And sir, full accordingly to this sentence upon Midlenton Sunday (two year as I guess now agone) I hard a Monk of Feversam that men called Morden, 
Morden Monk of Feversam preaching of confession.  preach at Caunterbury at the cross within Christ Church Abbey, saying thus of confession. That as through the suggestion of the fiend without counsel of any other body, of themselves many men & women, can imagine and find means & ways enough to come to pride, to theft, to lechery, and other divers vices: In contrary wise this Monk said. Since the Lord God is more ready to forgive sin than the fiend is or may be of power, to move any body to sin: than whosoever will shame and sorrow heartily for their sins, 
Hearty repentance to God, needeth no confession to a priest.  knowledging them faithfully to God, amending them after their power and cunning, without counsel of any other body than of God and himself (through the grace of God) all such men and women may find, sufficient means to come to God's mercy, and so to be clean assoiled of all their sins. This sentence I said sir to this man of yours, and the self words as near as I can guess.  
¶ And the Archbishop said. Holy Church approveth not this learning. 
No nor nothing else that is good.   
☞ And I said. Sir, holy Church of which Christ is head in heaven and in earth, must needs approve this sentence. For lo, hereby all men & women may, if they will, be sufficiently taught to know & to keep the commandments of God, 
Christ giveth freedom, the pope giveth thraldom.  & to hate & to fly continually all occasion of sin, and to love and to seek virtues busily, & to believe in God stably, and to trust in his mercy steadfastly, & so to come to perfect charity & continue therein perseverantly. And more the Lord asketh not of any man here now in this life. And certain, since jesus Christ died upon the cross, wilfully to make men free: Men of the Church are to bold and to busy, to make men thrall, binding them under the pain of endless curse (as they say) to do many observances and ordinances, which neither the living nor teaching of christ nor of his Apostles approveth.  
And a Clerk said them to me: Thou showest plainly here thy deceit, which thou hast learned of them that travel to sow people among the wheat. But I counsel thee to go away clean from this learning, & submit thee lowly to my lord, and thou shall find him yet to be gracious to ther.  
¶ And as fast then, an other Clerk said to me: How wast thou so bold at Paul's Cross in London, to stand there hard with thy upper bound about thine head, and to reprove in his Sermon the worthy clerk Alkerton, drawing away all that thou mightest: yea, & the same day at afternoon, thou meeting the worthy Doctor in Watling street, called'st him false flatterer and hypocrite.  
☞ And I said: Sir, I think certainly that there was no man nor woman that hated verily sin, & loved virtues (heaving the Sermon of the clerk at Oxford, and also Alkersons Sermon) but they said, or might justly say, that Alkerton reproved that clerk untruly, and slandered him wrongfully and uncharitably. For no doubt, If the living & teaching of Christ chief and of his Apostles be true, no body that loveth God and his law, will blame any sentence that the clerk than preached there: since by authority of God's word, & by approved Saints & Doctors, & by open reason, this Clerk approved all things clearly that he preached there.  
¶ And a Clerk of the Archbishops said to me, his Sermon was false, and that he showeth openly, since he dare not stand forth and defend his preaching that he then preached there.  
☞ And I said: Sir, I think that he purposeth to stand steadfastly thereby, or else he scaundereth foully himself, and also many other that have great trust that he will stand by the truth of the Gospel. For I wot well, this Sermon is written both in Latin and English, and many men have it & they set great price thereby. And sir, If ye were present with the Archbishop at Lambeth when this Clerk appeared and was at his answer before the Archbishop, ye wot well that this Clerk denied not there his Sermon, but two days he maintained it before the Archbishop and his Clerks.  
And then the Archbishop or one of his Clerks said (I wot not which of them) that harlot shallbe met with, for that Sermon. For no man but he and thou, and such other false harlots, praiseth any such preaching.  
¶ And then the Arbhb. said. Your cursed sect is busy, and it joyeth right greatly to contrary & to destroy the privilege and freedom of holy Church.  
☞ And I said: 
The true freedom of holy church not destroyed but increased by true preachers.  Sir, I know no men that travel so busily as this sect doth (which you reprove) to make rest and peace in holy church. For pride, covetousness, and simony, which distrouble most holy Church: this sect hateth & fleeth, and travaileth busily to move all other men in like manner, unto meekness and wilful poverty, and charity, and free ministering of the Sacraments: this sect loveth & useth, and is full busy to move all other folks thus to do. For these virtues, own all members of holy church, to their head Christ.  
Then a Clerk said to the Archbishop: Sir, it is far days, and ye have far to ride to night: therefore make an end with him, for he will none make. But the more sir, that ye busy you for to draw him toward you, the more contumax he is made, and the farther fro you.  
¶ And then Malueren said to me: 
Take my Lords blassing & stand up.  William, kneel down, and pray my Lord of grace, & leave all thy fantasies, and become a child of holy church.  
☞ And I said: Sir, I have prayed the Archbishop oft, and yet I pray him for the love of Christ, that he will leave his indignation that he hath against me: and that he will suffer me after my cunning & power, for to do mine office of priesthood, as I am charged of god to do it. For I covet nought else, but to serve my God to his pleasing in the state that I stand in, and have taken me to.  
¶ And the Archbishop said to me: If of good hart thou wilt submit thee now here meekly, to be ruled from this time forth by my counsel, 
My Lord hath haste, for being benighted.  obeying meekly and wilfully to mine ordinance, thou shalt find it most profitable & best to thee for to do thus. Therefore tarry thou me no longer, grant to do this that I have said to thee now here shortly, or deny it utterly.  
☞ And I said to the Archbishop: Sir, own we to believe that jesus Christ was and is, very God and very man?  
¶ And the Archbishop said Yea.  
☞ And I said: Sir, own we to believe that all Christ's living and his teaching is true in every point?  
¶ And he said, yea.  
☞ And I said: Sir, own we to believe, that the living of the Apostles, and the teaching of Christ, and all the Prophets, are true which are written in the Bible, for the health and salvation of good people?  
¶ And he said yea.  
☞ And I said: Sir, own all Christian men & women after their cunning and power, for to conform all their living, to the teaching specially of Christ, and also to the teaching and living of his Apostles and of Prophets, in all things that are pleasant to God, and edification of his Church?  
¶ And he said, yea.  
☞ And I said: Sir ought the doctrine, the bidding, or the counsel of any body, to be accepted or obeyed unto: except this doctrine, these bid, or this counsel, may be granted and affirmed by Christ's living and his teaching specially, or by the living and teaching of his Apostles & Prophets?  
¶ And the Archbishop said to me: Other doctrine ought not to be accepted, 
And why compel you this man to the contrary  nor we own not to obey to any man's bidding or counsel, except we can perceive that his bidding or counsel, accordeth with the life and teaching of Christ, and of his Apostles and Prophets.  
☞ And I said: Sir, is not all the learning, and bid and counsels of holy Church, means and healefull remedies, to know and to withstand the privy suggestions, 
Thorpe content to submit himself to the ordinance of counsels.  and the apart temptations ot the fiend? and also ways and healeful remedies, to slay pride and all other deadly sins, and the branches of them, and sovereign means to purchase grace, for to withstand and overcome all the fleshly lusts and movings?  
¶ And the Archbishop said yea.  
☞ And I said: Sir, whatsoever thing ye or any other body bid or counsel me to do, accordingly to this foresaid learning, after my cunning & power, through the help of god, I will meekly with all my hart obey thereto.  
¶ And the archbishop said to me: Submit thee than now here meekly and wilfully, to the ordinance of holy church, which I shall show to thee.  
☞ And I said: sir, accordingly as I have here now before you rehearsed, I will now be ready to obey full gladly to Christ the head of the holy Church, & to the learning and biddings, and counsels of every pleasing member of him. 
●f Boner 〈◊〉 been 〈◊〉, he would not 〈◊〉 strooken 〈◊〉 cupboard   
¶ Then the archbishop striking with his hand fiercely upon a cupboard, spoke to me with a great spirit saying: By jesus, but if thou leave such additions, obliging thee now here without any exception to mine ordinance (or that I go out of this place) I shall make thee as sure, as any thief that is in the prison of Lantern. Advise thee now what thou wilt do. And then as if he had been angered, he went fro the cupboard where he stood, to a window.  
¶ And then Malueren and an other Clerk came nearer me, and they spoke to me many words full pleasantly: and an oath while they manassed me, and counseled full busily to submit me, 
〈◊〉 multiple is not 〈◊〉 followed in evil.  or else they said I should not escape punishing over measure: For they said, I should be degraded, cursed, and burned, & so then damned. But now they said, thou mayst eschew all these mischiefs, if thou wilt submit thee wilfully & meekly to this worthy prelate, that hath cure of thy soul. And for the pity of Christ (said they) bethink thee, how great Clerks the Bishop of Lincoln, Hereford, and Purney were, and yet are, and also B. that is a well understanding man. Which also have forsaken & revoked, all the learning and opinions, that thou and such other hold. 
〈◊〉 what 〈◊〉 is, God ●●ing him ●●to himself.  Wherefore, since each of them is mikle wiser than thou art, we counsel thee for the best: that by the example of these four Clerks, thou follow them submitting thee as they did.  
And one of the Bishop's Clerks said then there, that he heard nicol Hereford say: that since he forsook & revoked all the learning & Lolards opinions, he hath had mickle greater favour and more delight to hold against them, than ever he had to hold with them, while he held with them.  

● clean 〈◊〉 thrift 〈◊〉 sin.  And therefore Malueren said to me: I understand and thou wilt take thee to a Priest, and shrive thee clean, forsake all such opinions, & take the penance of my Lord here, for the holding & teaching of them: within short time, thou shalt be greatly comforted in this doing.  
☞ And I said to the Clerks, that thus busily counseled me to follow these foresaid men: Sirs, if these men of whom ye counsel me to take example, had forsaken benefices of temporal profit, & of worldly worship, so that chey had absented them, and eschewed from all occasions of covetousness & of fleshly lusts, and had taken upon them simple living, & wilful poverty: they had herein given good example to me and to many other, to have followed them. But now, since all these four men, have slanderously and shamefully done the contrary, consenting to receive and to have and to hold temporal benefices, living now more worldly & more fleshly than they did before, conforming them to the manners of this world: I forsake them herein, and in all their foresaid slanderous doing. For I purpose with the help of God (into remissio of my sins, and of my ●oule cursed living) to hate and to flee privily and apertly, to follow these men, teaching and counseling whom so ever that I may, 
Other men's examples are so to be followed, as they be the followers of Christ  for to flee & eschew the way that they have chosen to go in, which will lead them to the worst end, (if in convenient time they repent them not) verily forsaking and revoking openly the flaunder that they have put, and every day yet put, to Christ's Church. For certain, so open blasphemy and slander as they have spoken and done, in their revoking & forsaking of the truth, ought not nor may not privily be amended, duly. Wherefore sirs, I pray you that you busy not for to move me to follow these men, in revoking and forsaking the truth, and soothfastness as they have done, and yet do: wherein, by open evidence they stir God to great wrath, and not only against themselves, but also against all them that favour them, or consent to them herein, or that communeth with them, except it be for their amendment. For where as these men first were pursued of enemies, now they have obliged them by oath for to slander and pursue Christ in his members. Wherefore (as I trust steadfastly in the goodness of God) the worldly covetousness, and the lusty living and the sliding from the truth of these runagates: shall be to me and to many other men and women, an example & an evidence, to stand more stiffly by the truth of Christ.  
For certain, 
Promotions commonly and great livings, choke truth.  right many men and women, do mark and abhor the foulness and cowardness of these foresaid untrue men, how that they are overcome & stopped with benefices, and withdrawn from the truth of God's word, forsaking utterly to suffer therefore bodily persecution. For by this unfaithful doing and apostasy of them (specially that are great lettered men) and have knowledged openly the truth: 
Men following the ways of Balaam.  and now, either for pleasure or displeasure of tyrants, have taken hire and temporal wages to forsake the truth and to hold against it, slandering and pursuing them that covet to follow Christ in the way of righteousness, many men and women therefore are now moved. But many more thorough the grace of God, shall be moved hereby for to learn the truth of God, and to do thereafter, and to stand boldly thereby.  
¶ Then the Archbishop said to his clerks. Busy you no longer about him, for he and other such as he is, are consedered together, 
Thorpes fellow refuseth to swear to the prelate's.  that they will not swear to be obedient, & to submit them to prelate's of holy church. For now since I stood here, his fellow also sent me word that he will not swear, and that this fellow counseled him that he should not swear to me. And lozel, in that thing that in thee is, thou hast busied thee to lose this young man, but blessed be God, thou shalt not have thy purpose of him. For he hath forsaken all thy learning, submitting him to be buxum & obedient to the ordinance of holy church, and weary full bitterly, and curseth thee full heartily for the venomous teaching which thou hast showed to him, counseling him to do thereafter.  
And for thy false counseling of many other & him, thou hast great cause to be right sorry. For long time thou hast busied thee to pervert whomsoever thou mightest. Therefore, as many deaths thou art worthy of, as thou hast given evil counsels. And therefore by jesus, thou shalt go thither, where nicol Harford & Thom. purvey were harbered. And I undertake, or this day viij. days, thou shalt be right glad for to do what thing that ever I did thee to do. 
Vide supra. pag. 497.  And Lozel, I shall assay, if I can make thee there as sorrowful (as it was told me) thou wast glad of my last going out of England. By S. Thomas, I shall turn thy joy into sorrow.  
☞ And I said: Sir there can no body prove lawfully that I joyed ever, 
Arundel the Archb. going out of England. The gentleness of the B. of London to Thorpe. So promised Winchester in Queen Mary's time, but that passed his power to perform. A notable answer of Thorpe to the Bishop, promising to destroy all the Gospelers.  of the manner of your going out of this land.  
But Sir, to say the sooth, I was joyful when ye were gone: for the bishop of London in whole prison ye left me, found in me no cause for to hold me longer in his prison, but at the request of my friends, he delivered me to them, ask of me no manner of submitting.  
¶ Then the archbishop said to me. Wherefore that I go out of England, is unknown to thee: But be this thing well known to thee, that God (as I wot well) hath called me again, and brought me into this land, for to destroy thee and the false sect that thou art of: as by God, I shall pursue you so narrowly, that I shall not leave a slip of you in this land.  
☞ And I said to the archbishop: Sir, the holy prophet jeremy said to the false Prophet Anany. When the word that is the prophecy of a Prophet, is known or fulfilled: than it shallbe known, that the Lord sent the Prophet in truth.  
¶ And the Archbishop (as if he had not been pleased with my saying) turned him awayward hither and thither, and said. By GOD, I shall set upon thy shins a pair of pearls, 
Such pearls would better beseem my Lord your golden shoes.  that thou shalt be glad to change thy voice.  
These and many more wondrous and convicious words, were spoken to me, manassing me and all other of the same sect, for to be punished and destroyed unto the uttermost.  
And the Archbishop called then to him a Clerk, and rouned with him: 
At illi clamabant dicentes tolle, tolle, crucifige eum. Luke 23.  and that Clerk went forth, and soon he brought in the Constable of Saltwoode Castle, and the Archbishop rowned a good while with him: And then the Constable went forth, and then came in divers seculars, & they scorned me on every side, & manassed me greatly. And some counseled the Archbishop to burn me by and by, & some other counseled him to drown me in the Sea, for it is near hand there.  
And a Clerk standing beside me, there kneeled down to the Archbishop, praying him that he would deliver me to him, for to say Martins with him: & he would undertake: that within three days I should not resist any thing that were commanded me to do of my Prelate.  
And the archbishop said, that he would ordain for me himself.  
And then after, came again the Constable and spoke privily to the Archbishop: And the archbishop commanded the Constable to lead me forth thence with him, & so he did. And when we were gone forth thence, we were sent after again. And when I came in again before the archbishop: a Clerk bade me kneel down and ask grace, and submit me lowly, and I should find it for the best.  

Obedience to God and to his law would not serve.  ☞ And I said them to the archbishop. Sir, as I have said to you divers times to day, I will wilfully & lowly obey and submit me to be ordained ever after the cunning and power, to God & to his law, and to every member of holy Church, as far forth as I can perceive that these members accord with their head Christ, and will teach me, rule me, or chastise me by authority, specially of God's law.  
¶ And the archbishop said. I witted well he would not with out such additions submit him.  
And then I was rebuked, scorned & manassed on every side: 
In patience and silence possess your souls.  and yet after this, divers persons cried upon me to kneel down and submit me, but I stood still and spoke no word. And then there was spoken of me and to me many great words, & I stood and heard them manasse curse and scorn me: but I said nothing.  
Then a while after, the archbishop said to me. Wilt thou not submit thee to the ordinance of holy Church?  
☞ And I said: Sir, I will full gladly submit me, as I have showed you before.  
¶ And then the Archbishop bade the Constable, to have me forth thence in haste.  
And so then I was led forth, and brought into a foul unhonest prison, 
Thorp cast in prison.  where I came never before. But thanked be God, when all men were gone forth then from me, & had sparred fast the prison door after them: By and by after, I therein by myself, busied me to think on God, & to thank him of his goodness. And I was then greatly comforted in all my wits, not only for that I was then delivered for a time from the sight, from the hearing, from the presence, from the scorning, and from the manassing of mine enemies: but much more I rejoiced in the Lord, 
Thorpe comforted & strengthened of the Lord, after his conflict with the bishop  because that through his grace he kept me so, both among the flattering specially, and among the manassing of mine adversaries, that without heaviness and anguish of my conscience, I passed away from them. For as a tree laid upon an other tree, overthwart or Cross wise, so was the Archbishop and his three Clerks always contrary to me, and I to them.  
Now good God for thine holy name, and to the praising of the most blessed name: make us one together, if it be thy will (by authority of thy word, that is true perfit charity) and else not. And that it may thus be, all that this writing read or hear, pray heartily to the lord God, that he for his great goodness that can not be with tongue expressed, grant to us and to all other, which in the same wise, and for the same cause specially, or for any other cause be at distance, to be knit & made one in true faith, in steadfast hope, and in perfit charity. Amen.   
¶ Besides this examination here above described, came an other treatise also to our hands of the same W. thorn, under the name and title of his testament: which rather by the matter and handling thereof, might seem to be counted a complaint of vicious Priests: which treatise or Testament, in this place we thought not mere to be left out.  
Matthew an Apostle of Christ, 
Christ dwelleth in a faithful soul.  and his gospeler, witnesseth truly in the holy Gospel, the most holy living and the most wholesome teaching of Christ. He rehearseth how that Christ likeneth them that hear his words and keep them, to a wise man that buildeth his house upon a stone, that is a stable and a ●ad ground. This house is man's soul in whom Christ delighteth to dwell, if it be grounded, that is established faithfully in his living & in his true teaching, adorned or made fair with divers virtues, which Christ used and taught without any meddling of any error, as are chief the conditions of charity.  
This foresaid stone is Christ, 
Christ is the stone whereon we must builds.  upon which every faithful soul must be builded, since upon none other ground then upon Christ's living and his teaching, no body may make any building or housing, wherein Christ will come and dwell. This sentence witnesseth S. Paul to the Corinthians, showing to them that no body may set any other ground than is set, that is, Christ's living and teaching. And because that all men and women should give all their business here in this life, 
How we are made the temple of God.  to build them virtuously upon this sure foundation: S. Paul knowledging the servant desire, and the good will of the people of Ephesye, wrote to them comfortably saying: Now ye are not strangers, guests, nor yet comelinges, but ye are the Citizens and of the household of God, builded above upon the fundament of the Apostles and Prophets. In which fundament, every building that is builded or made through the grace of God, it increaseth or groweth into an holy temple, that is: Every body that is grounded or builded faithfully in the teaching and living of Christ, is there through, made the holy temple of God.  
This is the stable ground and steadfast stone Christ, which is the sure corner stone, 
Mark what we have by Christ.  fast joining & holding mightily together, two walls. For through Christ jesus, mean or middle person of the Trinity: the Father of heaven is piteous or mercifully joined and made one together to mankind. And through dread to offend God, and servant love to please him, men be unseparably made one to God and defended surely under his protection. Also, this foresaid stone Christ, 
The property of a square stone  was figured by the square stones of which the temple of God, was made. For as a square stone, wheresoever it is cast or laid, it abideth and lieth stably: so Christ and every faithful member of his Church by example of him, abideth and dwelleth stably in true faith, and in all other heavenvly virtues in all adversities that they suffer in this valley of tears.  
For lo, when these foresaid square stones were hewn and wrought for to be laid in the walls or pillars of God's temple, none noise or stroke of the workman was heard. Certain this silence in working of this stone, figu●eth Christ chief and his faithful members, which by example of him, have been and yet are, and ever to the worlds end shall be so meek and patient in every adversity, that no sound nor yet any grudging shall any time be perceived in them.  
Nevertheless, this chief and most worshipful corner stone which only is ground of all virtues, proud beggars reprieved: but this despite and reproof, 
Christ is an example of all perfect meekness.  Christ suffered most meekly in his own person, for to give example of all meekness and patience to all his faithful followers. Certain, this world is now so full of proud beggars which are named Priests: but the very office of working of Priesthood which Christ approveth true, and accepteth, is far from the multitude of Priests that now reign in this world.  
For from the highest Priest to the lowest all (as who say) study, that is, 
Priest's see● the pleasure of this world.  they imagine and travel busily, how they may please this world and their flesh. This sentence and many such other dependeth upon them, if it be well considered, other God the father of heaven hath deceived all mankind by the living specially and teaching of jesus Christ, and by the living and teaching of his Apostles and Prophets: or else all the Popes that have been, since I had any knowledge or discretion, with all the College of Cardinals, Archbishops, 
Great odd● betwixt the life of 〈◊〉 and Ch●● and his Apostles.  and Bishops, Monks, Canons, and Friars, with all the contagious flock of the communality of Priesthood, which have (all my life time and mikle longer) reigned and yet reign, & increase damnably from sin into sin: have been and yet be proud, obstinate heretics, covetous simoners, and defouled adulterers in the ministering of the Sacraments, and specially in the ministering of the Sacrament of the altar. For as their works showeth whereto Christ biddeth us take heed: the highest Priests and Prelates of this Priesthood, 
When prie●● forget God truth, 〈◊〉 whether they run headlong. The gre●● infect the small.  challenge and occupy unleeful, temporal Lordships. And for temporal favour and meed, they sell & give benefices to unworthy and unable persons, yea these simoners sell sin, suffering men and women in every degree and estate, to lie, and continue, from year to year, in divers vices slanderously. And thus by evil example of high priests in the church, lower Priests under them are not only suffered, but they are maintained to sell full dear (to the people for temporal meed) all the Sacraments.  
And thus all this foresaid Priesthood, is blown so high and borne up in pride and vain glory of their estate and dignity & so blinded with worldly covetousness: 
Fleshly priests cannot 〈◊〉 with th● things.  That they disdain to follow Christ in very meekness and wilful poverty, living holy and preaching God's word truly, freely and continually, taking their livelihood at the free will of the people of their pure alms, where and when they suffice not for their true and busy preaching to get their sustenance with their hands. To this true sentence grounded on Christ's own living and teaching of his Apostles, these foresaid worldly & fleshly Priests will not consent effectually. 
They hunt after this with tooth and nail.  But as their works and also their words show: boldly and unshamefastly these forenamed Priests and Prelates, covet, and enforce them mightily and busily, that all holy scripture were expounded and drawn accordingly to their manners, and to their ungrounded usages and findinge. For they will not (since they hold it but folly and madness) conform their manners to the pure and simple living of Christ and his Apostles, 
An exhortation to all degrees, to see priesthood amended.  nor they will not follow freely their learning. Wherefore, all the Emperors and Kings, and all other Lords and Ladies, and all the common people in every degree and state, which have before time known or might have known, and also all they that now yet know or might know this foresaid witness of Priesthood, and would not nor yet will, enforce them after their cunning and power, to withstand charitably the foresaid enemies and traitors of Christ, and of his church: all these strive with Antichrist against Iesu. And they shall hear the indignation of God almighty without end, 
Prelates & priests negligent in their duties.  if in convenient time they amend them not, and repent them verily, doing therefore due mourning and sorrow, after their cunning & power. For through presumtuousnesse and negligence of Priests & Prelates (not of the Church of Christ, but occupying their prelacy unduly in the Church) and also flattering and false covetousness of other divers named Priests: Lousengers and lounderers, are wrongfully made and named hermits, and have leave to defraud poor and needy creatures of their livelihood, and to live by their false winning and begging, in sloth and in other divers vices. And also of these Prelates, these coker noses, are suffered to live in pride and hypocrisy, and to defoul themselves both bodily and ghostly. Also by the suffering and counsel of these foresaid Prelates and of other Priests, are made both vain brotherhoodes and sisterhoodes, full of pride and envy, which are full contrary to the brotherhood of Christ, since they are cause of much dissetion, and they multiply and sustain it uncharitably: for in lusty eating and drinking, unmeasurably and out of time, they exercise themselves. Also this vain confederacy of brotherhoodes, is permitted to be of one clothing, and to hold together.  
And in all these ungrounded and unleeful doings, priests are partners and great meddlers and counsellors. And over this viciousness, hermits and Pardoners, Ankers, and strange beggars, are licenced and admitted of Prelates and Priests, for to beguile the people with flatterings and leasinge slanderously against all good reason and true believe, and so to increase divers vices in themselves, and also among all them that accept them or consent to them.  
And thus, the viciousness of these foresaid named Priests & Prelates, have been long time, and yet is, and shall be cause of wars both within the Realm and without. And in the same wise, these unable Priests have been, and yet are, and shallbe chief cause of pestilence of men, and morein of beasts, and of barrenness of the earth, and of all other mischiefs, to the time that Lords and commons able them through grace, for to know and to keep the commandments of God, enforcing them than faithfully and charitably by one assent, for to redress and make one this foresaid Priesthood, to the wilful, poor, meek, and innocent living and teaching, specially of Christ and his Apostles.  
Therefore, all they that know or might know, the viciousness that reigneth now cursedly in these Priests and in their learning, if they suffice not to understand this contagious viciousness: let them pray to the Lord heartily for the health of his Church, abstaining them prudently from these indurate enemies of Christ and of his people, and from all their Sacraments, since to them all that know them or may know, they are but fleshly deeds and false: as S. Cyprian witnesseth in the first question of decrees, 
Cirp. 1. q. 1. cap. Si quis inquit.  and in the first cause. Ca Si quis inquit. For as this Saint and great Doctor witnesseth there, that not only vicious Priests, but also all they that favour them or consent to them in their viciousness: shall together perish with them, if they amend them not duly, as all they perished that consented to Dathan and Abiron. For nothing were more confusion to these foresaid vicious Priests, than to eschew them prudently in all their unleeful Sacraments, while they continued in their sinful living slanderously, as they have long time done and yet do. And no body need to be afraid (though death did follow by one wise or other) for to die out of this world without taking of any Sacrament of these foresaid Christ's enemies: since Christ will not fail, for to minister himself all jefull & healfull Sacraments and necessary at all time (and specially at end) to all them that are in true faith, in steadfast hope, and in perfect charity.  
But yet some mad fools say (for to eschew slander) they will be shriven once in the year, and communed of their proper Priests, though they know them defouled with slanderous vices. No doubt, but all they that thus do or consent privily or apertly to such doing, are culpable of great sin: since S. Paul witnesseth, that not only they that do evil, are worthy of death and damnation, but also they that consent to evil doers. Also (as their slanderous works witness) these aforesaid vicious Priests, despise and cast from them heavenly cunning, that is given of the holy ghost Wherefore, the Lord throweth all such despisers from him, that they use nor do any Priesthood to him.  
No doubt than, all they that wittingly or wilfully, take or consent that any other body should take any Sacrament of any such named Priest, sinneth openly and damnably against all the Trinity, and are unable to any Sacrament of health.  
And that this foresaid sentence is altogether true, into remission of all my sinful living, trusting steadfastly in the mercy of God, I offer to him my soul.  
And to prove also the foresaid sentence true with the help of God, I purposefully for to suffer meekly and gladly my most wretched body to be tormented, where God will, of whom he will, and when he will, and as long as he will, and what temporal pain he will and death, to the praising of his name, and to the edification of his Church.  
And I that am most unworthy and wretched caitiff, shall now through the special grace of God, make to him pleasant sacrifice with my most sinful and unworthy body. Beseeching heartily all folk that read or hear this end of my purposed Testament, that through the grace of GOD, they dispose verily and virtuously all their wits, and able in like manner all their members for to understand truly, and to keep faithfully, charitably, and continually all the commandments of God, and so than to pray devoutly to all the blessed Trinity, that I may have grace with wisdom and prudence from above, to end my life here in this foresaid truth and for this cause, in true faith and steadfast hope, and perfect charity. Amen.  
What was the end of this good man and blessed servant of God William Thorpe, I find as yet in no story specified. By all conjectures it is to be thought, 
The end of W. Thorpe uncertain.  that the archbishop Thomas Arundull being so hard an adversary against those men, would not let him go. Much less it is to be supposed, that he would ever retract his sentence and opinion, which he so valiantly maintained before the bishop, neither doth it seem that he had any such recanting spirit. Again, neither is it found, that he was burned. Wherefore it remaineth most like to be true, that he being committed to some strait prison (according as the Archbishop in his examination before, did threaten him) there (as Thorpe confesseth himself) was so straightly kept, that either he was secretly made away, or else there he died by sickness.  
The like end also I find to happen to john Aston, an other good follower of Wickliff, who for the same doctrine of the sacrament was condemned by the Bishops, And because he would not recant, he was committed to perpetual prison, wherein the good man continued till his death. An. 1382.   

¶ john Purvey.  
FUrthermore, in the said examination of William Thorpe, mention was made (as ye heard) of john Purvey, 
john Purvey.  of whom also something we touched before: promising of the said john Purvey, more particularly to entreat in order and process of time. Of this Purvey, Tho. Walden writeth thus in his second tome, john Purvey saith he, was the Library of Lollordes, and gloser upon Wickliff. He said, that the worshipping of Abraham was but a salutation. And in his third Tome, he saith: this john Purvey with Harford a doctor of divinity, were grievously tormented, and punished in the prison of Saltwood, and at the length recanted at Paul's cross at London (Tho. Arundel being then Archb. of Canterbury.) 
john Purvey prisoned after his recantation.  Afterward again, he was imprisoned under Henry Chicheley Archb. of Canterbury, in the year of our Lord 1421. Thus much writeth Walden. The works of this man which he wrote, were gathered by Richard Lavingame his adversary, which I think worthy to be remembered. First, as touching the Sacrament of the last supper, the Sacrament of penance, the Sacrament of orders, the power of the keys, the preaching of the Gospel, of Marriages, of Uowes, of possessions, of the punishing and correcting of the Clergy, of the laws and decrees of the Church, of the state and condition of the Pope and the clergy: Of all these generally, he left divers monuments gravely and exactly written, part whereof, here in the end of his story we thought to exhibit, being translated out of Latin into English.  
The articles which he taught, and afterward was forced to recant at Paul's cross, 
Articles of john Purvey recanted.  were these hereafter following.  
1. That in the Sacrament of the altar after the consecration, there is not, neither can be, any accident without the subject: But there verily remaineth the same substance and the very visible and incorruptible bread, & likewise the very same wine the which before the consecration were set upon the altar to be consecrate of the Priest: likewise as when a Pagan or infidel is baptized, he is spiritually converted into a member of Christ through grace, and yet remaineth the very same man which he before was in his proper nature and substance.  
2. Auricular confession or private penance, is a certain whispering, destroying the liberty of the Gospel & newly brought in by the Pope and the clergy, to entangle the consciences of men in sin, & to draw their souls into hell.  

He speaketh of priests here, & not of public ministers appointed in the Church.  3. Every lay man being holy, and predestinate unto ever lasting life (albeit he be a lay man) yet is he a true Priest before God.  
4. That divers Prelates and other of the Clergy, do live wickedly contrary to the doctrine and example of Christ & his Apostles. Therefore they which so live, have not the keys neither of the kingdom of heaven, neither yet of hell: neither ought any christian to esteem his censure any more, then as a thing of no force. Yea albeit the pope should peradventure interdite the realm, yet could he not hurt, but rather profit us, for so much as thereby we should be dismissed from the observation of his laws, and from saying of service according to the custom of the Church.  

Vows.  5. If any man do make an oath or vow, to keep perpetual chastity, or do any thing else whereunto God hath not appointed him, giving him grace to perform his purpose: the same vow or oath, is unreasonable and undiscreet, neither can any Prelate compel him to keep the same, except he will do contrary unto God's ordinance. But he ought to commit him, unto the governance of the holy ghost & of his own conscience: for so much as every man which will not fulfil his vow or oath, can not do it for that cause.  

The charge of priests.  6. Whosoever taketh upon him the office of priesthood, although he have not the charge of souls committed unto him according to the custom of the Church: Not only they may, but aught to preach the Gospel freely unto the people otherwise he is a thief, excommunicated of God, and of the holy Church.  

Against transubstantiation.  7. That Innocentius the third Pope, and 600. bishops, and a thousand other Prelates, with all the rest of the clergy, which together with the same Pope agreed and determined: that in the sacrament of the altar, after the coversion of the bread and wine into the body & blood of Christ, that the acesdentes of the said bread and wine do remain there, without any proper subject of the same: the which also ordained, that all Christians ought to confess their sins once a year unto a proper priest, & to receive the reverent Sacrament at Easter, & made certain other laws at the same time: All they saith he, in so doing were fools and Blockeheades, Heretics, Blasphemers and Seducers of Christian people. Wherefore, we ought not to believe their determinations, or of their successors, neither ought we to obey their laws or ordinances, except they be plainly grounded upon the holy Scripture, or upon some reason which can not be impugned.  

¶ Other Articles drawn out of Purueyes books more at large by Ry. Lavingham.  

Articles out of Purueys books collected by R. Lavingham.  AS touching the Sacrament of thanks giving, he saith: That that chap. of repentance and remission: Omnis utriusque sexus, wherein it is ordained that every faithful man ought once every year at the least, that is to say, at Easter to receive the Sacrament of Eucharist: is a beastly thing, heretical and blasphemous.  

The Sacrament of the popish altar.  Item, that Innocenius the 3. Pope, was the head of Antichrist, who after the letting lose of Satan, invented a new article of our saith, and a certain feigned verity touching the Sacrament of the altar: That is to say, that the Sacrament of the altar is an accident without a substance, or else an heap of accidences without a substance. But Christ and his Apostles do teach manifestly, that the Sacrament of the altar is bread, and the body of Christ together after the manner that he spoke: And in that he calleth it bread, he would have the people to understand as they ought with reason, that it is very and substantial bread, and no false nor sayned bread.  

Pope Innocentius head of Antichrist.  And although Innocentius that Antichrist doth allege, that in the council at Lions where this matter was decided were 600. Bishops with him, and 1000 Prelates, which were in one opinion of this determination: All those notwithstanding he talleth. fools according to that saying of Eccl. Of foots there are an infinite number. And so in like manner he calleth them false Christ's & false prophets; of whom Christ speaketh the 24. of Matthew: Many false Christ's and false Prophets shall arise and deceive many: And therefore, every Christian man ought to believe firmly that the sacrament of the altar is very bread in deed, and no false nor sayned bread, And although it be very bread in deed, yet notwithstanding, it is the very body of Christ in the sort he spoke and called it his body: and so it is very bread, and the very body of Christ. 
The sacrament in substance bread: in signification the body of Christ  And as Christ concerning his humanity, was both visible and passable, and by his Divinity was invisible and unpassible: So likewise, this sacrament in that it is very bread, may be seen with the corporal eye, and may also abide corruption. But although a man may see that Sacrament, yet notwithstanding, cannot the body of Christ in that Sacrament be seen with the corporal eye, although it be the body of Christ in that manner he spoke it: For that notwithstanding, the body of Christ is now incorruptible in heaven. So the Sacrament of the cup is very wine, & the very blood of Christ, according as his manner of speaking was. Also Innocentius, 3, with a great multitude of his secular Clerks, made a certain new determination: that the Sacrament of the altar is an accidence without a substance, 
Transubstantiation not openly taught 1000 years after Christ.  whereas, neither jesus Christ nor any of his Apostles, taught this saith (but openly and manifestly to the contrary) neither yet the holy Doctors, for the space of a thousand years & more, taught this faith openly.  
Therefore, when Antichrist or any of his shavelings doth ask of thee that art a simple Christian, whether that this Sacrament be the very body of Christ or not: affirm thou it manifestly so to be. And if he ask of thee whether it be material bread, or what other bread else: say thou, that it is such bread as Christ understood and meant by his proper word: 
The Sacrament both bread, and the body in divers respects.  and such bread, as the holy ghost meant in S. Paul when he called that to be very bread which he broke, and wade thou no further herein. If he ask thee, how this bread is the body of Christ: Say thou, as Christ understood the same to be his body which is both omnipotent and true, & in whom is no untruth. Say thou also, as the holy Doctors do say, that the terrestrial matter or substance, may be converted into Christ, as the Pagan or infidel may be baptized: and hereby spiritually to be converted and to be a member of Christ, and so after a certain manner to become Christ, and yet the same man to remain still in his proper nature. For so doth S. Augustine grant, that a sinner forsaking his sin and being made one spirit with God by faith, grace, and charity: may be converted into God, and to be after a manner, God: as both David, and S. john do testify, and yet to be the same person in substance and nature, and in soul and virtue to be altered & changed. But yet, men of more knowledge and reason, may more plainly convince the falsity of Antichrist both in this matter and in others, by the gift of the holy Ghost working in them. Notwithstanding, if those that be simple men will humbly hold and keep the manifest and apparent words of the holy scripture, & the plain sense and meaning of the holy ghost, and proceed no farther, but humbly to commit that unto the spirit of God which passeth their understanding: Then may they safely offer themselves to death, as true Martyrs of jesus Christ.  
As touching the Sacrament of penance: That chapter Omnis utriusque sexus, by which a certain new found auricular confession was ordained: 
Auricular confession and penance.  is full of hypocrisy, heresy: covetousness, pride, & blasphemy he saith, and reproveth the same chapter verbatim, and that by the sentences of the same process. Also, that the penance and pains limited by the Canons, be unreasonable and unjust, for the austerity and rigorousness which they contain, more than are taxed by God's law. He also doth exemplify, of the solemn and public denial of penitentes to be received into orders, according to the decree of the general Council Distinctione 50. cap Ex poenitentibus. Also of the sevenfold penitence of a priest committing fornication, according to the chapter. Praes' biter Distinct. 82. And farther showeth, an other example of the penitence of Priests according to that chater. Qui praes biterum etc. Whereas the decretal of the general Counsel saith, that such a one ought to remain continuing his life, in the wars, and not to marry. And how Innocentius 3. brought in a new found confession: whereby, the Priests do oppress the simple lay men. And that many other things they do, compelling them to confess themselves to blind and ignorant Priests, in whom is nothing else then pride and covetousness, having such in contempt as are learned and wise. Also, that the Decretal of Innocentius 3. touching the foresaid auricular or vocal confession: was brought in and invented, to intricate & entangle men's consciences with sin, & to draw them down to hell. And furthermore, that such manner of confession, destroyeth the evangelical liberty, and doth let men to inquire after, & to retain, the wise counsel & doctrine of such as be gods priests: which know faithfully how to observe his precepts and commandments, & which would willingly teach the people, the right way to heaven. For which abuse, all Christian men and spicially all Englishmen, aught to exciayne against such wicked laws.  

The order of Priesthood.  As touching the Sacrament of order he saith: That all good christians, are predestinate and be ordained of God, & made true Priests to offer Christ in themselves, and to Christ, themselves: as also to teach and preach the Gospel to their neighbours, as well in word as in example of living. But the worldly shavelings do more magnify the naked & bare signs of priesthood (invented by sinful men) than the true & perfect priesthood of God, 
He meaneth of private preaching to their neighbours. True ministers may be made without shaving.  grounded by a true & lively saith, annexed with good works. Also, if it were needful to have such shavelings, God knoweth how, & can make when it pleaseth him, priests (without man's working & sinful signs, that is to say, without either sacraments or characters) to be known & discerned of the people, by their virtuous life and example, and by their true preaching of the law of God for so made he the first made priests & elders before the law of Moses: and so made he Moses' a priest before Aaron, & before the ceremonies of the law, without man's operation at all: And even so hath God made all such as are predestinate, to be his priests. But such as be true Christians, 
Priests here have a primine not a public understanding.  receive none such as Priests, but unless they follow Christ and his apostles, neither do they believe that they make the sacrament of the avitar (which they affirm to be God's body) when it pleaseth them: least happily God be not with them, forasmuch as that they do this thing for covetousness sake, or else to brag of their own power And therefore such as be simple men, will worship that Sacrament in this doubtfulness, with a silent condition, that is, if it be made by God's authority, and to have their devotion to the body of Christ in heaven. Also, that as such be elders, if they be God's priests, be Bishops, Prelates, and Curates of their Christian brethren, whom they may lead to heaven by the example of their holy conversarion, and by preaching of the gospel although they make no sacrifice to that Antichrist of Rome for their confirmation: neither be they dedicated to the world by secular divine things, and by consuming the livings of the poor: as be those secular bishops, prelate's & curates. 
What if there were ●o Pope known, yet the Church could stand.  Also, that although there were no pope according as the custom of the church is: yet Christ which is the head of his church, doth ordain such a Pope as pleaseth him: and that is, whomsoever is most humble & lowly and best doth the office of a true Priest, although he be unknown to the world. And although there were no such proud bishop above all the rest, as the church doth use: yet all the priests might well govern the church by common asient, as once they did, before such worldly pride crept in amongst the Bishops, etc. And admit that no such Priests were according to the accustomed use now of receiving of order & torsure, 
I●nsure ●●th not ●Priest.  by such a mitred bishop and his tonsure: yet: Christ knoweth both how to make and choose such as shall well please him, both in conversation of life, & sincere preaching of the Gospel, in ministering to his people all necessary sacraments. And every holy man which is a minister of Christ, although he be not shaven, is a true Priest ordained of God, although no mitred Bishop ever lay his character upon him: So, that the Pope and Prelates, do make more estimation of their Characters (as tonsures & crowns by them invented) then of the true and perfect priesthood ordained of God: whereas, all those that are predostinate, are true Priests made of him.  

The Pope's ●esures, like the blast of Lucifer.  As touching the authority of the keys and censures, no Christian man ought to esteem Satan (whom men call the pope) and his unjust censures: more than the hissing of a serpent, or the blast of Lucifer. Also, that no man ought to trust or put confidence in the false indulgences of covetous Priests, which indulgences do draw away the hope which men ought to repose in God, to a sort of sinful men, and do rob the poor of such alms as is given to them: Such Priests be manifest betrayers of Christ and of the whole Church, and be Satan's own stewards to beguile christian souls by their hypocrisy and feigned pardons. Also, forasmuch as those prelate's and clergy men live so execrable a life, contrary to the gospel of Christ, and examples of his Apostles, & teach not truly the gospel, but only lies and the traditions of sinful wicked men: 
Popish priests have not the ke●e● of heaven, but rather of hell.  It appeareth most manifestly that they have not the keys of the kingdom of heaven, but rather the keys of hell. And they may be right well assured, that God never gave unto them authority to make & establish so many ceremonies & traditions, which be contrary to the liberty of the Gospel, and are blocks in christian men's ways, that they can neither know nor observe the same his Gospel, in liberty of conscience, and so attain a ready way to heaven.  
Also, that all manner of religious men, notwithstanding the chapter Religiosi, touching the privileges in the Clementines: may lawfully minister all sacraments to the that are worthy the same. Forasmuch as the same is a work of charity, which only the will and ordinance of the pope and his sautors in this case is to hinder and set. Item, if the Pope shall interdict this our realm: that cannot hurt us, 
The pope's curse hurteth not, but profiteth.  but much profit us: Because that thereby he should separate us from all his wicked laws, and from the charges of sustaining of so many thousand shavelings, which with small devotion or none at all, patter and charter a new solid song seoundum usum Sarum. So that not whatsoever the pope in his general counsel hindeth in earth, is bound of God in heaven: either for that he hindeth unreasonably, and contradictorily doth against himself, or else for that he hath forsaken the judgement of God.  
As touching the preaching of the Gospel: whosoever receiveth or taketh upon him the office of a priest or of a bishop and dischargeth not the same by the example of his good conversation and faithful preaching of the Gospel: is a thief, excommunicate of God, and of holy church. And further if the curates preach not the word of God, they shallbe damned, and if they know not how to preach, they ought to resign their benefices: So that those prelate's which preach not the Gospel of Christ (although they could excuse themselves from the doing of any other evil) are dead in themselves, are Antichrist's, and Satan's tranffigured into angels of light, might thieves, manquellers by day night, & betrayers of Christ his people.  
Concerning the sacrament of Matrimony: 
Gossopry not sufficient cause to restrain matrimony.  Notwithstanding any spiritual kindred or gossopry, a man and woman may lawfully marry together by the law of god, with out any dispensation papistical. And in the same place he saith that if our realm do admit one not borne in matrimony or illegitimate to the imperial crown, so that he doth well discharge the office of a king: God maketh him a king, and by consequence doth reject an other king or heir of the kingdom, being borne in matrimony and legitimate: So, for such spiritual kindred there ought no divorce to be made. Also notwithstanding the Cap. Si inter de sponsalibus: If any man shall make any contract with any woman by that words of the future tense, by an oath taken: & afterwards shall with an other woman make the like contract by the words of the present tense: 
The first marriage lawfully before witness made, standeth.  that then the second contract standeth. Also, it a man make any contract with a woman by the words of the future tense, upon his oath taken: & maketh afterwards the like contract with another not altering the words and hath carnal copulation upon the same: the first contract maketh the matrimony good, and not the second. Also, if a man before witness assure himself to a woman by a contract made in the present tense, & hath children by the same woman: & afterward the same man marrieth another woman, with the like words in the present tense, before witness: Although the first witnesses be dead, or else by bribes corrupt, and the second bring his witnesses before the judge to prove the second contract: the first contract yet standeth in force, although the Pope (allowing the second contract) doth compel them to live in adultery against the conmaundement of God. Also, he condemneth the decretal of the restitution of things stolen Cap. Literas tuas: which wrileth, that a man and woman having carnal copulation in the degree of consanguinity forbidden, and hath no witness hereof: If the woman will departed from the man she shall be compelled by the censures, to remain with him, and to yield her debt. Also, in case where a man hath made contract with two women, with one secretly having no witness, and which the other openly having witness: Then were is better to acknowledge the insufficiency of the law, and to suffer men to be ruled by their own consciences, then by the censures to compel them, to commit and live in adultery.  
As touching the keeping and making of vows: 
Keeping & making vows.  That vow or oath is beastly, and is without all discretion made: which to perform and keep a man hath no power but by grace given him of God. Because that some such there be, whom god doth not accept to persevere in the state of chastity and perpetual virginity: and such a one cannot keep his vow, although he make the same. Also that every one making a vow of continency or chastity, when making the same he shall not be accepted of God: doth very undiscreetly, and as one without all reason maketh the same, when he is not able of himself without the gift of God to fulfil his promise: according to that saying of the wise man. cap. 8. No man hath the gift of continency, unless that God give it unto him. For otherwise, if god help not such a one to perform the vow or oath which he hath made and saken: No prelate can compel him, unless he do contrary to God's ordinance: but he ought to commit himself to the government of God's holy spirit, and his own conscience.  

Possessions of the Church.  For the possessions of the Church: In another treatise it is declared, how the king, the Lords and commons may without any charge at all, keep 15. garrisons, & find 15000. soldiers, (having sufficient lands and revenues to live upon) out of the temporalties gotten into the hands of the clergy & feigned religious men: which never do that, which pertaineth to the office of curates to do, nor yet to secular lords. And moreover, the king may have every year 20000 pound to come freely into his coffers and above. Also, may find or sustain 15. Colleges more: and 15000. priests and clerks, with sufficient living: and a 100 hospitals for the sick & every house to have one hundredth marks in lands. And all this may they take of the foresaid temporaltyes, without any charge to the realm: whereunto, the king, the Lords, and the commons are to be invited. For otherwise there seemeth to hang over our heads, a great and marvelous alteration of this realm, unless the same be put in execution. Also, if the secular Priests and sayned religious, which be simoniackes and heretics, which sayne themselves to say mass, and yet say none at all, according to the Canons, 
1. q. 3.24. q. 1. Cap pudenda.  which to their purpose the bring and allege. 1. q 3. Audivimus. & cap. Pudenda. & cap. Schisma: By which chap. such priests and religious do not make the Sacrament of the altar: That then all Christians, especially all the sounders of such Abbeys and indowers of bishoprics, priories, and chaunteries: ought to amend this fault and treason committed against their predecessors, by taking from them such secular dominions which are the maintenance of all their sins. And also, that Christian Lords & princes are bound to take away from the clergy, such secular dominion as noseleth & nourisheth them in hevesies: & aught to reduce them unto the simple and poor life of Christ jesus, and his Apostles.  
And further, that all Christian Princes (if they will amend the malediction and blasphemy of the name of God) ought to take away their temporalities from that shaven generation, 
Belly cheer of ill disposed prelates, and of Monasteries not to be nourished with temporalties and appropriations.  which most of all doth nourish them in such malediction: And so in likewise, the fat tithes from Churches appropriate to rich monks & other religions feigned by manifest lying, & other unlawful means, likewise aught to debar their gold to the proud Priest of Rome, which doth poison all Christendom with Simony and heresy. Further, that it is a great abomination that Bishops, monks, and other prelate's, be so great Lords in this world, where as Christ with his Apostles, and disciples, never took upon them secular dominion, neither did they appropriate unto them churches as these men do: but led a poor life, & gave a good testimony of their priesthood. And therefore, all Christians ought to the uttermost of their power and strength to swear that they will reduce such shavelings, to the humility and poverty of Christ and his Apostles: And whosoever thus doth not, consenteth to their heresy. Also, that these two chapters of the immunity of Churches, are to be condemned, that is, cap. Non minus, and cap. Aduersus. Because they do decree, that temporal Lords may neither require tallages nor tenths, of any Ecclesiastical persons.  

Correction of the clergy.  Now to the correction of the clergy: By the law of god and by reason, the king and all other Christians may take revenge of italy, and of all the false Priests and Clerks within the same, and to reduce them unto the humble ordinance of jesus Christ. Also, that the law of Silvester the Pope, 
2 q. 5. Praesul. Ibid Nallam.  which is declared in 2. q. 5. cap. Praesul, and cap. Nullam, is contrary to the law of Christ & either testament. And that proud and ambitious Silvester by this law, so defended two Cardinals which were not to be defended by the law of Christ: that by no means they might be convinced, although they were both vicious & evil. And although christ sustained and suffered the judgement of unjust temporal judges: Our mitred prelate's in these days, so magnify themselves beyond christ and his Apostles, that they refuse and will none of such judgements. Also, that those decretals of accusations cap. Quando & Qualiter. Which do prohibit that any clerks should be brought before a secular judge to receive judgement: do contain both heresy, blasphemy, and error, and bringeth great gain and commodity to Antechristes' coffers.  
Furthermore, that all Christian kings and Lords, aught to exclaim against the Pope and those that be his sautors, and banish them out of their lands, till such time as they will obey God, and his Gospel, Kings and other ministers of God's justice. Also, that bishops and their favourers, that say it appertaineth not to kings and secular Lords (but unto them and their Officials) to punish adultery and fornication: do fall into manifest treason against the king, 
Punishing of adultery belongeth to secular magistrates rather than to prelate's.  and heresy against the scripture. Also, that it appertaineth to the king, to have the order both of priests & bishops, as these kings Solomon and josaphat had.  
Furthermore, that chapter Nullus judicium de foro conpetenti, by the which secular judges are forbidden without the Bishop's commandment to condemn any Clerk to death: Is manifestly against the holy scripture, declaring that kings have power over clerks & priests to punish them for their deserved crimes. Also that the decree of Boniface de poenis in 6. cap. foelicis, made against the persecutors, strikers, and imprisoners of Cardinals, as contrary both to the holy scripture & to all reason. Also, that by the law of God and reason a secular Lord may lawfully take a Cardinal & put him in prison for committing the crime of open sunony, adultery, & manifest blasphemy. Also that the chapier Si Papa dist. 40. which saith that the Pope ought to be judged of none, unless he be devius a fide, is contrary to the gospel which saith: If thy brother sin against thee correct him. Also where as S. Gregory and S. Augustine called themselves the servants of God's servants: this proud bishop of Rome which will not be judged by his subjects (which be in very deed his Lords, if they be just & good men) doth destroy the order of God's law, and all humility, and doth extol himself above God and his Apostles. Also, that christian kings ought, not only to judge this proud bishop of Rome, but also to depose him, by the example that Cestrensis lib. 6. cap. 8. declareth, of Otho the Emperor, which deposed john the xii. and did institute Leo in his place. 
Good kings ought to depose wicked Popes.  And further, he maketh an exhortation to the Princes to judge the Church of Rome, which he calleth the great and cursed strumpet, of whom S. john writeth in the apocalypse, chap. 17.  
Lastly, touching the laws and determinations of the church: Christians have reasonable excuses and causes to repel the statutes of the pope and of his shavelings, which be not expressly grounded in the holy scriptures, or else upon reason inevitable. Also he saith that that law which is set forth of consecration distinctione. 2. cap. Seculares & cap. Omnis homo, & cap. Et si non frequentius, & cap. In coena domini: 
De censecratione, id est. 2. cap. Seculares.  That such secular men as do not receive the sacrament ot the altar at Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide, are not to be counted amongst the number of Christians, nor are to be esteemed as christians: whereby it followeth, that all Clerks and lay men that observe not the same, it seemeth they go straight to hell. But if this law be of no force, for that the custom and use in receiving is contrary to the same: then may we bless such rebellion & disobedience to the pope and his law, for otherwise we should flee to hell without any stay or let. Whereby we may conclude, that all Christians ought well to practise this school of disobedience against the Pope and all his laws (not founded upon the holy scripture) which do let men to climb to heaven by the keeping of charity, and the liberty of the Gospel. Also, that Christian men have great cause to refuse the laws and statutes of these worldly clerks, which the people call the papal laws and bishoplike statutes, for the covetousness and voluptuousness of them: without the which, the church & congregation of God might safely run towards heaven by the sweet yoke of the Lord, as it did 1000 years before the said laws were prescribed and sent to the Universities, and withdrew men from studying of the holy scripture, for the desire of benefices and worldly goods. Also that simple men do reverently receive the sentences of the Doctors and other laws, 
The Pope's laws contrary to themselves.  so far forth as they be expressly grounded upon the holy scripture or good reason. Also, that where as the Pope's laws, & laws of his ministers & clerks be both contrary to themselves, and have not their foundation neither upon the scripture, nor yet upon reason: simple men ought to bid them farewell. Also, that when all the apostles faith failed them in the time of the Lords passion, faith than rested in the blessed virgin: much more might that proud priest of Rome with all his rabble easily err in the faith, and yet is the Christian faith preserved whole and safe, in the faithful members of Christ, which are his true Church: But the Pope and all his rabblement, 
The pope & his Cardinals no part of the true Church.  cannot prove that they be any part of this Church. Also, that the Pope with all his fautors, may as well be deceived by a lying spirit, as was Achab and all his prophets: and that one true prophet, as was Micheas may have the verity showed unto him contra concilium, Also, that all good Christians ought to cast from them the Pope's laws, saying: Let us break their bands in sunder, and let us cast from our necks those heavy yonkes of theirs. 
The Canon law full of heresy.  Also, that where these prelate's do burn one good book, for one error perhaps contained in the same: they ought to burn all the books of the Canon law, for the manifold heresies contained in them.   
¶ And thus much out of a certain old written book in parthment borrowed once of I.B. which book containing divers ancient records of the university: seemeth to belong sometimes to the library of the University, bearing the year of the compiling thereof. 1296. Which computation if it be true, then was it written of him or that he recanted before Thomas Arundel Archbishop at Saltwood, where he was imprisoned. Whereunto I thought also to annex, a certain godly and most fruitful Sermon, of like antiquity, preached at Paul's cross much about the same time, learned clerk, as I find in one old monument, named R. Wimbeldon. Albeit among the ancient registers and records belonging to the Archbishop of Canterbury: I have an old worn copy of the said Sermon, written in very old English, and almost half consumed with age: purposing the said author beer of bearing also the foresaid name. The true copy of which Sermon, in his own speech wherein it was first spoken and preached at the cross, on the Sunday of Quinquagesima, and after exhibited to the Archbishop of Canterbury (being then as it seemeth William Courtney) here followeth.  

A Sermon no less godly than learned, preached at Paul's Cross on the Sunday of Quinquagesima. ann. 1389. by R. Wimbeldon.  

Red rationem Gillicationis tuae.  Luce & ●i. 

Math. 20. The sermon of K. Wimbeldon.  My dear friends, ye shullen understand: that Christ author and doctor of truth, in his book of the Gospel (likening the kingdom of heaven to anhousholder) saith on this manner. Like is the kingdom of heaven to an housholding man, that went out first on the morrow to hire workmen into his vine. Also, about the third, sixth, ninth and enlevente hours he went out, and found men standing idle. And said to them. Go ye into min vineyerde, and that right is, I will give you. When the day was ago, he cleped his stuward and high to give echen man a penny.  

The calling of God is ●iuers.  The spiritual understanding of this householder, is our Lord jesus Christ that is head of the household of holy Church. And thus clepeth men in diverce hours of the day, that is in diverce agees of the world. As in time of law of kind, he cleped by enspiring, Abel, Ennok, Noah, and Abraham. In time of the old law, Moses, David, isaiah, and jeremy. And in time of grace, Apostles Martyrs, and Confessors and Virgins. Also he cleped men in divers agees, some on childhood, as john Baptist: some on state of waxing, as john the Evangelist: some in state of manhood, as Peter and Andrew: and some in old agee as Gamaliel, and joseph of Arimathie. And all these he clepeth to travail in his vine, that is the Church, and that in divers manner. For right as ye seethe, that in tilling of the material vine there been divers labours, for some kutten away the void branches, some maken forkis and rails to berens up the vine, and some diggen away the old earth fro the rote, and lain there fatter. And all this offices been so necessary to the vine, that if any of them fail, it shall harm greatly, other destroy the vine: For but if the vine be kutte, she shall wax wild, but if she be railed she shall be overgo with nettles and wediss. And but if the rote be fatted with dung, she for feebleness should wax barren.  
Right so in the Church beth needful thes three offices, priesthood, knythode, and labourers. To priests it falleth, to kut away the void branches of sins with the sword of her tongue. To knighthood it falleth to let wrongs, and thefftes to ben done, and to maintain god's law, and them that been teachers thereof, and also to keep the land from enemies of other lands. And to labourers it falleth, to travail bodelich, and with their sore sweet, getten out of the earth bodillech lifelode for 'em, and other parties. And these states beth also needful to the Church, that none may well been without other, for if priesthood lacked, the people for default of knowing of God's law, should wax wild in vices, and dyen ghostly. And if the knithod laked, and men to rulin the pupil by law and hardiness, thieves and enemies shoulden so increases that no man should live in peace. And if the labourers were nought, both knights and priests must become acre men and herdis: and else, they should for default of bodily sustenance die. And therefore saith clerk Auicenne, that every unreasonable best if he have that that kind hath ordained for him: as kind hath ordained it: he is suffisance to live by himself without any help of other of the same kind. As if there were but one horse other one sheep in the world, yet if he had grass and corn as kind hath ordained for such beasts, he should live well I now. But if there ne were but O man in the world, though he had all that good that is therein, yet for default he should deie, or his life should be worse than if he were nought, & the cause is this for that thing that kind ordaineth for a man's sustenance, without other arraieng than it hath of kind, accordeth nought to him. As though a man have corn as it cometh from the earth, yet it is no meat according to him, unto it be by man's craft, changed into bread: and though he have flesh other fish, yet while it is raw as kind ordained it, till it be by man's travail sodden, roasted, or baken, it cordit not to man's lifelode. And right so, wool that the sheep beareth mot by man's divers crafts and travails be changed or it be able do cloth any man: and certis O man by himself; should never do all these labours. And therefore saith this clerk, it is need that some be acre men, some bakers, some makers of cloth, and some merchants to fetch that, that on land setteth from an other there it is plenty.  
And certis this should be a cause why, every state should love other. And men of o craft should nor despise ne hate men of none other craft, sith they be so needful every to other. And oft thelke crafts that ben most unhonest, might worst been forbore: and o thing I dare well say that he that is neither travailing in this world, on studying, on prayers, on preaching, for help of the people as it falleth to priests, neither ruling the people, maintaining ne defending fro enemies as it falleth to knights, neither traveling on the earth, in diverse crafts, as it falleth to labourers: When the day of rokening cometh that is, the end of this life, right as he lived here withouten travail, so he shall there lack the reward of the pennies, that is, the endless joy of heaven. And as he was here living after none state ne order, so he shall be put than in that place that no order is in, but everlasting horror and sorrow, that is in hell. Herfore, every man see to what state God hath cleped him, and dwell he therein by travail according to his degree. 
job. 10 2. Cor. 7. 1. Peter. 2.  Thou that art a labourer or a crafty man, do this truly. If thou art a servant or a bond man, be subject and low in dread of displeasing of thy Lord: If thou art a merchant, deceive nought thy brother in chaffering. If thou art a knight or a Lord, defend the poor man and needy fro hands that will harm them. 
1. Thes. 4. Prou. 8. 2. Tim. 4.  If thou art a justice or a judge, go not on the right hand by favour, neither on the left hand, to punish any man for hate. If thou art a priest, undernine, pray, and reprove, in all manner patience and doctrine. Vnderuime thilk that been negligent, pray for thilk that been obedient, reprove though that been unobedient to God. So every man travail in his degree. For when the even is come, that is, the end of this world: than every man shall take reward, good or evil, after that he hath travalled here.  
The words that I have taken to make of my sermon, be thus much to say. Yield reckoning of thy bailie. Christ autour of pity and lover of the salvation of his people, in the process of this gospel informeth every man what is his bailiff, by manner of a parable of a bailie that he speaketh of, to array him to answer of the goods that God hath taken him, when the day of strait reckoning shall be come, that is the day of doom. And so I at this time throw the help of God, following him that is so great a master of authority, because that I know nothing that should more draw away man's unreasonable love fro the passing joy of this world, than the mind of the dreadful reckoning. As much as suffice, I shall show you how ye shall dispose you to avoid the vengeance of God, when there shallbe time of so strait doom, that we shall give reckoning of every idle word that we have ispoken. For than it shall be said to us, 
Nota,  and we shall not flee it: Yield reckoning of thy bailie.  
But for further process of this first party of this sermon, ye shall wit: that there shall be three bay lives that shall be cleped to this strait reckoning. Twain to answer for themself and for other, that been priests that have cure of men's souls, & temporal men that have governail of people: and the third bailiff shall account only for himself, and that is every Christian man, of that he hath received of God. And every of these shall answer to three questions: 
Three questions The first. Second. Third.  To the first question, how hast thou entered? The second, how hast thou ruled: And to the third, how hast thou lived? And if thou canst well assoil these three questions, was there never none earthly Lord that ever so well rewarded his servant without comparison, as thy Lord God shall reward thee, that is with bliss, and joy, and life that ever shall last. But on that other side, and thou wilt now be reckless of thine own welfare, and take none heed of this reckoning: If that day take thee suddenly, so that thou pass hence in deadly sin (as thou worst never what shall fall thee) all the tongues that ever were, or ever shall be, mow not tell the sorrow and woe that thou shalt ever be in, and suffer. Therefore, the desire of so great joy, and the dread of so great pain, though love ne dread of God were not in thine hart: yet should that make thee afeard to sin, for to think that thou shalt give reckoning of thy bailie. Therefore as I say to thee, the first question that shall be proposed to the first bailie, that is a prelate other a Curate of men's souls, is this: How hast thou entered? Math. xxij. Friend, how enterdst thou hither? Who brought thee in to this office? Truth or Simony? God or the Devil? Grace or money? 
Against Simony  The flesh or the spirit? Give thou thy reckoning if thou canst. If thou canst not, I read that thou tarry for to learn. For up hap ere night thou shalt be cleped. And if thou stand dumb for unkunning, or else for confusion of thy conscience: thou fall into the sentence that anon followeth: Bind his hands and his feet, and cast him in to the utter ward of darkness, there shall be weeping and grinning of teeth. Therefore I read thee, that thou advise thee how thou shalt answer to this question. How hast thou entered? whether by cleeping, or by thine own procuring: for that thou wouldst travail in God's gospel, other for thou wouldst be richly arrayed? Answer now to thy own conscience as thou shalt answer to God, thou that hast take now the order of priest, whether thou be curate or none: who stirred thee to take upon thee so high an estate? Whether for thou wouldst live as a priest ought to do studying of God's law to preach, and most heartily to pray for the people: or for to live a delicious life, upon other men's travail, and thyself travail nought. 
Questio.  Why also setten men their sons either their cousins to school? Whereto, but for to get them great advancements, or to make them the better to know how they shoulden serve God? 
Solutio.  This men may see openly, by the sciences that they set them to. Why I pray you, put men their sons to the law civil, 
Questio.  or to the king's court to write letters & writs: rather than to Philosophy or Divinity, but for the hope that these occupations should be ever means, to make them great in the world. I hope that there will no man say, that they ne should better learn the rule of good living in the book of God's law, than in any books of man's worldly wisdom? 
Solutio. johannes Chrisostomus Homelia 27.  But certes now it is so the, that john Chrisostom saith Mothers be loving to the bodies of their children, but the soul they despise, they desire them to well far in this world, but they take none heed what they shall suffer in the t'other: Some or deinen fees for their children, but none ordain them to godward: The lust of their bodies they will dear by, but the health of their soul the reek nought of. If they see them poor or sick, they sorrow and sigheth, but though they see them sin, they sorrow not. And in this they show that they brought forth the bodies but not the souls. 
Note.  And if we take heed truly, what abominations be scattered and spread abroad in holy church now adays among priests: we shul well wit, that they come not all to the fold of Christ by Christ's clepping for to profit: but by other ways to get them worldly wealth, and this is the cause of losing of souls, that Christ bought so dear, and of many errors among the people: and therefore, it is iwrit in the book of mourning, where the prophet speaketh thus to God. Tre 1. The enemy hath put his hand to all things desyrable to him: 
The rash making of ministers.  for he hath let lawless folk enter into the sanctuary, of the which thou hadst commanded, that they should not enter into the church: This enemy is Sathanas, as his name soundeth, that hath put his hand to all that him liketh. What sin I pray you will the fiend have sow on men, that nis now yused? In what plenty is now pride, envy, wrath and covetise? When were they so great as they be now, and so of all other sins. And why trowest thou? But for there be a lawless people entered into thy sanctuary, that neither keep in himself the law of God, ne can teachen other: 
Ose. 4.  And to every such, saith God by the prophet, Ose 4. For that thou hast put away cunning: I shall put thee away that thou shall use no priesthood to me. Lo that God expressly here in holy writ, forbiddeth men to take the state of pristhoode on them, but they have cunning, that needeth them. Thou than that canst neither rule thyself ne other, after the law of God, beware how thou wilt answer to God, at his dreadful doom, when he shall say to thee, that which I took to my theme.  
Yield the reckoning of thy bailie, how thou hast entered.  
The second question, that every curate and prelate of holy church shall answer to, is this. How hast thou ruled? That is to say, the souls of thy suggets, and the goods of poor men: give now thine account. First, how thou hast governed gods folk that were take thee to keep: Whether art thou an herd or an hired man? that dost all for love of bodelich high e? As a father, or as a Wolf, that eaten his sheep and keepeth them nought? Say whom thou hast turned from his cursed living, by thy devout preaching, 
Bernardus.  Whom hast thou taught the law of God that was erst uncunning: There shall ben heard a grievous accusing of fatherless children, and a hard aledging, that priests have liveden by their wages, and not done away their sins. Yield also reckoning how thou hast ruled and spended the goods of poor men. Hark what S. Bernard saith. Dread clerks, dread the ministers of the Church, the which been in the place of saints, that they do so wickedly, nought holding them apaid with such wages that were sufficient to them: That overplus that needy men should be sustained by, they be not ashamed to waste in the house of their pride and lechery, and withholden to themself wickedly and cursedly that which should be the lifeloode of poor men. With double wickedness truly they sin. First, for they reeven other men's goods, and faith they misuse holy things in their vanities and in their filthes. Every such bailie therefore beware, for anon, to the last far thing he shall reckon with Christ. Trowest thou not then, that thou ne shalt be disallowed of God of that thou hast mispended in in feeding of fat Palfreys, of hounds, of Hawks, and if it so be that is worst of all, on lecherous women? Hear what is said of such. They had led their days in wealths. And in a point they been gone down into hell: Think therefore I read thee, that thou shalt yield reckoning of thy bailie.  
The third question that this bailie shall answer to, is this: How hast thou lived? What light of holiness hast thou showed in thy living to the people, or what mirror hast thou been of holiness to them? give now thy reckoning, how thou hast lived, as a priest, or as a lewd man as a man or as a beast. That is to wonder truly how the life of priests is changed They be clothen as knights, they speaken as unhonestly as carels, other of winning as Merchants: They ridden as princes, and all that is thus spended, is of the goods of poor men, and of Christ's heritage. Therefore saith an holy doctor: The clay of Egypt was tough and stinking, and meddled with blood. The slates were hard to be undo, for they were baked with fire of covetise, and with the light of lust. In this travaileth rich men, in this they wake, a waiting poor men. In these travaileth prelate's, that been to much blended with to much shining of riches, that make them houses like churches in greatness, that with divers pointries, colorens their chambers, that with divers clothings of colours, make images gay: but the poor man for default of clothes beggeth; and with an empty womb crieth at the door: And if I shall the foth say, saith this doctor, oft time poor men be rob for to cloth the trees and stones: 
Esa. 22 quis in bio aus quasi quid his.  Of such speaketh the Prophet. How art thou here? or as who art thou? Here thou art occupying the place of Peter and of Poule, or of Thomas or of Martin: But how, as judas among the Apostles, as Simon Magus among the disciples, as a candle now queinte that stincheth all the house in steed of a light lantern, as a smoke that blindeth men's eyen, in place of clean fire. If thou contrary thus the form of living that Christ and his disciples left to priests: 
jere. 31.  Lo what saith the prophet jeremy. They have entered, and they have had and nought been obedient. They haven with false title or with their false and corrupt intention, had poor men's goods to their misusing, and they have not be obedient to the law of God in their owen living. 
Sap. 6.  Therefore it is writ, that the hardest doom shall fall on such. An hard doom, for they have misentred An harder doom, for they have misruled. And the hardest doom, for they have so cursedly lived. Think therefore I read, how thou wilt give reckoning of thy bailie.  
The second Bailiff, 
Kinge●, Princes and magistrates admonished. How thou hast entered.  that accounteth at this doom for himself and also for other, is he: that keeping hath of any communite, as kings, princes, Maiers, and Shireves, and justices. And these shall also answer to the same three questions. The first question, how hast thou hentred, that is to say, into thine office: Other for help of the people to destroy falsehood and forthren truth? other for desire of winning or worldly worship? If thou take such an office, more for thine own worldly profit, than for help of the comunite, thou art a tyrant as the philosopher seith. For it is to fear least there been too many that desiren such states, that they may the rather oppress thilk that they hateth, and take gifts to spare to punish thilk, that haven trespassed, and so maketh them partners of their sins. And many such, when they been so high, they reck nought that they beeth poor men's brethren: but they ween to pass them in kind, as they passeth in worldly worship, that is but wind: of which God faith by the prophet, they haven reigned, but nought of me, they have been princes but I know nought. 
Os●. 8. 2. Para. 10.  So we read of Roboam, that was the son of king Solomon, what time he was first king, the people of Israel comen to him, and said: Thy father in his last days, put on us great charge. We pray thee some deal make it lighter, and we willen serve thee. And the king took counsel of the old wise men, and they counsailden to answer them fair, and that should be for the best. But he left these old wise men's counsel, and did after the counsel of children that were his playferens, and said to the people, when they came again: My left finger, is greater than my father's riegge. My father grieved you somewhat, but I will echen more thereto. And the people heard this, and rebeleden to him, and took them another king and fithe, the kingdom came never whole again. And therefore it is good, that every ruler of cominalties, that they be not lad by follies, ne by none other ear rowner, that he ne have an eygh of love to the comontie that he hath to rule. For were ye well be he never so high, that he shall come afore his higher, to yield reckoning of his bailie.  
The second question is: 
How hast thou ruled.  How hast thou ruled the people, and the office that thou hadst to govern? Thou that hast been a judge in causes of poor men, how hast thou kept this hest of God? Thou shalt not take heed to the person of a poor man, to be to him the harder for his poverty, 
Deut. 9  ne thou shalt not behold a rich man's semblance, to spare or to favour him in his wrong for his riches. O Lord, what abusion is there among officers of both laws, now adays: If a great man pleadeth with a poor man, to have aught that he holdeth, every officer shall be ready to high all that he may, that the rich man might have such an end as he desired. But if a poor man plead with a rich man, than there shall be so many delays, that though the poor man's right be open to all the Country, for pure fault of spending, he shall be glad to cease. Shrives' and Bailiffs willen return poor men's writs, with tarde Genit, but give they feelen meed in their hands. And yet I hear sale, men that haven seyen both laws, 
Pro. 13.  that ilke court that is cleped Christ's court, is much more cursed. Therefore it is writ: gifts they taken out of men's bosoms, 
Math. 7.  to overturn the right way of doom. But it is to dread the word of Christ: In what doom ye deem, ye should be deemed when ye comen to yield a reckoning of your bailie.  
The third question is: How hast thou lived, thou that deemest and punishest other men for their trespass. A great doctor saith: 
How hast thou lived.  thee behoveth to flee the wickedness of other men, that thou chastieest them for their trespass. For if thyself do unlawfullich in deeming other men, thou damnest thyself, sith thou dost that thou damnest. And Paul saith: why teachest thou nought thyself, 
Rom. 5.  that thou teachest other? Why stealest thou, that teachest nought other men to steal? Saint Gregory saith: He shall not take governaile of other, that can not go before them in good living. And when any man stand before him in doom, he must take heed to fore what judge he shall stand himself, to take his doom after his deeds. But it is to dread, that many fareth as the two false priests that woulden have damned to death holy Susan, 
Susan.  for she would not assent to their lechery. Of the which it is writ: they turned away their eyen, for they would not see heaven, ne have mind of rightful domes. So it happeth oft, they that were more worthy to be hanged, damneth them that be less worthy, as a clerk telleth of Socrates the Philosopher, 
Socrates.  saith he, upon a day a man asked of him why he laughed. And he said: for I see great thieves leaden a little thief to hanging. I pray thee, whether is he a greater thief that bynimeth a man his house and his land from him and from his heirs for evermore, 
Valerius Maximus libro. 7.  other he that for making of great need, stealeth a sheep or a calf. Whether trow we nought, that it happeth such extortioners to be other while judges, and deemeth men thus: But I read thee that thus deemest other, think on that doom thou shalt come to, to yield the reckoning of thine bailie.  
The third Bailiff that shall be cleped to this dreadful a count shall be every Christian man, that shall give reckoning to his Lord God, for goods that he hath had of his. And here I will speak but of the first question, 
The third bailie. Austen. The third admonition in general to every christé man.  that is this: How interest thou, And here by the way, ye that have gotten any, worldly good, other take by extortion, by ravayne, by usury, other by deceit: Woe shall be to him at this dreadful day as Saint Austen saith. If he be cast into the fire that hath nought given of his own good: where trowest thou shall he be castin, that hath reaved other men's from them. And if he shulle brenne with the send that hath nought clothed the naked, 
Moralli. Greg. 8. ●atha. 6.  where trowest shall he burn that hath made him naked that was erst clothed. But as Saint Gregory saith, two things maketh men to live thus by ravaine of other neighbours, that they desire heynes and dread poverty, and what vengeance falleth of this sin of covetise, I may see by figure in holy writ, when the Angel said to Prophet Zacharie. Rear up thine eyen, and see what is that goeth out. And the Prophet said what is it? Then the Angel said, this is the pot going out, this is the eize of 'em on all the earth, And there was a weihgt of lead I bore, and there was a woman sitting in the middle of this pot. And the Angel said, this is impiety: And he took her, and cast her into the middle of this pot, and he took the gobette of lead and cast it into the pots mouth. And the Prophet lift up his eye, 
Expositio.  and he saw two women coming out, and spirits in her wing is like two kites other gledes: and they are rid up this pot between heaven and the earth, and than the Prophet spoke to the Angel, whider will these bear this pot? And he said, into the land of Sennaar: This pot is covetise. For right as a pot hath a wide open mouth, so covetise gapeth after worldly good: and right as the liquor in the pot, profiteth nought to the pot, but to men that draweth and drinketh thereof: so worldly good oft, profiteth not to churlles, but to other that cometh after, as it is written. He that hath money, shall have no fruit of it. And this covetise is the eye of covetous men: 
Eccl. 5.  for they been blind to see how they should see to go to heaven, but to winning of worldly things they see many ways, like to owls, and night-crows, that seen better by night than by day. The gobbet of lead, is the sin of obstination. The woman that sat in the pot, is unpittie, as the Angel said, that followeth unrighteousness and avarice. For through avarice, a man loseth the pity that he should have of the mischief of his soul. For oft time, men lose the life of their soul, by deadly sin that they do to have worldly winning: and also they lose the pity that they should have of their body, putting themselves to many great bodily travails and perils both by sea, and land, and all maketh covetise. This pot is stopped with the gobbet of lead, when unpitie is thus by sin of obstination closed in covetise, that he may not go out of the chinches heart by penance. 
job. 22.  For as job saith: when he is fulfilled, he shall be stopped. The two women that bore up this pot, are pride and lust of flesh, that be cleped in holy writ the fifty daughtrens of the water Lethe, crying: bring, bring. And they had wings: the first wing is grace spiritual, as cunning, wisdom, and counsel, with such other many For which gifts many men wax proud. The second wing is bodily grace, 
Against covetise.  as strength, fairehood, gentry, and many other such, whereof men wax proud. The wings of the second woman that is fleshly desire, both gluttony and sloth. Of gluttony speaketh S. Gregory: 
Gregory. August. de conflictu Sortutis & Socorum Bartholomeus de proprietatibus rerum. Austen.  when the womb is fulfilled, the pricks of lechery beth moved. And of sloth S. Austin saith: Lot the while he dwelled in business among shrews in Sodom, he was a good man. But when he was in the hill slow, for sykkernes, he in his drunkenness lay by his daughtrens. And these women had wings like Kites, that with a crying voice seecheth their meat, as Bartholomeus saith. And thus fareth covetise of men. Witnessing Saint Austin, what is the greediness of fleshly desire. In as much as the ravenous fishes have sometime measure, yet when they hunger, they rapine, and when they fulfil, they spare: But only covetise of men may not be fulfilled. For ever he taketh, and never hath enough. Neither he dreadeth God, neither shame of men. He ne spareth his father, ne knoweth his mother, ne accordeth with his brethren, neither keepeth truth with his friend. He overpresseth widows and fatherless children. Freemen he maketh bond, and bringeth forth false witness, and occupieth dead men's things, as he shoulden never die. What manhood is this, saith this doctor, thus to lose life and grace, 
Augustin. Psal. 54. Innocentius.  and get death of soul? Win gold, and lose heaven? And herefore saith the Prophet, have travail in the midst, and leave unrighteousness. Also Innocent speaking of the harms that come of covetoise, saith thus: O how many men hath covetise deceived and spilled? When covetise Balaam would for gifts that the king proffered him, have cursed God's people, his own Ass reproved him, and hurt his foot against a wall. Anchor was stoned to death, for covetise made him steal gold and clothes, against the commandment of God. Giesy was smit with mesilrie, 
Nun 22. josne. 7. 4 Reg. 5. Acts. 5.  for he sold naaman's heal, that came of God's grace. judas for covetise sold Christ, and afterward hung himself. An any and Zaphira his wife were dead suddenly, for they forsoken to give Peter their money that they had. And covetise maketh also that rich men eat the poor, as beasts done their lesous holding them low. This may we see all day, in deed I dread. For if a rich man have a field, and a poor man have in the midst or in the side thereof one acre, and a rich man have all a street saveth O house, that some poor brother of his oweth, he ceaseth never till he get it out of the poor man's hand, either by prayer, or by buying, or by pursuing of deceit. Thus fared it by king Achab, that through his false Queens gin slow the poor man Naboth, for that he would not sell him his vineyard that was nigh to the King's palace. Upon which process, 
Ambrose de sue libello de Naboth.  thus saith Saint Ambrose: How far will ye rich men stretch your covetise? Will ye dwell alone upon the earth, and have no poor man with you? Why put ye out your fellow by kind, and challenge to yourself the possession comen by kind? In common to all rich and poor the earth was made, Why will ye rich challenge proper right herein? Kind knoweth no riches, that bringeth forth all men poor. For we be not got with rich clothes, ne borne with gold ne with silver. Naked he bringeth them to this world, needy of meat and of drink and clothing. Naked the earth taketh us, as she naked brought us hither. She can not close with us our possession in sepulchre, for kind maketh no difference between poor and rich, in coming hither, ne in going hence. All in o manner he bringeth forth, all in o manner he closeth in grave. Who so will make difference of poor and rich, abide till they have a little while lain in the grave. Than open and look among dead bones who was rich, and who was poor, but if it be thus that more clothes rotteth with the rich, then with the poor: and that harmeth to them that beth on live, 
john. 24.  and profit not to them that been dead: Thus saith the Doctor of such extortion as it is writ. Other men's fields they repeth, and fro the vine of him that the harm oppressed, they pluck away the grapes: they leaveth men naked, and taketh away her clothes that hath nought wherewith to hell them in cold, and liften up this pot between heaven and earth. For covetous men nother haveth charity to their brethren upon earth, neither to God in heaven: and they bore this pot into the land of Sennaar, that is to say, into the land of Stench, that is hell, for there shall be stench, in stead of sweet smelling as I say saith. Beware I read, that ye nought have to do with this pot, no with the woman therein: and on all manner that ye be nought wed did to her for than ye must be both one. This is thilk foul lecherous woman: the kings and merchants of the earth have done lechery, and of her virtue they haveth be made rich, whose damnation is written in the book of privities in these words. In o day, shall come all this vengeances of her death, weeping and hunger and fire shall burn her, for strong is God that shall venge him on her, and than shulleth weep and howl up on her the kings of the earth, that haveth done lechery with her, and haveth liu●●● delices when they shall see the smoke of her brenning, standing afar weeping and weyling and saying. Alas alas, thilk great city that was clothed with bis and purpre, and brasile, and overgilte with gold and precious stones and pearl. For in one hour all these great riches shall be destroyed, than shall they say that shall be damned with her. We have erred fro the way of troth and rightwiseness, light have not shined to us, and the son of understanding have not resen to us: we have be made weighed in everich way of wickedness and of lust, and have gone hard ways, but the ways of God we knew nought: what hath pride profited to us, or the boast of riches what hath it brought to us? All this is as a shadow of death, and we mow now show no token of holiness: in our wickedness we be wasted away. Think therefore I read, that thou shalt yield reckoning of thy bailie.  
Here endeth the first part of this Sermon, and beginneth the second part.   

IN which second part with the help of God I will show first, who shall clepe us to this reckoning. Afterward, to fore what judge we shall reckyn: and last what punishing shall be do to them that been found false servants and wicked, and what reward shall be give to them that be found good and true. For the first ye shall wetoen that there shall be fifty domes. The first doom anon after the departing of body and of soul, an this shall be special. And of this reckoning or doom speaketh the Gospel of Luke. The second reckoning or doom shall be anon after the general resurrection, 
Math. 27.  & shall be universal. And of this is to speaken in the Gospel. To the first every man shallbe cleped after other, as the world passeth. To the second shall comeo togedre in the stroke of an eye all mankind. 
3. summoner's. Sickness. Age. Death.  To the first, men shallbe cleped with three summoner's other sergeants: the firstlis sickness, the second is age, and the third is death: the first warneth, the second threateneth, and the third taketh. This is a kindly order, but otherwise it faileth, for sum we seethe dieth that never witted what was sickness ne age, as children that been suddenly slain. And sum, ye the most part that dieth now a days dieth, before her kind age of death: therefore I say, that the first that clepeth to this special reckoning is sickness, that followeth all mankind, so that every man hath it: and sum is sickness that sum men haveth but nought all. Yet the first sickness is double, for sum is within in the mights of the soul, and sum is without in feebleness of the body that needs more be stroyed, when time by 'em self is cause of corruption as Philosophy saith, that thereby feebleness and sickness. And so may we see hereby, though that a man shut out of the house of his hart all manner of worldly and fleshly thoughts, yet uneath shall a man for aught that he can do, think on God only, the space of o Pater noster, but that some other thing that is passing, entereth into the soul, and draweth her from contemplation. But O Lord God, what seekenes is this, an heavy burden on the sons of Adam, that on fowl moock and fen of the world we may think long enough. But on that the soul should most delectation have by kind, mow we nought think so little a space, but if the cokle enter among the wheat. Of this seekenes speaketh Poule, where he saith. I see a law in my limbs fight agenes the law of my spirit, and taking me into the law of sin. So that it fares by us, as by a man that would look ageyns the sun, and may nought do it long for nothing. And forsooth that is for no default that is in the sun, for she is most clear in herself, and so by reason best should be sayne, but it is for feebleness of man's eye. Right so, sith Adam our first father was put out of paradise, all his offpring have been thus sick, as the Prophet saith. Our fathers have eat a bitter grape, and the teeth of the children be wax an edge. The second sickness, that is common to all mankind, cometh of feebleness of the body: as hunger and thorst, cold and heat, sorrow & weariness, and many other as job. 18. saith. 
job. 14.  A man that is ibore of a woman, living a little while, is fulfilled with many miseases. Yet there is other sickness that cometh to some men, 
Deutero.  but not to all, as Lepur, Palsy, Fever, Dropsy, Blindness, and many other, as it was saiden to the people of Israel, in holy writ. But thou keep the commandments that be writ in this book, God shall echen the sickness of thee and of thy seed, great sickness and long abiding. Yet ye shall understand, that God sendeth other while, such sickness to good men, and other while to shrews. To good men God doth it for two causes, and that is sooth. Of sickness I will to be understand also, of all manner of tribulations. The first cause, for they should always ever know, that they have none perfection of themself, 
Corinth. 12.  but of God only, and to echen their meekness. And thus saith Poule, lest the greatness of revelations rear me up into pride, is given a prick of my flesh, the Angel of Sathanas to smite me on the neck, wherefore I have thrice prayed God, that he should go fro me, and he answered me: My grace is suffisant to thee for virtue is fulfilled in sickness, where on thus say the gloze. The fend axing job to be tempted, was herd of God, and nought the Apostle asking his temptation to be removed. God herd him that should be damned, and he herd nought him, that he should save. For oft the sick man axit many things of the leech, that he will not give him, & that is for to make him whole of sickness. Also God sendeth Saints oft sickness & pollution, to give us sinful wretches example of patience: For if he suffer his Saints to have such tribulation in this world, and they thankin him thereof, much more wretchis that God sendeth not the hundred aparty of their sorrow, shoulden bear it meekly sith we have deserved a thousand so much as they haveth. 
Tobi. 2.  Whereof, Toby that one day when he was weary of byrying of poor men, the which shulden have ley unburied, and have be etene of houndis, and fowls, as caraynes, of other unreasonable beasts, when for weariness he had leide him to rest, through god's sufferance the swallows that bredden above on his house, maden ordure into his eyen, and he wexet blind. Thus it is writ of this temptation for sooth▪ Therefore God suffered to come to him, that to them that comen after, should be given ensample of patience, as by the temptation of holy job. For sith from his childhod, evermore he dread God, and ever kept his hests: He was not aggrieved against God that the misthiefe of blindness fell to him: but unmovable dwelled in the dread of God, thanking him all the days of his life. Lo that holy writ saith expressly, that God suffered this holy man to have that sickness, to give them that should come after him ensample of patience. Also other while, God sendeth sickness and tribulation to wicked men, and for two causes. First for that they should the rather dread God, and leave their sin. 
Antioch.  As it is writ: their sickness hath been multiplied, and after they have hied to Godward. For we see oft men in sickness know their God, that never would have turned to him while they had been whole. Also God sendeth them sickness oft to aghast other men, lest they follow their sin. As the sickness of king Antioch, whom God smote with such a sickness, that worms fell out of his body while he lived, in so farforth, that he stank so foul, that his friends were so weary of it, that they might not suffer it. And at the last, when he himself might not suffer his own stinch, than he began to know himself, and said: It is rightful, to be subject to God, and a deadly man not to hold himself only even with God, and the story saith he asked mercy of God, and made a vow to God, that he would make the City of jerusalem free, and the jews to make them as free as the men of Athens: and that he would honour God's temple with precious ary, and multiply the holy vessels, and find of his own rent and spenses pertaining to the sacrifice. And he would become a jew, and go over all the land to preach God's might. And yet God gafe him not such mercy as he desired. And I trow certain that it was for good. In as much as God knew he would not afterward hold his covenant, or else for he axket it too late. What meed was it for him to forsake his wickedness when he was unmighty to do good or evil. Nevertheless, I trow he was not dampened, in as much as he had such repentance, for repentance in this life come never too late if it be true. But by this vengeance that God took on this king, should men see, what it is to be unobedient to God. And also it is to take heed, that when ever sickness cometh, ever it showeth, that he that suffereth this deadly, shall needs die For though he may scape of his sickness, yet he may not scape death. And so thou must needs come give reckoning of thy bailie. The second somnour that shall clepe thee to this particular doom, 
The second somnet, Properties of death.  is eld or age. And the condition of him is this, though that he tarry with thee, he will not leave thee, till he bring thee to the third, that is death. But there be many that though they have this somnour with them, they take none heed, though they see there he are door, her back crook, her breath stink, her teeth fail, her then derk, her visage rively, her crene wexit heavy to her. What meaneth all this, but that age sunneth to the doom.  
But what more madhead may be than a man to be cleped, and draw to so dreadful a reckoning there, where but he answer well he forfeteth both body and soul to damnation for ever. If seeing a little worldly mirth on the way, he thinketh so mekill thereon, that he forgetteth who draweth him, or whether he draweth. So doth he that is smitten with age and liketh so on the false world is wealth, that he forgetteth whether he is away: Herefore saith an holy Doctor, that among all abusions of the world most is of an old man that is obstinate: for he thinketh not on his out going of this world, ne of passing into the life that is to come: he heareth messengers of death, and he leaveth 'em not, and the cause is this, for the threefold cord that such an old man is bounden with, is hard to break. This cord is custom, that is of three plights, that is, of idle thought, unhonest speech, and wicked deed: the which if they groweth in a man from the childhood into man's age, they maketh a triple cord to bind the old man on custom of sin. 
Isaiah.  Herefore saith Esay break the bonds of sin. Think herefore whosoever that thou be that art thus sumned, that thou might not scape that thou ne shalt yield the reckoning of thy bailie.  
The third sumner to this reckoning, is death. And the condition of him is, 
The third sumner distinstio mortis. Augustinus.  that when ever he come, first, other the second, other the last hour he ne spareth, neither power, ne youth, ne he dreadeth no threatening, ne he ne taketh heed of no prayer ne of no gift, ne he granteth no respite, but withouten delay he bringeth forth to the doom. Herefore saith Saint Austen. Well ought every man dread the day of his death. For in what state a man's last day findeth him, when he dieth out of this world, in the same state he bringeth him to his doom. Herfore saith the wise man. Son, think on thy last day, and thou shalt never sin. Therefore I read that thou think, that thou shalt give reckoning of thy bailie. 
The day of judgement.  I said also, that there shall be another doom, to the which all men shall come together, and this shall be universal. And right as to the other doom, every man shall be cleped with these three sumnours: so to this doom all this world shall be cleped with three general clepers. And right as the other three messengers tell a man's end, so these tell the end of the world. The first cleper is the worldly sickness, 
In known the world's sickness.  the second cleper is feebleness, and the third is the end. The sickness of the world thou shalt know by charity a cooling. His eld and febles thou shalt know by tokens fulfilling, and his end thou shalt know by Antichrist's pursuing. First I said, thou shalt know the worlds sickness by charity a cooling. Clerks that treat of kind sayne: that a body is sick, when his bodily heat is to light, or when his unkindly heat is too much. 
Math. 21.  sith than all mankind is one body, whose kindly heat is charity (that is love to God and to our neighbours) unkindly heat is lustful love to other creatures. When therefore thou seest that the love of men to Godward and to their neighbour is little and faint, and the love of worldly things and lusts of the flesh is great and fervent: then wit thou well, that unkindly heat is too great, and kindly heat is too little. That this be acknowlich of this sickness, I may prove by authority of Christ. For he himself gave them as a sign of the drawing to the end of the world: For that wickedness shall be in plenty, charity shall acoole. Therefore when thou seest charity this little in the world and wickedness increase, know well, that this world passeth and his wealth, and that this sumner is come. 
●. Tim. 3.  And thus saith saint Poule, Wit ye well, that in the last days shall come perilous times, and there shall be men loving themself, that is to say, their bodies, covetous by pride, unobedient to father and mother, unkind felons, withouten affection, withouten peace, blamers, incontinent, unmild, withonten benignity, traitors, rebels, swelling, lovers of lusts more than of God, having a likeness of piety, and denying the virtue thereof. And these flee thou. If thou seest the people busied with such conditions, wit thou well that the first sumnour warneth all the world, that the day of reckoning draweth toward.  
The second Sumnour, that warneth all the world, is eld or age of the world and his feebleness, and showeth tokens fulfilling. But I know well, that we be nought suffissant to know the times other the whiles that the father in trinity hath put on his own power, to show certainly the day, year, other hour of this doom, sith this knowledge was hid fro the privy Apostles of Christ, and fro Christ's manhood as to show it to us. natheless, we enough by authority of holy writ, with reasons, and expositions of Saints, well and openly show, that this day of wrath is nigh: 
Luke. 12.  But yet lest any man say in his heart as it is written of solely bailies, that they shall seien, my Lord, that is, tarrieth to come to the doom, and upon hope hereof he taketh to smite servants and hynen of God, eat and drink and make him drunk: I shall show that this day is at the hand, 
1. Co. 10.  how nigh nevertheless, can I not seie ne will For if Poule said now for a thousand and three hundred year, and passed more: we been thilk, into whom the endis of the world ben come, much rather may we seie the same that been so much near the end than he was. 
Chrisostom.  Also S. chrysostom saith: thou seest over all darkness, and thou doutest that the day is go, first on the valleys is darkness when the day draweth downward: when therefore thou seest the valeys I darked, why doutest thou whether it be nigh even, but if thou see the sun so low that darkness is upon the hills, thou wilt seie doubtless, that it is night. Right so, if thou see first in the seculers and the lewd christian men beginneth derknesses of sins and to have the mastery, 
A proper similitude.  it is token that this world endeth. But when thou seest priests that been put on the high top of spiritual dignities, that shoulden be as hills aboven the common people in perfect living, that darkness of sins hath taken them, who doubteth that the world nis at the end. And also Abbot joochim in exposition of jeremy, sayeth: Fro the year of our Lord 1200. all times beth suspect to me, and we been passed on this suspect time nigh 200. year. 
joachim Maid Hildegar.  Also maiden Hyldegare in the book of her prophecy the third party, the xj. vision, the seven. chapter, moveth this reason. Right as on seven days God made the world, so in 7000. year the world shall pass. And right as in the sixth day man was made and formed: so in 6000. years he was brought again and reform. And as in the seventh day the world was full made, and God left off his working, right so its the 7000. year, the number of them that shullen be saved shall be fulfilled, and rest shall be to saints full in body and soul. If that it be so as it seemeth to follow of this maidens words, that 7000. in passing of the world accordeth to seven days in his making it, see what lacketh that these 7000. years ne beth fulfilled. For if we reckon the number of years fro the nativity of Christ, to the years fro the beginning of the world, to Christ, and thou wilt follow Austyne, Bede, and Orosie, and most probable doctors treating of this matter, 
Augustine.  are passed now almost, six thousand and six hundred as it is open in a book that is cleped Speculum iudiciale So it suweth, that this last day is more than a half a go, if we shoulden give credence to this maidens reasun: But if we shall leanly to the Gospel, than we shall find in the Gospel of Matthew, that the Disciples axiden of Christ three questions First, 
Math. 24.  what time the City of jerusalem should be destroyed. The second, what token of his coming to the doom. And the third, what sign of the ending of the world. And Christ gave them no certain time of these things when they shoulden fall, but he gave them tokens, by which they might know when they drew nigh, and so as to the first question of the destruction of jerusalem, 
Note.  he said: when the Romans come to besiege that City, than soon after she shall be destroyed.  
And as to the second and the third, he gave many tokens, that is to say: that Realm shall rise against Realm, and people against people, and pestilences and earthquakinges, the which we have seen in our days. But the last token that he gave, was this: when ye seen the abomination of elengnesse said of Daniel the Prophet, standing on the Sanctuary: than who so readeth, understand. Upon which text, thus argueth a Doctor in a book that he maketh of the end of the world. If the words of Daniel haven authority (as God saith that they haven) it sufficeth of the number of the years of the end of the world, that Daniel hath written. Now Daniel in the twelfth chapter, speaking of this abomination, putteth between the ceasing of the busy sacrifice of the jews, the which fell, when by Titus and Vespasianus, jerusalem was destroyed, and the people of jews were disparkled into all the world. And this abomination that Doctor's sayne, shall be in the great Antichrist's days. 1290. 
Antichrist to come an. 1400. This sermon ergo was made, an. 1389. Apo. 6.  Now proveth this Doctor, that a day must be taken for a year, both by authority of holy writ in the same place, and in other, and also by reason: So it seemeth to this clerk, that the great Antichrist should come in the 1400. year fro the birth of Christ, the which number of years is now fulfilled, not fully twelve years and a half lacking. And this reason put not I as to show any certain time of his coming, sith I have not that knowledge: but to show that he is nigh, but how nigh I wots never. But take we heed to the fourth part of the second vision of Saint john, put in the book of Revelations, in the which under the opening of the seven seals, is declared the state of the Church, from the time of Christ into the end of the world. The opening of the four first seals, show the state of the Church, fro the time of Christ, to the time of Antichrist and his foregoers, the which is showed in the opening of the other three seals. The opening of the first seal, telleth the state of the Church in the time of the preaching of Christ and of his Apostles. For the first, that is, the Lion, gave his voice, that betokeneth the preachers of Christ's resurrection and his ascension. For then go out a white horse, and he that sat upon him, had a bow in his hand, and he go out overcoming to overcome. By this white horse we understand, the clean life and conversation that these preachers haden: and by the bow, their true teaching, pricking sorrow in men's hearts for their sins withouten flattering. And they wenten out of jewry that they comen of, overcoming some of the jews, and maken them to leave the trust that they hadden in the old law, and to believe in jesus Christ, and shown his teaching. And they wenten out to overcome the Paynemes, showing to them that their Images were no Gods, but men's works, unmighty to save themself, or any other, drawing them to the belief of jesus christ God and man. In the opening of the second seal, there cried the second beast, that is, a calf, that was a beast wont to be slain, and offered to God in the old law. This showeth the state of the Church in the time of Martyrs, 
Expositio. Nero. Constantinus magnus. Silvester.  that for their steadfast preaching of God's true law, shed their blood, that is signified by the red horse that went out at this seal opening: and this estate began at Nero the cursed Emperor, and dured into the time of Constantine the great, that endowed the Church. For in this time, many of Christ's servants, and namely the leaders of God's flock were slain. For of xxij. Bishops of Rome that were between Peter and Silvester the first, I read but of four, but that they weren Martyrs for the law of Christ. And also in the time of Dioclesian the Emperor, the persecution of the Christian men was so great, that in thirty. days weren slain xxij. thousand men and women in divers counties, for the law of God.  
The opening of the third seal, telleth the state of the Church in time of Heretikis that beth figured by the black horse, 
The 3. seal.  for false under standing of holy write: for than cried the third be'st that is a man, for at that time was it need to preach the mystery of Christ's incarnation, and his passion against these erretikis that feliden mis of these points: 
Expositio.  how Christ took verreyly man's kind of our Lady, him being God as he was bifore, and his mother being maiden before and after. The opening of the fourth scale, telleth the state of the Church in time of ypocritis, that beth signified by the pale horse, 
The 4. seal. Expositio.  that beth signs of penance with outfoorth to blind the people. And he that sat upon this horse his name was death, for they shulle flee ghostly them that they leden, and teacheth to trust upon other thing than God: and hell followeth him, for hell receiveth thilk that these disteineth. At that time shall it need, that the fourth beast that is the Eagle make his cry, that flieth highest of fowls to rear up God's Gospel: and to praise that law above other, least men's wit, and their traditions overgone and treden down the law of God, by informing of these ypocritis, and this is the last state, that is, other shall be in the Church, bifore the coming of the great Antichrist. 
The 5. seal.  The opening of the fift seal, telleth the state of the Church that than shall follow, and the desire that lovers of god's law shulleth have after the end of this world to be delivered of this wo. 
The 6. seal.  The opening of the sixth seal telleth the state of the Church, in time of Antichristis times, the which state ye may know to be in the Church when ye seth fulfilled, that Saint john prophesieth to fall on the opening of this, where he saith thus: After this I saw four Angels standing upon four corners of the earth, holding the four winds of the earth that they blown nought upon the earth, ne upon the sea, ne upon any tree. These four Angels beth the number of all the devils ministers, that on that time shulleth in the pleasance of their Lord Antichrist, stop the four windis that beth the four Gospels to be preached, and so let the breath of the grace of the holy Ghost to fall upon men morning for sin, and calling them to amendment, and to other that wolden increase in virtues, other upon perfect men. What is there after this to fall, but that the mystery of the seventh seal be showed, that he come in his own person. That jesus Chrst shall slay with the spirit of his mouth, when the fiend shall show the utmost persecution, that he and his servants may do to Christis limbs, and that shall be the third warning that the world shall have to come to this dreadful doom.  
In all this matter have I nought said of myself, but of other Doctors that beth proved. 
The 7. seal.  I said also in my second principal part, that it were to wit tofore what judge we shall reckon. Wherefore we shulleth wit, that God himself shall here this reckoning, he that seethe all our deeds, and all our thoughts fro the beginning of our life to the end, and he shall show there the hid things of our heart opening to all the world the rightfulness of his doom. So that with the might of God, every man's deeds to all the world shall be showed, 
Apoca.  and so it seemeth by the words of saint john, in the book of prevites, there he seith thus. I saw deed men little and great, standing in the sight of the throne, and books weren opened: and an other book was opened that was of life, and deed men weren judged after the things that weren written in the books after their worching. These books beth men's consciences that now beth closed. But than they shulleth be opened to all the world to reden therein both deeds and thoughts. But the book of life, is Christ's living and doctrine, that is now hid to men that shulleth be damned through their own malice, that deemeth men to serve the world, rather than God: In the first book shall be writ all that we haveth do, in that other book, shall be write that we shoulden have do, and than shulle deed men, be deemed of thilk things that ben written in the books: For if the deeds that we haven do, the which ben written in the books of our conscience, be according to the book of Christ's teaching and his living, the which is the book of life, we shulle be saved, and else we shulle be damned, for the doom shall be given after our works. Look therefore now what thing is written in the book of thy conscience, while thou art here: and if thou findest aught contrary to Christis life, other to his teaching, with the knit of penance and repentance, scrape it away and write it better, evermore heartily thinking that thou shalt yield reckoning of thy bailie.  
Also I said principally that it were to witen, what reward shall be give on that doom, to wise servants and good, and what to false servants and wicked. For the which it is to wit, that our Lord jesus Christ, shall come to the doom here into this world, in the same body that he took of our Lady, having thereon the wound is that he suffered for our again bieng. And all that ever shullen be saved, taking again their bodies clyving to their head Christ, shall be ravished meeting him in the air as Paul saith: They that shall be damned lain upon the earth, as in a ton of wine the dreggis dwellen beneath and the cliere wine hoveth above. Than shall Christ axe reckoning of the deeds of mercy, reproving false Christian men for the leaving of them, rehearsing the deeds of the same, and other truth is by the which his true servants than followed him: than shulle thick false servants go with the devil, whom they have served in the earth, than swallowing into the endless fire. And rightful men shullen go into everlasting life, than shall be fulfilled that is written, in the book of privities. Woe, woe, woe, to hem that dwellen in the earth. Woe to the paynim that gafe that worship to dead Images wrought of man's hands, and to other creatures that he should have gone to GOD that him wrought: Woe to the jew that trusteth so muchil in the old law, than shall he see Mary's son deeming the world whom he despised and set on the Cross: Woe to the false Christian man that knew the will of his Lord, and fulfilled it nought.  
Also woe for sin of thinking to thee, that thou hast shut out the mien of God, that is mind of his Passion, holy contemplation, of his goodness and memory of his benefits, fro the chamber of thine heart: and hast made it an house of swyn and a den of thieves, by unclean thoughts and delights. As thou here hast sperd God out of thine heart, so he shall spear thee out of heaven: Thou hast herberwid the mien of the fiend, and with them in hell thou shall thou shalt ever abide: woe also for sin of speech, for thou might nought open they foul and stinking mouth with the which thou hast spoken unhonesty, cursing, fraud, deceit, leasings, forswearing, scorning, and backbiting, to praise God in the fellowship of saints. For loving is nought comynlych, in mouths of sinners. For in the which give thou hadst kept thy mouth clean, thou shouldest have sungen in fellowship of Angels this blessed song: Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Domenus Deus omnipotens. Holy, holy, holy, Lord God almighty. Than yelling and weeping thou shalt cry in company of devils. We, Ge, Ge, quante sunt tenebrae. Woe, woe, woe, how great beth these darkness, woe also for sin of deed. Thou hast been proud, thy pride shall be drawn to hell, as Esay saith, or thou hast been brent with envy of the devil. Envy entered into the world, and they shoulden followen him that been on his side, as Solomon saith. Or thou hast be stirred with wrath, and every man that beareth wrath to his brethren, is guilty in doom, as Christ in the Gospel saith of Matthew. Or thou hast be slow to good deeds, myssawe shall come to thee as a wayfaring man, and thy poverty as a man iarmed, as the book of proverbs saith. Or thou hast haunted lechery, gluttony, or covetise. That forsooth weet ye, that every avouterer, or unclean man, that is a glutton, other chynch, shall never have heritage in the Realm of Christ and of God, as Poule saith. But fire, brimstone, and the spirit of tempests, that is, the fiend of hell, shulen be a party of their pain, as it is written in the psalter, when these damned men be in this woe, they shulen sing this reufull song that is ywritten in the book of mourning. 
Note.  The joy of our hart is a go, our quire is turned into woe, the crown of our head is fallen us fro. Alas for sin that we have do. But joy and joy, and joy to them that be saved. joy in God, joy in themself, joy in other that been saved. Also joy for their travail is brought to so gracious an end. 
Conclusion.  joy, for they scaped the pain of hell, joy fore their bliss that they han in the sight of God, Cui sit honour & gloria, in secula seculorum, Amen.    
And thus much concerning this worthy and fruitful Sermon, which as by the auncienines of the phrase seemeth to be preached much about the time of john Wicklesse: so I thought here, by the occasion of William Thorpes examination, best to place the same: for the apt coherence both of the spirit, and of the matter. Especially having before our eyes, the public utility of the Reader, to whom by the studious reading thereof, might rise plentiful matter of true Christian information, both of the wholesome fearing of God, and of the right guiding of every Christian man's life.  
Whereunto I thought good to anexe further in our story, after the examination of William Thorpe, and the martyrdom of William Sawtrey, and of john Badby thus described (as ye have heard) which was about the year 1409. By the way here is to be considered, at least to be admonished, that all this while the schism in the church of Rome did yet continue, and so endured till the council of Constance, which was in whole, the space of xxix. years. The origine whereof (as was said page. 000.) first began at Urbanus. 5. which Urbanus being dead, an. 1389. next followed Pope Boniface the 9 who sat 14. years. 
Vide supra, pag. 429.  He in selling his pardons was so impudent and so past shame, that he brought the keys of Peter (as saith Platina) in contempt. 
Vrbanus. 3. Bonifacius. 9 Innocentius. 7. Gregorius. 12.  After him succeeded Innocentius. 7. and sat 2. years: who being dead, the Cardinals consulting together, and seeing the foul enormity and inconvenience growing upon this contentious schism in their Church of Rome (minding to provide some remedy for the same, after the best devise they could) in their conclave where they were assembled for a new election of the Pope, 
The Cardinal's devise to cease the schism. The vow & oath of the Cardinals made for the schism.  took this order, promising among themselves with solemn vow made to God, to Mary the blessed virgin, to Peter and Paul, and to all the blessed company of saints: That if any of them within the college or without the college, should be called to that high place of Apostolical pre-eminence: he should effectuously renounce the jurisdiction and title of his Popedom, if or whensoever the contrary Pope for the time being, would in like manner renounce his place and title, and his Cardinals in like manner to condescend to the other Cardinals of Rome. So that both these two colleges of Cardinals agreeing together: one chief bishop might be chosen and taken out of them both, to be made the true Pope. Provided moreover, that none should seek any releasement or absolution from the said promise, vow, and bond, once passed among them: Unto all which things furthermore, every one subscribed with his hand. These things thus prefixed and ratified upon the same, they proceeded to the election. In which was chosen Gregorius the xii. who the same day of his election, in the presence of all the cardinals: confirmed the vow, sacrament and promise made, 
The oath and vow of pope Gregory. 12.  subscribing the same with his hand in form as followeth. And I Gregory, this day being the last of November, in the year of our Lord 1407. chosen and elected for bishop of Rome: do swear, vow, and promise, & confirm all the premises above contained. etc. This being done, shortly after he was crowned, being of the age of 80. years. As the time thus passed, the people and Cardinals were in great expectation, waiting when the Pope according to his oath would give over, with the other pope also. And not long after, the matter began in deed between the two Popes to be attempted, 
Ex Chron. D. Albani.  by letters from one to another: assigning both day and place, where and when they should meet together: but yet no effect did follow.  
This so passing on, great murmuring was among the Cardinals, 
The pope falsely perjured. Cardinal's leave the perjured pope.  to see their holy perjured father, so to neglect his oath, and vow aforenamed. In so much, that at length, divers of them did forsake the Pope, as being perjured (as no less he was) sending moreover to kings and princes of other lands, for their counsel and assistance therein, to appease the schism. Amongst the rest, Cardinal Bituriensis was sent to the king of England: who publishing divers propositions and conclusions (remaining in the registers of Thomas Arundel) disputeth, that the pope ought to be subject to laws and counsels. 
Ann. 1409.  Then K. Henry (moved to write to Gregory the pope) directeth his letter here under ensuing, which was the year of our Lord. 1409. The contents of the letter be these.  
The letter of king Henry the fourth, to Pope Gregory 12.  
MOst blessed father, if the discrete providence of the apostolic sea, 
King Henry 4. to pope Gregory. 12.  would call to mind, with what great perils the universal world hath been damnified hitherto, under pretence of this present schism: and especially would consider, what slaughter of Christian people to the number of two hundredth thousand (as they say) hath been through the occasion of war raised up in divers quarters of the world, 
2. hundred thousand slain by schism of Rome. 30 thousand slain in camp fight for the bishopric of Leodium.  and now of late, to the number of thirty M. soldiers which have been slain through the dissension moved about the Bishopric of Leodium, between two set up, one by the authority of one Pope, the other by the authority of the other Pope, fight in camp for the title of that Bishopric: Certes ye would lament in spirit, & be fore grieved in mind for the same. So that, with good conscience you would relinquish rather the honour of the sea apostolic, then to suffer such horrible bloodshed hereafter to ensue, under the cloak of dissimulation, following herein the example of the true mother in the book of kings: who pleading before Solomon for the right of her child, rather would departed from the child, than the child should be parted by the sword. And although it may be vehemently suspected by the new creation of 9 Cardinals, by you last made contrary to your oath (as other men do say) that you do but little heed or care for ceasing the schism: Yet far be it from the hearing and noting of the world, that your circumspect seat should ever be noted & distained with such an inconstancy of mind: whereby the last error may be worse, than the first. Ex Chron. D. Albani. part. 2.  
¶ King Henry the 4. to the Cardinals.  

King Henry 4. to the Cardinals.  ANd to the Cardinals likewise, the said King directeth an other letter with these contents here following: We desiring to show what zeal we have had and have, to the reformation of peace of the Church: by the consent of the states of the Realm, have directed to the Bishop of Rome our letters after the tenor of the copy herewith in these presents enclosed, to be executed effectually. Wherefore, we seriously beseech your reverend college, that if it chance the said Gregory to be present at the council of Pisa, 
Concilium ●●sanum.  and to render up his Popedom, according to your desire, and his own oath: you then so ordain for his state totally, that chief God may be pleased thereby, and that both the said Gregory, and also we which love entirely his honour and commodity, may have cause to give you worthily condign thanks for the same. Ibid.  
This being done in the year of our Lord 1409. afterward in the year next following, 
Exchro. D. Albani.  an. 1410. the Cardinals of both the Popes, to wit of Gregorius, and Benedictus: By common advise assembled together at the city of Pisa, 
Anno. 1410.  for the reformation of unity and peace in the Church. To the which assembly, 
Concilium Pisanum.  a great multitude of Prelates and bishops being convented, a new Pope was chosen, named Alexander 5. 
Pope Alexander. 5. 3. pope's together.  But to this election, neither Gregorius, nor Benedictus did fully agree. Whereby there were 3. Pope's together in the Roman church (that is to understand) not 3. crowns upon one Pope's head, but 3. heads in one Popish church together. This Alexander being newly made pope, scarcely had well warmed his triple crown: but strait giveth out full remission, not of a few, but of all manner of sins whatsoever: to all them that conferred any thing to the monastery of●. Bartholomew by Smithfeld resorting to the said church any of these days following: to wit, 
The vain remission by the pope's indulgence. Pope Alexander dead.  on Maundy thursday, good Friday, Easter even, the feast of the Annunciation, from the first evensong to the latter. But this Pope which was so liberal in giving remission of many years to other, was not able to give one year of life to himself: for within the same year he died. 
Pope john 23.  In whose stead stepped up Pope john 23.  
In the time of this Alexander, great stir began in the country of Bohemia, 
Ex joan. Chocle● De historia Hussiaru. lib. 1. The Gospel beginneth to take root in Bohemia.  by the occasion of the books of john Wickliff, which then coming to the hands of I. hus, and of other both men & women, especially of the lay sort, and artificers, began there to do much good. In so much, that divers of them not only men, but women also, partly by reading of those books translated into their tongue, partly, by the setting forward of john hus, a notable learned man, and a singular preacher at that time in the university of prague: were in short time so ripe in judgement, and prompt in the scriptures, that they began to move questions, yea and to reason with the Priests, touching matters of the Scriptures.  
By reason whereof, complaint was brought to the said Pope Alexander the fift, 
The letter of pope Alexander. 5. to the Archbish. Swinco of Bohemia.  who caused eftsoons the forenamed john hus to be cited up to Rome. But when he came not at the Pope's citation, than the said Pope Alexander addressed his letters to the Archbishop of Suinco. Wherein he straightly charged him to prohibit and forbid, by the authority Apostolical, all manner of preachings or sermons to be made to the people, but only in Cathedral Churches or Colleges, or Parish churches, or in Monasteries, or else in their Churchyards. And that the articles of Wickliff, should in no case of any person of what state, condition or degree so ever, be suffered to be held, taught, or defended, either privily or apertly. Commanding moreover and charging the said Archbishop, that with four Bachelors of Divinity, and two Doctors of the Canon law joined unto him: would proceed upon the same, and so provide that no person in churches, schools, or any other place, 
The Pope's cruel bull against john Hasse.  should teach, defend, or approve any of the foresaid Articles. So that who so ever should attempt the contrary, should be accounted an heretic. And unless he shall revoke solemnly and publicly the said articles, and shall for ever abjure the books wherein the foresaid articles be contained, so that they may be utterly abolished out from the eyes of the faithful: the same to be apprehended and imprisoned, all appellation set apart, the help also of the secular arm being called thereunto, if need shall require. etc. These were the contents of this mighty & fierce bull of Pope Alexander.  
Against the which bull on the other side john hus justly complaining, 
John Husse objecteth against the pope's cruel Bull.  excepteth again and objecteth many things, as appeareth in his book entitled De Ecclesia. cap. 18. Where he declareth this mandate of the pope to stand directly against the doings and sayings both of Christ and of his Apostles: 
the pope's Bull contrary to christ.  Considering, how Christ himself preached to the people, both in the sea, in the desert, in fields, in houses, in synagogues, in villages: and the Apostles also in all places did the same, the Lord mightily working in them. He declared moreover, the said mandate or bull of the pope to redound unto the great detriment of the church, in binding the word of God, that it might not have his free passage. Also, the same to be prejudicial unto chapels newly erected for the word of God to be preached in them. Wherefore (sayeth he) from this commandment or mandate of Pope Alexander, 
The notable judgement of God in striking the adversaries of the Gospel.  I did appeal unto the said Alexander, being better informed and advised. And as I was persecuting my appeal, the Lord Pope (saith john hus) immediately died.  
Then the Archbishop of Suinco aforesaid, to whom this present bull was directed, when he saw the process, bulls and mandates of the bishop of Rome, to be thus contemned of john Husse, and his fellows, neither having any hope of redress in winceslaus the king: which seemed to neglect the matter, went out of his country into Hungary, to complain unto Sigismonde king of Hungary, and brother to the said Winceslaus. But this quarreling Archbishop, whether before (as the Bohemians say) or after (as Silvius sayeth) that he had spoken with Sigismond: immediately there (by the just judgement of God) died in Hungary, 
The Gospel seldom times long quiet.  as the story saith for sorrow. Whereby a little more liberty and quiet was given by the Lord unto his Gospel, newly beginning to take rote among the Bohemians. Albeit, this tranquillity there, did not long continue without trouble and persecution, neither could it in those furious days and reign of Antichrist. 
Pope john 23.  For after this Alexander aforesaid succeeded Pope john 23. Who likewise playing his part in this tragedy, bend all his might and main to disturb the Bohemians, as more hereafter (Christ willing) shallbe declared in further process of our history, coming to the year of our Lord. 1413.  
Thus the poor Christians (as ye see) like to the silly Israelites under the tyranny of Pharaoh, were infested and oppressed in every place, but especially here in England: and that so much the more here, because that the king not like to Winceslaus, went full and whole with the pope and his prelate's against the Gospelers.  

The pride and glory of the clergy of England in those days.  By reason whereof, the kingdom of the Pope and his members here in this realm began to be so strong, that none durst stir or once mute against them. The Bishops having the king so full on their side, armed moreover with laws, statutes, punishments, imprisonments, sword, fire and faggot: reigned and ruled as they listed, as kings and princes within themselves. So strong were they of power, that no humane force was able to stand against them: so exalted in pride and puffed up in glory, that they thought all things to be subject to their reverent majesties. What so ever they set forth or decreed, it must of all men be received and obeyed.  
And such was their superstitious blindness and curious vanity, that whatsoever toy came once in their fantasy: it was straightways determined and established for a law of all men to be observed, were it never so frivolous or superstitious. As well appeareth by Thomas Arundel Archb. of Cant. and other, who having now a little laisure from slaying and killing the innocent people, Martyrs and Confessors of the Lord, & having now brought their enemies (as they thought) under feet: began to set up themselves, and to invent new customs, as the guise is of the Pope's church, ever to intrude into the church of God, some ceremony or custom of their own making, whereby the Church of Christ hath been hitherto exceedingly pestered. So likewise this Thom. Arundel, thinking the church yet not sufficiently stuffed with ceremonies and vain traditions of men: bringeth in a new found gaud, commonly called the tolling of Aves, in honour of our Lady, with certain Aves to be said, and days of pardon to be given for the same. For the ratification whereof, under the pretence of the king's request, 
XI. days of pardon given by Tho. Arundel Archb.  he directed his mandate to the Bishop of London, well stuffed with words of I dolatry, as by the reading thereof may appear, in form of terms as followeth.  

* A mandate of Tho. Arundel directed to the Bishop of London, to warn men to say certain prayers at the tolling of the Aves, or ringing of Curphew.  

Ringing of Curphew.  THomas, etc. To the right reverend our brother, the Lord Robert by the grace of God bishop of London, greeting. etc. While we lift our eyes round about us, and behold attentively with circumspect consideration, how the most high word that was in the beginning with God, chose to him an holy and immaculate virgin of the kingly stock: in whose womb he took true flesh by inspirall inspiration, that the merciful goodness of the son of God that was uncreate, might abolish the sentence of condemnation, which all the posterity of mankind that was created, had by sin incurred. Amongst other labours in the vine of the Lord of Sabaoth, we song to God our saviour with great joy in him: carefully thinking, that though all the people of the Christian religion did extol with voices of praises so worthy a virgin, by whom we received the beginnings of our redemption, by whom the holy day first shined to us, which gave us hope of salvation. And although all the same people were drawn to reverence her, which being a happy virgin, conceived the son of God, the king of heaven, the redeemer and saviour of all nations, ministering light to the people that were miserably drowned in the darkness of death: We truly as the servants of her own 
* If this be not blasphemous & derogatory to Christ: let the reader judge.  inheritance, and such as are written of, to be of her peculiar dower, as we are by every man's confession acknowledged to be: we I say, ought more watchfully than any others, to show the endeavours of our devotion in praising her. Who being hitherto merciful to us, yea being even cowards, would that our power being, as it were spread abroad every where through all the coasts of the world, should with a victorious arm, fear all foreign nations. That our power being on all sides so defended with the buckler of her protection, did subdue unto our victorious standards, and made subject unto us, nations both near at hand and far off.  
Likewise our happy estate (all the time that we have passed since the beginning of our lives) may be well attributed only to the help of her medicine: 
These men make a Bellona of our Lady.  to whom also we may worthily ascribe now of late in these our times under the mighty government of our most Christian king, our deliverance from the ravening wolves, 
False help fought, and set up of Idolaters.  and the mouths of cruel beasts: which had prepared against our banquets, a mess of meat mingled full of gall, and hated us unjustly, secretly lying in wait for us, in recompense of the good will that we showed to them. Wherefore, that she being on high sitting before the throne of the heavenly majesty, the defendresse & patroness of us all, being magnified with all men's praises: may more plentifully exhibit to us the sons of adoption the teats of her 
* The Papists would suck our Lady's paps.  grace, in all those things that we shall have to do. At the request of the special devotion of our Lord the king himself, we command your brotherhood, straightly enjoining you: that you command the subjects of your city and diocese, and of all other suffragans, to worship our Lady Mary the mother of God, and our 
* Will you stand to this doctrine ye Catholics.  patroness and protectress, evermore in all adversity: with such like kind of prayer and accustomed manner of ringing, as the devotion of Christ's faithful people is wont to worship her at the ringing of coure le feu. 
* Popish blasphemy fight against the grace of Christ. Ringing of Curphew.  And when before day in the morning ye shall cause them to ring, that with like manner of prayer & ringing, she be every where honoured devoutly by the aforesaid our and your suffragans and their subjects as well religious as secular, in your and their monasteries and collegiate churches: That we so humbly calling upon the mercy of the heavenly father, the right hand of the heavenly piety, may mercifully come to the help the protection & defence of the same our Lord the king, who for the happy remedy of quietness, and for our succour from tempestuous floods, is ready to apply his hands to work, and his eyes with all his whole desire to watching. We therefore coveting more earnestly to stir up the minds of all faithful people to so devout an exercise of God. etc. We grant by these presents, to all and every man. etc. that shall say the lords prayer and the salvation of the Angel five times at the morning peal with a devout mind, 
XI. days pardon, for 5. Aves.  totiens quotiens, (how oft so ever) 40 days of pardon by these presents.  
Given under our seal in our manor of Lambeth the 10. day of February, Anno nostrae trans. 9 Ex. Regist. Thom. Arundel.   
By this frivolous and barbarous constitution with many other of like sort heaped into the church by the papists: appeareth the proper nature and condition of this catholic generation. 
Heaping up ceremonies in the church.  Who being themselves not greatly exercised nor experienced in any serious cogitation of spiritual matter (as seemeth) take upon them to govern the spiritual church of Christ, whereof in deed they have no skill or very little. And therefore according to their unskilful handling, they lead and rule the church after such outward sights and ceremonies, seemly perhaps to their own gross affection: but not agreeing (nay rather clean contrary) to the right nature & condition, of the spiritual house and kingdom of the Lord. And like as in their inventions they serve utterly from the right handling of all spiritual government: so in their manners & form of life likewise, they do resemble little or no part almost, of such as are and aught to be, true pastors and ministers of the mystical body of Christ.  
Examples hereof are plenty and plain, in these Roman Prelates to be noted: who so well considering the humble state and lowly spirit which ought to be in pastoral leaders of the church, will compare the same with the usual pomp of these glorious potestates.  
As for example, 
The pomp of the pope's Church noted.  what can be more convenient for a true pastor ecclesiastical, than humility of hart and spirit, according to the example of the head bishop himself? So, what greater show of arrogancy and pride could there be, then in this: whom I have oft named before. Th. Arundel, archb. of Cant. who passing by the high street of London, did not only look and wait for the ringing of the bells, for a triumph of his coming, but took great snuff and did suspend all such Churches in London (not only with the steeple and bells, but also with the organs) so many as did not receive his coming with the noise of bells: according as out of his own registers may appear, the words whereof written to his own Summoner, I have hereto annexed in his own form as followeth.  

¶ A Commission directed to the Summoner, to suspend certain churches of London, because they rung not their bells, at the presence of my Lord the Archb. of Canterbury.  
THomas by the permission of God, etc. To our well beloved Thom. Wilton our Summoner sworn, health, grace, and blessing. The comeliness of our holy Church of Canterb. over which we bear rule: 
Churches of London suspended for not ringing at the coming of the Archb.  deserveth and requireth, that while we pass through the province, of the same our Church (having our cross carried before us) every parish church in their turns, aught & are bounden in token of special reverence that they bear to us, to ring their bells. Which notwithstanding, ye on Tuesday last passed, when we betwixt 8. and 9 of the clock before dinner, passed openly on foot as it were, through the midst of the city of London, with our cross carried before us: divers churches whose names are here beneath noted, showed towards us willingly (though they certainly knew of our coming) unreverence rather then reverence, and the duty that they own to our church of Canterb. ringing not at all at our coming. Wherefore, we being willing to revenge this injury, 
* Oh injurious enemies to Christ his humility.  for the honour of our spouse as we are bound: command you, that by our authority, you put all those churches under our interditement, suspending Gods holy organs and instruments in the same Which we also suspend by the tenor of these presents, till the ministers of the aforesaid Churches be able hereafter to attain of us the benefit of more plentiful grace. Given. etc.   
What great reason was in this, why this Archb. either should thus look for the ringing of the bells, or why he should be so displeased with not ringing, I do not see. Belike his mind in the mean time was greatly occupied with some great muse, as feeling of God's fear, with repentance and remembrance of his sins, with zealous care and solicitude for his flock, with the earnest meditation of the passion & life of our saviour, who in this world was so despised: or else was set upon some grave study, while he so waited for the ringing of the bells, which are wont to be so noisome to all students. And why were not the trumpeters also shent as well, because they did not sound before his person? But and though the bells did not clatter in the sreples, and therefore his thunderbolt should have fallen upon the steeples which had deserved: why should the body of the church therefore be suspended? At least, the poor Organs (me thinketh) had some part of wrong to be put to silence in the quire, 
Organs suspended in the Church because the bells did not ring.  because the bells rang not in the tower.  
Of the like matter also we read in the said registers, falling between the B. of Worcester, and the priory of the same town, for not ringing at the bishops coming into the church. Whereupon much suit and contention was between them, till at length the Archb. of Cant. took up the matter, moderating it, as in the said registers, fol. 441. appeareth to be seen as followeth.  
universis. etc. Thomas etc. where as there happened variance lately between our reverend brother the Lord B. 
Ex Regist. Tho. Arundels.  of Worcester on the one party, and the religious and discrete men the Prior and covent of the same church on the one party, for not ringing of bells at the coming of our said brother to his foresaid church, 
Variance between the B. and Prior of Worcester for not ringing at the bishops coming.  at length the parties (considering the great inconvenience that might come thereof) at our instance and request did agree on this manner: that as often as it shall happen our reverend brother to go to his aforesaid church, either to celebrate orders, or to visit his church in the head or in the inferiors, or to make cream and oil in the same church: also in the feast of the Assumption of the blessed virgin Mary, which is the chiefest feast in the Abbey aforesaid: then the Prior and the covent, and their successors for the time being, shall ring solemnly against his coming, or shall cause to be rung solemnly without all contradiction, or any reclaiming hereafter to be made against the same. Which agreement that it may be more firmly kept, we let you all understand by these presents, sealed with our seal. Given at our palace of Canterb. 12. july, the 10. year of our government.  
The like stir for bell ringing and for processions had almost happened between the Archb. of Can. successor to this Tho. Arundel, named Hen. Chichly on the one party, and the abbey of S. Albon on the other party, had not the abbot in time submitting himself to the Archb. so provided, that the ringing of their bells at his coming, might not redound to any derogation of their liberties. Whereunto the Archb. granted by these his letters as followeth.  

Ringing in, the Archb. at S. Albons.  HEnry etc. to the religious men, the Abbot and Covent of the Monastery of S. Albon in the diocese of Lincoln, health. etc. When as of late there happened a matter of variance between us, and you the Abbot & Covent, by reason of not giving reverence to us, being due to our province of Cant. that is, for not ringing the bells and meeting us with processions when we passed by divers places of our province as well due of common custom as of old use, 
Ex. Regist. Hem. Chicheley Fol. 365.  and for the prerogative of the Church of Canterb. as also being due of every one being within the compass of this our said province, when and as often as we shall pass by their places: at length your Lord Abbot (coming personally to us) did grant both for you and the Covent aforesaye, to do and to give of your gentleness all reverence and honour, with such reverence be the to us and our church of Cant. as often as we pass by your monastery, or the places nigh or adjoining thereto, or shall hereafter go by: So that it might not be prejudicial to your exemption and nothing be attempted to the violating of your privilege: and that it might not be challenged for duty hereafter. Wherefore, we desiring to keep you from damage, let you understand by these presents, that it is not our intent to derogate your exemptions or privilege whatsoever herein: nor by any means to be prejudicial to you by these your reverences or other duties, whatsoever you have or shall grant to us of your devotion and liberality, both by you, and in places under your dominion. In witness where of. etc.  
Dated the 28. day of january 1425. at S. Albon, the 12. year of our government.  
To express moreover and describe the glorious pomp of these princelike prelate's in these blind days of popish religion reigning then in the church: I thought to adjoin hereunto an other example not much unlike, neither differing much in time, 
W. Courtney Archb. of Cant.  concerning certain poor men cited up, and enjoined strait penance by W. Courtney predecessor of the said Tho. Arundel, for bringing litter to his horse, not in wanes as they should do, but in privy sacks, in a secret manner under their cloaks or coats. For the which so heinous and horrible trespass, the said Archbishop sitting in his tribunal seat, did call and cite before him the said persons (pro litera. i. for litter, after his own Latin) and after their submission enjoined them penance. Which penance, what it was, & what were the names of the foresaid parties, 
Ex Regist. W. Courtney.  here followeth out of the said Arch. registers, both by his own words, & by picture of the persons in the same registers annexed and painted, in all resemblance, as there standeth, and here is also to be seen.  

A description of the poor men doing their penance, with their straw on their back.  

This bag full of straw I bear on my back.  
Because my lords horse his Litter did lack.  
If ye be not good to my lords graces horse,  
You are like to go barefoot before the cross.   
The picture of them drawn in all proportion according to the exemplar standing in the Register.  
ERroris matter ignorantia, quosdam Hugonem Penny, johannem Forstall, johannem Boy, johannem Wanderton, Gulielmum Hayward, & johannem White, Tenentes domini de Wengam taliter obcoecavit, 
Ex Registro. W. Courtney.  quòd ante adventum dicti domini Archiepiscopi ad palatium suum Cantuariae in vigilia dominice in ramis palmarum, anno domini millesimo trecentesimo non agesimo, de cariendo & ducendo ad dictum palatium, foenum, stramen, sive literam, 
Mark ye grammarians litera for litter.  prout ex tenura terrarum, & tenura suorum quas & quae tenent de domino & ecelesia sua Cantuariae astringuntur per balliwm domini ibidem iussi & legitimè praemoniti debita seruitia more solito impendere dedignantes, stramen huiusmodi non in carrucis & vehiculis publice in sufficienti quantitate, sed modice in saccis sublatibulo, pontificis ad palatium praedictum perduxerunt, in vilipendium domini ac subtractionem: iurium ecclesiae suae Cantua. unde super hoc evocati coram domino, die iovis in hebdomada Paschae in castro suo de Statewode pro tribunali sedente personaliter comparentes, ipsius judicio in hac part se humiliter submiserunt, veniam & misericordiam pro commissis devotè petendo. Et deinde dominus praefatus, Hugonem Penny, johannem Forstal, johannem Boy, johannem Wanderton, Gulielmum Hayward, & johannem White, destando mandatis ecclesiae, & fideliter peragendo poenam eis pro eorum demeritis iniu●gendam, iuratos absoluit in forma juris, nunciata eyes & eorum cuilibet, pro modo culpae poena salutari: videlicet, quòd die dominica tunc proximè sequent, praedicti poenitentes nudi capita & pedes, processionem apud ecclesiam collegiatam de Wengham faciendam cum singulis saccis super humeris suis palam portantes (plenis videlicet foeno & stramine) ita quòd stramen & foenum huiusmodi ad ora saccorum patentium intuentibus prominerent, lentis incessibus procederent humiliter & devote. 
Ex Regist. W. Courtney Archbish. Cant.  In English.  
IGnorance the mother of error so much hath blinded and deceived certain persons, to wit, Hugh Penny, john Forstall, john Boy, John Wanderton, Will. hayward, and john White, tenants of the Lord of Wengham: that against the coming of the aforesaid Archbishop to his palace of Canterbury on Palms Sunday even, the year of our Lord 1390, Where they being warned by the baillife, to convey and carry hay, straw, and other litter to the aforesaid palace, 
Penance enjoined for bringing straw to Lords horse.  as they were bound by the tenor of their lands, which they hold of the sea of Canterbury: refusing and disdaining to do their due service, as they were accustomed, brought their straw and other litter, not in carts and wanes openly & sufficiently, but by piece meal, and closely in bags or sacks, in contempt of their Lord, and derogation of the right and title of the sea of Canterbury. Whereupon they being ascited & presented before the archb. sitting in judgement at his manor of Statewood, yielded and submitted themselves to his lordships pleasure, humbly craving pardon of their trespass. Then the aforesaid archbishop absolved the above named Hugh Penny, etc. they swearing to obey the laws and ordinance of holy church, 
Excommunication and absolution abused.  and to do the punishment that should be appointed them for their deserts, that is: that they going laysurely before the procession, every one of them should carry openly on his shoulder, his bag stuffed with hay and straw, so that the said hay and straw should appear hanging out, the mouths of the sacks being open.    

* Notes of certain Parliament matters passed in this king's days.  
To proceed now further in the reign of this king, & to entreat also some thing of his parliaments, as we have done of other before, 
Notes of this king's parliaments.  first we will begin with the Parliament holden in the first year of his coming in.  
Moreover, forsomuch as our Catholic papists will not believe yet the contrary, but that the jurisdiction of their father the pope hath ever extended throughout all the world, as well here in England as in other places: here therefore speaking of the Parliaments holden in this king's days concerning this matter, I refer them to the Parliament of the said king Henry in his first year holden, 
The pope's jurisdiction excluded out of this realm.  and to the 27. article of the same. Where they may read in the 10. objection laid against K. Richard in plain words: how that, for as much as the crown of this realm of England, and the jurisdiction belonging to the same, as also the whole realm itself, at all times lately passed, hath been at such liberty, and enjoyed such prerogative, that neither the Pope, nor any other out of the same kingdom ought to intrude himself, nor intermeddle therein: it was therefore objected unto the forenamed king Richard the 2. for procuring the letters Apostolical from the Pope, to the confirming and coroborating of certain statutes of his, and that his censures might be prosecuted against the breakers thereof. Which seemed then to the Parliament, to tend against the crown and regal dignity, as also against the statutes & liberties of the said this our realm of England. 
Ex Anno. 1. Reg. Henrici. Act. 27.  Act. Parl. An. 1. Reg. Henrici 4. Act 27.  
Furthermore, in the second year of the said king, this was in the Parliament required, that all such persons as shallbe arrested by force of the statute made against the Lollards, 
Anno. Reg. Henr. 4. Ast. 29.  in the 2. year of Henry 4. may be bailed, and freely make their purgation: That they be arrested by none other than by the Sheriffs or such like officers, neither that any havoc be made of their goods. The king granted to take advise therein.  
In the 8. year moreover of this king's reign, it was likewise propounded in the Parliament, 
An. 8. Reg. Henri. 4. Act. 116.  that all such persons as shall procure or sue in the court of Rome any process touching any benefice, collation, or presentation of the same, shall incur the pain of the statute of provisors, made in the 13. year of Richard 2. whereunto the king granted, 
An 8. Reg. Hen. 4. act. 114.  that the statutes herefore provided should be observed.  
Item, in the said Parliament, there it was put up by petition, that the king might enjoy half the profits of every parson's benefice, who is not resident thereon. Thereunto the king answered, that the ordinaries should do their duties therein, or else he would provide further remedy, to stay their pluralities.  
Item, 
Ibide act. 37  in the said Parliament, it was required: that none do sue to the court of Rome for any benefice, but only in the king's courts.  
¶ In the next year following, which was the 9 of this King, an other petition of the Commons was put up in Parliament against the court of Rome, which I thought good here to express as followeth.  
The Commons do beseech, that forasmuch as divers provisors of the benefices of holy Church, 
Ex Rotulo Parlamenti. an. 9 Henrici. 4.  dwelling in the Court of Rome, through their singular covetounes now newly imagined to destroy those that have been long time incumbents in divers their benefics of holy church peaceably, some of them by the title of the king, some by title ordinary, and by the title of other true patrons thereof, by colour of provisions, collations, and other grants made to the said provisors by the Apostoil, of the said benefices, do pursue processes in the said court by citation made beyond the sea, 
The wickedness of pope's provisors in citing and depriving beneficed men in England, their citation being not known in the realm.  without any citations made within the Realm in deed against the same incumbents, whereby many of the said incumbents through such privy & crafty processes and sentences of privation and inhabilitation, have lost their benefices, and others put in the places of the said incumbents before the publication of the same sentences, they not knowing any thing, and many are in great hazard to lose their benefices through such processes, to their perpetual destruction and mischief: and forasmuch as this mischief cannot be helped without an especial remedy be had by parliament: Pleaseth it the king to consider the great mischief and danger that may so come unto divers his subjects without their knowledge through such citations out of the realm, and thereupon to ordain by the advise of the Lords of this present Parliament, that none presented, be received by any ordinary unto any benefice of any such incumbent for any cause of privation or inhabilitation whereof the process is not founded upon citation made within the realm, and also that such incumbents may remain in all their benefices, until it be proved by due inquest in the court of the King, that the citations whereupon such privations & inhabilitations are granted, were made within the Realm: and that if such Ordinaries, or such presented or others, do pursue the contrary, that then they and their procurators, fautors and counsellors do incur the pains contained in the statute made against provisors in the 13. year of the reign of the late Richard king of England the second, by processes to be made as is declared in the statute made against such provisors in the 27. year of the reign of king Edward, predecessor to our Lord the king that now is, any royal licences or grants in any manner to the contrary notwithstanding, and that all other statutes made against provisors, and not repealed before this present Parliament, be in their full force, and be firmly kept in all points.  
That the king's counsel have power by authority of Parliament, in case that any man find himself griened in particular, that he may pursue: and that the said counsel by the advise of the justices do right unto the parties. This to endure until the next parliament, reserving always unto the king his prerogative and liberty.  
Item, 
Ann. 9 Regis Henrici. 4. act. 43.  that no Pope's collector thenceforth should levy any money within the realm, for first fruits of any ecclesiastical dignity, under pain of incurring the statute of provisions.  
Besides in the said Parliament holden the 11. year of this king, 
Ex Chronic. D. Albani, Fabiano, & alijs.  is to be noted: how the commons of the land, put up a Bill unto the king, to take the temporal lands out from spiritual men's hands or possession. The effect of which Bill was, that the temporalities, disordinately wasted by men of the Church, might suffice to find to the K. xv. Earls, xv. C. Knights, vi. M. CC. Esquires, and a C. houses of almose, to the relief of poor people, more than at those days were within England: And over all these foresaid charges, the king might put yearly in his coffers xx. M. pound.  
Provided, that every Earl should have of yearly rent iii. M. mark, and every Knight C. mark, and iiii. plough lands: Every Esquire xl. mark by year, with two. plough lands, & every house of almose C. mark, with oversight of two true seculars unto every house: And also with provision, that every towneship should keep all poor people of their own dwellers, which might not labour for their living: with condition, that if more fell in a town than the town might maintain, than the said alms houses to relieve such towneships.  
And for to bear these charges, they alleged by their said bill, 
A computation of Church goods, to how much they do mount.  that the temporalties, being in the possession of spiritual men, amounted to iii. C. and xxii. M. mark by year. Whereof they affirmed to be in the see of Cant. with the abbeys of Christ's church, of S. Augustine's, Shrewsbury, Coggeshale, and S. Osus xx. M. mark by year. In the see of York and Abbeys there xx. M. mark. In the see of Winchester, and abbeys there xx. M. mark. In the see of London, with abbeys and other houses there, xx. M. mark. In the see of Lincoln, with the abbeys of Peterborowe, Ramsey and other, xx. M. mark. In the see of Norwych, with the abbeys of Bury and other, xx. M. mark. In the see of Ely, Spalding and other, xx. M. mark. In the see of Bathe, with the abbey of Okinborne and other, xx. M. mark. In the see of Worcester, with the abbeys of Euisham, Abingdon & other, xx. M. mark. In the see of Chester with the precinct of the same, with the sees of s. David, of Salisbury, and Exeter, with their precincts xx. M. mark. The abbeys of Ravens or Revans of Fountains, of Bernons, and divers other to the number of v. more, xx. M. mark. The abbeys of Leicester, Walthan, Gosborne, Merton, Ticetir, Osney and other, unto the number of vi. more, xx. M. mark. The abbeys of Dovers', Batil, Lewis, Coventry, Daventre, & Tourney, xx. M. mark. The abbaiss of Northhampton, Thorton, Bristol, Killingworth, Winchcomb, nails, Parchissor, Frideswide, Notly, and Grimmisby, xx. M. mark.  
The which foresaid sums amount to the full of iii. c. M. mark. And for the odd of xxii. M. mark, they appointed Hardford, Rochester, Huntingdom, Swineshed, Crowland, Malmesbury, Burton, Teukesbury, Dunstable, Shirborne, Taunton and Biland.  
And over this they alleged by the said bill, that over and above the said sum of iii. C. and xxii. M. mark, divers houses of religion in England, possessed as many temporalties as might suffice to find yearly xv. M. priests and clerks, every priest to be allowed for his stipend seven. mark by the year.  
To the which Bill no answer was made, but that the king of this matter would take deliberation & advisement, and with that answer ended, so that no further labour was made.  

Ann. 1413.  These things thus hitherto discoursed, touching such acts and matters as have been incident in the life time of this king, followeth next the 13. year of his reign. In the which year, the said king Henry the 4. after that he had sent a little before a certain company of captains & soldiers to aid the duke of Burgundy in France (among whom was the Lord Cobham) keeping his Christenmas at Eltham, fell grievously sick. From thence, he was conneied to London, where he began to call a parliament, but tarried not the end. In the mean time, the infirmity of the king more and more increasing, 
The king had a prophecy, that he should die in jerusalem. Prophecies deceivable Ex vetust. Chron. Anglico, cui initium est.  he was taken and brought into a bed in a fair chamber at Westminster. And as he lay in his bed, he asked how they called the same chamber: and they answered and said, jerusalem. And then he said it was his prophecy, that he should make his end in jerusalem. And so disposing himself toward his end, in the foresaid chamber he died: upon what sickness, whether of leprosy, or some other sharp disease, I have not to affirm. Ex vetust. Chron. Anglico, cuius initium, That all men called. The like prophecy we read, that pope Silvester, 2. pa. 180. to whom being inquisitive for the time and place where he should die, 
That all men called. The prophecy of pope Sylvester. 2.  it was answered, that he should die in jerusalem. Who then saying Mass in a Chapel (called likewise jerusalem) perceived his end there to be near, and died. And thus K. Henry the 4. successor to the lawful K. Richard 2. finished his life at Westminster, and was buried at Cant. by the tomb of Thomas Becket. etc. An. 1413.   

¶ King Henry the fift.  

King Henry. ●.  AFter this Henry the 4. reigned Henry the 5. his son, which was borne at Munmorth in Wales, of whose other virtues and great victories gotten in France, I have not greatly to intermeddle: Especially, seeing the memory of his worthy prowess, being sufficiently described in other writers in this our time, may both content the reader and unburden my labour herein. Especially, seeing these latter troubles and perturbatious of the Church offer me so much, that uneath any vacant laisure shallbe left, to intermeddle with matters profane,  
After the coronation then of this new king, 
Great tempest at the coronation of the new king.  which was the 9 day of April, called then passion Sunday, which was an exceeding stormy day, and so tempestuous, that many did wonder at the portent thereof: not long after the same, a parliament began to be called & to be holden after the feast of Easter, at Westminster An. 1413. At which time, Thomas Arundel the Archbishop of Canterbury, collected in Paul's church at London, 
A synod called at London. S. George and S. Dunstanes day made double feast.  an universal Synod of all the bishops and clergy of England. In that Synod among other weighty matters and ponderous, was determined: that the day of S. George, and also of S. Dunstane should be double feast, called Duplex Festum in holy kitchen, in holy Church I would say.  
And because the order and manner of those Pope holy feasts, either yet is not sufficiently known to some rude and gross capacities, or may peradventure grow out of use, and to be strange & unknown to our posterity hereafter: Therefore to give a little memorandum thereof (by the way for erudition of times hereafter to come) touching this mystical science of the Pope's deep and secret divinity: here is to be noted, that the feasts of the Pope's holy mother Catholic church, 
The feast of the pope's church, described and divided.  be divided in sundry members: Like as a plentiful root in a fruitful field riseth up and burgeneth into manifold arms, and the arms again do multiply into divers and sundry branches, out of the which moreover although no fruit do come, yet both leaves and flowers do bud and blossom in most copious wise, right beautiful to behold: 
Festum duplex. Principale duplex. Maius duplex. Minus duplex. Inferius duplex.  Even so this Festum, containing a large matter of great variety of days and feasts, groweth to itself and multiplieth, being thus divided: first into Festum duplex, and into Festum simplex, that is into feast double, and to feast simple. Again, this Festum duplex brancheth four fold wise, to wit, into Festum principale duplex: into Maius duplex: into Minus duplex, and infernis duplex, that is, in principal double, in greater double, in lesser double, and inferior or lower double. Unto these seneval sorts of feasts what days were peculiarly assigned, it were to long to recite. For this present purpose it shall suffice to understand: that as unto the principal double feast only belonged 8. days in the year: 
Constitution against council. Ex tab. festorum  so the Maius duplex festum, had given unto him by this convocation, the day of S. George, and of S. Dunstane, as is afore remembered: albeit by constitution it was so decreed, yet by custom it was not so used. Item, to be noted, that these two feasts, to wit, Principale duplex, and Maius duplex, did differ and were known from all other by four notes, by service in the kitchen, and by service in the Church, which was both double: by ringing in the steeple, which was with double peal: by copes in the quire, and by thurifyeng or censing the altars. For in these two principal and greater double feasts, the seven, viii, and ix. lesson must be read with silken copes. Also at the said feasts in the time of the lessons, the altars in the church must be thurified, that is, smoked with incense. etc. And likewise the Minus duplex, and Inferius duplex had also their peculiar service to them belonging.  
Secondly the Simplex festum, 
Simplex festum. in the pope's church.  which is the second arm springing of this division, is thus divided: Either having a triple invitorie, or a double, or else a single invitorie. Of the which moreover, some have 3. lessons, some have 9 etc.  
And thus much by occasion for Popish feasts, not that I do so much deride them, as I lament, that so much and manifest idolatry in them is committed to the great dishonour of our Lord our God, which is only to be honoured.   

¶ The trouble and persecution of the Lord Cobham.  
BUt to let this by matter pass, 
Trouble of the Lord Cobham. Ex Chron. Monac. Albanensis.  again to return to the foresaid universal Synod assembled by Thomas Arundel at S. Paul's church in London, as is before remembered: the chief and principal cause of the assembling thereof (as recordeth the Chronicle of S. Alban's) was to repress the growing and spreading of the Gospel, and especially to withstand the noble & worthy Lord Cobham: Who was then noted to be a principal favourer, receiver, and maintainer of them, whom the Bishop misnamed to be Lollards, especially in the dioceses of London, Rochester, and Hereforde: setting them up to preach whom the bishops had not licenced, and sending them about to preach, which was against the constitution provincial, before remembered, pag. 5 24. holding also and teaching opinions of the sacraments, 
Vid. pag. 508.  of images, of pilgrimage, of the keys and church of Rome, contrary and repugnant, to the received determination of the Romish church. etc.  
In the mean time, as these were in talk amongst them, concerning the good Lord Cobham: resorted unto them the 12. Inquisitors of heresies (whom they had appointed at Oxford the year afore, 
Walden in fasciculo. Zizaniorum Wiclevi.  to search out heretics, with all Wickleffes books) who brought 200. and 46. conclusions, which they had collected as heresies out of the said books. The names of the said Inquisitors were these.  

1. john Witnam, a master in the now College.  
2. john Langedon, Monk of Christ church in Cant.  
3. William Vfford, regent of the Carmelites.  
4. Thomas Claxton, regent of the Dominickes.  
5. Robert Gilbert.  
6. Richard Earthisdale.  
7. john luck  
8. Richard Snedisham.  
9 Richard Fleming.  
10. Thomas Rotborne.  
11. Robert Ronbery.  
12. Richard Grafdale.   
These things thus done, & the Articles being brought in: further they proceeded in their communication, concluding among themselves, that it was not possible for them to make whole Christ's coat without seam (meaning thereby their patched Popish synagogue) unless certain great men were brought out of the way which seemed to be the chief maintainers of the said Disciples of Wickleffe. Among whom this noble knight sir john Didcastle the Lord Cobham, was complained of by the general proctor's to be the chief principal. 
The L. Cobham accused for maintaining the Gospel of Christ.  Him they accused first for a mighty maintainer of suspected preachers in the diocese of London, Rochester, and Hereford, contrary to the minds of their ordinaries. Not only they affirmed him to have sent thither the said preachers, but also to have assisted them there by force of arms, notwithstanding their synodal constitution made afore to the contrary. Last of all, they accused him, that he was far otherwise in belief of the sacrament of the altar of penance, 
The L. Cobham accused for his Christian belief  of pilgrimage, of image worshipping, and of the Ecclesiastical power, than the holy Church of Rome had taught many years before.  

Process against him.  In the end it was concluded among them, that without any further delay, process should be awarded out against him, as against a most pernicious heretic.  

A spiritual practice.  Some of that fellowship which were of more crafty experience then the other: thought it not best to have that matter so rashly handled, but by some preparation made thereunto before. Considering the said Lord Cobham was a man of great birth, and in favour at that time with the K. their counsel was to know first the king's mind, to save all things upright. This counsel was well accepted, and thereupon the Archbishop thomas Arundel with his other bishops, and a great part of the clergy, went strait ways unto the king, then remaining at Keningston. And there laid forth most grievous complaints against the said Lord Cobham, to his great infamy and blemish, being a man right godly. The king gently heard those blood thirsty Prelates, 
The king speaketh for him.  and far otherwise then became his princely dignity: notwithstanding requiring, and instantly desiring them, that in respect of his noble stock and knighthood, they should yet favourably deal with him. And that they would if it were possible, without all rigour or extreme handling, reduce him again to the Church's unity. He promised them also, 
His gentle promise.  that in case they were contented to take some deliberation, his self would seriously common the matter with him.  

The kings admonishment to the L. Cobham.  Anon after, the king sent for the said Lord Cobham. And as he was come, he called him secretly, admonishing him betwixt him and him, to submit himself to his mother the holy church, and as an obedient child, to acknowledge himself culpable. 
The answer of the L. Cobham to the king. Rom. 13. 1. Pet. 2. L. Cobham obedient to the king. A most christian obedience. 2. Thesl. 2. Math. 24. The L. Cobham forsaken of the king.  Unto whom the Christian knight made this answer: You most worthy Prince, saith he, I am always prompt & willing to obey, for somuch as I know you a christian king, & the appointed minister of God, bearing the sword to the punishment of evil doers, & for safeguard of them that be virtuous. Unto you (next my eternal God) own I my whole obedience, & submit thereunto (as I have done ever) all that I have, either of fortune or nature, ready at all times to fulfil whatsoever ye shall in the Lord, command inc. But as touching the Pope and his spiritually, I own them neither sure nor service, forsomuch as I know him by the Scriptures to be the great Antichrist, the son of perdition, the open adversary of God, & the abomination standing in the holy place. When the king had heard this, with such like sentences more, he would talk no longer with him, but left him so utterly.  
And as the Archbishop resorted again unto him for an answer, he gave him his full authority to cite him, examine him, & punish him according to their devilish decrees, which they called the laws of holy church. Then the said Archb. 
Lord Cobham summoned by the Archb.  by the counsel of his other Bishops and Clergy, appointed to call before him Sir john Didcastle the Lord Cobham, and to cause him personally to appear, to answer to such suspect Articles as they should lay against him. So he sent forth his chief Sommoner, with a very sharp citation unto the castle of Cowling, where as he at that time dwelled for his solace. And as the said Sommoner was come thither, he durst in no case enter the gates of so noble a man without his licence, and therefore he returned home again, his message not done.  
Then called the Archbish. 
john Butles playeth judas part.  one john Butler unto him, which was then the door keeper of the kings privy chamber: and with him he covenanted through promises and rewards, to have this matter craftily brought to pass, under the king's name. Whereupon, the said john Butler took the archbishop's Summoner with him, and went unto the said Lord Cobham: showing him, that it was the king's pleasure that he should obey that citation, and so cited him fraudulently. Then said he to them in few words, that he in no case would consent to those most devilish practices of the Priests. As they had informed the Archbishop of that answer, and that it was for no man privately to cite him after that, without peril of life: he decreed by & by to have him cited by public process or open commandment. And in all the hast possible, upon the Wednesday before the Nativity of our Lady in September: he commanded letters citatorir, to be set upon the great gates of the Cathedral church of Rochester (which was but 3. English miles from thence) charging him to appear personally before him at Ledis the 11. day of the same month and year, 
Citation set up against the Lord Cobham.  all excuses to the contrary set apart. Those letters were taken down anon after, 
The citations taken down.  by such as bare favour unto the Lord Cobham and so conveyed aside. After that caused the Archbish. new letters to be set up on the nativity day of our Lady, which also were rend down and utterly consumed.  
Then for somuch as he did not appear at the day appointed at Ledys (where her sat in Consistory, as cruel as ever was Cayphas, with his court of hypocrites about him) he judged him, denounced him, and condemned him, of most deep contumacy. After that, when he had been falsely informed by his hired spies, 
False accusations against the Lord Cobham.  and other glozing glaverers: that the said Lord Cobh. had laughed him to scorn, disdained all his doings, maintained his old opinions, contemned the church's power, the dignity of a Bishop, & the order of priesthood (for all these was he than accused of) in his mody madness without just proof, did he openly excommunicate him. 
L. Cobham excommunicated. L. Cobham again cited.  Yet was not withal this, his fierce tyranny satisfied: but commanded him to be cited a fresh, to appear afore him the Saturday before the feast of S. matthew the Apostle, with these cruel threatenings added thereunto: that if he did not obey at the day, he would more extremely handle him. And to make himself more strong towards the performance thereof, he compelled the lay power by most terrible manasing of curses and interdictions: to assist him against that seditious apostata, schismatic, and heretic, the troubler of the public peace, that enemy of the realm and great adversary of all holy Church, for all these hateful names did he give him.  
This most constant servant of the Lord and worthy Knight sir john Didcastle, the Lord Cobham, beholding the unpeaceable fury of Antichrist, thus kindled against him: 
L. Cobham confesseth his God before men.  perceiving himself also compassed on every side with deadly dangers: He took paper and pen in hand, and so wrote a Christian confession or reckoning of his faith (which followeth hereafter) both signing and sealing it with his own hand. Wherein he also answered to the 4. chiefest articles that the Archbishop laid against him. That done, he took the copy with him, and went therewith to the king, trusting to find mercy & favour at his hand. 
The Apostles faith.  None other was that confession of his, than the common believe or sum of the Church's faith, called the Apostles Creed, of all Christian men than used, with a brief declaration upon the same, as here under ensueth.   

¶ The Christian belief of the Lord Cobham.  
I Believe in God the father almighty, maker of heaven and earth. 
The common creed of Christians.  And in jesus Christ his only son our Lord, which was conceived by the holy ghost, borne of the virgin Mary, suffered under Ponce Pilate, crucified dead and buried, went down to hell, the third day rose again from death, ascended up to heaven, sitteth on the right hand of God the father almighty, and from thence shall come again to judge the quick & the dead. I believe in the holy ghost, the universal holy Church, the communion of Saints, the forgiveness of sins, the uprising of the flesh, and everlasting life. Amen.  
And for a more large declaration (saith he) of this my 
A doclaration of his belief.  saith in the Catholic Church: I steadfastly believe, that there is but one God almighty, in and of whose Godhead are these three persons, the father, the son, and the holy Ghost, and that those three persons are the self same God almighty. I believe also, that the second person of this most blessed Trinity, in most convenient tune appointed thereunto afore, 
1. john. 5. Galla. 4. john. 1. Luke. 2. Christ is the only head of his Church.  took flesh and blood of the most blessed virgin Mary, for the safeguard and redemption of the universal kind of man, which was afore lost in Adam's offence.  
Moreover I believe, that the same jesus Christ our Lord thus being both God and man, is the only head of the whole Christian Church, and that all those that hath been or shallbe saved, be members of this most holy church. And this holy Church I think to be divided into three sorts or companies.  
Whereof the first sort be now in heaven, and they are the saints from hence departed. 
The church divided in three parts.  These as they were here conversant, conformed always their lives to the most holy laws and pure examples of Christ, renouncing Satan, the world, and the flesh, with all their concupiscences and evils.  

Contrary wrote he, ad parliamétum, Ex Waldeno.  The second sort are in Purgatory (if any such place be in the scriptures) abiding the mercy of God and a full deliverance of pain.  
The third sort are here upon the earth, and be called the Church militant. For day and night they contend against crafty assaults of the devil, the flattering prosperities of this world, and the rebellious filthiness of the flesh.  
This latter congregation by the just ordinance of God is also severed into three divers estates, 
The church militant divided in three.  that is to say, into priesthood, knighthood, and the commons. Among whom the will of God is, that the one should aid the other, but not destroy the other. The priests first of all secluded from all wordliness, should conform their lives utterly to the examples of Christ and his Apostles. Evermore should they be occupied in preaching and teaching the scriptures purely, 
What the priests should be.  and in giving wholesome examples of good living to the other two degrees of men. More modest also, more loving, gentle, and lowly in spirit, should they be, then ano other sorts of people.  
In knighthood are all they, which bear sword by law of office. These should defend God's laws, and see that the Gospel were purely taught, 
Knighthood what it should do.  conforming their lives to that same, and secluding all false preachers: yea these ought rather to hazard their lives, than to suffer such wicked decrees as either blemisheth the eternal Testament of God, or yet letteth the free passage thereof, whereby heresies & schisms might spring in the Church. For of none other arise they as I suppose, 
Mark here a most christian hart.  then of erroneous constitutions, craftily first creeping in under hypocritical lies, for advantage. They ought also to preserve God's people from oppressors, tyrants, and thieves, & to see the clergy supported so long as they teach purely, pray rightly, and minister the Sacraments freely. And if they see them do otherwise, they are bound by the law of office to compel them to change their doings: & to see all things performed according to gods prescript ordinance.  

What the common peoought to do.  The latter fellowship of this Church, are the common people: whose duery is, to bear their good minds & true obedience, to the aforesaid ministers of God, their kings civil governors and Priests. The right office of these, is justly to occupy every man his faculty, be it merchandise, handicraft: or the tilth of the ground. And so one of them to be as an helper to an other, following always in their sorts the just commandments of the Lord God.  

Belief of the L. Cobham concerning the Sacraments.  Over and besidés all this, I most faithfully believe the the Sacraments of Christ's Church are necessary to all Christian believers: this always seen to: that they be truly ministered according to Christ's first institution and ordinance. And forasmuch as I am maliciously & most falsely accused of a misbelief in the sacrament of the altar, to the hurtful slander of many: I signify here unto all men, that this is my faith concerning that. 
The Sacrament of the altar.  I believe in that Sacrament to be contained very Christ's body and blood under the similitudes of bread and wine, yea the same body that was conceived of the holy ghost, borne of that virgin Mary done on the cross: died, that was buried, arose the third day from the death: and is now glorified in heaven. I also believe, the universal law of God to be most true and perfect, and they which do not so follow it in their faith and works (at one time or an other) can never be saved: Where as he that seeketh it in faith, accepteth it, learneth it, delighteth therein, and performeth it in love, shall cast for it the felicity of everlasting innocency.  

God's law to be preferred before man's law.  Finally, this is my faith also, that God will ask no more of a Christian believer in this life, but only to obey that precepts of that most blessed law. If any Prelates of the Church require more, or else any other kind of obedience, than this to be used: he contemneth Christ, exalting himself above God, and so becometh an open Antichrist. All the premises I believe particularly, and generally all that God hath left in his holy scripture: 
A Christian desire of the L. Cobham. This request was lawful.  that I should believe. Instantly desiring you my siege Lord and most worthy king, that this confession of mine, may be justly examined by the most godly wise and learned men of your Realm. And if it be found in all points agreeing to the verity, them let it be so allowed: and I thereupon holden for none other than a true Christian. 
Obedience unto his king.  If it be proved otherwise: then let it be utterly condemned: provided always, that I be taught a better belief by the word of God: and I shall most reverently at all times obey thereunto.  
This brief confession of this faith, the Lord Cobham wrote (as is mentioned afore) and so took it with him to the court, offering it withal meekness unto the king to read it over. 
The Christian stomach and manhood of the L. Cobham.  The king would in no case receive it, but commanded it to be delivered unto them that should be his judges. Then desired he in the kings presence, that an hundred knights and esquires might be suffered to come in upon his purgation, which he knew, would clear him of all heresies. Moreover he offered himsel●e after the law of arms, to fight for life or death in any man living, Christian or heathen, in the quarrel of his faith, the king and the Lords of his Council excepted. 
No reasonable offer would serve.  Finally with all gentleness he protested before all that were present, that he would refuse no manner of correction that should after the laws of God he ministered unto him, but that he would at all times with all meekness obey it. Notwithstanding all this, 
L. Cobham appealeth from the Archb to the pope.  the king suffered him to be summoned personally in his own privy chamber. Then said the Lord Cobham to the king that he had appealed from the Archbishop to the Pope of Rome, & therefore he ought he said, in no cause to be his judge. And having his appeal there at hand ready written, 
Strait handling of the kings.  he showed it with all reverence to the king. Wherewith the king was then much more displeased then afore, and said angrily unto him, that he should not pursue his appeal: but rather he should tarry in hold, till such time as it were of the Pope allowed. And then, would he, or nild he, that archbishop should be his judge. 
L. Cobham would not obey the beast.  Thus was there nothing allowed that the good Lord Cobham had lawfully afore required. But for so much as he would not be sworn in all things to submit himself to the Church, and so take what penance the archbishop would enjoin him: He was arrested again at the kings commandment, and so led forth to the Tower of London, to keep his day (so was it then spoken) that the archbishop had appointed him afore in the kings chamber.  

The confession & answer of the L. Cobham newly copied.  Then caused he the foresaid confession of his faith to be copied again and the answer also (which he had made to the four articles proponed against him) to be written in manner of an Indenture in two sheets of paper: That when he should come to his answer, he might give the one copy unto the archbishop, and reserve the other to himself. As the day of examination was come, 
Cayphas sitteth in consistory.  which was the 23. day of September the Saturday before the feast of saint matthew: Thomas Arundel the Archbishop, sitting in Cayphas room in the Chapter house of Paul's, with Richard Clifford Bishop of London, and Henry Bolnig broke Bishop of Winchester: sir Robert Morley knight and Lieutenant of the Tower, brought personally before him the said Lord Cobham, and there left him for the time unto whom the archbishop said these words.   

* The first examination of the Lord Cobham.  

Antichrist was here in full power.  SIr john▪ in the last general convocation of the clergy of this our Province, ye were detected of certain heresies, and by sufficient witnesses found culpable. Whereupon ye were by form of spiritual law cited, and would in no case appear. In conclusion, upon your rebellious contumacy, ye were both privately and openly excommunicated. Notwithstanding we neither yet showed ourselves unready to have given your absolution (nor yet do not to this hour) would ye have meekly asked it. Unto this the Lord Cobham showed, as though he had given no ear; having his mind otherwise occupied, 
A sign of gods true 〈◊〉.  and so desired no absolution. But said, he would gladly before him and his brethren make rehearsal of that faith which he held and en tended always to stand to, if it would please them to licence him thereunto. And then he took out of his vosome a certain writing indented, concerning the articles whereof he was accused, and so openly read it before them, giving it unto the Archbishop, as he had made thereof an end. Whereof this is the copy.  

The Sacrament of the Lords ●ody.  I IOhn Didcastle Knight Lord of Cobham, will that all Christian men weet and understand: that I clepe almighty God into witness, that it hath been, now is, and ever with the help of God, shall be mine intent and my will, to believe faithfully and fully all the sacraments that ever God ordained to be do in holy Church: and moreover to declare me in these four points, I believe that the most worshipful Sacrament of the altar is Christ's body in form of bread, the same body that was borne of the blessed virgin our Lady sayne Mary, done on the cross, dead and buried, the third day rose from death to life, the which body is now glorified in heaven.  

Penance.  Also as for the sacrament of penance I believe, that it is needful to every man that shallbe saved to forsake sin and do due penance for sin before done, with true confession, very contrition, and due satisfaction as God's law limitteth and teacheth, and else may he not be saved: which penance I desire all men to do.  
And as of Images I understand, that they be not of believe, but that they were ordained sith the believe was zewe of Christ, 
Images.  by sufferance of the Church to be Calendars to lewd men, to represent and bring to mind the passion of our Lord john Christ, and martyrdom and good living of other saints: And that who so it be, that doth the worship to dead Images that is due to God, or putteth such hope or trust, in help of them, as he should do to God, or hath affection in one more than in an other, he doth in that the greatest sin of maumerry.  

Pilgrimage.  Also I suppose this fully, that every man in this earth is a pilgrim toward bliss, or toward pain: and that he that knoweth not, ne will not know ne keep the holy commandments of God in his living here (albeit that he be go on Pilgrimages to all the world, and he die so) he shallbe damned: and he that knoweth the holy commandments of God, and keepeth them to his end, he shallbe saved though he never in his life go on pilgrimage, as men now use to Caunterbury or to Rome or to any other place.  

The answer examined. Quarrel picked: where 〈◊〉 was given.  This answer to his articles thus ended and read, he delivered it to the Bishops as is said afore. Than counceled the Archbishop with the other two Bishops, and with divers of the Doctors, what was to be done in this matter: commanding him for the time to stand aside. In conclusion by their assent & information, he said thus unto him Come hither Sir john. In this your writing are many good things contained, 
The Christian answer of the Lord Cobham unto their quarellinge.  and right Catholic also, we deny it not: but ye must consider that this day was appointed you to answer to other points concerning those articles, whereof as yet no mention is made in this your Bil. And therefore ye must yet declare us your mind more plainly.  
And thus: whether that ye hold, affirm, and believe, that in the sacrament of the altar, after the consecration rightly done by a priest, remaineth material bread, or not? Moreover, 
The wolf was hungry, he must needs be fed with blood.  whether ye do hold, affirm and believe, that as concerning the sacrament of penance (where as a competent number of priests are) every Christian man is necessarily bound to be confessed of his sins to a priest ordained by the Church, or not.  
After certain other communication, this was the answer of the good Lord Cobham. That none otherwise would he declare his mind, nor yet answer unto his articles, than was expressly in his writing there contained. Then said the Archbishop again unto him: 
A tyrannous whore is that mother.  Sir john, beware what ye do. For if ye answer not clearly to those things that are here objected against you (especially at the time appointed you only for that purpose) the law of holy Church is, that compelled once by a judge, we may openly proclaim ye an heretic. Unto whom he gave this answer: Do as ye shall think best, for I am at a point. 
His answer not to their minds.  Whatsoever he or the other Bishops did ask him after that, he had them resort to his Bill: for thereby would he stand to the very death. Other answer would he not give that day, wherewith the Bishops and Prelates were in a manner amazed and wonderfully disquieted.  

Antichrist setteth men above God.  At the last, the archbishop counseled again with his other Bishops and Doctors, and in the end thereof declared unto him, what the holy Church of Rome (following the saying of S. Augustine, S. Hicrome, S. Ambrose, and of other holy Doctors) had determined in these matters, no manner of mention once made of Christ. 
The L. Cobham resorteth unto Christ.  Which determination (saith he) ought all Christian men both to believe and to follow.  
Then said the Lord Cobham unto him, that he would gladly both believe and observe whatsoever holy church of Christ's institution ●ad determined, or yet whatsoever God had willed him either to believe or to do. But that the pope of Rome with his Cardinals, 
What could be more reasonably had if they had reason to receive it.  Archbishops, bishops and other prelate's of that Church had lawful power to determine such matter as stood not with his word thoroughly: that would he not (he said) at the time affirm. With this that archbish. had him to take good advisement till the monday next following (which was the 25. day of September) and then justly to answer, specially unto this point: whether there remained material bread in the sacrament of the altar, after the words of consecration, or not? He promised him also, to send unto him in writing those matters clearly determined, 
A doctrine of devils to blind the simple.  that he might then be the more perfect in his answer making. And all this was nought else, but to blind the multitude with somewhat. The next day following, according to his promise, the Archbishop sent unto him into the Tower, this foolish and blasphemous writing made by him and by his unlearned Clergy.   

* The determination of the Archbishop and Clergy.  

Ex magna professu Thom 4 Arundel. The first Article.  THe faith and determination of the holy Church touching the blissful sacrament of the altar, is this: that after the Sacramental words be once spoken by a Priest in his Mass, the material bread, that was before bread, is turned into Christ's very body. And the material wine, that was before wine, is turned into Christ's very blood. And so there remaineth in the sacrament of the altar, from thenceforth, no material bread, nor material wine, which were there before the Sacramental words were spoken: Now believe ye this article? 
The second Article.  Holy church hath determined that every Christian man living here bodily upon the earth ought to be shriven to a priest ordained by the Church, if he may come to him. Now feel ye this article?  
Christ ordained S. Peter the Apoistle to be his vicar here in earth, 
The third Article.  whose sea is the holy church of Rome: And he granted, that the same power which he gave unto Peter, should succeed to all Peter's successors, which we call now Popes of Rome: 
The seed of the Serpent.  By whose power in Churches particular, be ordained Prelates, as Archbishops, Bishops, Parsons, Curates, and other degrees more. Unto whom Christian men ought to obey after the laws of the church of Rome. This is the determination of holy Church. How feel ye this article?  
Holy church hath determined, 
The fourth Article.  that it is meritorious to a christian man, to go on pilgrimage to holy places: And there specially to worship holy relics and Images of Saints, Apostles, and Martyrs, Confessors, & all other Saints besides, approved by the church of Rome. How feel ye this article?  
And as the Lord Cobham had read over this most wretched writing, 
He seethe their ignorance and malice.  he marveled greatly of their mad ignorance. But that he considered again, that God had given them over for their unbeliefs sake, into most deep errors & blindness of soul. Again, he perceived hereby, that their uttermost malice was purposed against him, howsoever he should answer. 
He putteth his life in God's hand  And therefore he put his life into the hands of God, desiring his only spirit to assist him in his next answer. When the said xxv. day of September was come (which was also the Monday before Michaelmas) in the said year of our Lord, 1413. 
Ex ●troque exemplari.  Thomas Arundel the Archbishop of Caunterbury commanded his indiciall seat to be removed from that chapter house of Paul's to the Dominicke Friars within Ludgate at London. And as he was there set with Richard Bishop of London: Hennry the Bishop of Winchester: 
The counsel of Cayphas  and Bennet the Bishop of Bangor: He called in unto him his counsel & his officers, with divers other Doctors and Friars, of whom these are the names here following, master Henry ware, the Official of Caunterbury: Philip Morgan, Doctor of both laws: howel Kiffin, Doctor of the Canon law. 
The phariseis and Scribes.  john Kempe, Doctor of the Canon law. William Carleton, Doctor of the Canon law. john Witnan, of the new College in Oxford. john Wighthead, Doctor in Oxford also, Rob. Wombewel, Vicar of S. Laurence in the jewry, Thomas Palmer, the Warden of Minors, Robert chamberlain, Prior of the Dominickes, Richard Dodington, 
A rabble of Antichrist's  Prior of the Augustine's. Thomas Walden: Prior of the Carmelites, all Doctors of Divinity. john Stephens also, and james Cole, both notaries, appointed there purposely to write all that should be either said or done. All these with a great sort more of Priests, Monks, Canons, Friars, Parish Clerks, belryngers, Pardoners, disdained him, with innumerable mocks & scorns, reckoning him to be an horrible heretic, and a man accussed afore God.  

Concilium ma lignansium.  Anon the Archbishop called for a mass book, & caused all those Prelates and Doctors to swear there upon, that every man should faithfully do his office and duty that day. And that neither for favour nor fear, love nor hate of the one party nor the other: any thing should there be witnessed, 
For a false colour swear they  spoken or done, but according to the truth, as they would answer before God & all the world at the day of doom. Then were the two foresaid notaries sworn also, to write and to witness the process that there should be uttered on both parties, and to say their minds (if they otherwise knew) before they should register it. 
All done to deceive the ignorant.  And all this dissimulation was but to colour their mischiefs, before the ignorant multitude.  
Consider herein (gentle reader) what this wicked generation is, and how far wide from the just fear of God for as they were then, so are they yet to this day.  
After that, came forth before them Sir Robert Morley Knight and lieutenant of the Tower, 
Lord Cobham cometh again before them.  and he brought with him the good Lord Cobham, there leaving him among them as a Lamb among wolves, to his examination and answer.   

* An other examination of the Lord Cobham.  

Ex ●etusto exemplari Londinensium.  THen said the archbishop unto him: Lord Cobham ye be advised (I am sure) of the words & process which we had unto you upon Saturday last passed in the chapterhouse of Paul's: which process were now to long to be rehearsed again? 
The curse of Antichrist.  I said unto you then, that ye were accursed for your contumacy & disobedience to holy Church thinking that ye should with meekness have desired your absolution.  
Then spoke the Lord Cobham with a cheerful countenance, and said. God said by his holy Prophet, Maledicam benedictionibus vestris, 
Malachi. 2.  which is as much to say as I shall curse where you bless.  
The archbishop made then as though he had continued forth his tale and not heard him, 
A wolvish after of gentleness.  saying: Sir, at that time I gently proffered to have assoiled you if ye would have asked it. And yet I do the same if ye will humbly desire it in due form and manner, as holy church hath ordained.  
Then said the Lord Cobham. May forsooth will I not for I never yet trespassed against you, 
L. Cobham confesseth himself into God.  and therefore I will not do it. And with that he kneeled down on the pavement, holding up his hands to wards heaven, and said, I shrive me here unto thee my eternal living God, that in my frail youth I offended thee (Lord) most grievously in pride, wrath, and gluttony: in covetousness, and in lechery. Many men have I hurt in mine anger, 
Man's law before God's law preferred. ●liere. 51.  and done many other horrible sins, good Lord I ask thee mercy. And therewith weepingly he stood up again and said with a mighty voice. Lo, good people, lo. For the breaking of God's law and his great commandments, they never yet cursed me. But for their own laws and traditions, most cruelly do they handle both me and other men. And therefore, both they and their laws, by the promise of God, shall utterly be destroyed.  
At this the archbishop and his company were not a little blemished. notwithstanding, he took stomach unto him again after certain words, had in excuse of their tyranny, and examined the Lord Cobham of his Christian believe.  
Whereunto the Lord Cobham made this godly answer. I believe (saith he) fully and faithfully the universal laws of God. I believe that all is true which is contained in the holy sacred scriptures of the Bible. Finally I believe, 
The Christian belief of the Lord Cobham.  all that my Lord God would I should believe. Then demanded the Archbishop an answer of that Bill which he and the Clergy had sent him into the Tower the day afore, in manner of a determination of the Church concerning the four Articles whereof he was accused, specially for the Sacrament of the altar, how he believed therein.  
Whereunto the Lord Cobham said, that with that bill he had nothing to do. But this was his belief (he said) concerning the sacrament. That his Lord and Saviour jesus Christ, sitting at his last supper with his most dear disciples, the night before he should suffer, took bread in his hand. And giving thanks to his eternal father, blessed it, broke it, and so gave it unto them, saying: Take it unto you, 
Math. 26. Mark. 14. Luke. 22. 1. Cor. 11.  and eat thereof all, this is my body which shall be betrayed for you: Do this hereafter in my remembrance. This do I thoroughly believe (saith he) for this saith am I taught of the Gospel in matthew, in Mark, and in Luke, and also in the first Epistle of S. Paul to the Corinthians. chap. 11.  
Then asked the Archbishop, 
Antichrist alloweth not this faith.  if he believed that it were bread after the consecration or sacramental words spoken over it.  
The Lord Cobham said. I believe that in the sacrament of the altar is Christ's very body in form of bread, the same that was borne of that virgin Mary, done on the cross, dead, and buried: and that the third day arose from death to life, which now is glorified in heaven.  
Then said one of the Doctors of the law. 
The sacrament of the altar.  After the sacramental words be uttered: there remaineth no bread, but only the body of Christ.  
The Lord Cobham said then to one Master john whitehead: 
john Whithead, gone from his opinion. All this would not help.  You said once unto me in the castle of Couling, that the sacred host was not Christ's body. But I held then against you, and proved that therein was his body, though the seculars and Friars could not therein agree but held each one against other in that opinion. These were my words then, if ye remember it.  
Then shouted a sort of them together and cried with great noise. 
A blasphemous blood. Quarrel pickers.  We say all that it is God's body.  
And divers of them asked him in great anger, whether it were material bread after the consecration or not?  
Then looked the L. Cobham, earnestly upon the archbishop, and said: I believe surely that it is Christ's body in form of bread. Sir believe not you thus?  
And the archbishop said, 
The sacrament of Christ's body is both the body and bread. Neither will scripture nor reason serve.  yes marry do I?  
Then asked him the Doctors, whether it were only Christ's body after the consecration of a Priest, and no body or not?  
And he said unto them, it is both Christ's body and bread I shall prove it as thus. For like as Christ dwelling here upon that earth, had in him both Godhead & manhood, and had the invisible Godhead covered under that manhood, which was only visible and seen in him: 
This opinion hath S. Augustine.  So in the sacrament of the altar, is Christ's very body and bread also, as I believe the bread is the thing, that we see with our eyes, the body of Christ (which is his flesh & his blood) is there under hid and not seen, but in faith.  
And moreover, 
Gelasius contra Eutichen.  to prove that it is both Christ's body and also bread after the consecration, it is by plain words expressed by one of your own Doctors writing again Eutiches, which faith: Like as the self same Sacraments, do pass by the operation of the holy Ghost, into a Divine nature: and yet notwithstanding keep the property still of their former nature: so, that principal mystery declareth to remain, one true, and perfect Christ. etc.  
Then smiled they each one upon other, 
The pope's divinitic.  that the people should judge him taken in a great heresy. And with a great brag divers of them said. It is a foul heresy.  
Then asked the Archbishop what bread it was? And the Doctors also inquired of him whether it were material or not?  
The Lord Cobham said unto them. 
Material.  The scriptures maketh no mention of this word material, and therefore my faith hath nothing to do therewith. But this I say and believe, that it is Christ's body and bread. 
john. 6.  For Christ said in the vi. of john's Gospel. Ego sum panis vivus, qui de coelo descendi. I which came down from heaven, am the living and not the dead bread. Therefore I say now again as I said afore, as our Lord jesus Christ is very God and very man: so in the most blessed sacrament of the altar, is Christ's very body and bread.  
Then said they all with one voice. 
An heresy after the papists making.  It is an heresy.  
One of the Bishops stood▪ up by and by, and said. What? it is an heresy manifest, to say that it is bread after the Sacramental words be once spoken, but Christ's body only.  
The Lord Cobham said: S. Paul the Apostle was (I am sure) as wise as you be now, 
1. Cor. 10  and more gladly learned. And he called it bread, writing to the Corinthians. The bread that we break, saith he, is it not the partaking of the body of Christ? 
The sacrament is called bread.  Lo, he called it bread and not Christ's body, but a mean whereby we receive Christ's body.  
Then said they again. Paul must be otherwise understand. For it is sure on heresy to say that it is bread after the consecration, but only Christ's body.  
The Lord Cobham asked, 
The determination of the church must stand, whatsoever Paul saith A most christian answer. The judgement of L. Cobham concerning the determination of the Church.  how they could make good that sentence of theirs?  
They answered him thus. For it is against the determination of holy Church.  
Then said the archbishop unto him. Sir john, we sent you a writing concerning the faith of this blessed Sacrament, clearly determined by the church of Rome our mother, and by the holy Doctors.  
Then he said again unto him. I know none holier than is Christ and his Apostles. And as for that determination I wore, it is none of theirs: for it standeth not with the scriptures, but manifestly against them. If it be the Churches, as ye say it is, it hath been hers only since she received the great poison of worldly possessions, and not afore.  
Then asked they him, to stop his mouth therewith. If he believed not in the determination of the Church?  

The Doctors confounded in their own question.  And he said unto them. No forsooth, for it is no God. In all our Creed, this word (in) is but thrice mentioned concerning believe. In God the father, in God the son, in in God the holy Ghost three persons and one God. The birth, the death, the burial, the resurrection and ascension of Christ, hath none (in) for believe, but in him. Neither yet hath the Church, the sacraments, the forgiveness of sin, the latter resurrection, nor yet the life everlasting nor any other (in) then in the holy ghost.  
Then said one of the Lawyers. Such, that was but a word of office. But what is your belief concerning holy Church?  

The L. Cobham believeth not in the Pope.  The Lord Cobham answered. My belief is: (as I said afore) that all the scriptures of the sacred Bible are true. All that is grounded upon them I believe thoroughly. For I know, it is God's pleasure that I should so do. But in your Lordly laws and idle determinations, have I no belief. For ye be no part of Christ's holy church, as your open deeds doth show: But ye are very Antichrist's, obstinately set against his holy law and wil The laws that ye have made, are nothing to his glory, but only for your vain glory and abominable covetousness.  

An heresy after the papists.  This they said, was an exceeding heresy (and that in a great fume) not to believe the determination of holy Church.  
Then the Archbishop asked him, what he thought of holy Church.  

Holy church defined.  He said unto him my belief is, that the holy Church is the number of them, which shallbe saved, of whom Christ is the head. Of this church, one part is in heaven with Christ, an other in purgatory (you say) and the third is here in earth. 
Consider him to be then in shrewd handling.  This latter part standeth in three degrees in knighthood, priesthood, and the commonalty, as I said afore plainly in the confession of my belief.  
Then said the Archbishop unto him. Can you tell me who is of this church?  
The Lord Cobham answered: Yea truly can I.  
Then said Doctor walden the Prior of the Carmelits It is no doubt unto you who is thereof. 
Walden contra Wielevistas. li. ar. 2. Cap. 67 How we may judge or not judge by the scriptures. Math. 7.  For Christ sayeth in matthew Nolite judicare, presume to judge no man. If ye be here forbidden the judgement of your neighbour or brother, much more the judgement of your superior.  
The Lord Cobham made him this answer: Christ saith also in the self same chapter of Matthew, that like as the evil tree is known by his fruit, so is a false Prophet by his works, appear they never so glorious: But that ye left behind ye. And in john he hath this text: Operibus credit, believe you the outward doings. 
john. 1. john. 7. Deut. 16. Psal. 56.  And in an other place of john: justum judicium judicate, when we know the thing to be true, we may so judge it, and not offend. For David said also: Rectè iudicate filii hominum. judge rightly always ye children of men. And as for your superiority were ye of Christ, ye should be meek ministers, and no proud superiors.  
Then said Doctor walden unto him, ye make here no difference of judgements. 
Diversity of judgements.  Ye put no diversity between the evil judgements, which Christ had forbidden, and the good judgements, which he hath commanded us to have. Rash judgement, and right judgement, all is one with you. So swift judges always are the learned scholars of Wicklisse.  
Unto whom the Lord Cobham thus answered: It is well sophistred of you, forsooth. Preposterous are your judgements evermore. 
A perfect answer. Esay. 5. Esay. 55.  For as the Prophet Esay saith, ye judge evil, good, and good, evil. And therefore the same prophet concludeth, that your ways are not Gods ways nor Gods ways your ways. And as for that virtuous man wicklisse, whose judgements ye so highly disdain: I shall say here of my part, 
Walden in prafasione doctrina. 7.  both before God and man, that before I knew that despised doctrine of his, I never abstained from sin. But since I learned therein to fear my Lord GOD, it hath otherwise I trust, been with me: so much grace could I never find in all your glorious instructions.  

A great adversary.  Then said Doctor Walden again, yet unto him: It were not well with me (so many virtuous men living, & so many learned men teaching the scripture, being also so open, and the examples of fathers so plenteous) If I then had no grace to amend my life, till I heard the devil preach S. Jerome saith, 
Hieroni. in breni●ri im minori.  that he which seeketh such suspected Masters, shall not find the midday light, but the midday devil.  
The Lord Cobham said: 
Luke 11. john 10. Doctors when the scripture fail, they begin to raise. The clergy to sit on life or death, hath no ground in scriptures. Followers of Cayphas.  Your fathers the old Phariseis, ascribed Christ's miracles to Belzebub, and his doctrine to the devil. And you as their natural children, have still the self same judgement, concerning his faithful followers. They that rebuke your vicious living must needs be heretics, and that must your doctors prove, when you have no scripture to do it. Then said he to them all: To judge you as you be, we need no further go, then to your own proper acts. Where do ye find in all God's law, that ye should thus sit in judgement of any Christian men, or yet give sentence upon any other man unto death as ye do here daily? No ground have ye in all the Scriptures so Lordly to take it upon you, but in Annas and Cayphas, which sat thus upon Christ, and upon his Apostles after his ascension. Of them only have ye taken it to judge Christ's members as ye do, and neither of Peter nor john.  
Then said some of the Lawyers: yes forsooth sir, for Christ judged judas.  
The Lord Cobham said: No, Christ judged him not, but he judged himself, and thereupon went forth, & so did hang himself: But in deed Christ said, woe unto him, for that coverous act of his, as he doth yet still unto many of you. For since the venune of him was shed into the church ye never followed Christ: neither yet have ye stand in the perfection of God's law.  
Then the Archbishop asked him, what he meant by that venune?  
The Lord Cobham said: your possessions and Lordeships. For than cried an angel in the air (as your own Chronicles mentioneth) woe, 
26. Bishops of Rome together mat tirs save one lie 4. A comparison between the martyrs and the Popes tyme. A comparison between Christ and the Pope. Rome is Antichrist's nest.  woe, woe, this day is vevime shed into the church of God. Before that time, all the Bishops of Rome were martyrs in a manner. And since that time, we read of very few. But in deed since that same time, one hath put down an other, one hath poisoned an other, one hath cursed an other, and one hath slain an other, and done much more mischief besides, as all the Chronicles telleth. And let all men consider well this, that Christ was meek, and merciful. The pope is proud, and a tyrant. Christ was poor and forgave. The pope is rich and a malicious manslayer, as his daily acts do prove him. Rome is the very nest of Antichrist, and out of that nest cometh all the disciples of him. Of whom Prelates, Priests, and Monks, are the body, and these pud Friars are the tail which covereth his most filthy part.  
Then said the Prior of the Friars Augustine's: Alack sir, why do you say so? That is uncharitably spoken.  
And the Lord Cobham said. 
Esay. 9 Friars proved seditious and yet found no traitors.  Not only is it my saying but also the Prophet Isaiah'S, long afore my time. The prophet saith he, which preacheth lies, is the tail behind. For as you Friars and monks be (like Phariseis) divided in your outward apparel and usages, to make ye division among the people. And thus, you with such other, be the very natural members of Antichrist.  
Then said he unto them all: 
Math. 23.  Christ saith in his Gospel. Woe unto you Scribes and Phariseis, Hypocrites. For ye close up the kingdom of heaven before men. Neither enter ye in yourselves, nor yet suffer any other that would enter into it. But ye stop up the ways thereunto with your own traditions, 
The religió of Bishops.  and therefore are ye the household of Antechrist: ye will not permit God's verity to have passage, nor yet to be taught of his true ministers, fearing to have your wickedness reproved. But by such flatterers as uphold you in your mischiefs, 
Note I pray you how those are counted traitors and sedious, that teach or cause God's truth to be taught. Luke. 23. john. 19 Math. 24.  ye suffer the common people most miserably to be seduced.  
Then said the archbishop. By our Lady sir, there shall none such preach within my diocese (and God will) nor yet in my jurisdiction (if I may know it) as either maketh division or yet dissension among the poor commons.  
The Lord Cobham said. Both Christ and his Apostles were accused of sedition making, yet were they most peaceable men. Both Daniel and Christ prophesied that such a troublous time should come, as hath not been yet since the worlds beginning. And this prophecy is partly fulfilled in your days and doings. For many have ye slain already, 
Prophecy.  and more will ye ssay hereafter, if God fulfil not his promise. Christ saith also, if those days of yours were not shortened, scarcely should any flesh be saved. 
Prophecy. Priests. Deacons.  Therefore look for it justly, for God will shorten your days. Moreover, though Priests and deacons for preaching of God's word, and for ministering the sacraments, with provision for the poor: be grounded on God's law: yet have these other sects no manner of ground hereof, so far as I have read.  
Then a Doctor of law, 
Market this working of Satan.  called master john Kempe, plucked out of his bosom a copy of the bill which they had afore sent him into the tower, by the Archbishop's counsel, thinking thereby to make shorter work with him. 
Act. 6.  For they were so amazed with his answers (not all unlike to them which disputed with Stephen) that they knew not well how to occupy the time, 
The first article.  their wits and sophistry (as God would) so failed them that day.  
My Lord Cobham (saith this Doctor) we must briefly know your mind concerning these four points here following. The rest of them is this. And then he read upon the bill: 
Transubstantiation of bread into the body.  The faith and determination of holy church touching the blessed sacrament of the altar is this. That after the sacramental words be once spoken of a Priest in his mass: the material bread that was before bread, is turned to Christ's very body. And the material wine is turned into Christ's blood. And so there remaineth in the sacrament of the altar from thenceforth no material bread nor material wine which were there before the sacramental words were spoken. Sir believe ye not this?  

The L. Cob his belief in the sacrament.  The Lord Cobham said: This is normy belief. But my faith is (as I said to you afore) that in the worshipful sacrament of the altar, is Christ's very body in form of bread.  
Then said the archbishop: sir john ye must say otherwise.  
The Lord Cobham said: Nay, that I shall not, if God be upon my side (as I trust he is) but that there is Christ's body in form of bread, as the common belief is.  
Then read the doctor again.  
The second point is this. 
The●. Article.  Holy Church hath determined that every Christian man living here bodily upon earth ought to be shriven of a priest ordained by the church, if he may come to him: sir what say you to this?  

Confessió of sin to God only.  The Lord Cobham answered and said: A diseased or sore wounded man, hath need to have a sure wise Chirurgeon and a true, knowing both the ground and the danger of the same. Most necessary were it therefore to be first shriven unto God which only knoweth our diseases and can help us. I deny not in this the going to a priest, if he be a man of good life and learning. 
Malachi. 20  For the laws of God are to be required of the priest, which is godly learned. But if he be an idiot or a man of vicious living that is my curate, I ought rather to flee from him then to seek unto him: For sooner might I catch evil of him that is nought then any goodness towards my soul's health.  
Then read the doctor again.  
The third point is this, 
The 3. Article.  Christ ordained S. Peter the Apostle to be his vicar here in earth whose sea is the church of Rome. And he granted that the same power which he gave unto Peter, should succeed to all Peter's successors which we call now pope's of Rome. By whose special power in churches particular, be ordained Prelates & archbishops, parsons, Curates, and other degrees more. Unto whom Christian men ought to obey after the laws of the Church of Rome. This is the determination of holy Church. Sir believe ye not this?  
To this he answered and said: He that followeth Peter most nighest in pure living, 
Who is next into Peter.  is next unto him in succession. But your Lordly order esteemeth not greatly the lowly behaviour of poor Peter, whatsoever ye prate of him. Neither care ye greatly for the humble manners of them that succeeded him, 
Succession not of place but of conditions maketh Peter's heir  till the time of Silvester, which for the more part were martyrs, as I told you afore. Ye can let all their good conditions go by you, and not hurt yourselves with them at all. All the world knoweth this well enough by you and yet ye can make boast of Peter.  
With that one of the other doctors asked him: than what do ye say of the Pope?  
The Lord Cobham answered. As I said before. He & you together maketh whole the great Antichrist. 
Antichrist's head body & tail.  Of whom he is the great head you bishops, priests, prelate's, & monks are the body: and the begging friars are the tail, for they cover the filthiness of you both, with their subtle sophistry, Neither will I in conscience obey any of you all, till I see you with Peter follow Christ in conversation.  
Then read the doctor again.  
The 4. point is this. Holy Church hath determined that it is meritorious to a Christian man, 
The 4. Article. Pilgrimage.  and to go on pilgrimage to holy places. And there specially to worship the holy relics and images of saints, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors and all other saints besides, approved by that Church of Rome. Sir what say ye to this?  
Whereunto he 〈◊〉. I own them no service by any commandment of god: 
What is to be dóe with Images.  and therefore I mind not to seek them for your covetousness. It were best ye swept them fair from cobwebs and dust, and so laid them up for catching of scathe. 
Saints are become now covetous beggars.  Or else to bury them fair in that ground as ye do other aged people which are Gods Images.  
It is a wonderful thing, that saints now being dead should become so covetous and needy, and thereupon so bitterly beg: which all the life time hated all covetousness, and begging. But this I say unto you, and I would all that world should mark it. That with your shrines and Idols your feigned absolutions and pardons, ye draw unto you the substance, 
A whelp of the same hear.  wealth and chief pleasures of all christian realms.  
Why sir (said one of the clerks) will ye not worship good images?  
What worship should I give unto them? 
Images not to be worshipped.  said the Lord Cobham.  
Then said friar Palmer unto him. Sir will ye worship the cross of Christ, that he died upon?  
Where is it, said the Lord Cobham?  
The Friar said, I put you the case sir, that it were here even now before you?  
The Lord Cobham answered. 
The cross whether it is to be worshipped.  This is a great wise man, to put me an earnest question of a thing, and yet he himself knoweth not where the thing itself is. Yet once again I ask you what worship I should do unto it?  
A clerk said unto him. 
Galat. 6.  Such worship as Paul speaketh of: and that is this. God forbidden that I should joy, but only in the cross of jesus Christ.  
Then said the Lord Cobham, and spread his arms abroad. This is a very cross, yea, and so much better than your Cross of wood, in that it was created of God. Yet will not I seek to have it worshipped.  
Then said the bishop of London. Sir, ye wot well that he died on a material cross?  
The Lord Cobham said. 
The material cross is not material to our faith. What it is to rejoice in the cross of Christ.  and I wot also that our salvation came not in by that material cross, but alone by him which died thereupon. And well I wot that holy S. Paul rejoiced in none other cross, but in christes passion and death only, and in his own sufferings of like persecution with him, for the same self verity that he had suffered for afore:  
An other clerk yet asked him. Will ye then do none honour to the holy cross?  
He answered him. Yes, if he were mine own I would lay him up honestly, and see unto him that he should take no more scathe abroad, nor be rob of his goods as he is now a days.  
Then said the Archbish. unto him. 
Slandered with the truth.  Sir john, ye have spoken here many wonderful words to the slanderous rebuke of the whole spirituality, giving a great evil example unto the common fort here, 
These men seem to stand only upon their estimation amongst the people.  to have us in the more disdain. Much time have we spent here about you, and all in vain so far as I can see. Well, we must now be at this short point with you, for the day passeth away: Ye must otherwise submit yourself to the ordinance of holy church or else throw yourself (no remedy) into most deep danger. See to it in time, for anon it will be else to late.  
The Lord Cobham said: I know not to what purpose I should otherwise submit me. Much more have you offended me, than ever I offended you, in thus troubling me before this multitude.  
Then said the archbishop again unto him, we once again require to remember yourself well, 
A wolvish offer of gentleness.  & to have none other manner opinion in these matters, than the universal faith, and belief of the holy church of Rome is. And so like obedient child return again to the unity of your mother. See to it I say in time, for yet ye may have remedy, where as anon it will be to late.  
The Lord Cobham said expressly before them all. I will none otherwise believe in these points, then that I have told ye here afore. Do with me what ye will.  
Finally then the archbishop said, 
Bloody mu●. ther●n.  well, than I see none other but we must needs do the law: we must proceed forth to the sentence dissinitive, and both judge you, & condemn you for an heretic.  
And with that, the Archb. stood up, and read there a bill of his condemnation, all the clergy and laity vailing their boners. And this was the tenor thereof.  

* The definitive sentence of his condemnation.  
IN the name of God. So be it. 
Suffered of god as a plague.  We Thomas by the sufferance of God, Archbishop of Caunterbury, Metropolitan, and primate of all England, and Legate from the apostolicke see of Rome, willeth this to be known unto all men. In a certain cause of heresy and upon divers articles, 
An heretic fo● confessing of Christ.  whereupon sir john Oldcastle knight and Lord Cobham, after a diligent inquisition made for the same, was detected, accused, and presented before us in our last convocation of all our province of Caunterbury, holden in the Cathedral Church of Paul's at London: At the lawful denouncement and request of our universal Clergy in the said convocation, we proceeded against him according to the law (God to witness) with all the savour possible. 
Ezec 18. Ezec 35.  And following Christ's example in all that we might, which willeth not the death of a sinner, but rather that he be converted and live: we took upon us to correct him, and sought all other ways possible to bring him again to the church's unity, 
The wolf would appear charitable.  declaring unto him what the holy & universal church of Rome hath said, holden, determined, and taught in that behalf. And though we found him in the Catholic faith far wide and so stiff-necked, that he would not confess his error, nor purge himself, nor yet repent him thereof: We yet pittieng him of fatherly compassion, 
See, if they show not themselves.  and entirely desiring the health of his soul, appointed him a competent time of deliberation, to see if he would repent and seek to be reform: but since that time we have found him worse and worse. Considering therefore, that he is not corrigible we are driven to the very extremity of the law, and with great heaviness of hart, we now proceed to the publication of the sentence definitive, against him.  
Then brought he forth an other bill, containing the said sentence, and that he read also in his beggarly Latin. Christi nomine invocato, ipsumque solum prae oculis habentes. Quia per acta inactitata, and so forth. Which I have also translated into English, that men may understand it.  
Christ we take unto witness, that nothing else we seek in this our whole enterprise, 
Ex magno processu Thomae Arund eli.  but his only glory. For as much as we have found by divers acts done, brought forth and exhibited by sundry evidences, signs and tokens, and also by many most manifest proves, the said sir john Oldcastle knight and L. Cobham, not only to be an evident heretic in his own person, but also a mighty maintainer of other heretics against the faith and religion of the holy and universal church of Rome: 
That church is an whore.  namely about the two sacraments (of the altar, and of penance) besides the pope's power, and pilgrimages. And that he as the child of iniquity and darkness, 
A true sheep heareth the voice of a true pastor.  hath so hardened his hart, that he will in no case attend unto the voice of his pastor. Neither will he be alured by strait admonishments, not yet be brought in by favourable words. The worthiness of the cause first weighed on the one side, and his unworthiness again considered on the other side, his faults also aggravated or made double through his damnable obstinacy (we being loath that he which is nought should be worse, 
A colour of deceit.  and so with his contagiousness infect the multitude) by the sage counsel and assent of the very discrete fathers, our honourable brethren and Lords, Bishops here present, Richard of London, Henry of Winchester, and Bennet of Bangor, and of other great learned and wise men here, both doctors of divinity, and of the laws canon and civil, seculers and religious, with divers other expert men assisting us: we sententially and diffinitively by this present writing, judge, declare & condemn the said sir john Oldcastle, Knight, 
As Caiphas did Christ.  and Lord Cobham, for a most pernicious and detestable heretic, convicted upon the same, and refusing utterly to obey the Church again, committing him here from henceforth as a condemned heretic to the secular jurisdiction, power & judgement, to do him thereupon to death. Furthermore, we excommunicate and denounce accursed, 
Christ is condemned in his faithful members.  not only this heretic here present: but so many else besides, as shall hereafter in favour of his error, either receive him or defend him, counsel him or help him, or any other way maintain him: as very fautors receivers, defenders, counsellors, aiders, and maintainers of condemned heretics.  
And that these premises, may be the better known all faithful Christian men: 
How spiritual these fathers are  we commit it here unto your charges, & give you strait commandment thereupon by this writing also: That ye cause this condemnation and definitive sentence of excommunication, concerning both this heretic and his fautors: to be published throughout all dioceses, in Cities, towns & villages by your curates and parish priests, at such time as they shall have most recourse of people. And see that it be done after this sort. As the people are thus gathered devoutly together, let the curate every where go into the pulpit and there open, declare, and expound, this excess in the mother tongue, in an audible and intelligible voice, that it may be perceived of all men: and that upon the fear of this declaration also, the people may fall from their evil opinions conceived now of late by seditious preachers. Moreover we will, 
Keep the sepul chre never so much, yet Christ will rise. None office left undone pertaining to Antichrist.  that after we have delivered unto each one of you bishops which are here present, a copy hereof: that ye cause the same to be written out again into divers copies, and so be sent unto the other bishops and Prelates of our whole Province, that they may also see the contents thereof solemnly published within their dioceses and cures. Finally we will that both you and they signify again unto us seriously and distinctly by your writings as the matter is, without feigned colour in every point performed: the day whereon ye received this process, 
What care is here to hold up their popery.  the time when it was of us executed, and after what sort it was done in every condition, according to the tenor hereof, that we may know it to be justly the same.  
A copy of this writing sent Thomas Arundel the archbishop of Caunterbury, afterward from Mydstone the x. 
Tho. Waldi in susesculo Zizaniorum Wseleus. Richard Clifford.  day of Octobr, within the same year of our Lord 1413. unto Richard Clifford the bishop of London, which thus beginneth: Thomas permissione divina. etc.  
The said Richard Clifford sent an other copy thereof, enclosed within his own letters: unto Robert Maschall a Carmelite friar, which was then bishop of Herforde in Wales, written from Haddam the 23. day of October in the same year, and the beginning thereof is this: Reverend in Christo pater, etc.  
This Robert Mascall directed an other copy thereof from London the 27. 
Rob. Mascall.  day of November in the same year enclosed in his own commission also, unto his archdeacon and and Deans in Hareforde and Shrewsbury. And this is thereof the beginning: Venerabilibus & discretis vitis. etc. In like manner did the other bishops within their dioceses.  
After that the archbishop had thus read the bill of his condemnation, with most extremity before the whole multitude: 
Ex ●eroque exemplari.  The Lord Cobham said with a most cheerful countenance. Though ye judge my body which is but a wretched thing, yet am I certain and sure, that ye can do no harm to my soul, no more than could Satan upon the soul of job. He that created that, 
Math. 10. job. 1.  will of his infinite mercy and promise save it, I have therein no manner of doubt. And as concerning these articles before rehearsed, I will stand to them even to the very death, by the grace of my eternal God.  
And therewith he turned him unto the people, casting his hands abroad, and saying with a very loud voice: Good Christian people, for Gods love be well aware of these men. 
Math. 10.  For they will else beguile you, and lead you blindling into hell with themselves. For Christ saith plainly unto you: If one blind man leadeth an other, they are like both to fall into the ditch.  
After this, he fell down there upon his knees, & thus before them all prayed for his enemies, 
He prayeth for his enemies.  holding up both his hands and his eyes towards heaven and saying: Lord God eternal, I beseech thee of thy great mercy's sake, to forgive my pursuers, if it be they blessed will. And then he was delivered to sir Robert Morly, and so led forth again to the tower of London. And thus was there an end of that days work.  
While the Lord Cobham was thus in the Tower, 
Ex ●etusto exemplari Londinensium.  he sent out privily unto his friends. And they at his request wrote this little bill here following, causing it to be set up in divers quarters of London, that the people should not believe the slanders and lies that his enemies the bishops servants and priests, had made on him abroad. And thus was the letter.  
FOr as much as Sir john Oldcastle knight, 
A testimoni all made by his friends.  and Lord Cobham, is untruly convicted and imprisoned, falsely reported and slandered among the common people by his adversaries, that he should otherwise both think & speak of the sacraments of the church, and specially of the blessed sacrament of the altar, than was written in the confession of his belief which was indended and taken to the clergy, 
To stop lying lips. A rehearsal of his belief. In form of bread, but not without bread he meaneth.  and so set up in divers open places in the city of London. Known be it here to all the world, that he (never since) varied in any point therefrom, but this is plainly his belief: that all the sacraments of the church be profitable and expedient also to all them that shall be saved, taking them after the intent that Christ and his true church hath ordained. Furthermore he believeth, that the blessed sacrament of the altar is verily and truly Christ's body in form of bread.  
After this the bishops and priests were in much great discredit both with the nobility and commons, 
The clergy in hate of the people.  partly for that they had so cruelly handled the good Lord Cobham: & partly again, because his opinion (as they thought at that time) was perfect concerning the sacrament. 
A practice of false priests.  The Prelates feared this to grow to further inconvenience towards than both ways, wherefore they drew their heads together & at the last consented to use an other practice somewhat contrary to that they had done afore. They caused it by and by to be blown abroad by their feed servants, friends, and babbling sir john's: that the said Lord Cobham was becomen a good man, and had lowly submitted himself in all things unto holy Church utterly 〈◊〉 his opinion concerning the sacrament. 
These are their common feats.  And thereupon, they counterfeited an abjuration in his name, that the people should take no hold of that opinion by any thing they had heard of him before, and to stand so the more in awe of them. Considering him so great a man, and by them subdued.  
This is the abjuration (say they) of sir john Oldcastle knight, sometime the Lord Cobham.   

* An Abjuration counterfeited of the bishops.  
IN Deinomive. Amon. I john Oldcastle denounced, detected and convinced, 
Walden in sasesculo zi zansorum Wielens.  of and upon divers articles savouring both heresy and error, before the reverend father in Christ & my good Lord, Thomas by the permission of God, Lord Archbishop of Caunterbury, and my lawful and rightful judge in that behalf, expressly grant and confess: that as concerning the estate and power of the most holy father the Pope of Rome, 
Make from whence this geate cometh.  of his Archbishops, his Bishops and his other prelate's, the degrees of the church, and the holy Sacraments of the same, specially of the Sacraments of the altar of penance and other observances besides of our mother holy Church, as Pilgrimages and pardons: I affirm (I say) before the said reverend father Archbishop & else where, that I being evil seduced by divers seditious preachers, have grievously erred, and heretically persisted, blasphemously answered, and obstinately rebelled. And therefore I am by the said reverend father, 
Fine wor●●●hip I 〈◊〉.  before the reverend fathers in Christ also, the bishops of London, Winchester, and Bangor, lawfully condemned for an heretic.  

Alas good can, thou 〈◊〉 slaunde●●.  Nevertheless yet, I now remembering myself, and coveting by this mean to avoid that temporal pain which I am worthy to suffer as an heretic, at the assigned 〈◊〉 of my most excellent Christian prince and siege Lord, King Henry the 5. now by the grace of God most worthy King both of England and of France: Minding also to prefer the wholesome determination, sentence and doctrine of the holy universal Church of Rome, before the unwholesome opinions of myself, my teachers, and my followers: I freely, willingly, deliberately, and thoroughly confess, grant, and affirm, that the most holy fathers in Christ, S. Peter the Apostle and his successors bishops of Rome, specially now at this time, my most blessed Lord Pope john, by the permission of God, the xxiii. Pope of that name, which now haldeth Peter's seat (and each of them in their succession) hath full strength and power to be Christ's Vicar in earth, and the head of the church militant. And that by the strength of his office (what though he be a great sinner, and afore known of God to be damned) he hath full authority and power to rule and govern, bind and lose, save and destroy, accurse and assoil, all other Christian men.  
And agreeably still unto this, I confess, grant, and affirm all other Archbishops, Bishops, and Prelates in their provinces, Diocese, and Parishes (appointed by the said Pope of Rome, to assist him in his doings or business) by his Decrees, Canons, or virtue of his office: to have had in times past to have now at this time, and that they ought to have in time to come: authority and power to rule and to govern, bind and lose, accurse and assoil, the subjects or people of their aforesaid provinces, dioceses, & parishes, and that their said subjects or people ought of right in all things to obey them. 
〈◊〉 prove 〈◊〉, by 〈◊〉.  Furthermore, I confess, grant, and affirm, that the said spiritual fathers, as our most holy father the Pope, Archbishops, Bishops, & Prelates: have had, have now, and aught to have hereafter, authority and power for the estate, order and governance of their subjects or people, to make laws, decrees, statutes and constitutions, yea and to publish, command, and compel their said subjects and peoyle, to the observation of them.  
Moreover I confess, grant and affirm, that all these foresaid laws, 
No scrip●● have they to 〈◊〉.  decrees, statutes and constitutions made, published and commanded, according to the form of spiritual law, all christian people, and every man in himself is straightly bound to observe, & meekly to obey according to the diversity of the foresaid powers. As the laws, statutes, canons and constitutions of our most holy father the Pope, incorporated in his Decrees, Decretals, Clementines, Codes, charts, Rescriptes, Sextiles, and Extravagants over all the world: and as the provincial statutes of Archbishopps in their provinces, the Sinodall acts of Bishops in their diocese, and the commendable rules & customs of prelate's in their colleges, and Curates in their parishes, 
Intollera 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they.  all Christian people are both bound to observe, & also most meekly to obey. Over & besides all this, I john Oldcastle utterly forsaking and renouncing all the aforesaid errors and heresies, and all other errors and heresies like unto them, lay my hand here upon this book or holy evangely of God, & swear: that I shall never more from henceforth hold these aforesaid heresies, nor yet any other like unto them wittingly. 
〈◊〉 made 〈◊〉 such an 〈◊〉.  Neither shall I give counsel, aid, help, nor favour at any time, to them that shall hold, teach, affirm, or maintain the same, as God shall help me, and these holy evangelies.  
And that I shall from henceforth faithfully obey and inviolably observe all the holy laws, statutes, Canons, and constitutions of all the Popes of Rome, 
And this maintain they still. The pope holy bible of papists.  Archbishops Bishops, and Prelates, as are contained and determined in their holy Decrees, decretals, Clementines, Codes, charts, Rescriptes, Sextiles, Sumnies, papal, Extravagantes, statutes provincial, acts synodal, and other ordinary regules and customs constituted by them, or that shall chance hereafter directly to be determined ormade. To these and all such other, will I myself with all power possibly apply. 
Mark this handling.  Besides all this, the penance which it shall please my said reverend father the Lord Archbishop of Caunterbury hereafter to enjoin me for my sins, I will meekly obey and faithfully fulfil. Finally, all my seducers and false teachers, and all other besides, whom I shall hereafter know suspected of heresy or errors: 
This charge give they commonly.  I shall effectually present, or cause to be presented unto my said reverend father, Lord Archbishop or to them which have his authority, so soon as I can conneniently do it, and see that they be corrected to my uttermost power.   
This abjuration never came to the hands of the Lord Cobham, neither was it compiled of them for that purpose, but only therewith to blear the eyes of the unlearned multitude for a time. After the which like fetch and subtle practice, was also devised the recantation of the Archbishop Thomas Cranmer, to stop for a time the people's mouths. Which subtly in like manner was also practised with the false recantation of Bishop ●oper, and divers other, as in their places hereafter (Christ granting) shallbe showed.  
And thus much hitherto concerning the first trouble of sir john Oldcastle Lord Cobham, 
For confirmation of this history.  with all the circumstances of the true time, place, occasion, causes, and order belonging to the same. Wherein I trust I have sufficiently satisfied all the parties, requisite to a faithful history, with out corruption. For the confirmation whereof, to the intent the mind also of the wrangling caviller may be satisfied, & to stop the mouth of the adversary (which I see in all places to be ready to bark) I have therefore of purpose annexed with all my ground & foundation taken out of the Archines and Registers of the Archb. of Cant, Ex epist. Thom. Arund. ad Rich. Lond. 
Ex archivis et Regist. Tho. Arund. Archiep. Cant. Polydorus and Edw. haul deceived.  Whereby may appear, the manifest error both of Polydorus and of Edward Hall, who being deceived in the right distinction of the times, assign this citation and examination of the Lord Cobham, to be after the council of Constance: when as Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Caunterbury at the council of Constance was not alive. The copy and testimony of his own letter, shall declare the same, written and sent to the bishop of London in form as followeth.  
* The copy of the Epistle of the Archbishop of Caunterbury, written to the Bishop of London, whereupon dependeth the ground and certainty of this foresaid history of the Lord Cobham, above premised.  
TO the reverend father in Christ and Lord, the Lord Robert by the grace of God Bishop of Hereford, Richard by the permission of God bishop of London, health and continual increase of sincere love.  
We have of late received the letters of the reverend father in Christ and Lord, the Lord Thomas by the grace of God Archb. of Cant. primate of all England, and Legate of the Apostolic see, unto our reverend brother the Lord Richard Bishop of London, health and brotherly love in the Lord. It was lately concluded before us in the convocation of Prelates and clergy of our province of Caunterb. last celebrate in our church of S. Paul, entreating amongst other things with the said prelate's & clergy upon the union and reformation of the Church of England by us, and the said prelate's and Clergy: that it was almost impossible to amend the hole of our lords coat which was without seam, but that first of all certain nobles of the realm, which are authors, favourers, protectors, defenders, and receivers of these heretics called Lollards, were sharply rebuked, and if need were by the censures of the Church, and the help of the secular power, they be revoked from their errors. 
A thing thought right necessary that the L. Cobham should be made out of the way, or else not possible for papistry to flourish.  And afterward having made diligent inquisition in the convocation amongst the proctor's of the Clergy and others which were there in great number out of every diocese of our province: It was found out amongst others, that sir john Oldcastle knight, was and is the principal receiver, favourer, protector and defender of them: and that specially in the Diocese of London, Rochester, and Hereforde, he hath sent the said Lollards to preach, not being licensed by the ordinaries and Bishops of the Diocese or places, contrary to the provincial constitutions in that behalf made, and hath been present at their wicked Sermons, grievously punishing with threatenings, terrors, and the power of the secular sword: such as did withstand him: alleging and affirming amongst others, that we and our fellow brethren Suffragans of out provinces had not, neither have any: power to make any such constitutions. Also he hath holden, and doth hold opinion and teach as touching the sacramentest of the altar, of penance, of pilgrimage, of the worshipping of Saints, and of the keys contrary to that which the universal church of Rome doth teach and affirm.  
Wherefore, on the behalf of the said prelate's and clergy, we were then required that we would vouchsafe to proceed against the said sir john Oldcastle upon the premises. Notwithstanding, for the roverance of our Lord the king, in whose favour the said sir john: at that present was, & no less also for honour of his knighthood: 
Sir I. Oldecastel in favour with the king.  we with our fellow brethren and suffragans then present, with a great part of the Clergy of our province, coming personally before the presence of our Lord the king, being then at his Manor of Kenington, put up against the said sir john, a complaint, and partly reciting the defaults of the said sir john. But at the request of our Lord the king, we desiring to reduce the said sir john to the unity of the church, without any reproach, we deferred all the execution of the premises for a great time. But at the last, for so much as our said Lord the king after his great traveles taken about the conversion of him, did nothing at all profit, as our said Lord the king, vouchsafed to certify us both by word & writing: We immediately decreed to call forth the said sir john personally to answer before us at a certain time already passed, in and upon the premises, and sent our messengers with these our letters of citation to the said sir john, then being at his castle of Cowling, unto the which messenger we gave commandment that he should in no case go into the Castle except he were licenced. But by the mean of one john Butler, porter of the king's chamber, he should require the said sir john, that he would either licence the said messenger to come into the Castle, or that he would cite him, or on the least that he would suffer himself to be cited without his Castle. The which sir john openly answered unto the said john Butler, declaring the premises unto him on the behalf of our Lord the king: that he would by no means be cited, neither in any case suffer his citation. Then we being certified of the premises lawfully proceeded further.  
First, having faithful report made unto us, that he could not be apprehended by personal citation, we decreed to cite him by an edict, to be openly set up in the porches of the Cathedral Church of Rochester next unto him, little more than three English miles distant from the said castle of Cowling. As we had thus caused him to be cited, and our edict aforesaid to be publicly & openly set upon the porches of the said Church, that he should personally appear before us the 11. day of September last passed to answer unto the premises, and certain other things concerning heresy: The which day being come, we sitting in the tribunal seat in our greater chapel within the Castle of Leedes of our diocese, the which we then inhabited, and where as we then kept residence with our court, and having taken an oath which is requisite in the premises, and the information by us heard and received, 
The keys of the church falsely wrested.  as the common report goeth: In the parts whereas the said sir john dwelleth (fortifying himself in his said castle, defending his opinions manifoldly, contemning the ke●es of the church and the Arbishops' power.) We therefore caused the said Sir john cited, as is aforesaid, to be openly with a loud voice called by the crier: and so being called, long looked for, and by no means appearing, we judged him (as he was no less worthy) obstinate, and for punishment of his said obstinacy, we did then and there excommunicate him. And for so much as by the order of the premises, 
The L. Cobham excommunicated.  and other evident tokens of his doings, we understand that the said sir john for the defence of his error doth fortify himself, as is aforesaid against the keys of the Church, by pretence whereof, a vehement suspicion of heresy and schism riseth against him: We have decreed if he may be apprehended, again personally to cite him, or else as before, by an edict that he should appear before us the Saturday next after the feast of Saint Matthew the Apostle and Evangelist next coming, to show some reasonable cause if he can, why we should not proceed against him, to more grievous punishment, as an open heretic, schismatic and open enemy of the universal church. And personally to declare why he should not be pronounced such a one, or that the aid of the secular power should not be solemnly required against him. And further to answer, do and receive as touching the premises, whatsoever justice shall require. The which time being come, that is to say, the Saturday next after the feast of S. Matthew being the 24. day of September, sir Rob. Morley knight Lieutenant of the tower of London appeared personally before us, sitting in the chapter house of the Church of S. Paul at London, with our reverent fellow brethren and Lords, Richard by the grace of God Bishop of London, and Henry Bishop of Winchester, and brought with him sir john Oldecastle Knight, and set him before us (for a little before he was taken by the kings servants and cast into the tower) unto which sir john Oldcastle so personally present, we rehearsed all the order of the process, as it is contained in the acts of the of the day before passed with good and modest words and gentle means. 
The L. Cobham cast into the Tower. The tears of the Crocodile. Popish absolution neglected.  That is to say, how he the said sir john was detected and accused in the convocation of the prelate's and clergy of our said province as is aforesaid upon the articles before rehearsed, and how he was cited & for his contumacy excommunicate. And when we were come to that point, we offered ourselves ready to absolve him. Notwithstanding, the said sir john, not regarding our offer, said, that he would willingly rehearse before us, and my said fellow brethren, the faith which he held & affirmed. So he having his desire & obtaining licence, took out of his bosom a certain Schedule indented, and there openly read the contents of the same, and delivered the same Schedule unto us, and the Schedule of the articles, whereupon he was examined, which was as in form following.  

* The catholic faith and confession of the Lord Cobham.  
I john Oldcastle knight, Lord of Cobham, desire to made manifest unto all Christians, & God to be taken to witness, that I never thought otherwise or would think otherwise (by God's help) then with a steadfast & undoubted faith to embrace all those his Sacraments which be hath instituted for the use of his Church.  
Furthermore that I may the more, plainly declare my mind in these iiii. 
The Sacrament of the altar.  points of my faith: First of all I believe the Sacrament of the altar to be the body of Christ under the form of bread the very same body which was borne of his mother Mary, crucified for us dead and buried, rose again the third day, sitteth on the right hand of his immortal father, now being a triumphant partaker with him of his eternal glory. 
Of penance.  Then as touching the Sacrament of penance this is my belief, that I do think the correction of a sinful life to be most necessary for all such as desire to be saved and that they ought to take upon them such repentance of their former life by true confession, unfeigned contrition, and lawful satisfaction, as the word of God doth prescribe unto us. Otherwise there will be no hope of salvation.  
Thirdly, as touching images, this is my opinion, that I do judge them no point of faith, 
Of Images.  but brought into the world after the faith of Christ by the sufferance of the Church, & so grown in use that they might serve for a calendar for the lay people and ignorant. By the beholding whereof they might the better call to remembrance the godly examples & martyrdom of Christ and other holy men: but if any man do otherwise abuse this representation, and give the reverence unto those Images, which is due unto the holy men whom they represent, or rather unto him whom the holy ●en themselves own all their honour, setting all their trust and hope in them which ought to be referred unto God: or if they be so affected toward the dumb Images, that they do in any behalf addict unto them, either be more addicted unto one Saint than another, in my mind they do little differ from idolatry, grievously offending against God the author of all honour.  
Last of all I am thus persuaded that there be no inhabitants here in earth, 
Of pilgrimages.  but that we shall pass strait either to life or punishment: for whosoever doth so order his life that he stumble at the commandments of God, which either he knoweth not, or he will not be taught them, it is but in vain for him to look for salvation, although he ran over all the corners of the world. Contrariwise, he which observeth his commandments cannot perish, although in all his life time he walked no pilgrimage, neither to Rome, Caunterbury, nor Compostella, or to any other place, whither as the common people are accustomed to walk.  
This Schedule with the articles therein contained being read (as is aforesaid) by the said sir john: we with our fellow brethren aforesaid, & many other doctors & learned men had conference upon the same. And at the last by the counsel and consent of them, we spoke these words following unto the said sir john there present. Behold sir joh. there are many good and catholic things contained in this schedule. But you have this time to answer unto other matters which savour of errors & heresies. Whereunto, by the contents of this schedule, it is not fully answered, and therefore you must answer thereunto & more plainly express & declare your faith & opinions as touching those points in the same bill. That is to say, whither you hold, believe and affirm, that in the sacrament of the altar, after the consecration rightly done, 
See whether these men pick quarrels where they need now.  there remaineth material bread or not.  
Item, whether you hold, believe, and affirm, that it is necessary in the sacrament of penance for a man to confess his sins unto a priest appointed by the church.  
The which articles in this manner delivered unto him, amongst many other things he answered plainly, that he would make no other declaration or answer thereunto than was contained in the said Schedule. Whereupon we favouring the said sir john, with benign & gentle means we spoke unto him in this manner. Sir john take heed, for if you do not plainly answer to these things, which are objected against you within a lawful time now granted you by the judges, we may declare you to be an heretic, but the said sir john persevered as before, and would make no other answer. Consequently notwithstanding, we together with our said fellow brethren and others of our counsel took advise, and by their counsel declared unto the said sir john Oldcastle, that the said holy Church of Rome in this matter following the saying of blessed S. Augustine Jerome, 
Here is no mention made of the word of God.  Ambrose and other holy men, hath determined, the which determinations every catholic ought to observe. Whereupon the said sir john answered, that he would believe and observe whatsoever the holy Church determined, and whatsoever god would he should observe and believe. But that he would in no case affirm that our Lord the Pope, the cardinals, Archbishops, and Bishops or other prelate's of the church have any power to determine any such matters. Whereunto, 
Wolves clothed in 〈◊〉 skins.  we yet favouring him, underhope of better advisement promised the said sir john: that we would give him in writing certain determinations upon the matter aforesaid. Whereunto he should more plainly answer, written in latin, and for his better understanding translated into English: whereupon, we commanded and heartily desired him that against monday next following, he should give a plain & full answer, the which determinations we caused to be translated the same day & to be delivered unto him the sunday next following. The tenor of which determinations here follow in this manner.  

The sum in the po●●● belief.  The faith and determination of that holy Church upon the holy Sacrament of the altar is this. That after the consecration done in the mass by that priest, that material bread shall be changed into the material body of Christ, & the material wine into the material blood of Christ. Therefore after the consecration there remaineth no more any substance of bread and wine, which was there before. What do you answer to this article?  

Confession.  Also the holy church hath determined that every christian dwelling upon earth ought to confess his sins unto a priest ordained by the Church, if he may come unto him. How think you by this article?  
Christ ordained S. Peter his Vicar in earth, whose seat is in the Church of Rome, giving and granting the same authority which he gave unto Peter also to his successors which are now called Hopes of Rome, in whose power it is to ordain and institute prelate's in particular churches. 
The Pope's supremacy.  As Archbishops, bishops, curates, and other ecclesiastical orders, unto whom the Christian people ought obedience according to the tradition of the church of Rome. This is the determination of the holy church. What think you by this article?  

Pilgrimage.  Besides this the holy Church hath determined, that it is necessary for every christian to go on pilgrimage to holy places, & there specially to worship the holy relics of the Apostles, Martyrs confessors, & all saints, whosoever the church of Rome hath allowed. What think you of this article?  
Upon which monday being the 25. day of the said month of September before us and our fellow brethren aforesaid, having also taken unto us our reverend brother, Benedict by the grace of God, 
Conuene●●● in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & Christum 〈◊〉 Psal. 2.  Bishop of Bangor, & by our commandment our counsellors and ministers. Master Henry ware official of our court of Cant. Philip Morgan D. of both laws, dowel Kissin Doctor of the decretals, john Kempe and William Carlton Doctors of law, joh Witnan Thomas Palmer, Rob. Wombewell, john With and Robert chamberlain, Richard Dotington & Thomas Walden professors of divinity. Also james Cole, & I. Stevens our notaries appointed on this behalf. They all and every one being sworn upon that holy gospel of god laying their hands upon the book that they should give their faithful counsel in, and upon the manner aforesaid, and in every such cause and to the whole world. By and by appeared sir Robert Morley Knight, Lieutenant of the Tower of London, and brought with him the foresaid Sir I Oldcastle setting him before us. Unto whom we gently and familiarly rehearsed the acts of the day before passed. And as before we told him that he both is and was excommunicate, requiring and entreating him that he would desire and receive in due form the absolution of the Church. Unto whom the said Sir john then and there plainly answered, that in this behalf he would require no absolution at our hands but only of God. Then afterward by gentle and soft means we desires and required him to make plain answer unto the articles which were laid against him. And first of all, as touching the Sacrament of the altar. To the which article, 
The sacrament both body and bread in divers respects.  besides other things he answered and said thus: That as Christ being here in earth had in him both Godhead & manhood. Notwithstanding the Godhead was covered and invisible under the humanity, the which was manifest and visible in him: so likewise in the sacrament of the altar there is the very body and very bread, bread which we do see, the body of Christ hidden under the same which we do not see. And plainly denied, that the faith as touching the said Sacrament determined by the Romish church and holy doctors and sent unto him by us in the said Schedule, to be the determination of the holy Church. But if it be the determination of the Church he said that it was done contrary unto the scriptures, after the church was endowed, and that poison was poured into the Church and not afore. Also as touching the Sacrament of penance and confession, he plainly said and affirmed them and there: that if any man were in any grievous sin, out of the which he knew not how to rise, it were expedient and good for him to go unto some holy and discreet priest to take counsel of him. 
How confession is to be allowed.  But that he should confess his sin to any proper Priest, or to any other although he might have the use of him, it is not necessary to salvation, for so much as by only contrition such sin can be wiped a way, & the sinner himself purged. As concerning the worshipping of the cross, he said and affirmed that that only body of Christ which did hang upon the cross is to be worshipped. For so much as that body alone was & is the cross, which is to be worshipped.  

What honour is to be done to the cross.  And being demanded what honour he would do unto the Image of the cross. He answered by express words that he would only do it that honour that he would make it clean and lay it up safe. As touching the power and authority of the keys, the Archbishops, Bishop, and other prelate's, he said that the Pope is very Antichrist, that is the head: the Archbishops, Bishops and other prelate's to be his members, and the Friars to be his tail. 
The pope is Antichrist, the Bishops are his members, and friars his tail.  The which Pope, Archbishops and bishops a man ought not to obey, but so far forth as they be followers of Christ & of Peter, in their life, manners & conversation, and that he is the successor of Peter, which is best and purest in life & manners. Furthermore, the said sir john spreading his hands with a loud voice, 
The bold talk of the L. Cobham.  said thus to those which stood about him. These men which judge and would condemn me, will seduce you all & themselves, and will lead you unto hell, therefore take heed of them. When he had spoken those words, we again as oftentimes before with lamentable countenance, spoke unto the said sir john, exhorting him with as gentle words as we might that he would return to that unity of the church, to believe & hold that which the church of Rome doth believe & hold. Who expressly answered that he would not believe or hold otherwise then he had before declared. Wherefore, we perceiving as it appeared by him that we could not prevail: at the last with bitterness of hart, we proceeded to the pronouncing of a definitive sentence in this manner.   
¶ In the name of God Amen: 
They call themselves humble which rule over kings, and exercise the tyranny of the world.  We Thom. by the permission of God Archb. and humble minister of the holy Church of Cant. primate of all England, and Legate of the Apostolic see, in a certain cause or matter of heresy upon certain articles, whereupon sir john Oldcastle knight, Lord Cobham, before us in the last convocation of our Clergy of our province of Caunterbury holden in the Church of S. Paul in London after diligent inquisition thereupon made, was detected & accused, & by our said province notoriously and openly defamed. 
Following Christ's footsteps clean contrary.  At the request of the whole Clergy aforesaid thereupon made unto us in the said convocation: with all favour possible that we might (God we take to witness) lawfully proceeding against him, following the footsteps and example of Christ which would not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should be converted and live, we have endeavoured by all ways and means we might, 
The universal church meaning by a figure the part for the whole.  or could to reform him, and rather reduce him to the unity of the church: declaring unto him what the holy universal Church of Rome doth teach, hold and determine in this behalf. And albeit that we found him wandering astray from the Catholic faith, and so stubborn and stiff-necked that he would not confess his error or clear himself thereof, to detest the same: Notwithstanding we favouring him with a fatherly affection, and heartily wishing and desiring his preservation, prefixed him a certain competent time to deliberate with himself, and if he would to repent and reform himself. And last of all, for so much as we perceived him to be unreasonable: observing chief those things which by the law are required in this behalf, with great sorrow and bitterness of hart, we proceeded to the pronouncing of the definitive sentence in this manner.  
The name of Christ being called upon setting him only before our eyes. For so much as by acts enacted, signs exhibited, evidences and divers tokens, besides sundry kind of proofs, we find the said Sir john to be, & have been an heretic, and a follower of heretics in the faith and observation of the sacred universal Church of Rome, and specially as touching the sacraments of the Eucharist and of penance. And that as the son of iniquity and darkness he hath so hardened his hart, that he will not understand the voice of his shepherd, 
They call light darkness, and darkness light.  neither will be alured with his monitions, or converted with any fair speech. Having first of all searched and sought out, and diligently considering the merits of the cause aforesaid, and of the said Sir john, his deserts and faults aggravated through his damnable obstinacy: Not willing that he that is wicked, should become more wicked, & infect other with his contagion, by the counsel and consent of the reverent men of profound wisdom and discretion, our brethren the Lords Richard bishop of London, Henry Bishop of Winchester, and Benedict Bishop of Bangor, 
Like will to like.  and also of many other doctors of divinity, the decretals and civil law, and of many other religious and learned persons our assistants, we have judged & declared sententiallye, and definitively condemned the said Sir john Oldecastle knight, Lord Cobham, being convict in and upon that most detestable guilt, not willing penitently to return unto the unity of the Church, and in those things which the sacred universal Church of Rome doth hold, teach, determine, & show forth. And specially as one erring in the articles above written, leaving him from henceforth as an heretic unto the secular judgement.  

So did the pharisees deliver Christ unto Pilate.  Moreover we have excommunicated, and by these writings do pronounce and excommunicate him as an heretic, and all other which from henceforth in favour of his error, shall receive, defend, or give him counsel or favour, or help him in this behalf, as favourers, defenders, and receivers of heretics. And to the intent that these premises may be known unto all faithful Christians, we charge and command you, that by your sentence definitive, you do cause the Curates which are under you, with a loud and audible voice in their Churches, when as most people is present, in their mother tongue, through all your Cities and dioceses to publish and declare the said Sir john Oldcastle as is before said, to be by us condemned as an heretic, schimaticke, & one erring in the articles above said: and all other which from henceforth in favour of his errors shall receive or defend him, giving him any counsel, comfort, or favour in this behalf, to be excommunicate as receivers, favourers, and defenders of heretics. As is more effectually contained in the process. That by such means the erroneous opinions of the people (which peradventure hath otherwise conceived the matter) by those declarations of the truth, how the matter is, may be cut of. The which thing also we will and command to be written and signified by you, word for word, unto all our fellow brethren: that they all may manifest, publish, and declare throughout all their cities and dioceses, the manner and form of this our process, and also the sentence by us given, and all other singular, the contents in the same. And likewise cause it to be published by their Curates which are under them as touching the day of the receipt of these presents, & what you have done in the premises, how you and they have executed this our commandment. We will that you and they duty and distinctly certify us the business being done, by you and their letters patents, according to this tenor.  
Dated in our Manor of Maidstone, the 10. of October. an. 1413. and in the 18. year of our translation.  
Thus have you here the judicial process of the bishops against this most noble christian knight, described by their own letters and stile. 
Sir Rob. Morley. The L. Cobham returned again to the Tower.  After all this, the sentence of death being given, the Lord Cobham was sent away, Sir Robert Morley carrying him again unto the Tower, where as after he had remained a certain space, in the night season, (it is not known by what means) he escaped out and fled into Wales, where as he continued by the space of 4. years.  

¶ A defence of the Lord Cobham, against Nich. Harpsfield, set out under the name of Alanus Copus.  
As I was entering into this story of the Lord Cobham, after the tractation of all the former histories, hitherto passed, 
Alanus Copus Anglus, with his fix Dialogues. Erostratus to get him a fame set Diana's temple on fire.  having next to set upon this present matter, luckily, and as God would, in such opportunity of season, as may seem, God to work himself for defence of his Saints: cometh to my hands a certain book of new found dialogues, compiled in latin by Nich. Harps field, set out by Alanus Copus, an english man, a person to me unknown, & obscure hitherto unto that world, but now to purchase himself a name with Erostratus, or with the sons of Enachun, cometh out not with his five eggs, but with his six railing dialogues. In the which dialogues that said Alanus Copus Anglus (whether he under the armour of other, 
Alanus Copus Anglus. intemperately abuseth his pen.  or other under the title or his name, I know not, nor pa●e not) uncourteously behaving himself, intemperately abusing his time, study, and pen, forgetting himself, neglecting all respect of honesty, and mild modestly, neither dreading the stroke of God, nor passing for shame, neither favouring the living, nor sparing the dead, who being alive as they never offended him, so now cannot answer for themselves being gone: 
Copus a barker against dead me ...  thus provoking both God and man against him, altar an unseemly sort, and with a foul mouth, and a stinking breath, rageth and fareth against dead men's ashes, taking now that spoil of their good name, after their bodies lie slain in the field. His gall and choler being so bitter against them, that he cannot abide any memory after them to remain upon the earth. In so much that for the hatred of them, he spurneth also against me, and fleeth in my face, for that in my Acts and Monuments, describing the history of the Church, I would say any thing in the favour of them; whom the Romish Catholics have so unmercifully put to death. 
Answer to Alanus Copus.  The answer to whose book although it would require a several tractation by itself (as if Christ grant space and leisure, hereafter it shall not be forgotten) yet because such opportunity of the book is offered to me at this present coming now to the matter of the Lord Cobham; Sir Roger Acton & other, with whom he first beginneth to quarrel, it shall be requisite a little by the way to cope with this Cope, whatsoever he be, so much as truth shall give me for their defence to say something. And here to cut of all the offals of his railing talk and unhonest rebukes, which I leave to scolds and men of his profession against they list to brawl, let us briefly and quietly consider the matter, for discussing of the truth. 
Indifferency of the reader craved.  Wherein first I shall desire the Reader with equality and indifferency to hear both the parts to speak, as well what the Martyrs hence gone and slain could say for themselves, if they were present, as also what this man here doth object against them now being gone. And so according to the same to judge both upon them as they deserve, and of me as they shall please.  
Now to the scope of master Copes matter, 
Whether the L. Cobham be to be judged a traitor or a martyr.  which is this, whether this foresaid sir john Oldcastle, L. Cobham (first to begin with him) is rather to be commended for a Martyr, or to be reproved for a traitor. And whether that I in writing of him and of sir Roger Acton, with other more in my former edition, have belt fraudulently, and corruptly in commending them in these Acts & Monuments or no. Touching the discussion whereof, first I trust the gentle M. Cope my friend, 
The L. Cobham true and obedient to King Henry 4. The Lord Cobham in the beginning favoured of king Henry the 5. The kings displeasure procured against the L. Cobham by popish prelate's.  neither will, nor well can deny any part of all that hitherto, touching that story of that L. Cobham hath been premised, who yet all this while was neither traitor to his country, nor rebel to his prince, as by the course of his history hitherto to the reader may well understand. First in the time of king Henry the fourth, he was sent over to France to the Duke of orleans, he did obey. Afterward K. Henry the fift, coming to the crown, he was of him like wise well liked and favoured, until the time that Tho. Arundel with his clergy, complaining to the king, made bate between them. Then the Lord Cobham being cited by the archbishop, at his citation, would not appear. But sent for by the king, he obeyed and came. Being come, what lowly subjection be showed there to the king the pag. 558. declareth. After he yielded an obedient confession of his faith, it would not be received. Then did he appeal to the bishop of Rome, for the which the king took great displeasure with him, & so was he repealed by the king to the Archb. and committed to the tower, 
The L. Cobham obedient to the king. The L. Cobham conf●at in his faith, to the sentence of death.  which also he did obey. From thence he was brought to his examination once or twice: there like a constant martyr and witness of the truth, he stood to his confession and that unto the very sentence of death defined against him. If this be not the effect of a true Martyr, let Alanus Copus say what he will, or what he can. This I say, at least I doubt, whether the said Alanus Copus Anglus, put to the like trial himself, would venture so narrow a point of martyrdom for his religion, as this christian knight did for his. Certes it hath not yet appeared.   
To proceed after this deadly sentence, was thus awarded against him, the said Lord Cobham was then returneth again unto the tower, which he with patience and meekness did also obey: from the which tower if he afterward by the lords providence did escape, whether hath Alanus Copus, herein more to praise God for offering to him the benefit, or to blame the man for taking that which was offered. What Catholic in all loven having his house over his head on fire, will not be glad to have if he might, the door set open to flee the peril'? or else why did Alanus Copus fly his country having so little need, if this man, bleeding almost under the butchers are, might not enjoy so great an offer of so lucky deliverance?  
Thus hitherto I trust, the cause of the Lord Cobham, standeth firm and strong against all danger of just reprehension. Who being (as ye have heard) so faithful and obedient to God: so submiss to his king: so sound in his doctrine: so constant in his cause: so afflicted for the truth: so ready & prepared to death: 
The L. Cobham worthy the name of a Martyr. The name of a martyr what it signifieth.  as we have sufficiently declared not out of uncertain & doubtful chronicles, but out of the true originals & instruments remaining in ancient records: What lacketh now, or what should let to the contrary, but that he declaring himself such a martyr, that is a witness to the verity (for the which also at last he suffered the fire) may therefore worthily be exorned with the title of a martyr which is in Greek as much as a witness bearer.  
But here now steppeth in Dame 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with her cozen scold Allecto. etc. who neither learning to hold her coung nor yet to speak well, 
Calumnis.  must needs find here a knot in a rush and beginning now to quarrel inferreth thus: But after (saith he) that the Lord Cobham was escaped out of the tower, his fellows and confederates convented themselves together, seditously against the king & against their country: A great crime no doubt M. Cope, if it be true, so if it be not true, the greater blame returneth unto yourself, so to enter this action of such slander, unless the ground whereupon ye stand, 
Sir Roger Acton knight M. john Brown Esquire. john Beverley preacher.  be sure. First what fellows of the L. Cobham were these you mean of? Sir Roger Acton ye say, master Brown & john Beverley, with 36. other hanged and burned in the said field of S. Biles. A marvelous matter, that such a great multitude of 20000. specified in story, should rise against the king, & yet but 3. persons only known and named. Then to proceed further, I would ask of master Cope what was the end of this conspiracy, to rebel against the king, to destroy their country, and to subvert the Christian faith, for so purporteth the story. As like true the one as the other. For even as it is like, that they being Turks went about to destroy the faith of Christ wherein they died, and to subvert their country wherein they were bred: even so like it is that they went about to destroy the king, whom God and their conscience taught to obey.  
Yet further proceedeth this fumish promoter in his accusation, & saith moreover: that these foresaid fellows and adherentes of the Lord Cobham, were in the field assembled and there encamped in a great number against the king & how is this proved? 
Rob. Fabian proved with an untruth.  by Robert Fabian which appeareth to be as true, as that which in the said Robert Fabian followeth, in the same place where he affirmeth that Io. Cledon, and Richard Turmin, were burnt in the same year, being 1413. When in deed by the true Registers, they were not burnt before the year of our lord, 
An untruth in Alanus Copus.  1415. But what will master Cope say, if the original copy of the indictment of these pretenced conspirators do testify, that they were not there assembled or present in the field as your accusation pretendeth? But they purposed (will you say) and intended to come. The purpose and intent of a man's mind is hard for you and me to judge, where as no fact appeareth. But give their intent was so to come: 
Praying and preaching in dicke corners a common thing in time of persecution.  yet might they not come to those thickets near to the field of Saint Biles, having Beverley their Preacher with them (as ye say, yourself) as well to pray & to preach in that woody place, as well as to fight? Is this such a strange thing in the church of Christ, in time of persecution, for christians to resort into desolate woods, and secret thickets, from the sight of enemies, when they would assemble in praying and hearing the word of God? In Queen mary's time was not the same colour of treason objected against George Egle and other more, for frequenting and using into backsides and fields, 
Ill will taketh all things to worst meaning.  and suffered for that, whereof he was innocent & guiltless? Did not Adam Damlipe die in like case of treason, for having a French crown given him, at his departure out of Rome, by Cardinal Poole? What can not cankered calumnia invent, when she is disposed to cavil? It was not the Cardinal's crown that made him a traitor, but it was the hatred of his preaching, that stirred up the accuser.  
In France what assemblies have there been in late years of good and innocent christians, congregating together in backfieldes & coverts in great routs to hear the preaching of God's holy word, & to pray: yea and not with out their weapon also, for their own safeguard, & yet never intended nor minded any rebellion against their king. Wherefore, in cases of Religion it may & doth hap many times that such congregations may meet without intent of any treason meant. But howsoever the intent and purpose was of these fore said confederates of the Lord Cobham, whether to come, or what to do (seeing this is plain by records, as is aforesaid, that they were not yet come unto the place (how will M. Cope now justify his words, 
another untruth in Alanus Copus.  so confidently affirming, that they were there assembled seditiously together in the field of S. Biles against the king? And mark here I beseech thee (gentle Reader) how unlikely and untidely the points of this tale are tide and hang together (I will not say without all substance or truth, but without all fashion of a cleanly lie) wherein these accusers in this matter seem to me, to lack some part of Sivons Art, in conveiing their narration so unartificiallye. First (say they) the king was come first with his garrison, unto the field of S. Biles. And then after the king was there encamped, consequently the fellows of the Lord Cobham (the Captain being away) came & were assembled in the said field where the king was, 
An unlikely tale.  against the king: & yet not knowing of the king, to the number of xx. thousand: and yet never a stroke in that field given. And furthermore of all this xx. thousand aforesaid, never a man's name known, but only three, to wit, sir Roger Acton, sir john Browne, and john Beverley, a preacher. How this gear is clamperd together let the reader judge, and believe as he seethe cause.  
But give all this to be true, although by no demonstration it can be proved, yet by the Pope's dispensation (which in this earth is almost omnipotent) be it granted: that after the king had take S. Biles field before, the companions of the Lord Cobham afterward coming and assembling in the thickets near to the said field, to fight seditiously against the king, against their country, & against the faith of Christ, to the number of xx. thousand, where no stroke being given, so many were taken, that all the prisons of London were full, and yet never a man's name known of all this multitude, 
The L. Cobham no traitor.  but only three: All this I say, being imagined to be true, the followeth to be demanded of M. Cope, whether the Lord Cobham was here present with this company in the field, 
Alanus Copus. pag. 833. lib. ●●  or not? Not, in person (saith Cope) but with his mind and with his counsel he was present, and addeth this reason, saying: And therefore he being brought again, after his escape, was convice both of treason and heresy, & therefore sustaining a double punishment was both hanged and burnt for the same. etc. And how is all this proved? By Robert Fabian, he saith, whereunto briefly I answer, that Rob. Fabian in that place maketh no such mention of the Lord Cobham assisting or consenting to them either in mind or in counsel. His words be these: That certain adherentes of Sir john Oldcastle assembled in the field near to S. Biles, in great number: of whom was sir Roger Acton, sir john Browne, and john Beverley. The which with 36. more in number were after convict of heresy and treason and for the same were hanged and burnt, within the said field of S. biles. etc. Thus much in Fabian touching the commotion & condemnation of these men: but that the Lord Cobham, was there present with them inany part, 
Alanus Copus taken with an other untruth.  either of consent or counsel, as Alanus Copus Anglus pretendeth, that is not found in Fabian, but is added of his liberal cornu copiae, whereof he is so copious and plentiful, that he may keep an open shop of such unwritten untruths, which he may afford very good cheap I think, being such a plentiful artificer.  
But here will be objected against me the words of the statute made the second year of king Henry the fift whereupon this adversary triumphing with no little glory 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, thinketh himself to have double vantage against me: 
Ex statuto. Reg. Hen 5. an. ●. cap. 7.  first in proving these foresaid complices & adherents of the Lord Cobham, to have made insurrection against the king, and so to be traitors. Secondly, in convicting that to be untrue, where as in my former book of Acts and Monuments I do report: how that after the death of sir Roger Acton of Browne, & Beverley, 
The former ediof Acts and Mon. pag 175.  a Parliament was holden at Leicester, where a statute was made to this effect: that all and singular, such as were of Wickliff's learning, if they would not give over (as in case of felony and other trespasses, losing all their goods to the king) should suffer death in two manner of kinds, that is, they should first be hanged for treason against the king, and then be burned for heresy against God. etc.  
Whereupon, remaineth now in examining this objection and answering to the same, that I purge both them of treason, and myself of untruth, so far as truth and fidelity in God's cause shall assist me herein. Albeit in beginning first my history of Ecclesiastical matters, wherein I having nothing to do with abatement of causes judicial, but only following the simple narration of things done and executed: never suspected that ever any would be so captious with me, or so nice nosed, as to press me with such narrow points of the law, in trying and discussing every cause and matter so exactly, & straining (as ye would say) the bowels of the statute law so rigorously against me. Yet for so much as I am thereunto constrained now by this adversary, I will first lay open all the whole statute made the second year of this foresaid Henry the fift, after the death of the foresaid sir Roger Acton and his fellows, at the Parliament holden at Leycester. an. 1415. That done, I will note upon the words thereof, so as by the circumstances of the same may appear what is to be concluded, either for the defence of their innocency, or for the accusation of this adversary. The tenor and purport of the statute here under ensueth.  

¶ The words and contents of the statute made an. 2. Henrici. 5. cap. 7.  

The preface or preamble of the statute.  FOrasmuch as great 
(A) (A)  rumours, congregations, and insurrections here in England by divers of that king his majesties siege people have been made here of late, as well by those which were of the sect of heresy called Lolardy, as by others of their confederation, excitations, & abetment: to the intent 
(B) (B)  to adnulle & subvert the christian faith & the law of God within the same Realm, as also to 
(C) (C)  destroy our sovereign Lord the king himself and 
(D) (D)  all manner of estates of the same his Realm, as well spiritual as temporal 
(E) (E)  and also all manner policy, & the laws of the land. Finally the same our Lord the king, to the honour of God, in conservation and fortification of the Christian faith, & also in salvation of his royal estate, & of the estate of all his realm, willing to provide a more open & more due punishment against the malice of such heretics & Lollards, then hath been had or used in that case heretofore, so that for the fear of the same laws, and punishment, such heresies and Lolardies may the rather cause in time to come:  

Here it appeareth at whose suit, and supplication this statute was set forward as also the cause why.  By the advise and assent aforesaid, & at the prayer of the said commons hath ordained & established: that especially the Chancellor, the Treasurer, the justices of the one bench and of the other, justices of Assize, justices of peace, sheriffs, Majors, and Bailiffs of Cities and Towns, and all other officers having the government of people either now present or which for the time shallbe, do make an oath in taking of their charge and offices, to extend their whole pain and diligence to put out, 
Astiterunt reges & Pharosaes.  to do to put out, cease & destroy, all manner of heresies and errors commonly called Lolardies within the places in which they exercise their charges and offices, from time to time, with all their power: and that they assist, favour, and maintain the ordinaries and their commissaries so often as they or any of them shall be thereunto required by the said ordinaries or their commissaries: So that the said officers and ministers, when they travel or ride to arrest any Lolard or to make any assistance at the 
(F) (F)  instance and request of the ordinaries or their commissaries, by virtue of this statute: that the same ordinaries & commissaries do 
(G) (G)  pay for their costs reasonably. And that the services of the king (unto whom the officers be first sworn) be preferred before all other statutes for the liberty of holy Church & the ministers of the same: And especially for the correction and punishment of heretics & Lolards, made before these days & not repealed, but being in their force. And also that all persons convict of heresy of whatsoever estate, condition or degree they be, by the said ordinaries or their commissaries left unto the secular power according to the laws of holy Church, shall lose & forfeit all their lands and tenements, which they have in fee simple in manner and form as followeth: That is to say, that the king shall have all the lands & tenements, which the said convicts have in fee simple & which be immediately holden of him, as forfeited: And that the other Lords of whom the lands & tenements of such convicts be holden immediately, after that the king is thereof seized & answered of the 
(H) (H)  year, day, & waste: shall have livery thereof out of the hands of the king of the lands & tenements aforesaid so of them holden, as hath been used in case of attainder of felonies, except the lands and tenements, which be holden of the ordinaries or their commissaries, before whom any such impeached of heresy be convict, 
(I) (I)  which lands and tenements shall wholly remain to the king as forfeit: And moreover, that all the goods and cattles of such convicted, be forfeit to our right sovereign Lord the king, so that no person convict of heresy & left unto the secular power (according to the laws of holy Church) do forfeit his lands before that he be dead. And if any such person so convicted becuse offed, whether it be by fine, or by deed, or without deed, in lands and tenements, rents, or services, in fee or otherwise in whatsoever manner, or have any other possessions or cattles by gift or grant of any person or persons, to the use of any other then only to the use of such convits: That the same lands, tenements, rents, nor services, nor other such possessions nor cattles shall not be forfeit unto our sovereign Lord the king in no manner wise.  
And moreover, that the justices or the kings bench, the justices of peace, & justices of Assize, have full power to inquire of all such, which hold any errors or heresies, as Lolards and who be their maintainers, receivers, fautors, and sustainers, common writers of such books, as well of their sermons as schools, conventicles, congregations and confederacies, & that this clause be put in the commissions of the justices of peace. And if any persons be indicted of any of the points above said, that the said justices have power to award against them a Capias, and that the sheriff be bound to arrest the person or persons so indicted as soon as he can find them, either by himself or by his officers. And for so much as the cognisance of heresies, errors, or Lolardies, appertain to the judges of holy church, and not unto the secular judges, that such persons indicted 
(K) (K)  be delivered unto the Ordinaries of the places, or to their Commissaries by Indentures between them to be made, within x. days after their arrest, or sooner if it may be done, to be thereof acquitted or convict by the laws of holy church in case such people be not indicted of any other thing, the cognisance whereof appertaineth to the judges & secular officers, in which case after they shallbe acquitted or delivered before the secular judges of such things as appertaineth to the secular judges, they shallbe sent in safe custody unto the said Ordinaries or their commissaries, & to them to be delivered by Indentures as is aforesaid, to be acquitted or convicted of the same heresies, errors and Lolardies, as is aforesaid, according to the laws of holy church, & that with in the term abovesaid. Provided, that the said indightments be not taken in evidence 
(L) (L)  but only for information before the judges spiritual, against such persons indited: but that the Ordinaries begin their process against such people indicted, in the same manner, as though no such judgement were, having no regard to such indictments. And if any be indicted of heresy, error, or Lolardy, and taken by the Sheriff or any other officer of the king, he may be let to mayneprise within the said x. days, by good surety for whom the said Sheriffs or other officers will answer, so that the person so indited be ready to be delivered unto the said Ordinaries, or to their Commissaries, before the end of the tenth day above recited, if he may be any means for sickness. And that every Ordinary have sufficient Commissaries or Commissary, abiding in every county in place notable, so that if any such person indicted be taken, that the said Commissaries or Commissary may be warned in the notable place of his abiding, by the Sheriff or any of his officers to come unto the kings Bail within the said county, there to receive the same person so indited by Indenture as is aforesaid: And that in the inquests in this case taken, the sheriffs and other officers unto whom it appertaineth, do impanell good and sufficient people not suspected nor procured, that is to say, such as have at the least every one of them that shall be so impanelled in such inquests, within the Realm, a hundred shillings by the year of lands, tenements, or of rent, upon pain to lose to the kings use xx. pound. And that those which shallbe impanelled upon such enquests at sessions and gales, have every one of them to the value of xi. shillings by the year. And if any such person arrested, whether it be by the Ordinaries or the officers of the king, 
(M) (M)  either escape or break prison before he be thereof acquit before the Ordinary: that then all his goods and cattles, which he had at the day of such arrest, shall be forfeit to the king: And his lands and tenements which he had the same day, be seized also into the king's hands, and that the king have the profits thereof from the same day until he render himself to the said prison from whence he escaped. And that the aforesaid justices have full power to inquire of all such escapes and breaking of prisons, and also of the lands tenements goods and cattles of such persons indited. Provided, that if any such person endighted, do not return unto the said prison, and dieth (not being convict) that then it shall be lawful for his heirs, to enter into the lands and tenements of his or their auncester without any other suit made unto the king for this cause. And that all those which have liberties or franchises royal in England, as the county of Chester, the county and liberty of Durham and other like: And also all the Lords which have jurisdictions and franchises royal in Wales where the king's writs do not run, have like power to execute and put in execution in all points, these articles by them or by their officers in like manner as do the justices and other the kings officers above declared.    

¶ Notes touching the statute prefixed.  
Thus having recited the words of the statute, now let us consider the reasons & objections of this adversary, who grounding peradventure upon the preface or preamble of this foresaid statute: 
Notes upon the statute foresaid.  will prove thereby the L. Cobham, and Sir Roger Acton, with the rest of their abettors, to have been traitors to their king and their country. Whereunto I answer, first in general, that although the face or preface prefixed before the statute, may show and declare the cause & occasion original why the statute was made: yet the making of the statute importeth no necessary probation of the preface always to be true that goeth before, which being but a colour to induce the making thereof: giveth no force material thereunto, nor is any necessary part of the body of the said statute. 
Prefaces before statutes not to be regarded in trial of truth.  But only adhereth as a declaration of the circumstance thereof, and sometime is clean omitted and differeth much from the substance of the same. For as statutes in civil policy most commonly do tend to a public end & are general: so prefaces before statutes, which most commonly declare the cause or beginning thereof, are private: and do stand only but upon particular facts, which either of ill will & displeasure may be suggested, or by colour may be exaggerated, or forfeare may be believed, at least suspected, as many suspicious do oftimes rise in princes heads, through false surmises, & malicious complaints of certain evil disposed about them, whereby many cruel laws rising upon a false ground, are promulgate to the ruin of much innocent blood. Example whereof we have not only in this present statute, 
Statut. an. 2 Hen. 5. cap. 11.  an. 2. Reg. Hen. 5 but also in the like statute, commonly called the statute Ex officio vel de comburendo, made by this king's father and predecessor, an. 2. Henr. 4. cap. 5. In the preface of which bloody statute, is contained an other like complaint of the Prelates & clergy, not so heinous, as also most shamefully false & untrue against the poor Lollards, as by the words of the complaint may appear, 
The preface ●efore the statute Decomburendo  beginning: Excellentissimo & Gratiosis. principi, etc. Wherein, most falsely they slander and misreport the true servants of Christ to be Lollards, heretics, subverters of the common wealth, destroyers of the Christian faith, enemies to all good laws, and to the Church of Christ. The words of which statute proceeding much after the like course as doth this present statute, may easily bewray the untruth and false surmise thereof, if thou please (gentle reader) to mark and confer the words according as they are there to be read and seen, as followeth: 
Ex fetussis astrumentis.  Conuenticulas & confederationes faciunt, scholas tenent & exercent, libros conficiunt atque scribunt, populum nequiter instruunt & informant, & ad seditionem seu insurrectionem excitant, quantum possunt, & magnas dissentiones in populo faciunt, & alia diversa enormia auditui horrenda in dies perpetrant, in fidei cathol. & ecclesiae subversionem, divinique cultus diminutionem, ac etiam destructionem status, iurium, & libertatum dictae ecclesiae Anglic. And after a few words: Ad omnem juris, & rationis ordinem atque regimen, penitus destruendum, etc. He that is or shall be acquainted with old hytories, 
False accusant no news 〈◊〉 Christ's ●●rch.  and with the usual practices of Satan the oldenemie of Chrst, from the first beginning of the primitive Church unto this present time, shall see this to be no news, but a common and (as ye would say) a quotidian fever among Christ's children, to be vexed with false accusations, and cruel slanders.  
Nemesion the Egyptian and true Martyr of Christ, was he not first accused to be a fellow? And when that could not be proved, 
Example of Nemesion Martyr. pag. ●●.  he was condemned at the same judgement for a Christian: and therefore being cast into bands, was scourged, by the commandment of the Precedent double to the other felons: & at length was burned with the thieves, although he never was found thief nor fellow vide page. 62.  
Against Cyprian in like sort it was slanderously objected by Galenus Maximus proconsul: Quòd diu sacrilega mente vixerit, & nephariae sibi conspirationis homines adiunxerit. 
Example of Cyprian. pag. 69.  That he had long continued with a mind full of sacrilege, and that he had gathered unto him men of wicked conspiracy, page. 69.  
So justinus martyr, what false and criminous accusations suffered he by Crescens? 
Example of ●●●tine the Martyr. Example of somelius ●●sh. of Rone pag. 65.  Cornelius' Bishop of Rome and Martyr, was accused of Decius, quòd ad Cyprianum literas daret contra remp i. That he wrote letters unto Cyprian against the common wealth vide page. 65.  
To consider the laws and statutes, made by tyrants and Emperors in the first persecutions of the primative Church, against the innocent servants of Christ, and to compare the same with the laws and statutes in this latter persecution under Antichrist: 
Laws and statutes ●ounded ● false 〈◊〉 against the Chritians.  A man shall find, that as they agreed all in like cruelty, so was there no great difference in false forging of pretenced causes and crimes devised. For as then, the Christians were wrongfully accused of the Gentiles for insurrections & rebellions against the Emperors and Empire, for being enemies to all mankind, for murdering of infants, for worshipping the sin (because they prayed toward the East) for worshipping also the head of an Ass, 
The persecuting statutes in the primitive church and of the latter church compared.  & divide pag. 54. 36. upon the rumours whereof, divers and sundry laws and statutes were enacted, some engraven in brass, some otherwise wrote, against them: So in this foresaid statute. an. 2. Henr. cap. 5 also, an. 2. Henr. 4. cap. 15. and in such other statutes or inditements made and conceived against the Lolards: the case is not so strange but it may ceedibly be supposed, that the making thereof did rise rather upon malice & hatred against their religion conceived, then upon any just cause ministered of their parts, whom they did wrongfully charge & accuse. Like as in time of Domitianus, for fear of David's stock, 
Fear & hatred causers of persecution.  all the nephews of Jude the Lord's brother in flesh, were accused to the Emperor, page 48. And also the like fear & hatred stirred up other Emperors, and the Senate of Rome, to proceed with persecuting laws against the Christian flock of Christ. Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 21. Whereupon, rose up those malicious slanders, false surmises, infamous lies, and wrongful accusations against the Christians: so that what crimes soever either malice could invent, or rash suspicion could minister, that was imputed against them, 
Vide supra. pag. 48.  vide page 48.  
Not unlike also it may seem, that the Pope with his Prelates fearing and misdoubting least the proceeding of the Gospel preached by these persons should overthrow the state of their majesty: Did therefore by sinister accusatious, inflame the hearts of Princes against them, and under some colour covert, to shadow their cloaked hatred, devised these and other like crimes which were not true, but which might cleanly serve their purpose. 
The matter debared by records, whether the L. Cobham and sir Roger Acton were traitors or not.   
This hitherto have I said as in a general sum answering to the preamble of the foresaid statute, for the defence of Sir john Oldcastle, and Sir Roger Acton, and other, not as defining precisely what was or was not (for here I may say with Haule, that as I was not present at the deed doing, so with him I may also leave the same at large.) But as one by trasing the footsteps of the truth, as by all conjectures hunting out in this matter, what is most like, would but only say my mind sine strepitu (as Lawyers say) & sine figura judicij.  
Now consequently it followeth, that we descend to the special points and particulars of the foresaid preamble: to consider what thereof may be collected, or necessarily is to be judged, either for prose or disprose, of this foresaid Sir john Oldcastle and his fellows.  
¶ 
(A) (A)  And first, where the proheme of this statute beginneth with rumours, 
Rumours. Congregations. Insurrections.  congregations, and insurrections, etc. As it is not like, that if these men had intended any forcible entrees or rebellion against the king, they would have made any rumours thereof before the deed done: so is it more credibly to be supposed, all these flourishes of words to be but words of course, or of office, and to saver rather of the rankness of the inditers pen, who disposed either per amplificationem rhetoricam to show his copy, or else per malitiam Papisticam, to aggravate the crime. And to make mountains of mollhilles, first of rumours maketh congregations, & from congregations riseth up to insurrections: where as in all these rumours, congregations, & insurrections, yet never a blow was given, never a stroke was strooken, no blood spilled, no furniture nor instruments of war, no sign of battle, yea no express signification either of any rebellious word, or malicious fact described, neither in records, nor yet in any Chronicle. Again, if these rumours were words spoken against the king, as calling him a tyrant, an usurper of the crown, the Prince of Priests, etc. why then be none of these words expressed in their inditements, or left in records? Doth M. Cope think for a man to be called a traitor, to be enough, to make him a traitor, unless some evident prose be brought for him to be so in deed, as he is called? Rumours (saith he) congregations, and insurrections were made. Rumours are uncertain: Congregations have been and may be among Christian men in dangerous times for good purposes, and no treason against their princes meant. The term of insurrections may be added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by practice, or surmise of the Prelates and pen men, who to bring them the more in hatred of the king, might add this rather of their own gentleness, then of the others deserving. Certain it is and undoubted, that the Prelates in those days being so mightily inflamed against these Lollards, were not altogether behind for their parts, nor utterly idle in this matter, but practised against them what they could, first to bring them into hatred, and then to death.  
Examples of which kind of practice among the Popish Clergy, have not lacked neither before, nor since. Moreover, if these men had made such a rebellious insurrection against the king, as is pretended in the preample before this statute, which were a matter of high treason: How chanceth then, that the whole body of the statute following after the said preface or preamble, runneth in all the parts and branches thereof both in manner of arrest, of indictment, information, request, allowance of officers, cognisance of ordinaries, of the forefact, etc. upon cases of heresy and not of treason, as by particular tractation shall be (Christ willing) declared.  

Insurrection of the Lollordes against the king not likely.  And for so much as these men be so grievously accused of Alanus Copus, for congregating & rising against their K. & the whole Realm, if I had so much leisure to defend, as he hath pleasure to diffame: Here might be demanded of him, to keep him some further play (touching this mighty insurrection, where as they came in number of xx. thousand against the king) in what order of battle ray they marched, what Captains, under Captains, and petty Captains they had to guide the wings, and to lead the army▪ whether they were horsemen, or footmen. If they were horsemen (as is pretenced) what meant they then to resort to the Thicketes near to S. Gyles field, which was no meet place for horses to stir? If they were footmen: how standeth that with the author, which reporteth them to be horsemen? Moreover, is to be demanded, what insignes or flags, what shot, what powder, what armour, weapons, and other furniture of war: also what treasure of money to wage so many, to the number of xx. thousand, what trumpets, drums, & other noise necessary for the purpose they had. All these preparations for such an enterprise is requisite & necessary to be had. And peradventure, if truth were well sought, it would be found at length, that in stead of armies and weapon, they were coming only with their books, and with Beverlay their preacher, into those thickets. But as I was not there present at the fact (as is before said) so have I neither certainly to define upon their case, nor yet M. Cope to exclaim against them, unless peradventure he taking an occasion of the time, will thus argue against them: That because it was the hot month of january, the 2. day after the Epiphany, therefore it is like, that Sir john Oldcastle with xx. thousand Lollards. camped together in the fields in all the heat of the wether, to destroy the king and all the nobles, and to make himself Regent of England. And why not as well the King, as regent of England, seeing all the nobles should have been destroyed, & he only left alone to reign by himself?  
¶ It followeth more in the preamble of the foresaid statute 
(B) (B)  to annul, destroy, and subvert the Christian faith, and the law of God, & holy Church, etc. He that was the forger & inventor of this report (as it appeareth to proceed from the Prelates) seemeth no cunning Daedalus, 
A slander of the L. Cobham, that he intended to destroy Christian faith.  nor half his crafts master in lying for the whetstone. Better he might have learned of Sinon in Virgil, more artificially to have framed and conveyed his narration. Which although in no case could sound like any truth, yet some colour of probability should have been set upon it, to give it some countenance of a like tale. As if he had first declared the L. Cobham to have been before in secret confederacy with the great Turk, or if he had made him some termagant or Mahu out of Babylonia, or some Herode of judea, or some Antichrist out of Rome, or some grandpanch Epicure of this world: and had showed, that he had received letters from the great soldan, to fight against the faith of Christ and law of God, then had it appeared somewhat more credible, that the said Sir john Oldcastle with his sect of heresy, went about to annul, destroy, and subvert the Christian faith, and law of God within the Realm of England, etc.  
But now, where will either he or M. Cope find men so mad to believe, or so ingenious that can imagine this to be true: that the Lord Cobham (being a Christian) and so faithful a Christian, would or did ever cogitate in his mind to destroy and annul the faith of Christ in the Realm of England? What soever the report of this pursuant or preface saith, I report me unto the indifferent Reader, how standeth this with any face of truth? That he which before through the reading of Wickliff's works, had been so earnestly converted to the law of God, who had also approved himself such a faithful servant of Christ, that for the faith of Christ he being examined and tried before the Prelates, page. 553. not only ventured his life: but stood constant unto the sentence of death, 
Cyprian. lib. 4. Epist. 2.  defined against him: being a condemned and a dead man by law, Et qui, quantum ad eius devotionem pertinet & timorem, passus sit, quicquid pati potuit, who had as much as to devotion and fear appertained, suffered already what he might or could suffer, as Cyprian said by Cornelius. That he (I say) which a little before in the month of September, stood so constant in defence of Christ's faith, would now in the month of january rise to destroy, adnull, & subvert Christ's faith, and the law of God, and holy Church within the Realm of England?  
How can it be not like only but possible to be true that he which never denied the faith: which ever confessed the faith so constantly, which was for the same faith condemned: yea and at last also burned for the faith, would ever fight against the faith, and law of God, to annul and to subvert it? Let us proceed yet further, and see when that he should have to destroyed and annulled the Christian faith and law of God in England, what faith or law than could he or did he intend to bring into the realm of England? The Turks faith? or the jews faith? or the Pope's faith? or what faith else, I pray you? For he that will be an enemy to the faith of Christ, and will show himself friend to no other faith beside, I account him not out of his right faith, but out of his right wits.  

(C) (C)  And therefore even as it is true, 
The Lord Cobham falsely slandered for intending to destroy the king.  that sir john Oldcastle with his confederates & abertours were up in arms to subvert, and extinguish the faith of Christ and law of God in the realm of England: so by the like truth it may be esteemed, that the same persons rose also to destroy their sovereign Lord the king and his brethren. First thanks be to God, that neither the king, nor any of his brethren had any hurt by him. But his intent, saith the preface, was to destroy his sovereign Lord the king. Whereunto I answer, with this interrogatory, whether his intent was privily to have destroyed him, or by open force of arms? If privily, what needeth then such a great army of xx. thousand men to achieve the secret feat? Rather I would think, that he needed more the help of such as were near about the king: as some of the kings privy chamber, or some of his secret counsel: whereof, neither Chronicle nor record doth insinuate any mention. 
How vnly●e it is that the L. Cobham did rise against the king.  If his intent was openly to invade the king: You must understand (M. Cope) that to withstand a king in his own Realm, many things are required, long time, great preparation, many friends, great assistance, and aid of kindred, money, horse, men, armour, and all other things appertaining for the same.  
Earl Godwin of Westfaxe, 
Examples what an heard matter it is to rise against the king.  who had married Canutus' daughter being a man both ambitious, and as false a traitor, for all his six sons, and great alliance, yet durst not set upon king Edward to invade him within his Realm, although he sought many occasions so to do, yet never durst enterprise openly, that which his ambition so greedily presumed unto, page 163.  
In the time of King Henry the third, 
The nobles against K. Henry. 3.  Simon Montford Earl of Gloucester, Gilbert Clare Earl of Leicester, Humphrey Rone Earl of Ferrence, with a great number of Lords and Barons, thought themselves to have great right on their sides, yet durst not for all their power openly assail the King in his Realm, before great debatement and talk first had between, page 330.  
Likewise what murmuring and grudging was in the realm against king Edward the second, 
The noble against K. Edward. 2.  among the peers and nobles and also prelate's (only Walter Bishop of Coventry except) first for Gaveston, then for the Spensers, at what time Thomas Earl of Lancaster, Guido Earl of Warwick, with the most part of all other Earls and Barons concordly consenting together to the displacing first of Gaveston, then of the Spensers, yet neither rashly, nor without great fear durst stir up war in the land, or disquiet or vex the king, but first by all means of moderate counsel, and humble petition, thought rather to persuade, then to invade the king, page 308.  
In like manner, 
The nobles against. K▪ Rich. 2.  and with like grudging minds, in the reign of King Richard. 2. Thomas Wodstocke Duke of Gloucester the king's uncle, with the Earls of Arundel, of Warwick, and Derby, with the power almost of the whole commons, stood up in arms against the king: And yet notwithstanding all their power joined together, being so great, and their cause seeming to them so reasonable, yet were they not so hardy, straightways to flee upon the king, but by way of Parliament thought to accomplish that which their purpose had conceived, and so did, without any war striking against the king, page. 513.  
After King Richard. 2. was deposed, 
The nobles against K. Henry. 4.  and was in prison yet living, divers noble men were greatly inflamed against K. Henry the fourth, as Sir john Holland Earl of Huntingdon, Thomas Spenser Earl of Gloucester, the Earles likewise of Kent, and of Salisbury, with sir john Cheney & other more, whereof divers had been Dukes before, & now deposed by King Henry. 4. although they had conceived in their hearts great grudge and malice against the said King Henry: yet had they neither hart nor power openly with man's force to assail the king, but secretly were compelled to achieve their conceived intent, which notwithstanding they could not accomplish, Ex hist. D. Alban.  
Thus, you see Master Cope, or else master Harpsfield, or whatsoever ye be, 
The insurrection of the L. Cobham against the king judged by circumstace  to gainstand a king, and with open force to encounter with him in his own land, and in his own chamber of London, where he is so sure and strong, what a matter of how great chevance it is, wherein so many and so great difficulties do lie, the attempt so dangerous, the chances so uncertain, the furniture of so many things required, that fierce in any king's days heretofore, any peers or nobles of the Realm, were they never so strongly assisted with power, wit, or counsel, yet either were able, or else well durst ever enterprise upon the case so dangerous, notwithstanding were they never of themselves so far from all fear of God, and true obedience. And shall we then think, or can we imagine (master Cope) that Sir john Oldcastle, a man so well instructed in the knowledge of God's word, being but a poor Knight by his degree, having none of all the peers and nobles in all the world to join with him, being prisoner in the Tower of London a little before in the month of December, could now in the month of january, so suddenly, in such an hot season of the year, start up an army of xx. thousand fighting men to invade the king, to kill two Dukes his brethren, to adnulle Christian faith, to destroy God's law, and to subvert holy Church 〈◊〉 why doth not he add moreover, to set also all London on fire, and to turn all England into a fish pool? Believe these men which give out these ●igmentes of Sir john Oldcastle, did think him to be one of Deucations stock, who casting of stones over his shoulder, could by and by make men at his pleasure, or else that he had Cadmus' teeth to sow, to make so many harnessed men to start up at once.  
But let us consider yet further of these xx. M. soldiers so suddenly without wages, 
A rebellion ●o be of ●0. thousand, and yet no country to ● known ●rom whence they came, it is not like.  without vital, or other provision congregated together, what they were, from whence out of what quarter, country, or countries they came. In an other kings days, whensoever any rebellion is against the king, moved by the commons, as when jacke Straw and wat Tyler of Kent, & Essex rose in the time of king Richard 2. When William mandevil of Abingdon, jack Cade of Kent, in the time of king Henry the 6. In the time of king Henry the 8. when the commotion was of rebels in lincolnshire, then in yorkshire. When in king Edward the 6. time Humphrey Arundel in devonshire, Captain kite in Norfolk made stir against the king, 
Never was 〈◊〉 rebellion of commons in England but the special country from whence they came was noted and known.  the country & parts from whence these rebels did spring, were both noted and also diffaimed. In this so traitorous commotion therefore let us now learn, what men these were, and from what country or countries in all England they came. If they came out of any, let the Chroniclers declare what countries they were. If they came out of none (as none is named) then let them come out of Outopia, where belike this ●igment was first forged, and invented. Wherefore seeing neither the countries from whence they came, nor yet the names of any of all these xx. M. do appear what they were either in Chronicle or in record, but remain altogether unknown, I leave it (gentle reader) to thy judgement, to think thereupon, as thy wisdom shall lead thee.  

(D) (D)  It followeth more in the foresaid preface: And to destroy all other manner of estates, 
Another false report of sir john Oldecastle that he intended to kill all manner of estates in the realm.  of the same Realm of England, as well spiritual as temporal, etc. By the course of this preamble it appeareth, that the said sir john Oldcastle, was a wonderful cruel tyrant and murderer, who being not yet satisfied with the blood of the king, nor of the two Dukes his brethren, would also make havoc and swepestake, of all manner of estates in the Realm of England. What, & leave no manner of estate alive? No, neither Lord spiritual nor temporal, but altogether should be destroyed. And what had all these estates done, thus so miserably to be destroyed? Although percase the mood of this man might have been incensed & kindled against the king, and the Lords spiritual, by whom he had been condemned, as is aforesaid: yet why should all other manner of other estates both spiritual and temporal be killed? If none of all the estates in England, neither Duke, Earl, Baron, Lord, Knight or other gentleman had been his friend, but all his enemies, how then is it like, that he having all the estates, peers, nobles, and gentlemen of the Realm against him, and none to stand with him, either could or durst attempt any commotion against the whole power of the land, he being but one gentleman only with sir Roger Acton, and master Browne left alone? At least, good reason yet would, that those hundredth Knights should have been spared out of this bloody slaughter, whom he offered to produce unto the king before, for his purgation, page. 159. And finally, if this was his purpose that all these estates both spiritual & temporal should have been cut down, what needed then that he should have made himself a Regent, when he might as well have made himself a king, or what else he would, being left then Prince alone?  

(E) (E)  The preamble as it began with untruth, and continued in the same figure, heaping one untruth upon another: so now endeth with another misreport as untrue as the rest, showing & declaring, the intent of sir john Oldcastle was also to destroy all manner of policy, & finally the laws of the land, etc. We read of William Conqueror, 
An hard matter to destroy all policy and laws of a land.  otherwise named William Bastard: who being a puissant Duke in his country, when that the crown of England was allotted to him, and he coming over with all his peers, nobles, & barons of his whole land, into this Realm, & had with great difficulty obtained victory against king Harold: yet to alter and destroy the policy and the laws of the land: it passed his power. Insomuch that it had not been permitted unto him to have proceeded so far as he did, unless he had first sworn to the nobles of this land, to retain still the laws of King Edward, as he found them. And albeit he afterward forswore himself, breaking his oath in altering and changing many of the foresaid laws, yet wild he, nild he, could not so destroy them all (for the which much war and great commotions endured long after in the Realm) but that he was constrained and also contented to allow and admit a great part of the said laws of king Edward, page. 167. And if he being king and Conqueror with all his strength of Normands and Englishmen about him, was too weak and insufficient to destroy all manner of policy, and laws of this land, which he had conquered: how much less than is it to be supposed, that Sir john Oldcastle being put a private subject, and a poor Knight, and a condemned prisoner, destitute and forsaken of all Lords, Earls, and Barons, who to save his own life, had more to do, than he could well compass, would either take in hand, or conceive in his head any such exploit, after the subversion of Christian faith, and law of God, after the slaughter of the king, and of all manner of estates, as well spiritual as temporal, in the Realm of England, after the desolation of holy Church, to destroy also all manner of policy, and finally the laws of the land? Which monstruous and incredible figment, how true it may seem to M. Cope, or to some other late Chroniclers of the like credulity, I can not tell: Certain to me, and as I think to all indifferent readers it appeareth as true, as is the Verse of the Satire, wherewith it may well be compared.  
Nil intra est oleam, 
Objection.  nil extra est in nuce duri.  
But here will be said again perhaps, that the matter of such preambles and prefaces being but pursuantes of statutes, and containing but words of course, to aggravate, and to give a show of a thing, which they would to seem more audible to the people, is not so precisely to be scanned or exquisitely to be stand upon, as for the ground of a necessary case of troth.  
This is it (M. Cope) that I said before, 
Answer.  and now do well grant & admit the same, that such preambles or forefaces lined with a non sequitur, containing in them matter but of surmise, and words of course (and rather monsters out of course) and many times rising upon false information, are not always in themselves material, or necessary probations in all points to be followed: as appeareth both by this statute, & also by the statute of this kings father. an. 2. Heur. 4. chap. 15. beginning Excellentissimo. etc. 
Ex originals statut. Hen. 4. cap. 15.  And yet notwithstanding out of these same preambles, & forefrontes of statutes, & other indictments, which commonly rising upon matter of information, 
The reason and cause, how chroniclers oft times be deceived.  run only upon words of course of office, and not upon simple truth, a great part of our Chroniclers do often take their matter, which they insert into their stories, having no respect or examination of circumstances to be compared, but only following bare rumours, or else such words as they see in such fabling prefaces, or indictments expressed. Whereby it cometh so to pass, 
Alanus Copus deceived by his chroniclers.  that the younger Chronicler following the elder, as the blind leading the blind, both together fall into the pit of error. And you also (master Cope) following the steps of the same, do seem likewise to err together with them, for good fellowship. And thus concerning the face of this statute hitherto sufficiently.  
Now let us consider and discuss in like manner, first the coherence, than the particular contents of the said statute. As touching the which coherence, if it be well examined, a man shall find almost a Chimaera of it. In which neither the head accordeth with the body, nor yet the branches of the statute well agree with themselves. Wherein he that was the drawer, 
Horat. ar●, Poet.  or first informer thereof, seemeth to have forgot his Verse and art Poetical.  
Atque ita mentitur, sic veris falsa remiscet,  
Primum ne medio, medium ne discrepet imo.  
For where as the preface of the statute standeth only upon matter of treason, conceived by false suggestion and wrong information. The body of the said statute which should follow upon the same, runneth only upon matter of heresy, pertaining to the Ordinaries, as by every branch thereof may appear.  

(F) (F)  For first where he saith, at the instance & request of the ordinaries or their commissaries. 
The body of the statute an. 2. Reg Hen. 5. cap. 7. examined.  etc. Hereby it appeareth, this to be no cause of treason, nor felony. For that every man of duty is bound, and by the laws of the Realm may arrest & apprehend a traitor, or a felon, if he can: where otherwise by this statute an officer is not bound to arrest him which offendeth in case of this statute, without request made by the ordinaries or their commissaries, and therefore this offence seemeth neither to be treason, nor felony.  

(G) (G)  Secondly, where it followeth that the same ordinaries and commissaries do pay for their costs, etc. This allowance of the officers charges in this sort, proveth this offence neither treason nor felony.  

(H) (H)  Thirdly, where the statute willeth the king to be answered of the year, day, & waste, etc. By this also is proved the offence not to be treason. Or else in cases of treason, the whole inheritance (I trow, master Cope, speaking as no great skilful lawyer) is forfeit to the prince.  

(I) (I)  The fourth argument I take out of these words of the statute, where as such lands and tenements which be holden of the ordinaries, are willed wholly to remain to the king as forfeit, etc. whereby it is manifest, that the Prelates (for their matter of Lollardie only) were the occasioners and procurers of this statute: and therefore were barred of the benefit of any forfetrising thereby, as good reason was, they should. And thus it is notorious, that the preface running specially and principally upon treason, and the statute running altogether upon points of heresy, do not well cohere nor join together.  

(K) (K)  Fiftly, In that such persons indicted, shall be delivered unto the Ordinaries of the places, etc. It can not be denied, but that this offence concerneth no manner of treason. For so much as Ordinaries can not be judges in cases of treason, or felony, by the laws of our Realm, Bracton, in fine. 1. Libri.  

(L) (L)  Sixtly, by the inditements provided not to be taken in evidence, but only for information, before the judges spiritual, etc. it is likewise to be noted: to what end these inditements were taken, to wit, only to inform the ordinaries, which can not be in cases of treason.  

(M) (M)  Lastly, where it followeth toward the end of that statute, touching escape or breaking of prison, etc. by this it may lightly be smelled, whereto all the purpose of this statute driveth, that is, to the special escape of the L. Cobham out of that Tower, 
justice Stanford of the pleas of the crown. lib. 1. cap. 33.  to this end to have his lands & possessions forfeit unto the King. And yet the same escape of the Lord Cobham in this statute considered, is taken by Master justice Stanford in Lib. primo of the pleas of the crown cap 33. to be an escape of one arrested for heresy, where he speaketh of the case of the Lord Cobham.  
Moreover as touching the parts of this foresaid statute, how will you join these two branches together, where as in the former part is said, that the lands of such persons connict, shall be forfeit to the king, not before they be dead: And afterward it followeth, that their goods and possessions shall be forfeit at the day of their arrest, to that king. But herein standeth no such great doubt nor matter to be weighed. This is without all doubt, and notoriously, evidently, and most manifestly may appear, by all the arguments and whole purport of the statute: that as well the preamble and preface thereof, 
The first procurers of this statute.  as the whole body of the said statute was made, framed, & procured only by and through the instigation, information, and excitation of the Prelates, & the Popish Clergy, not so much for any treason committed against the king: but only for fear and hatred of Lollardy, tending against their law, which they more dreaded & abhorred, then ever any treason against the Prince. And then to set the king & all the states against them, whereby the more readily to work their dispatch, they thought it best and none so compendious a policy, 
Practise of prelate's to couple treason with heresy.  as prettily to join treason together with their Lollardry. Wherein the poor men being once entangled, could no ways escape destruction. Papae concilium callidum.  
This M. Cope, have I said, and say again, not as one absolutely determining upon the matter. At the doing whereof as I was not present myself, so with your own Halle, I may and do leave it at large, but as one leading the reader by all conjectures and arguments of probability and of due circumstances, to consider with themselves, what is further to be thought in these old accustomed practices and proceedings of these prelate's. Protesting moreover (M. Cope) in this matter to you, that those Chroniclers which you so much ground upon, I take them in this matter, neither as witnesses sufficient, nor as judges competent. Who as they were not themselves present at the deed done, no more than I, but only following uncertain rumours, and words of course and office, bringing with them no certain trial of that which they do affirm, may therein both be deceived themselves, and also deceive you, and other which depend upon them.  
And hitherto concerning this statute enough. Out of which statute you see (M. Cope) that neither your Chroniclers, nor you can take any great advantage, to prove any treason in the Lord Cobham or in his fellows, as hath been hitherto abundantly declared in the premises. 
Alanus Copus. pag. 833. lin. 4.   
It remaineth further, that for as much as you in your fixed Dialogue with your author Edward Halle, do allege the records Et publica judicij Acta, to dissame these men for traitors (although what records they be, you bring forth never a word) I therefore in their defence do answer for them, which can not now answer for themselves. And because you, to accuse them do mention a certain record, and yet do not show us what record it is, and peradventure can not, if ye would: I have taken the pains therefore, for the love of them whom you so hate, to search out such Records, whereby any occasion can be raised against them. And first will declare the commission granted, than the indictment commenced against them.  
The which commission, and indictment, albeit in countenance of words will seem to minister much suspicion against them, to the simple Reader, before he be better acquainted with these subtle dealings and practices of Prelates: yet trusting upon the goodness of the cause, which I see here so falsely and slightly to be handled, I nothing fear nor doubt, to produce the same out of the Records in Latin as they stand: to the intent that when the crafty handling of the adversaries shall be disclosed, the true simplicity of the innocent, to the true hearted Reader, shall the more better appear. The words first of the Commission, here follow under written: which when thou shalt hear, let them not trouble thy mind, gentle reader, I beseech thee, before thou understand further, what packing and subtle conveyance lieth covered and hid under the same.  

¶ In Rotulo patent. de anno primo Henrici quinti.  
R. Dilectis & fidelibus suis Willielmo Roos de Hamlak, 
The words of Commission against the Lord Cobham.  Henrico le Scrop. Willielmo Croiomere maiori Civitatis suae London. Hugoni Huls, johanni Preston, & joanni Mertin salutem. Sciatis quòd cum nos plenius (A) informemur, ac notorie & manifest dinoscatur, quôd quam plures subditi nostri Lollardi vulgarie nuncupati, ac alij mortem nostram contra ligeanciae suae debitum proditorie imaginaverunt, ac quam plura alia, tam in fidei catholicae, quàm status dominorum & magnatum regni nostri Angl. tam spiritualium quam temporalium destructionem proposuerunt, ac diversas congregationes, & alia conventicula illicita pro nephando proposito suo in hac part per implend. secerunt in nostri exheredationem ac Regni nostri destructionem manifestam: Nos huiusmodi Lollardos ac alios praedictos, juxta eorum demerita in hac part castigari & puniri volentes, ac de fidelitate & circumspectione vestris plenius confidentes: assignavimus vos quinque, quatuor, & tres vestrum, quorum vos praefati maior & Hugo, duos esse volumus justice. nostros, ad inquirend. per sacrum proborum & legal. hominum de civitate praedicta & suburbijs eiusdem, ac de Com. Midd. tam infr. libertates, quam extr. per quos rei veritas melius sciri poterit de omnibus & singulis proditionibus & insurrectionibus per huius modi Lollardoes in civitate, suburbijs, & com predictis factis & perpetratis, nec non de omnimodo proditionibus insurrectionibns, rebellionibus, & felonijs in civitate, suburbijs, & com. praedictis, per quoscunque, & qualitercunque factis sive perpetratis, & ad easdem proditiones insurrectiones, rebelliones, & felonias audiend. & terminand. secundum legem & consuetudinem Regni nostri. Angl. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod ad certos, etc. quos, etc. quorum, etc. ad hoc provideritis diligentes super premissis fac. inquisitiones & premissa omnia & singula audiatis & terminetis in forma praedicta facturi, etc. Saluis, etc. Mandavimus enim vicecomitibus nostris Lond. & Midd. quod ad certos, etc. quos, etc. quorum, etc. eius seire fac. venire facietis coram vobis, etc. quorum, etc. tot etc. de Balliva sua, tam infr. libertates, quam extra per quos etc. & inquiri. In cuius etc. T.R. apud Westm. (B) x. die januarij. 
(B)  Peripsum Regem.   
By these high and tragical words in this commission sent down against the Lord Cobham, Sir Roger Acton, and their fellows: It may peradventure seem to the ignorant and simple reader, some heinous crime of treason to rest in them, for conspiring against God, the Church, the king & their country. But what cannot the fetching practice o● the Romish Prelates bring about, where they have once conceived a malice? Wherefore marvel not (good trader) at this, nor judge thou according to the words which thou hearest. But suspend thy judgement a while, till the matter be more opened unto thee. Examples of like handling be not so rare, but thou mayst soon judge by other times the like also of these. George Egle, of whom mention was made before, did but preach in time of Queen Mary, an● yet commission was directed against him, as in case of raising up a commotion against the Queen. Adam Damlip in Cahce did but preach, 
Examples of 〈◊〉 false●● accused ●or treasons.  & the receiving of one poor crown 2. years before at Rome was enough to make him a traitor▪ In the time of K▪ Henry the 8▪ on● Singleton chaplain to Queen Anne, the Queen's majesties mother that now is, did but preach 〈◊〉 Gospel, moved by zeal (as I have credible witness of his own, scholar that heard him speak it being with him)▪ & ye●, by virtue of commission it was objected to him: for raising up commotion against the king, yea and also for killing of Pakington, & suffered for the same as a traitor. So here, what matter or marvel is it, if the king ●●censed, or rather circumvented by the wrong information of the Prelates (whom he believed) gave out his commission, against things never wrought nor thought.  
Wherefore I exhort thee (Christian Reader) as I said before, judge not by and by the truth, by the words of the Commission: but judge the words rather of the Commission by the truth. Neither measure thou the line by the stone: But the stone rather by the line. At least yet differ thy sentence, till both the Commission and the Indictment being laid together, thou mayest afterward see and perceive more, what is to be judged in the case.  
In the mean season mark well these words of the king in this Commission, 
(A)  (A) Cum nos plenius informe●ur etc. By the which words it is easy to be understand, that the king himself had no certain knowledge thereof, but only by information of others, (of Bishops no doubt & Prelates) & thereupon gave forth his Commission aforesaid. And then how will this stand with our Chroniclers & other Epitomes and Summaries whom Master Cope doth allege. For if it be certain that Robert Fabian saith, that the king himself being in the field took certain of them, as Sir Roger Acton, Master Browne, and john Beverlay, 
Ou● English Chroniclers examined by the words of this Commission.  & your own Edw. Hall, also & your Epitome agreeth to the same, and saith moreover that they were brought before the kings presence. Tho. Couper also whom you allege, addeth further and saith, that the king there by strength did take them.  
I pray you (Master Cope) what needed the king to write this by information, when as he both himself was present at the fact, was the taker of them, and a witness of the deed? The which and if it be true, that the king heard this but by way of information, how will you then defend your Chronicos and your Epitomas. But herein I will neither greatly stick with you, nor contend with them: Desiring thee Reader this only to bear in mind the date of this present Commission when it was given, 
(B) (B)  which soundeth to be the x. day of january, & afterward to compare the same with the date of Indictment here under following, which I will (the Lord willing) also hereunto annex, leaving nothing out: Yea rather ministering to the adversary all manner of helps, whatsoever they can seek or require for their most advantage in this matter, to be desired. So sure and confident I am in the innocent cause of these good men nor fearing whatsoever blind malice can cavil against them.  

¶ The Indictment of the Lord Cobham, Sir Roger Acton and others, with notes following upon the same.  
PArliamenta coronae coram domino rege apud Westm. de termino sancti Hillarij, anno regni regis Henrici quinti, post conque. primo Rot. seven. inter parliamenta regis. Alias coram Gulielmo Roos de Hamlak, Henrico le Scrop, Gulielmo Crowmere maiore civitatis London, Hugone Huls & socijs justice. domini regis, ad inquirend. per sacram. proborum & legal. hominum de civitate domini regis London, & suburbijs eiusdem, ac de Com. Midd. tam infra libertates, quam extra de omnibus et singulis proditionibus & insurrectionibus, per quam plures subditos domini regis Lollardos vulgarit. nuncupatos, et alios in civitate, suburbijs, et com. predictis factis et perpetratis, nec non de omnibus proditionibus, insurrectionibus, rebellionibus, et felonijs in civitate, suburbijs, et com. pred. per quoscunque et qualitercunque factis, sive perpetratis, et ad easdem proditiones, insurrectiones, rebelliones, et felonias audiend. et terminand. secundum legem et consuetudinem regni domini regis Angliae, per literas ipsius domini Regis patentes, assign. apud west. die Mercurij 
(A) (A)  proximo post festum Epiphaniae domini ano regni ni regis Henrici quinti post conquestum primo, 
(B) (B)  per sacram. xij. jur. extitit presenta●ū: quod Ibhamnes Oldcastle de Coulyng in Com. Ran●ich●et alij Lollardi y●ulgar nuncupat. qui contra fidem catholicam diversas opiniones hereticas, et alios errores manifestos legi catholicae repugnantes a di● temerarie tenuerunt, opiniones et errores praedictos manute●ere, at in facto minime perimplere valentes, quandiu regia potestas er tam st●tus regal. dou●i●● nost●i regis, quam status et officium prelaciae dignitatis infra regnum Angl●m prosperitare perseverarent falso et proditorie machi●●ndo, tam statum regni▪ quam statum et officium praelatorum, nec●on ordines religiosorum infra dictum regnum Angl. peni●us adnullare. Ac dominum nostrum regem, fra●res suos, prelatos, et alios magnat●s ●iusde● regni interficere, necnon viros religiosos, relict. cult. 〈◊〉 et religiosis obseruancijs ad occupationes mundanas pro●●care, et ta ecclesias cathedrales, quam alias ecclesias et domos religio●as de rel●quis et alijs bonis ecclesiasticis totaliter spoliareacfunditus ad terram prosternere, et dictum johannem Oldcastel, 
(C) (C)  Regente● esusdem regni constituere, et quam plura regimina secun 〈◊〉 eor●●i voluntate infra regnum praedictum 
(D) (D)  quasi gens sine capito in finale destructionem, tamsidei catholicae et cleri quam status et maiestatis dignitatis regal, infra idem regnum ordinare, falso et proditorie ordinaverunt et proposuerunt, quod ipse insimul cum quampluribus rebellibus domini regis 
(E) (E)  ignotis ad numerum vigniti millium hominum de diversis partibus regni Angl. modo guerrino ariuat. 
(F) (F)  privatim insurgent. et die Mercurij proximo 
(G) (G)  post festum Epiphaniae domini anno regni regis predicti predicto apud villam et parochiam sancti Egigij 
(H) (H)  extra Barram veteris Templi London. in quodam magno campo ibidem. vna●imi●. convenirent et insimul obuiarent pro nephando p●oposito suo in premissis perimplend quo quide die Mercurij apud villam et parochiam predictas predicti I Oldcastel et alij in hmodi proposito pro ditorio perseverantes, predictum dominum nostrumregem, fratres suos, videlicet, (H) Thomam ducem Clarenciae, johannem de Lancastre, & Humfredum de Lancastre, necnon prelatos & magnates predictos interficere, necnon ipsum dominum nostrum Regem & heredes suos de regno suo predicto exheredare, & premissa omnia & singula, necnon quamplura alia mala & intolerabilia facere & perimplere falso & proditorie proposu erunt & imaginaverunt (I) & ibidem versus campum predictum modo guerrino arriati. proditorie modo insurrectionis contra ligeancias suas equitaverunt ad debellandum dictum Dominum nostrum Regem, nisi per ipsum manu forti gratiose impediti suissent. Quod quidem inditament Dominus Rex nunc, certis de causis coram eo ventre fecit terminandum. Per quod preceptum suit vic. quod non omitteret, etc. quin caperet prefatum johannem Oldcastle, si etc. Et saluo etc. Ita quod haberet corpus eius coram Domino Rege, apud Westmonasterium ad hunc diem, scilicet die Mercurij proximo post octavas sancti Hillarij isto eodem termino ad respondendum Domino Regi de premissis etc. Ad quos diem & locum, coram domino Rege vic. quod exigifaceret eum de com. in com. quousque utlagetur si non etc. Et si etc. tunc eum caperet, & saluo etc. Ita quod haberent corpus eius coram Domino Rege in octavas Sancti johannis baptist ex tunc proximum sequē. ubicunque etc. ad respondendum domino Regi de proditionibus, & felonijs superius sibi impositis. Ad quas octavas sancti johannis baptist, an. regni R. Henrici quinti post conquestum secundo, johann Sutton, & Io. Michael vic. Mid. coram domino Rege returnaverunt quod ad com. Midd. centum apud Braynford die iovis proximo ante festum S. Barnabae Apostoli, an. reg. R. Hen. quint. post conquestum secundo. Et ad quatuor com. ex tunc ex proximo precedentes predictus johannes Oldcastle exactus fuit, & non comparuit. Et quia ad nullum eorundem com. comparuit. Ideo presentibus coronatoribus com. predicti vtlagat● fuit, per quod inquiratur de terra & catallis suis.    

¶ Notes or considerations upon the Indictment and Commission above prefixed.  

(A) (A)  Die Mercurij proximo post festum Epiphaniae. etc. 
The first note concerning the date and day both ●f the Commission & of the verdict of the Iurers concurring on one day.  ¶ First here is to be noted & considered (good reader) the day and date of giving out the Commission, & then of the Verdict presented by the Iurers, which was both in one day, that is, on the Wednesday next after the epiphany, in the first year of the reign of king Henry 5. which was the x. day of the month of january (as the date of the Commission saith) an. 1413. after the use of England, or after the Romish use. an. 1414. So that after the use ever we count whether it be an. 1413. or else an. 1414. the Dominical letter beginning at the first day of january to change, must needs be G. for the year: & so necessarily make Wednesday next after the Epyphanie, to be the x. day of the said month of january. Thus than this present Wednesday, which was the tenth day of the month, being well noted and borne in mind, on the which day both the Commission was directed, & also the Verdict presented, let us now proceed further in the foresaid juditement. It followeth.  

(B) (B)  Per Sacramentum xij. iuratorum extitit praesentatum. etc. ¶ If there had been true dealing in this, 
The second note of the names of the Iurers left out.  the Iurers should have been named. But it is not like, that there was ever any such Indictment found by any Iurers, and therefore they did best, not to name the jurors, lest they would have denied this juditement to be their Act: it followeth more in process of the Indictment.  

(C) (C)  Et dictum joan. Oldcastel Regentem Eiusdem regni constituere▪ 
The 3. argument by making a Regent, the king being not yet gone over.  etc. ¶ If there were no other argument, this were sufficient to disprove the manifest untruth of this surmised Indictment. When as the king was not yet gone to France, nor determined to go, how could they conspire then to make a Regent? For the king went in july following, vidz. the second year of his reign, leaving behind him the Queen his mother in law, for Regent, whereby it may be gathered, that this matter was untruly entered and stolen into the Records with an antedate, or else at the least, there appeareth manifest untruth, that they should conspire to make a Regent, when a Regent was not thought upon, unless it were all ready run into the heads of the Clergy, who shortly after fearing their temporalities (as Caxton saith) persuaded the King to make wars in France. This word Regent therefore proceedeth of the secret spirit of the Clergy, and maketh the whole matter very suspicious, to be grounded altogether upon the malice of the Clergy, and their untrue surmises. It followeth moreover.  

(D) (D)  Quasi gens sine capite in finalem destructionem. etc. ¶ Now doth this stand with that goeth before, 
The 5. argument by contrariety.  that they conspired to make a Regent, except you will say that to make a Regent is to be a people without an head? It followeth.  

(E) (E)  Cum quam pluribus rebellibus dicti regis ignotis ad numerum viginti millium hominum. 
The 6. argument, by the persons unknown.  etc. ¶ A strange matter that they should know of the conspiracy of twenty thousand, and yet know of no more names of the rebels, but the Lord Cobham only, or one or two more. And all the rest were ignoti.  

(F) (F)  Privatim insurgentes. etc. ¶ This smelleth of the Clergies own penning, 
The 7. argument by the unskilful penning.  without any great advise of learned counsel: for otherwise such as had been herein skilful, would never have put in privatim insurgentes.  

(G) (G)  Die Mercurij proximo post festum Epiphaniae D. anno R.R. praedicto, 
The 8. argument by the date and tyme.  etc. ¶ This Wednesday next after the epiphany, was the x. day of the month of january, and the same day when both the conspiracy was put in execution, and the same day when the commission was given out to inquire, also when the fact was by enquiry presented. Whereby it may seem a strange thing that so great a conspiracy known beforehand, was not suppressed nor inquired of by any commission, but only by a commission bearing date of the same day, upon which day by the purport of the Indictment, the conspiracy should have been put in execution, by open rebellion, as it is aforesaid.  

(H) (H)  Praedictum D. nostrum Regemfratres suos videl. Thomam Ducem Clarentiae, 
The 9 argument, by error and wrong naming the Dukes.  joannem de Lancastre, & Humfredum de Lancastre, etc. ¶ If the kings learned counsel had dealt in this Indictment, as in case of treason they should have done, if it had been a matter of truth, they would never have handled it so slenderly, and wrongly, as to name the Dukes of Bedford, and of Gloucester: john of Lancaster, and Dumfrey of Lancaster, who were made Dukes in the 13. year of the reign of King Henry the fourth their father, as appeareth by Caxtones' Chronicle.  

(I) (I)  Et ibidem versus campum praedictum, modo guerrino arriati proditorie modo insurrectionis, 
The 10. note or argument by the absence of the party.  contra ligeantias suas equitaverunt ad rebellandum dictum D. nostrum regem, etc. ¶ This is falsified by plain evidence of histories. And Cope himself confesseth no less. For he so saith and confesseth page line That Sir john Oldcastle was not there in person, but only, that his consent and good will was there.  

The 11. note or argument.  Again, seeing this equitation or riding toward Saint Giles field was upon the Wednesday next after the feast of Epiphany (as in this Indictment and process of outlawry is above testified) which was the tenth day of january, and commission also the same day was charged, and the jewry moreover impanelled the same day, & yet no jewrer named: Item, the verdict the same day presented, how all these can concur together, and all in one day, let the reader after he have well considered the matter, use his judgement therein, not only whether it be like, but also whether it be possible.  
Over and beside all this it is to be noted, that if this matter had been truly and duly handled, 
The 12. note or argument.  as touching the reason, than had it not been needful to have brought sir john Oldcastle into the Parliament house; 
The L. Co●. sir R. Act●●, etc. proved no traito●●.  before the Lords to have had his judgement. For by the outlawry (if it had been true) he was 〈◊〉, and without aim more add should hau● had judgement in the King's Bench as a Traitor. But the chief justice knowing the handling of the matter, durst not belike enterprise so far. Wherefore i● was devised, that he should certify the record 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉, which he did together, with the Bishop's 〈◊〉 filled to the ●ecord, which was very strange.  
And thereupon the Lords gave such a judgement, as was not due for a Traitor. For that they gave no judgement, that he should be drawn, hanged, and set down alive, and then 〈◊〉 welled and quartered, which is the judgement of a Traitor. And albeit the Parliament might have attainted him without any more ado: And by the same Act of atteinder have ordained a special judgement, as they should think good: yet when he was before atteinted by the outlawry, they could not lawfully vary from the common judgement of ●reason. At lest how could or should the judgement of Sir Roger Acton, Master Browne, and john Beverley, who were judged in the Buildhall before and without the Parliament, vary from the said common judgement of Traitors, if they had truly committed, and been convicted of such high treason?  
Add this moreover to the foresaid Notes: that if Sir john Oldcastle after his escape out of prison, 
The 13. note or argument.  had been culpable and so atteinted of that high treason, whereby his lands had been immediately forfeit unto the King by the process of his outlawry: What needed the king then in the second year of his reign, in the Parliament after holden at Leycester, have made that proviso to have his lands forfeit to him by virtue of Parliament, upon his escape on the day of his arrest: when as the lands and cat-tail of his had been forfeit before, by the process of the outlawry, as is before specified?  
Thus you see (Master Cope) how little advantage you can wrest out of this Commission and indictment against the Lord Cobham and his fellows to prove them traitors. And admit the said Lord Cobham was attainted of treason by the Act, and that the King, the Lords, and the Commons assented to the Act: yet it hindeth not in such sort (as if in deed he were no Traitor) that any man may not by search of the truth utter and set forth sincerely and justly the very true cause whereby his death happed and followed.  
Thus then having sufficiently cleared the Lord Cobham and his partners, 
Answer to the allegation of Fabian, Polydore, and Hall, etc.  from all that you can object unto them out of records and statutes: let us now come to your English Chroniclers, wherewith you seem to press me, & to oppress them whom ye name to be Robert Fabian, Edward Halle, Polydore Virgilius, Thomas Cooper, Richard Grafton, with other brief Epitomes and Summaries, etc. Concerning which authors, as I have not to say, but to their commendation in this place: so if that you had avonched the same, to the commendation rather than to the reproof of other, I would better have commended your nature, and believed your cause. But now like a spidercatcher sucking out of every one, what is the worst, to make up your leystall, you heap up a dunghill of dirty Dialogues containing nothing in them but malicious railing, virulent slanders, manifest untruths, opprobrious contumelies, & stinking blasphemies, able almost to corrupt & infect the air. Such is the malady & cacoethes of your pen, the it beginneth to bark, before it hath learned well to write. Which pen of yours notwithstanding I do not here reproach nor contemn, as neither do I greatly fear the same. God of his mercy keep the sword out of the Papists hand, it is not the pen of the papists I greatly pass upon, though xx. Copes, and so many surplice, were set against the book of Monuments, were I so disu●sed (Master Cope) to dally, or as the Breckes do say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and to repay again as I am provoked. But in despiteful railing, and in this Satirical sort of barking I give you over, and suffer you therein to pass not only yourself, but also Cerberus himself if ye will, 
Modesty commended in writers.  the great bandog of Pluto. Mildness and humanity rather beseemeth and is the grace of the Latin phrase. If ye could hit upon the vain thereof, it would win you much more honesty, with all honest men. But the Lord hereafter may call you, which I beseech him to do, and to forgive you that you have done.  
In the meave time seeing this your prattling pen must needs be walking, yet this you might have learned of these your own authors whom you allege, more civilly to have rempered your fume, in exclaiming against them, whose cause is to you not perfectly known. And now briefly to answer to these your foresaid writers, as witnesses produced against these men: 
Two things to be observed i● story writers.  there be 2. things (as I take it) in these chronicle writers to be considered: First the grounds which they follow: secondly in what place they serve.  
As touching the order and ground of writing among these Chronicles, ye must consider, and cannot be ignorant that as none of all these by you forenamed, 
The ground of histories to be considered.  was present at the deed, nor witness of the fact, so have they nothing of themselves herein certainly to affirm, but either must follow public rumour and hearsay for their author, or else one of them must borrow of another. Whereof neither seemeth to me sufficient. For as public rumour is never certain: so one author may soon deceive an other.  
By reason whereof it cometh oft to pass, that as these story writers hit many times the truth, so again all is not the gospel that they do write. 
All things not true, that be found in stories.  Wherefore great respect is here to be had, either not to credit rashly every one that writeth stories, or else to see what grounds they have whom we do follow.  
Now to demand (M. Cope) of you, what authority or foundation hath your Robert Fabian, hath Polydore Virgil, Edward Hal, and other of your authors to prove these men to be traitors? What authority do they avouch? what acts, what registers, what records, or out of what court do they show? or what demonstration do they make? And do you think it sufficient, because these men do only affirm it, without any further probation, with your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, therefore we are bound to believe it? Take me not so (M. Cope) that I do here diminish any thing or derogate from the credit of those writers you allege, whose labours have deserved well, and serve to great utility: but coming now to trial of a matter lying in controversy between us, we are now forced to seek out the fountain and bottom of the truth, where it is not enough to say, so it is, but the cause is to be showed, why it is so affirmed. And what though Robert Fabian, Polydore Uirgile, and Edward Hall, 
Words without probation are not sufficient in story matters.  should all together (as they do not) agree in the treason of sir john Oldcastle and of the rest, yet neither is this any sufficient surety to prove them traitors. Considering that writers of stories for most part following either blind report: or else one taking of an other, use commonly all to sound together after one tune, tanquam Dodonaei lebetes, so that as one saith, all say, and if one err, all do err. Wherefore you see M. Cope, how it is not sufficient nor sure to stick only to the names and authorities of Chronographers, unless the ground be found substantial whereupon they stand themselves. Which yet in none of these whom you have produced, doth appear.  
Secondly, in alleging and writing of Chronicles is to be considered to what place and effect they serve. 
Chroniclers how far, and to what effect they serve.  If ye would show out of them the order & course of times, what years were of dearth and of plenty, where kings kept their Christenmasse, what condites were made, what Majors and sheriffs were in London, what battles were fought, what triumphs and great feasts were held, when kings began their reign, and when they ended. etc. In such vulgar and popular affairs, the narration of the Chronicler serveth to good purpose, & may have his credit, wherein the matter forceth not much, whether it be true or false, or whether any listeth to believe them. But where as a thing is denied, and in cases of judgement, and in controversies doubtful, which are to be decided and bolted out by evidence of just demonstration: I take them neither for judges of the bench, not for arbiters of the cause, nor as witnesses of themselves sufficient necessarily to be sticked unto. Albeit I deny not but histories are taken many times, and so termed for witnesses of times, and glasses of antiquity. etc. yet not such witnesses, as whose testimony beareth always a necessary truth and bindeth belief.  
The two witnesses which came against Susanna, being seniors both of ancient years, bore a great countenance of a most evident testimony, whereby they almost both deceived the people, & oppressed the innocent: had not young Daniel by the holy spirit of God, have take them aside, and severally examining them one from the other, 
Histories not rashly to be believed.  found them to be falsliers both, leaving to us thereby a lesson of wholesome circumspection, not rashly to believe every one that cometh: and also teaching us, how to try them out. Wherefore (M. Cope) following here the like example of Daniel in trying these your records whom ye infer against these men we will in like manner examine them, severally one from an other, 
The testimony of Fabian 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Cobham ●●●mined.  and see how their testimony agreeth: first beginning with your Robert Fabian. Which Robert Fabian being neither in the same age, nor at the deed doing, can of himself give no credit herein, without due proof, and evidence convenient.  
Now then doth Rob. Fabian prove this matter of treason true? what probation doth he bring? what authority doth he allege? And doth Rob. Fabian think, if he were not disposed to conceive of the L. Cobham, and those men a better opinion but to be traitors, that men are bound to believe him only at his word, without any ground or cause declared, why they should so do, but only because he so saith and pleased him so to write? And if ye think (M. Cope) the word only of this witness sufficient to make authority speaking against the Lord Cobham, and proving nothing which followed so many years after him: 
The testimony of Rich. Belward for the L. Cobham.  why may not I as well and much rather take the word and testimony of Richard Belward a Norfolk man, and of the town of Crisam, who living both in his time, & possible knowing the party, & punished also for the like truth, is not reported, but recorded also in the registers of the church of Norwich, 
Ex Regist. Episc Noruic.  to give this testimony among other his articles, for the foresaid L. Cobham, that is, that sir john Oldcastle was a true Catholic man and falsely condemned, and put to death without a reasonable cause. etc. Ex Regist. Noruic.  
Against this man if you take exception & say, that one heretic will hold with an other: why may not I with the like exception reply to you again, & say as well, one Papist hold with an other, and both conjure together, to make and say the worst against a true Protestant.  
Further, yet to examine this foresaid Fabian, witness against Sir john Oldcastle, as Daniel examined that witnesses against Susanna. I will not here ask under what tree these adherentes of sir I. Oldcastle conspired against the king, & subversion of that land, but in what time, in what year and month this conspiracy was wrought? Fabian witnesseth that it was in the month of january. 
Witnesses against the L. Cobham 〈◊〉 not together.  Contrary Edward Hall & other our Abridgementers following him, do affirm that they were condemned in the Guild hall the xij. of December, and that their execution upon the same was in january following, so that by their sentence the fact was done either in the month of December, or else before, & so Fabianus mentitus est in caput suum, ut cum daniel dicam, or if it were in the month of january as Fabian saith, then is Hall and his followers deceived, testifying the fact to be done in the month of December.  
And yet to object moreover against the said Fabian, 
Fabian convict of a manifest untruth in his story of the L. Cobham Fabian. part. 7. in ●ita Henr. 5. pag. 390.  for so much as he is such a rash witness against these burned persons whom he calleth traitors: it would be demanded further of him, or in his absence of Master Cope, in what year this treason was conspired? If it were in the same year (as he confesseth himself) in which year john Cleidon the Skinner, & Richard Turmine Baker were burned, then was it neither in the month of january, nor in the first year of king Henry the fift. For in the register of Canterbury it appeareth plain, that john Claydon was condemned neither in the time of Thom. Arundel Archbishop nor yet in the first nor second year of king Henry the v. 
Ex regist. Archiep. Cant.  but was condemned in the second year of the translation of Henry Chichesly, Archbishop of Canterbury, the. 17. day of August, which was the year of our Lord. 1415. So that if this conspiracy was in the same year (after the witness of Fabian) in which year I. Cleydon was burned, then doth the testimony of Fabian neither accord with other witnesses, nor with himself, nor yet with truth. And thus much concerning the witness of Rob. Fabian.  
Let us next proceed to Polidore Virgil, whose partial and untrue handling of our history in other places of of his books, 
The testimony of Polydore examined.  doth offer unto us sufficient exception not to admit his credit in this. And yet because we will rather examine him, then exclude him, let us hear a little what he saith, & how he faileth, & in how many points, numbering the same upon my five fingers.  
First ending with the life of king Henry 4. he sayeth, 
5. Vntruhes of Polydore noted in one story.  that he reigned 14. 14. years and 6. months and 2. days. Angl. hist. lib. 21. which is an untruth, worthy to be punished with a whole years banishment (to speak after the manner of Apulenis) when as truth is, he reigned by the testimony of the story of S. Alban's, of Fabian, of Hall, of our old English Chronicle, and of Scala mundi, but 13. & 6. months, 
1. Untruth.  lacking as some say 5. days, Hal saith he reigned but 12. years.  
The second untruth of Polydore is this, 
2. Untruth.  where as he speaking of this sedition of sir john Oldcastle and his adherents, affirmeth the same to be done after the burning of john Hus, and of Jerome of prague, which was sayeth he An. 1415. in which year (saith he) Thomas Arundel died. His words be these: In eodem concilio damnata est joh. Wicliffi haeresis, ac joan. Hus, & Hieronymus Pragensis in ea urbe combusti sunt. Quod ubi reliquis consocijs, qui etiam tunc in Anglia erant, patefit, tanquam furijs agitati primùm coniurationes in omnes sacerdotes, deinde in regem. etc. In which words he not only erreth, falsely assigning the cause and occasion of this sedition to the death of john Hus, and of Jerome, but also misseth as much in the order and computation of the years. For neither was sir Roger Acton with his foresaid fellows alive at the time of the council, neither doth he agree therein with any of our English writers, except only with Hall, who also erreth therein as wide as he.  

3. 4. Untruth.  For the third and fourth untruth I note this, where he addeth and saith, that after this rebellion raised against the king, the said sir john Oldcastel being there present himself, was taken and prisoned in the tower, and afterward escaped out of the said tower by night, wherein is contained a double untruth. For neither was Sir john Oldcastle there present himself, if we believe Fabian and Cope, Dial. 6. pag. 833 lin 11. nether yet did he ever escape out of the Tower after that conspiracy, 
Gopus pag. 833. lin 11.  if ever any such conspiracy was.  

5. Untruth.  His v. but not the last untruth in Polydore is this, that he saith, Tho. Arundel to have died in the same year, noting the year to be An. 1415. where as by the true registers he died. An. 1413.  

another Untruth in Polydore noted.  To this untruth an other also may be joined, where he erring in the computation of the years of the said Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury, reporteth him to sit 33. years. Who was there Archbishop but only 18. years, as is to be seen in the records of Canterbury. The words of Polydore be these: Thomas Arundellius Cantuariensis antistes annum iam tunc sedens tertium & trigesimum e vita excessit lib. 22. Ang. hist. All be it in this I do not greatly contend with Polydore, and peradventure the adversary will find some easy shift for this matter.  
But let us pass now from Polydore, not (as they say) out of the hall into the kitchine, 
The testimony of Hall against the L. Cobham examined.  but out of the kitchine unto the hall, examining and perpending what saith Edward Hall an other witness in this matter: upon whom master Cope bindeth so fast, that he supposeth his knot is never able to be loosed. And moreover so treadeth me down under his feet in the dirt (as a man would think him some dirtdaubers son) so that the spots thereof he sayeth, will never be gotten out while the world standeth, & a day longer. notwithstanding I trust M. Cope that your dirty pen with your cockish brags hath not so bedaubed and bespotted me, nor yet convicted me to be such a depraver of histories, but I hope to sponge it out. At least way, with a little asperges of the Pope's holy water, I trust to come to a dealbabor, well enough.  
But certes, M. Cope, your mastership must first understand, that if ye think so to depress me, and disprove me of untruth in my history, you must go more groundly to work, and bring against me other authors than Edward Hal: You must consider (M. Cope) if you will be a controller in story matters, it is not enough for you to bring a railing spirit, or a mind disposed to carp and cavil where any matter may be picked, diligence is required, and great searching out of books and authors not only of our time, but of all ages. And especially where matters of religion are touched pertaining to the church: it is not sufficient to see what Fabian, or what Hall saith, but the records must be sought, the Registers must be turned over, letters also and ancient instruments ought to be perused, and authors with the same compared, finally the writers among themselves one to be conferred with another. And so with judgement to be weighed, with diligence to be laboured, and with simplicity pure from all addiction and partiality to be uttered.  
Thus did aventinus, thus did Sleidanus write. These helps also the eldest and best Historicians seemed to have, both Titus Livius, Salustius, Quintus Curtius, and such like, as by their letters and records inserted may well appear. The same helps likewise both in your Fabian and in your Edward Hall were to be required, 
Cope a carper of stories where of he hath no skill.  but especially in you (M. Cope) yourself, which take upon you so cockishly (rather then wisely) to be a controller and master moderator of other men's matters. In which matters (to say the truth) you have no great skill, and less experience, neither have you either such plenty of authors meet for that purpose, nor yet ever travailed to search out the origens & grounds of that whereof ye writ. But only contented with such as cometh next to hand, or peradventure receiving such almose as some of your poor friends bestow upon you, think it sufficient if you can allege Fabian and Hall for your purpose.  
Now what purpose & affection herein doth lead you, rather doth drive you to the carping and barking against the history of these good men, that be hence gone and had their punishment, all men may see it to be no simple sincerity of a mind indifferent, but the zeal only of your sect of Popery, or rather of fury, which setteth your railing spirit on fire. But now out of the fiery kitchen, to come to the hall again let us see what matter lieth in the testimony of Edward Hall, to prove these men to be traitors. And here for so much (Master Cope) as you seem neither sufficiently acquainted with this your own master and author Master Hall, 
Aunswer● to Ed. Hall.  nor yet well experienced in the searching out of histories, I will take a little pains for you, in this behalf, to certify you concerning the story of this author, whereof percase you yourself are yet ignorant.  
The truth whereof is this, that as the said Edwar● Hall, your great master & testis, was about the compiling of his story, certain there were which resorted to him of whom some were drawers of his pedigree & vineat, some were gravers, the names of whom were john Bets, and Tyrral, which be now both dead. And other there were of the same sodality, who ve yet alive, & were then in the house of Richard Grafton, both the Printer of the said book, & also (as is thought) a great helper of the penning of the same. It so befell that as Hall was entering into the story of Sir john Oldcastle, of Sir Roger Acton, & their fellows, the book of john Bale touching the story of the L. Cobham, was the same time newly come over. Which book was privily conveyed by one of his servants into the study of Hall, so that in turning over his books, it must needs come to his hands. At the sight whereof, when he saw the ground & reasons in that book contained, he turned to the authors in the foresaid book alleged, whereupon within two nights after, moved by what cause I know not, but so it was, that he taking his pen, razed and canceled all that he had written before, 
Hall raceth out his own story writ●● against the L. Cobham.  against Sir john Oldcastle & his fellows, & was now ready to go to the Print, containing near to the quantity of three pages. And lest (M. Cope) you, or any other should think me to speak beside my book, be it therefore known both to you and to all other, by these presents, that the very self same first copy of Hall razed and crossed with his own pen, remaineth in my hands to be showed & seen, as need shall require. The matter which he canceled out came to this effect. Wherein he following the narration of Polidore, began with like words, to declare how the Sacramentaries here in England, after the death of john Husse, and Jerome of prague, being pricked as he saith, with a demoniacal sting, first conspired against the Priests, and after against the king, having to their captains sir john Oldcastle the Lord Cobham, and Sir Roger Acton Knight, with many more words to the like purpose and effect, as Polydore & other such like Chronicles do write against him. All which matter notwithstanding, the said Hall with his pen at the sight of john Bales book, did utterly extinct and abolish. Adding in the place thereof the words of M. Bales book, touching the accusation and condemnation of the said Lord Cobham, before Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury, 
Hal. in ●ita Hen. 5. pag. 2. b. lin. 30.  taken out of the letter of the said Archbishop, as is in his own story to be seen. In vita Henr. 5. pag. 2. lin. 30.  
And thus Edward Hall your author, revoking & calling back all that he had devised before against the Lord Cobham (whereof I have his own hand to show, & witness substaunciall upon the same) in his printed book recordeth of him no more, but only showeth the process between the Archbishop of Canterbury and him for matters of religion. And so ending with Sir john Oldcastle, proceedeth further to the assemble of sir Roger Acton (whom he falsely calleth Robert Acton) john Browne, 
Hall in the story of the L. Cobham. & sir Roger Acton, agreeth not with other stories. Untruth in Hall noted.  and Beverley, the narration whereof he handleth in such sort, that he neither agreeth with the record of other writers, nor yet with truth itself. For where he excludeth the Lord Cobham out of that assemble, he discordeth therein from Polidore and other, And where he affirmeth the fact of that conspiracy to be wrought before, or at the xij. day of December: that is manifestly false, if the records before alleged be true. And where he reporteth this assemble to be after the burning of john Hus, and of Jerome of prague, therein he accordeth with Polydore, but not with truth. Moreover, so doubtful he is and ambiguous in declaration of this story, that no great certainty can be gathered of him.  
First, as touching the confession of them, he confesseth himself, that he saw it not, & therefore leaveth it at large▪ And as concerning the causes of their death, he leaveth the matter in doubt, 
Hall doubtful in the story of sir R. Acton. etc.  not daring (as doth M. Cope) to define or pronounce any thing thereof, but only reciteth the furmises and minds of divers men diversly, some thinking it was for conveying the Lord Cobham out of the tower, some that it was for treason and heresy, and here cometh in the mention only of a record, but what record it is neither doth he utter it, nor doth he examine it: other some again affirming (as he saith) that it was for feigned causes surmised by the spirituality, more of displeasure than truth. And thus your author Hall, 
Halle no witness in sir Roger Acton's case.  having recited the variety of men's opinions, determineth himself no certain thing thereof, but as one indifferent, neither bound to the conjectures of all men, nor to the writings of all men, referreth the whole judgement of the matter free unto the reader. And so concluding his narration forsomuch as he was neither a witness of the fact, nor present at the deed, he overpasseth the story thereof.  
And what witness then will you, or can you (M. Cope) take of Edward Halle, which denieth himself to be a witness? Will you compel him to say that he saw not? and to witness that he can not? Wherefore like as Susanna, in the story of Daniel was quite by right judgement in the case of adultery, because her accusers and testes being examined a sunder were found to vary and halt in their tale, and not to agree in the two trees: 
repugnance noted in the witness against the L. Cobham & sir Roger Acton.  So why may not in like case of treason, sir Roger Acton, sir john Didcastle, Brown with the rest, claim the same privilege? seeing among the testes and witness produced against them, such discord is found, and such halting among them, that neither do they agree in place, person, year, day, nor month.  

1 1. repugnance in the place.  For first where Fabian and his fellows say: that they were assembled together in a great company, in the field near to S. Gyles, the forged indictment above alleged, saith, they were but riding toward the field.  

2 2. repugnance in the place. Ala. Copus pag. 833. lin. 12.  2. Secondly, where the foresaid indictment and Polydore, give the Lord Cobham to be present personally in that assemble, Halle, and Alanus Copus Anglus, do exclude his personal presence from thence: and so doth Fabian also seem to agree, speaking only of the adherentes of Sir john Oldcastle.  

3 3. repugnance in the year.  Thirdly, where Halle and Polydorus report this assemble to be after the burning of john Hus, and of Jerome at the council of Constance, which was An. 1415. that cannot be, but if there were any such conspiracy in the first year of Henry 5. it must needs be An. 1413. And hereby the way, why do certain of your Epitome writers speaking of the Lord Cobham committed first to the tower for heresy, refer the said his imprisonment to the year 1412. where as, by their own count, reckoning the year from the Annunciation, it must needs be an. 1413. being done in harvest time.  

4 4. repugnance in the month.  Fourthly, where Halle with his followers affirm that sir Roger Acton, Brown and Beverley were condemned the 12. day of December, the record is evident against it, which holdeth the fact to be in working the 10. day of jan.  

5 5. Repug●aūce in the day.  Fiftly, where as the foresaid record of the Indictment giveth the Wednesday next after the Epiphany, which was the 10. day of jan. that present year, both the fact to be committed, the same day, the Commission also to be granted and delivered to the Commissioners the same day, The said Commissioners to sit in Commission the same day: The Sheriffs of Midlesex to return a jury out of the body of Midlesex the same day: and the Iurers to find the indictment the same day, and yet no juror in the indictment named the same day.  
Item, the L. Cobham, the same day, to be found conspiring to make himself Regent, when as the king, that day and year, was not yet passed into France: how all these can concur and hang together and all in one day: I suppose it will cost you two days, before you, with all your learned counsel will study it out. And when you in your unlawful assembles have conspired and conferred together, all ye can, yet will ye make it (as I think) iij. days, before you honestly dispatch your hands of the matter.  
And where ye think, that you have impressed in me such a foul note of lying, never to be clawed of while the world standeth, yet shall the posterity to come judge between you & me, whether shall appear more honest and true, my defence for that worthy lord, than your uncourteous and viperuns wrangling against him, moved with no other cause, but only with the peevish spirit of Popery, which can abide nothing, but that savoureth of your own sect. For else how many loud lying legends, 
Papists can ●ot see great ●●ames in their own eyes, which spy small motes in other.  yea what legion of lies are daily used and received in the popish church? What doltish dreams? what feigned miracles? what blasphemous tales and friarly fables, and idle inventions, fight against the sincere religion, doctrine and cross of Christ? And could you hold your pen from all these, and find nothing else to set your idleness on work, but only to write against the Lord Cobham, Sir Roger Acton, Browne, only, Cowbrige, with a few other whom with much a do, at length you have sought out, not so much for any true zeal to rebuke iniquity, as craftily seeking matter by these to deface and blemish the book of Acts and Monuments. Which seemeth belike to make you scratch there, where it itcheth not. And if I should after the like dealing take in hand your Popish portues, and with like diligence excusse every Popish martyr and Saint there canonised: think you master Cope, I could not make you out half dozen as rank traitors and rebels to their kings and princes, as ever were any of these of your picking out? What pope almost hath there been these last 500 years, which hath not been a traitor to his Emperor and Prince, and to his country? 
Pope's traitors to their Emperors & princes.  either openly rebelling against them, or privily conspiring their destruction, or proudly setting their feet upon their necks, or spurning their crowns of from their heads, or making the son to fight against the father? How many have they deposed, and set up other in their seats? how many Emperors and kings have they wrongfully cursed? What consuls of Rome have they resisted, deposed, and put to death? What wars have they raised up against their own country of Rome? Yea the continual holding of the City of Rome, from his lawful Emperor, what is it but a continual point of treason?  
What will you answer me (M. Cope) to the Pope, which conspired to let fall down a stone upon the emperors head, kneeling at his prayers, pag. 177.  
And though this treachery being as big as a millstone, seemed but a small mote in your eye, that it could not be espied: yet what will you say by the Monk of Swinstede, that poisoned king john, 
The Pope's saints and confessors many were traitors.  who was both absolved by his abbot before his treason committed, and after his treason had a perpetual Mass song for him, to help him out of Purgatory?  
And what think ye in your conscience is to be said of Thomas Becket, who did enough, and more than became him, to set the French king, and the king of England together by the ears? Of Anselme likewise, and of Stephen Langhton, who departed both out of the Realm to complain of their princes & soveraines'? The like may be said also of john Peckham. john Stradford Archbishop of the same sea notoriously resisted the kings commandment, being sent for by king Edward 3. to come to the parliament at York, through the default of whose coming, the present opportunity of getting Scotland was the same time lost,  
Richard Scrope Archb. of York, 
R Scr●●● 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 holy 〈◊〉  was openly in arms to rebel & fight against K. Henry 4. for the which he was condemned & put to death. And yet notwithstanding Commission was sent down from the pope shortly after, to excommunicate them which put him to death, his treason notwithstanding. Read that story sincerely of pope Benedict 12. and of pope Clement 6. And see how the traitorous rebellion of these two pope's against Ludovicus their rightful Emperor can be defended: 
Popes commonly traitors.  Which Emperor at last was also empoisoned, & that not without the practice of Pope Clement, as doth Hieronimus Marius credibly witness.  
In the reign of K. Edward the 2. mention was made before of Thomas Earl of Lancaster. Who with a great number of other nobles and Barons of the realm, 
Tho. Lancaster traitor and yet made a Saint by the Pope.  rose in armour against their prince, and therefore at length were put to death as traitors. And yet notwithstanding this treason committed (M. Cope) if you be so ignorant in our stories, that you know it not, set your setters on to search, and you shall find it true, that certain Noble men went up to Rome, for the canonising of the said Thomas of Lancaster to be made a Saint, and obtained the same. In so much that in a certain old Calendare, the name of the said S. Thomas of Lancaster is yet extant to be seen.  
In the former book of these Acts and Monuments above, 
Edmund Archb. of Cant. rebelled against his prin●, and yet made a Saint by the Pope.  about the pag. 353. or 354. mention was made of Edmund of Abbenden Archb. of Cant. whom although I do not disprove, but rather commend in my history, for his bold and sage counsel given unto K. Henry the 3. and also for offering the censure of excommunication against the king in so necessary a cause: yet notwithstanding the same Edmund, afterward about his latter end, went up with a rebelling mind to complain of his king unto the Pope, and in his journey died, before his return: who afterward for the same, was canonised by the Pope, and now shineth among the Saints in the pope's Calendar.  
Let us come more near to these days and times, and consider the doings of Tho. Arundel Archb. of Canterb. 
Tho. Arund●● a rank traitor against his king, and yet a great pillar counted in the pope's church.  Who being first deposed and exiled for his contemptuous deserts against the king, and afterward coming in, with Henry Bolynbroke Duke of Herford, in open arms and with main force rose against his natural and lawful king: think you (M. Cope) this is not as great a point of treason, as that which was done in Thi●kets fields? And though he be not placed among the portuous Sainct●, yet I think nothing contrary, but in your heart you will not greatly stick to say, Sancte Thoma ora pro nobis.  
All these things well considered, tell me (M. Cope) I pray you, is treason such a strange and vnketh thing in your pope catholic church, that your burning zeal of obedience to kings and princes, can not read the story of the L. Cobham & sir Roger Acton, but your pen must needs be inflamed to write against them, and yet so many traitors in your own Calendars neither seen, nor once spoken of? And if the traitorous conspiracy and rebellion of so many your Calendar Saints committed against Emperors, Kings, and Princes, can not stir your zeal, nor move your pen: Nor if the treason of pope Gregory 9 raising war against his own city of Rome, and causing 30. thousand citizens in one battle to be slain, pag. 281. deserveth not to be espied, and accused as much as this treason of the Lord Cobham: yet what will you or can you answer to me (M. Cope) as touching the horrible treason of pope Gregory the 7. committed not against Emperor nor king, nor any mortal man, but against the Lord himself, even against your God of your own making, being therein as you say no substance of bread, but the very personal body, flesh, blood, and bone of Christ himself, which body notwithstanding the foresaid Pope Gregory the 7. 
Pope Gregory 7 a traitor against the Lords own body. Vide supra. pag. 172.  took and cast with his own hands into the burning fire, because he would not answer him to a certain doubt or demand Benn. Card. pag. 172. Southly, if sir john Oldcastle had taken the body of king henry the 5. and thrown him into the fire, the fact being so notoriously certain as this is, I would never have bestowed any word in his defence. And could this, and so many other heinous treasons pass through your fingers (M. Cope) and no other to stick in your pen but the Lord Cobham.  
Finally and simply to conclude with you (M. Cope) and not to flatter you, what is the whole working, the proceedings, actions, & practices of your religion, or hath been almost these 500 years, but a certain perpetual kind of treason, to thrust down your princes and magistrates, to derogate from their right and jurisdiction, and to advance your own majesties and dominations: as hath been sufficiently above proved and laid before your faces in a parliament holden in France by the Lord Peter de Cugnerijs. vide pag. 383. 
Vide supra. pag. 383.  Wherefore if the assemble of these forenamed persons, either within or without S. Giles field be such a great mote of treason in your eyes, first look upon the great blocks and millstones of your own traitors at home, and when you have well discussed the same, then after pour out your wallet of your trifling Dialogues or Trialogues if ye lift against us and spare us not. Not that I so think this to be a sufficient excuse to purge the treason of these men, if your popish Calendars and legeands be found full of traitors. Multitudo enim peccatorum non parit errori patrocinium: But this I think, 
Religion commonly maketh treason among the papists.  that the same cause which made them to suffer as traitors, hath made you also to rail against them for traitors, that is, mere hatred only against their Religion, rather than any true affection you have to your princes and governors. Who if they had been as fervent in your Popery, and had suffered so much for the holy father of Rome, or for the liberties of the holy mother church of Rome, I doubt not, but they as holy children of Rome had been rung into your Romish Calendare with a festum duplex, or at least with a festum simplex of 9 lessons, also with a vigil peradventure before them.  
Now because they were on the contrary profession, & enemies to your Magna Diana Ephesiorum, you play with them as the Ephesian carvers did with Saint Paul and worse. Ye thrust them out as seditious rebels, not only out of life and body, but also can not abide them to have any poor harbour in their own friends houses, among our Acts and Monuments to be remembered. In the which Acts and Monuments, and if gentle master Ireneus, with his fellow Critobulus in your clerkly Dialogues, will not suffer them to be numbered for martyrs: yet speak a good word for them (M. Cope) they may stand for testes or witness bearers of the truth. And thus much for defence of them.  
Now to the other part of his accusation, wherein this Alanus Copus Anglus in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Answer to the second part of Copes accusation concerning his untrue charging of the book of Acts & Monun.  or sixfold Dialogues contendeth and chaseth against my former edition, to prove me in my history to be a liar, forger, impudent, a misreporter of truth, a depraver of stories, a seducer of the world, and what else not? Whose virulent words and contumelious terms, how well they become his popish person, I know not. Certes for my part I never deserved this at his hands wittingly, that I do know. Master Cope is a man whom yet I never saw, and less offended, nor ever heard of him before. And if he had not in the front of his book entitled himself to be an English man, by his writing I would have judged him rather some wild Irishman, lately crept out of S. Patrick'S Purgatory, so wildly he writeth, so fumishly he fareth.  
But I cease here, and temper myself considering not what M. Cope deserveth to be said unto, nor how far the pen here could run if it had his scope, but considering what the tractation rather of such a serious cause requireth. And therefore seriously to say unto you (M. Cope) in this matter, where you charge my history of Acts and Monuments so cruelly, to be full of untruths, false lies, impudent forgeries, depravations, fraudulent corruptions, and feigned tables, briefly and in one word to answer you, not as the Lacones answered to the letters of their adversary, with si, but with osi. would God (M. Cope) that in all the whole book of Acts and Monuments, 
The boo●● of Acts 〈◊〉 Monum. to true, if it had pleased god otherwise.  from the beginning to the latter end of the same, were never a true story, but that all were false, all were lies, & all were fables. Would God the cruelty of your Catholics had suffered all them to live, of whose death ye say now that I do lie. Although I deny not but in that book of acts and monuments containing such diversity of matter, some thing might overscape me: yet have I bestowed my poor diligence. My intent was to profit all men, to hurt none.  
If you (master Cope) or any other can better my rude doings, and find things out more finely or truly, with all my hart, I shall rejoice with you and the common wealth, taking profit by you. In perfection of writing, of wit, cunning, dexterity, fineness or other induments required in a perfect writer, I contend neither with you, nor any other. I grant that in a laboured story, such as you seem to require, containing such infinite variety of matter, as this doth, much more time would be required: but such time as I had, that I did bestow, if not so laboriously as other could, yet as diligently as I might.  
But here partly I hear what you will say: I should have taken more leisure and done it better. I grant and confess my fault, such is my vice, I can not sit all the day (M. Cope) fining and mincing my letters, and coming my head, and smoothing myself all the day at the glass of Cicero. Yet notwithstanding doing what I can, and doing my good will, me thinks I should not be reprehended, at least not so much be railed on at master Copes hand. Who if he be so pregnant in finding fault with other men's labours (which is an easy thing to do) it were to be wished, that he had enterprised himself upon the matter, and so should have proved what faults might have been found in him. Not that I herein do utterly excuse myself, yea rather am ready to accuse myself, but yet notwithstanding think myself ungently dealt with all at Master Copes hand: Who being mine own countryman, an English man as he sayeth, also of the same university, yea college and school that I was of: knowing that the first edition of these Acts and monuments was begun in the far parts of Germany, where few friends, no conference, small information could be had. And the same edition afterward translated out of Latin into English by others, while I in the mean time was occupied about other Registers. And now the said Cope hearing moreover and knowing that I was about a new edition of the same Acts and Monuments, at this present time, to be set forth, for the amending of divers things therein to be reform: if he had known any fault needful to be corrected, he might gently by letters admonished me thereof. Gentleness so would have required it. Time would well have suffered it. Neither was he so far off, but might sooner have written a letter to me, than a book against me. Neither was I so ingrateful and inhuman, but would have thanked him for his monition: neither yet so obstinate, but being admonished, would have corrected willingly where any fault had been committed.  
But herein your nature (M. Cope) doth right well appear. 
Vngentelenes' noted in Cope.  First in the said book of Acts and Monuments, where many other good things be contained, not unfruitful nor unprofitable peradventure for the instruction of your conscience, and wherein my labours perhaps might have deserved your thanks, all that you dissemble and pass over, only excerping those matters which make for cavillation. 
The nature of the spider  Thus the black spider out of pleasant flowers sucketh his poison. And what book is so pleasant or fruitful, though it were the pope's own Portous, yea his own decretals, yea his own very Mass book, to the reading whereof if I brought the like mind so disposed to cavil, as you bring to the reading of my history, but I could find out twice as many mendacia, maculas, impudentias, dolos malos fabulas, fucos, as you have done in these Acts and Monuments. And yet you have done prettily well.  
Besides all this, yet better to mark the goodness of your gentle nature: Be it so I had been in some piece of my story deceived, as I do not justify myself in all points therein: yet you understanding that I was about the correction of my book again, might either have taken the best, and left the worst: or else gently take the pains to have advertised me of such notes as you had, without further exclamation, or at least might have deferred your dialogues for a time, till the coming out of my book, to see first what would in the latter edition be altered. But be like your gall was full, your haste could not tarry, your venom must ●edes burst out.  
Et si non al●qua nocuisses mortuus esses.  
Seeing therefore the order of your doings to be such, and disposition of your nature so far from all humanity, dealing with me so extremely, if I thus provoked with your extremity again, 
Copu● Sycoplianta.  should now after this your currish nature shape you a name accordingly, and in stead of Cope godfather you to be a perpetual sycophant, could you much blame me? and doth not your sycophanticall book well deserve it? or think you I could not repay you again with like extremity as you bring, and dress your drowsy or rather ●ousie Dialogues in their right colours, if I were so disposed? But my purpose is with patience to spare you, and rather to pray for you, God make you a good man. Peradventure he may hereafter call you. And rather had I to win you, then to sting you. Leaving therefore the consideratian of your ingrateful doings, I will now consider only the points wherein you charge me in your book, answering briefly unto the same. Briefly I say, because the greatness of this volume, and abundance of other more fruitful matter, giveth me little laisure at this present to stand about brawling words.  

The Calendare of the Acts and Mon. defended.  First he seemeth highly to be grieved with me, for my Calendare prefixed before the book of monuments. Wherein he hath no cause either to be offended with me, or to chafe with himself. As touching which Calendare I have sufficiently and expressly declared before so much, as might quickly satisfy this scruple of M. Cope if he either would have taken the pains, or else had had the laisure to read the words contained in the Latin preface before the Book prefixed, 
Ex proaemio adlestorem.  which are thus: Quanquam a me quidem non aliter Calendarium hoc institutum est, nisi ut pro Indice duntaxat suum cuiusque Martyris mensem & annum designante, ad privatum lectoris seruiret usum etc. In which words preventing before the cavilling objection of the adversary, I forewarned the Reader afore hand, touching the Calendare, wherefore it was ordained and prefixed, for no other purpose, but to serve the use only of the reader, in stead of a table, showing the year and month of every Martyr, what time he suffered etc. What hurt I pray you is in this Calendar prefixed before the book of Monuments, more than in the Table of M. Copes book, set after his Dialogues? But master Cope had no laisure to peruse this place: it made not for his humour.  

Objection for Martyrs in the Calendare.  But this grieveth him in the Calendare, and that very sore. For that I place in this Calendar, sir john Oldcastle sir Roger Acton, Browne, Beverley and other for Martyrs, and displace for them, other holy ancient Martyrs and Saints, as Antholius, Sother, Dorothy, Clarus, Lucianus, Severinus. 
Answer.  etc. Answer: If M. Cope can not abide the Lord Cobham, sir Roger Acton, Browne, and Beverley, which were hanged (as he sayeth for treason) to have the name of martyrs, then let them bear the name of witness bearers, or testes of the truth, because they were also burned for the testimony of their faith. Seeing there is no difference in the said names, all is one to me by which they are called.  
And where he chargeth me for thrusting & shouldering out the old and ancient holy Saints aforenamed out of this Calendare, 
Untruth noted in Ala. Copus.  and placing other new come Saints in their rooms: this is not the first untruth that M. Cope hath made in his dialogues, nor yet the least, unto whom I might therefore fitly answer again with his own familiar phrase, or rather the phrase of Cicero, which he doth so much affectate: Quod nimirum hic ipse Alanus Copus Anglus, unde me mendacij coarguit, 
Copus pag. 130. lin. 18.  inde sibi ipsi sempiternam ac ineluibilem turpissimi mendacij, ac singularis impudentiae notam inurat. For why have not jas just cause to say this to him, as he to me? For somuch as in the first beginning and preface of the said book of Acts and Monuments, I so diligently and expressly do warn all men before, first that I make here no Calendare purposely of any Saints, but a Table of good and godly men that suffered for the truth, to show the day and month of their suffering. 
〈◊〉 dict, 〈…〉 li. 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉.  My words be extant and evident, which are these: Neque vero ideo inter divos a me referuntur isti, quòd inseruntur in Calendarium. etc. And declaring afterward how the said Calendare doth stand but in stead of a table, my words do follow thus: Haud aliter Calendarium hoc institutum est, nisi ut pro Indice duntaxat zuum cuiusque Martyris mensem & annum designante, Lectori ad usum atque ad manum seruiat. etc.  
Again, neither did I receive these men into that Kalendare, that holy Anathollus, Sother, Dorothea, with other ancient holy Saints should be removed out, as you do falsely & untruly affirm, but because the course of that story reaching but 500 years, did not comprehend those former times of such ancient Martyrs, but only of such as suffered in these latter days: therefore requisite it was that in the table such should be placed chief, of whom the whole book did then principally and only entreat, to demonstrate thereby the time and day of their martyrdom. Neither yet were the other excluded out of this new Kalendare, which were never inserted in the same before, but only because both together could not there have standing, necessity so required these in no case to be omitted, and yet no injury meant to the other to be excluded out of their own calendars, whereto properly they did pertain. As for this Kalendare or this table, because they were not pertinent unto it, they could not therein, neither was it necessary, they should be included. And yet neither did I (M. Cope) without due & solemn protestation omit the same in my foresaid Catalogue, to prevent and stop all cavilling mouths: As by special words in the said poem of my book unto the Reader doth appear, following in this wise: Interim nullius ego boni sanctique viri (modo qui verè sanctus sit) causam laedo, nec memoriam extinguo, nec gloriam minuo. Et si cui hoc displiceat Calendarium, meminerit, non in templis à me collocari, sed domesticae tantum lectioni praeparari. etc. And where is now (M. Cope) this your rejecting, expelling, removing, expulsing, exempting, 
Copus pag 861. lin penultim●.  deturbating and thrusting out of Anatholius, Sanct. Dorothae and other holy Saints out of Catalogues, fasts, and Calendars? Or what man is that, or where dwelleth he, Qui veros Christi Martyres è Coelo ad Tar tara deturbat? That is. Which tumbleth down true Martyrs from heaven, 
Copus almost called Capus.  into hell? Which if ye mean by me: In one word I answer, ye falsely bely me master Copus, I had almost called you master Capus, so like a Capon ye speak. Neither have you nor any other ever heard me so say. Neither have I ever heard of any so mad to play so the giants with their mountains to climb the heavens, to tumble down Gods true & holy martyrs out of heaven, down into hell, unless it were yourself (as yet ye are, ye may be better) and such other of your gild and popish fraternity, which make of God's true saints, 
The papists would thrust down Gods true saints out of heaven to hell.  stinking dunghills, (for so ye term them in your books) and not only thrust into heaven your Pseudosanctos, saints of your own making, whom God by his word doth not allow: but also depulse down from heaven, and make dunghills of Gods well-beloved servants, his faithful people, and blessed martyrs, which have died for the word of god. And what marvel then, if in your blasphemous books, ye cast down from heaven to hell, the poor Saints of Christ, when in effect you deject also the blood and cross of the son of God Christ jesus himself, setting up in his office and place, ttu per Thomae sanguinem, 
Beckets blood set up, to the injury of Christ's blood.  quem pro te impendit, fac nos christ scandere, quò Thomas ascendit. Say, master Cope, your conscience indifferently, set all Popish partiality a part, where as the Scripture teacheth us simplely. Quòd citra sanguinem nulla fit remissio i Without blood there is no remission: whether ye think, by this blood of the new Testament is meant the blood of Christ alone, or the blood of other more besides? If the blood of one must stand alone, why do ye then with the giants build up your mountains, and make a ladder of Beckets popish blood, for men to scale the heavens? Or in so doing, 
Papists devout to set up Christ● cross in earth● but enemies to Christ's cross in heaven.  how can you, but either with the Protestauntes wipe out of your Kalendare, Thomae sanguinem, or else demolish from heaven Sanguinem Christi with the papists?  
And here by the way, I cannot but muse, why you are so devout in setting up the cross of Christ in your church, which are such enemies to the true cross of Christ to stand in heaven. Look upon this (master Cope) and tell me, utra pars verius veros Christi Martyres è coelo in tartara detrudat? And therefore as you falsely bely me in this, for detruding and tumbling out of heaven Anatholius, 
A double untruth in Copus  julianus, Clarus, Lucianus, Agatha, Dorothea and other, against whom I never yet spoke any reproaching word, but rather in this my volume have set forth their commendation: so is it untrue like wise, where you affirm that in this my Calendar I make an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Canonisation of false Martyrs. I told you before, when ye were in England, I tell you again, being now in your transmigration, in words as plain as I could, Hane ego Apotheosin mihi nunquam sumpsi, quam sibi tam confidenter sumpsit Gregorius nonus. Were not these words of my Protestation manifest enough? were they not sufficient to satisfy a reasonable Momus? And to make the matter more plain, did I not add moreover as followeth: Porrò neque eò spectat hoc Calendarium, ut novam aliquam festorum dierum legem praescribam ecclesiae. etc. And not contented with this foreseeing before such wrangling spirits to come, as now I see in you: I showed also the cause why I needed not so to do, my words were these: 
Copus Momus. Copus pag. 820.  Festorum dierum iam plus satis erat in mundo. etc. And yet further, because no caviller should take hold here of any injury done to the holy Saints, either old or new in the Church, therefore in express words I removed away all suspicion of any injury, preventing the objection of the adversary in these words. Habeat & Ecclesia suos sanctos, tum recentes, tum veteranos, modo probatos, modo interim ijdem ne adorentur, modo quàm sint vetusti, tam etiam verè sancti sint. etc.  
These places of my book, if ye did see: why do you dissemble them? If ye had not so much leisure to read them: how had you so much laisure to write against any man's book, not knowing what is in the book contained? And how stands it then with truth, that so like a Mome ye cry out so in your book, against these new made martyrs, qui non possunt nisi per aliorum iniuriam crescere. etc. And again, where you exclaim against me, and say that I thrust out the ancient Martyrs out from their seat and possession, and place new in their rooms. etc.  

Untruth in Cope.  Also where you continuing yet still in your common place of lying (out of which you cannot digress) do charge me farther, that I do appoint out holy days and working days by colours of red and black, in my foresaid Calendare to be observed: 
Copus pag. 810. lin. 25.  these lewd notes of yours, if they had been picked out of my Calendare by you, without mine own special declaration before made to the contrary, they might seem to have some blush of credit. Now what will the reader say, or what may he judge, considering and conferring this your cavilling, with the matter of my premonition made before, but that you are all together set to play the perpetual Syc. I had almost called you by your right name master Cope. But God make you (as I said) a good man. Reading further in your book I could not but smile and laugh at this your ridiculous and most loud lying Hyperbolismum: where as you comparing my making of saints, with the Pope's making, can find (as ye say) in the Pope no such impudent arrogancy in presuming, as ye find in me. etc. If the Pope had not abused his arrogant jurisdiction in canonising and deifying his Saints, 
Copus pag. 819. lin. 7.  more than I have done: the year should not be cumbered with so many idle holy days, nor the Calendares' with so many rascal saints, some of them as good, as ever were they that put Christ to death.  
But where will you find (M. Cope) any man to believe this your hyperbolical comparison to be true, which seethe and knoweth the infinite and unmeasurable excess of the Pope's arrogancy, not only in shrining such a rabble of blind saints of his own creating: but also in prescribing the same to be received universally in the whole world, and not to be received only, but also to be invocated for gifts and graces, 
Double abomination in the pope's Calendare.  also to be worshipped for advocates and mediators. Wherein riseth a double abomination of the pope, the one for his idolatrous making and worshipping of saints: the other for his blasphemous injury and derogation to Christ, in repulsing him out of his office of mediation, & placing other mediators of his own making. And now to consider what Saints these were, or what were the causes of their sancting: what S. almost among all the Pope's Saints shall you find (M. Cope) made within these 500 years, 
The great Saint maker of Rome and who be his Saints.  but commonly he was either some Pope, or some rich Bishop and Prelate, or some fat abbot, or some blind Friar, some Monk, or Nun, some superstitious regulare, or some builder of monasteries, or some giver and benefactor to the popish clergy, or maintainer agonising for the dignities and liberties of the popish church? What poor lay man or lay woman, were their lives never so Christian, their faith and confession never so pure, their death never so agonising for the witness of Christ, and truth of his word, shall find any place or favour in all the Pope's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is in the Pope's Calendar, either in red colour, or else in black.  
But here (M. Cope) if ye had the wit, somuch to defend, 
The great God-maker of Rome.  as ye have to overwhart, you might take me with the manner, and reply again for the defence of your great Saintmaker, or rather Godmaker of Rome: that he maketh more martyrs & Saints of these foresaid poor laymen, & laywomen, than ever he did of any other. For he burneth them, he hangeth them, he drowneth them, imprisoneth & famisheth them, & so maketh truer martyrs of Christ, than any other of his new shrined saints, whom he hath so dignified in his Calendar. For the one he doth rubricate, only with his red letters, the other he doth rubricate with their own blood. And therefore to answer you (M. Cope) to your comparison made between the pope and me, for making of holy Martyrs and Saints: Briefly I say, and report me to all the world, that herein is no comparison. For if ye speak of true Martyrs, who doth make them, but the pope? if ye speak of false martyrs, who doth make them, but the pope▪ And furthermore, to compare together the causes of these Martyred Saints in my Calendare, with them which shine shrined in the Pope's Calendare (taking the same proportion of time as I do, within these last 500 years) why may not I have as good cause to celebrate these in my Calendar, which lost their lives and were slain, principally for the cause of Christ and of his word: as the pope hath to celebrate his double and simple feasted saints in his Calendar, who in their doings, doctrine, and life, as they seemed rather to serve the Pope, than Christ the Lord: so in their death appeared no such cause, why they should be sanctified in the church beyond all other. Let not the Church of Christ (M. Cope) be deluded with hypocritical names, nor feigned apparitions, and fabulous miracles, neither be you deceived yourself, but let us resort sincerely to the word of God. 
No cause why the pope's new saints should be put in the Calendare.  What was in S. Frances, look upon his superstitious life, & presumptuous testament, wrought no doubt by Satan, to diminish and obscure the Testament of jesus Christ, why he should be made a Saint, and not an enemy rather of Christ?  
What was likewise in Friar Dominicke, who before France's x. years together persecuted the poor Waldenses to death and destruction, why should he stand a S. and a pillar of the church? 
Tho. Becket  I pray you what see you in Thomas Becket, but that he died for the ambitious liberties of the popish church? 
Aldelmus. Anselmus. Dunstanus.  What in Aldelmus, and in Anselmus, but only that they chased away married priests from the churches, and planted in idle Monks in their stead? The like also did Dunstanus, who was rubricated with a duplex festum. 
S. Elizabeth  Elizabeth who was the wife of the marquess of Thuring, when she had with much persuasions got out her husband to fight against the Turks, and was there slain, she afterward encloystered herself, and was made a Nun. And do you think these causes to be sufficient, why they should be made saints, worshipped in churches, and set in Calendares'? 
The canonisation of S. Gilbert of Sempringham.  Long it were to make rehearsal of all this rifraff, and almost infinite. One example may suffice for many. S. Gilbert of Sempringhan, was the son of jocelin a knight, who for his deformity of his body was set to learning, & afterward made canon, and was author of the Gilbertines, in the time of king john.  
This Gilbert after he had erected 13. monasteries of his order of Sempringham, was afterward laboured for unto the Pope to be made a Saint: Who hearing of his miracles, wrote his letters to Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury, in the behalf of the foresaid Gilbert, willing & commanding per Apostolica scripta, 
Ex lib. de ●ita S. Gilberti Confessor●s.  that the feast of the said Gilbert should be solemnised through all the province of Canterb. Vt meritis nimirum eius & precibus apud misericordissimum judicem misericordiam consequamur. etc.  
Whereupon Hubert the Archb. directeth down his writings to all the bishops within his province, 
The Pope's letter & the Archb. for the canonizing of saint Gilbert.  the contents of which his writings do follow: Hubertus Dei gratia Cant. Archiepiscop. totius Angliae primas, dilectis in Christo frat. Episco. per provinciam Cant. Sal great. & benedictionem. D. Papa, sicut ex literis ipsius manifestè perpéditur, de conversatione, meritis, & moribus b. Gilberti magistri ordinis de Sempringham, & miraculis a Deo per eum factis per testes & testimonia sufficienter instructus, de consilio fratrum Cardin. ipsum mag. Catalogo sanctorum decrevit ascribi, solemnitatem eius constituit & mandavit per Cant. provinciam solemniter celebrari. Insuper & corpus eius cum requisiti fuerimus praecepit ad honorem Dei & gloriam elevari. Vestra igitur universitas huic mandato cum devotione congaudeat, & secundum formam in ipso mandato praescriptam, praedicti confessoris Domini depositionem annuam faciatis cum reverentia & solemniter observari: ut apud Dominum & ab illo vestra debeat & possit devotio commendari, necnon & ipsius sancti supplex intercessio vobis proficiat ad salutem. valet.  
The sum of the which writing of the Archb. tendeth to this effect. That forsomuch as the Pope hearing of the life and miracles of Gilbert, Master of the order of Sempringham, by sufficient witness and testimonies, hath in his letters commanded him by the advise of his Cardinals, that the said Gilbert should be canonised & ascribed in the catalogue of saints, and that his solemnity should be celebrated solemnly throughout all the province of Canterb. And also his body to be taken up and shrined to the honour and glory of God: He therefore at the Pope's commandment writing unto them, willeth all the suffragans within his province of Canterb. yearly to solemnise, and cause to be solemnised reverently the deposition of the said Saint Gilbert Confessor: to the intent that their devotion may be commended of the Lord, 
I● this good doctrine M. Cope, in the Pope's canonisation.  and of him. And also, that the humble intercession of the said Saint may profit them to their salvation.  
Furthermore, for the more full canonising (canuising I had almost said) of this new made saint, the said Pope Innocent writing to Hubert aforesaid, 
The blasphemous collect of the Pope's making for S. Gilbert.  adjoineth withal a collect of his own making, which is this: Plenam in nobis aeterne salvator tuae vertutis operare medelam, ut qui praeclara beati Gilberti confessoris tui merita veneramur, ipsius adiuti suffragijs a cunctis animarum nostrarum languoribus liberemur. Quivivis & regnas. etc. That is: work in us O eternal saviour full remedy of thy virtue, that we which worship the worthy merits of blessed Gilbert thy confessor, being succoured by his suffrages, may be delivered from all languors & diseases of our souls, who livest and reignest. etc.  
The consecration of this one Saint (who perhaps was not the worst) I thought here to commemorate, 
Copus pag. 119. lin 7.  to the intent that the reader measuring by this one the Canonisation of all the rest, may judge the better upon this comparison of master Cope, whether of us doth vindicate more impudent authority, the Pope in his Calendar, or I in mine: or to make the comparison more fit, whether is more impudent the pope in his calendar, or else master Cope in his Dialogues more doltish.  
But briefly to make an end of this matter with you to canonize or to authorize any saints, for man it is presumptuous: to prescribe any thing here to be worshipped, beside God alone, it is idolatrous: to set up any mediators but Christ only, it is blasphemous. And whatsoever the pope doth or hath done in his Calendar, my purpose in my Calendare, was neither to deface any old saint, or to solemnise any new. In my book of Acts and Monuments entreating of matters passed in the church, these latter five hundredth years, I did regulate out a Callendare, not for any Canon to constitute Saints, but only for a table of them which within the same time did suffer for the testimony of the word, whom I did and do take to be good and godly men. If any have other judgement of them, I bind no man to my opinion, as the pope doth to his. The day will come which shall judge both them and you. In the mean season it shall be best for you (M. Cope) in my judgement to keep a good thing in your head, and to quiet your railing mode. 
Cope counseled to cease his railing.  A hard thing it is to judge before the Lord. Man's judgement may fail and is uncertain, the judgement of God is always sure. Best is therefore either to be sure by the word and judgement of God before, what you do say, or else to say the best. Of such slanderous, and intemperate railing, 
No good cometh of railing.  can come no good, neither to whom ye rail upon: nor to yourself, which raileth: nor to the church of God that heareth you rail. For them you can not hurt, they are gone. To yourself, and though your matters be true, yet little honesty it will bring, to be counted a railer, and if it be uncertain, your state is dangerous, and if be false, most miserable: And as to the Church what great edification can proceed of such contentions brawling and barking one against an other, I do not greatly see. And if the zeal of the bishop of Rome's church have so much swallowed you up, that ye cannot but stamp and stare at traitors when ye see them put in Calendars: (first M. Cope) be ye sure first that they be traitors, wisdom would, whom you call traitors. And if ye can so prove them (as ye have not yet) then let your Irenaeus or Critobulus tell me, why doth not this flagrant zeal of yours as hot as purgatory, burn out, and flame as well against your own traitors, having so many in your own Calendare and Church at home?  

The zeal of M. Cope ●●pended.  And if there be such a Catholic zeal in you, that hath set your gentle breast on such a pelting chase, why then is not this your Catholic zeal equally indifferent? Why take ye on so fell on the one side against sir john Oldcastle, sir Roger Acton, M. Browne & c? A man would think you played Hercules furens in Orchestra. On the other side again ye are Oleo tranquillior. What indiffirencie (master Cope) call you this? Or what zeal make you this to be? Albeit your zeal, I judge not, as I know it not. Swift judgement shall not become me, which go about to correct the same in you. But this I exhort you, to beware (master Cope) that by your own fruits and doings evident ye do not bewray this zeal in you to be Non secundum scientiam, nor such a zeal as fighteth Pro Domo Dei, sed pro demo Pontificis. As I said I judge you not. You have your judge to whom ye stand or fall. My counsel is, that ye do not so zeal the Bishop of Rome, that for his sake ye lose your own soul. Ye remember the old vulgar voice it is not good Ludere cum sanctis, worse it is Illudere: worse of all it is Debacchari in immerentes: Because that Deus ipse ultionum Dominus Many times taketh their cause in hand according as it is written: Opprobria opprobantium tibi cecidersit in me. i. The rebukes of thy rebukers fell upon me. And seldom have I seen any such blasphemous railers against the end or punishment of God's saints and servants, without great repentance, to come to any good ●nd themselves.  
And admit this (as granted unto you M. Cope) that these men had been traitors, which ye are not able to prove. Well, they had their punishment therefore, the world can go no further: & what would you have more? Who and if they repented, why may they not have as good part in Christ's kingdom as yourself? Now forsomuch as the said persons also suffering a double punishment were so constant in the way of truth, and most principally for the same were persecuted, and chief therefore brought to them death: that part of example, because I saw, it pertain to the profit of the church, why might I not insert it with other church stories in my book? Let the church take that which belongeth to the church. Let the world take that, which to the world pertaineth and go no further. And if ye think it much, that I would exemplify these whom you call traitors in the book of marty is: first ye whust understand, 
The name of Martyrs in the Calendare defended.  that I wrote no such book bearing the title of the book of Martyrs, I wrote a book called the Acts and Monuments, of things passed in the church. etc. Wherein many other matters be contained beside the martyrs of Christ. But this peradventure moveth your 〈◊〉, that in the calendar I name them for martyrs. 
What is a Martyr.  And why may I not in my Calendar call them by the name of martyrs, which were faithful witnesses of Christ's truth and Testament for the which they were also chief brought unto that cud? 
Holy saints of Christ.  Or why may I not call them holy shyntes, whom Christ hath sanctified with his blessed blood? And what if I should also call the thief and murderer hanging on the right side of the Lord, by the name of an holy saint, and confessor, for his witnessing of the Lord, what can master Cope say against it?  
And as for colouring the names of certain Martyrs in the said Calendare in read or scarlet letters (although that pertaineth nothing to me, 
Martyrs in the Calendar colou▪ red with red.  which was as pleased the Painter or Printer) yet if that be it that so much breaketh patience, 

The painter coloureth with red.  
The pope coloureth with blood.   why rather doth he not expostulate in this behalf with the great saint maker of room, who hath readed them much more than ever did I. For he did red and died them with their own blood, where as I did but only colour them with red letters. And thus for matter of my Calendar enough.  
Proceeding now out of the Calendar unto the book, where he chargeth me with so many lies, impudencies, vanities, depravations, and untruths, it remaineth likewise I clear myself, answering first to those lies and untruths, which to the story of sir Roger Acton, & sir john Oldcastle do appertain. 
The author cleareth himself of lies and untruths laid against him  And after to other particulars, as in order of my book do follow. And first where he layeth against me whole heaps, and cartlodes, I cannot tell how many of lies and falsities: I here briefly answer master Cope again (or what English Harpesseld else soever lieth covered under this English Cope) that if a lie be (after the definition of S. Augustine) whatsoever thing is pronounced with the intent to deceive an other: then I protest to you master Cope, and to all the world there is never a lie in all my book. What the intent and custom is of the papists to do. I cannot tell: for mine own, I will say, although many other vices I have, yet from this one I have always of nature abhorred, wittingly to deceive any man or child, so near as I could, much less the church of God whom I with all my hart do reverence, and with fear obey. And therefore among divers causes, that have withdrawn my mind from the Papists faction, almost there is none greater than this, because I see them so little given to truth, so far from all serious feeling and care of sincere religion, so full of false pretenced hypocrisy and dissimulation, so little regarding the church of Christ in their inward hearts, which they so much have in their mouths: so, as under the title thereof they may hold up their own estate▪ Otherwise so little reverence they yield to the true & honourable church of jesus the son of God, that with unworthy and rascal ministers they take into it they pass not, what fictions, what lies and fables, what false miracles and absurd forgeries they invent to delude it, they care not. I speak not of all.  
Some there be of that sect unfeigned in consciences, and more religious, and better disposed natures, only of simple ignorance deceived. But such commonly have been & be the chief guides and leaders of the Papists Church, that little true care and small zeal hath appeared in them, toward the church of Christ, not much regarding what corruption increased therein, so that there commodities might not decrease. Thus out of this fountain have gushed out so many prodigious lies in Church Legends, in Saints lives, 
The lies and f●ctions innumerable in the Pope's Church.  in monkish ●ictions, in fabulous miracles, in false and forged Relics, as in pieces of the holy cross, in the blood of hales, in our Lady's milk in the nails of Christ, which they make to a great number. Likewise in their false and blind errors, corrupt doctrines, absurd inventions repugnant to the truth of the word. Item in their bastard books, forged Epistles, their apocrypha, and Pseudopigrapha. Here cometh in their forged Canons, their foisting and cogging in ancient counsels & decrees, as in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Canons of the Apostles (if those Canons were the Apostles) Excepta Romana ●ede, foisted into the decrees by Gratianus, also the cogging in a false Canon to the council of Nice for the maintenance of the sea of Rome, as appeareth in the 6. Synod of Carthage.  

Untruth in the popish epistle decretal.  Here cometh in also the Epistles of Clement, and other sundry epistles Decretal, which as they are no doubt falsely inserted b● other, so are they the welhead of many superstitious traditions, oppressing this day the church of Christ. 
Wntruth in the popish Liturgies.  To speak moreover of the liturges of S. james, of chrysostom and other, of the first mass said by saint Peter at Rome, and that S. Peter ●ate 25. years Bishop of Rome. To speak also of the works of Augustine, Ambrose, 
Untruth in books counterfeit.  hierome, and Gregory, what doctor or famous writer hath there been in the church, under whose name some counterfeited books have not falsely been fathered, and yet stand still authorised under their patronage, to the great detriment of the church? 
Gregory's Dialogues.  What should I speak of Abdias, Amphilochius, Dionysius Areopagita. The Dialoges of Gregory, which falsely to this day have been ascribed to Gregory the first, where in deed they were first written in Greek, by Gregory the 3. and afterward translated out of Greek into Latin, 
Sermo ad Conuentum Sanctorum, in fine Eusebii. made by Constantine the Emperor.  by pope Zachary. vide supra. pag. 130. Likewise that worthy and Imperial sermon i●●tu●ed Eusebij pamphili Sermo ad Conuentum Sanctorum, hath to this day wrongfully borne the name of Eusebius. Where as in very truth it was made by the good Emperor Constantinus himself in his own heroical stile in latin, and afterward translated out of Latin into Greek by Eusebius, as he himself confesseth in his work De vita Constant. lib. 4. But as touching this sermon although the name be changed, so godly and fruitful it is, that it ●attereth not much, under whose name it be read, yet worthy to be read under the name of none so much, as of the Emperor Constantine himself, who was the true author and owner thereof.  

Untruth in the Pope's doctrine.  Briefly except it be the books only of the new Testament, and of the old, what is almost in the pope's church, but either it is mingled or depraved, or altered, or corrupted, 
Untruth in the pope's Legends and Mas●e books.  either by some additions interlased, or by some diminution mangled and gelded, or by some gloze adulterate, or with manifest lies contaminate. So that in their doctrine standeth little truth, in their Legends, Portues, & masse-bookes less truth, in their miracles and Relics lest truth of all. 

Untruth in the pope's miracles and relics.  
Untruth in the pope's Sacraments   Neither yet do their sacraments remain clear and void of manifest lies and corruption. And specially here cometh in the master be, which bringeth in much sweet honey into Pope's hives, the master lie, I mean of all lies, where the P. leaving not one cromme of bread nor drop of wine in the reverent communion, untruly and idolatrously taketh away all substance of bread from it, turning the whole substance of bread into the substance of Christ's own body: 
A master lie.  which substance of bread, if the Pope take from the sacrament, then must he also take the breaking from it: for breaking and the body of Christ, can in no wise stand literally together by the scripture. Thus then as this is proved by the word of God to be a manifest lie: so think not much (good Reader hereat, as though I passed the bonds of modesty in calling it the Archlye or master lie of all lies. Because upon this one, an infinite number of other lies and errors in the pope's church, as handmaids do wait and depend.  
But forsomuch as I stand here not to charge other men so much, as to defend myself, ceasing therefore, or rather differing for a time to stir this stinking puddle of these wilful and intended lies and untruths which in the Pope's Religion and in papists books be innumerable I will now return to those untruths and impudent lies which M. Cope hath hunted out in my history of Acts & Monuments, first beginning with those untruths which he carpeth in the story of the foresaid sir john Oldcastle, and sir Roger Acton, Browne and the rest.  
And first, where he layeth to my charge, that I call them Martyrs, which were traitors and seditious rebels against the king, and their Country: to this I have answered before sufficiently.  
Now here then must the reader needs stay a little at M. Copes request, to see my vanity and impudency yet more fully and amply repressed in refuting a certain place in my Latin story, concerning the kings statute made at Leiceister, which place and words by him alleged, be these, pag. 1●7. Quocirca Rex indicto Lecestriae concilio (quòd fort●ssis Londini ob Cabhami fautores non erat tutum) proposito edicto immanem denunciat poenam his, quicunque deinceps hoc doctrinae genus sectarentur, vsque●deo in eos severus, ut non modo haereticos, sed perduelliones etiam haberi, a● p●o inde gemino eos supplicio, suspendio simul & incendio afficiendos statueri●. etc. E● mox▪ Adeo ille vires, rationesque intendebat omnes adversus Wicklenianos'. Wicleviani ad temporis decebantur, quicunque Scripturas Dei sua lingua lectirarent &.  
Upon these words out of my foresaid Latin book alleged, master Cope persuadeth himself, to have great advantage against me, to prove me a notorious liar, in three sundry points. 
3. Points. 1. Objection  First, in that, whereas I say, that the king did hold his parliament at Leicester, adding this by the way of Parenthesis (quod fortassis Londini ob Cobhami fautores non erat tutum etc.) here he concludeth thereby simpliciter and precisely, that the Lord Cobham and sir Roger Acton with his fellows, were traitors etc. Whereby a man may soon shape a caviller, 
Cope cavilleth without cause.  by the shadow of master Cope. For where as my Dialysis out of the text speaketh doubtfully and uncertainly by this word (fortassis) meaning in deed, the king to be in fear of the Gospelers, that he durst not hold his Parliament at London, but went to Leiceister: 
Stat. an. 1. Hen. 5. cap. 7 2. Objection  he argueth precisely therefore, that the Lord Cobham, sir Roger Acton, and his fellows went about to kill the king. Secondly, where I affirm that the king in that Parliament made a grievous law against all such did hold the doctrine of Wickliff, that they should be taken hereafter: not for heretics, but also for felons, or rebels, or traitors, and therefore should sustain a double punishment, both to be hanged, and also to be burned etc. Here cometh in master Momus, with his Cope on his back, and proving me to be a liar, denieth plainly that the king made any such statute. 
Copu●. pag. 835. lin 6 Objection.  vid. pag. 835. line 6. where his words be these: Atqui quod haeretici pro perduellionibus & deinceps geminatas poenas suspendij & incendij luerent, ut nugatur Foxus, nullo modo illic traditur. etc.  
First here would be asked of master Cope, 
The sect of Wickliff made here●ie and treason by K. Henry 5 Polyd. Virg. lib. 22.  what he calleth patriae hosts, et proditores? if he call these traitors, then let us see whether they that followed the sect of wycliffe, were made traitors & heretics by the king's law, or not. And first let us hear what saith Polydore Virgil, his own witness in this behalf, whose words in his xxii. book, pag. 441. be these: Quare publice edixit, ut si uspiam deinceps reperirentur, qui eam sequerentur sectam, patriae hostes haberentur, quò sine omni lenitate severius ac ocyus de illis supplicium sumeretur etc. That is, wherefore it was by public statute decreed, that whosoever were found hereafter to follow the sect of Wyckliffe, should be accounted for traitors, whereby without all lenity, they should be punished more severely and quickly. etc.  
Thus have you (master Cope) the plain testimony of Polydore with me. And because ye shall further see yourself more impudent in carping, than I am in depraving of histories, you shall understand moreover and hear, what Thomas Walden, one of your own catholic brotherhood, & who was also himself alive, & a doer in the same Parliament, being the provincial of the Carmelites, saith in this matter writing to Pope Martin, whose very words in Latin here follow, 
Tho. Wald● in tomo primo. Doctrinali, ad Mart. pap● in prologo.  written in his Prologue to the said Martin, in this wise: Nec mora longa processit, quin statutum publicum per omne regni concilium in publico emanavit edicto, quod omnes Wiclevistae sicut dei proditores essent, sic proditores regis, proscriptis bonis censerentur et regni, duplici poenae dandi, incendio propter deum, suspendio propter regem etc. That is. And it was not long after, but a public law and statute came out, by the common assent of the general parliament of the whole Realm, that all Wiclenistes, as they were traitors to God, so also should be counted traitors to the king and to the realm, having their goods lost and confiscate unto the king. And therefore should suffer double punishment, as to be burnt for God, and to be hanged for the king etc. And thus have you (Master Cope) not only my sentence, but also the very words of my story confirmed by this author: because ye shall not think me to speak so lightly or impudently without my book. And moreover to confirm the said sentence of Tho. Walden, it followeth also in an other place of the foresaid author. Tomo. 1. lib. 2. 
Walden tomo 1. De doctri●ali ecclesia. cap. 46. lib. 2  De doctrinali fidei Ecclesie Cathol. Cap. 46. where he writeth in these words. Et tamen iam cum regnare coepisset Illustris rex Henricus 5. qui adhuc agit in sceptris, et de eorum perfidia per catholicos bin doctos, legem statui fecit ut ubique per regnum Wicklivista probatus, ut reus puniretur de crimine lesae maiestatis etc. That is. And yet, when the noble king Henry the v. who as yet doth live and reign, began first to reign, began to set forth a law, by his learned catholics which were about him, against the falseness of these men, so that whosoever was proved to be a Wicklevist, through the whole Realm, should be punished for a traitor. etc. What words can you have M. Cope, more plain than these? or what authority can you require of more credit, which lived in the same time, and both did see and hear of the same things done? who also writing to Pope Martin, was by the said pope Martin allowed, approved, & solemnly commended, as appeareth by the pope's Epistle to him, wherein the pope declareth: how he caused his books, Per solennes viros videri, 
Either Walden writeth true, or else the pope erveth.  & examinari. That is, by solemn persons to be seen and examined etc. So that you must needs grant, either this to be true, that Walden writeth or else that the Pope (tanquam Papa) in allowing his writings may err and be deceived. Choose ye (master Cope) of these two options whether you will take.  
And if ye think this my assertion yet not sufficiently rescued with these authorities above said, I will also here unto adjoin the testimony of an other writer named Roger wall, 
Rog. Wallus lib. de gestis Hen. 5 fol. 10.  who writing De Gestis Henric 5. and speaking of the said statute of this parliament some thing more plainly than the rest, hath these words, In hoc etiam Parliamento nobilitas regia hostes Christi sibi reputans proditores, volens dare intelligere universis, quòd ipse absque cuiuscunque fluctuationis dubio, quam diu auras hauriret vitales, verus & perfectus Christianae fidei aemulator existeret: statuit & decrevit, ut quotquot Ipsius sectae, quae dicitur Lollordorum, invenirentur aemuli & fautores eo facto rei proditorij criminis in maiestatem regiam haberétur etc. In English. Also in this parliament, the noble K. reputing Christ's enemies, to be traitors to himself, to the intent that all men should know withal doubt, that so long as he lived, he would be a true and perfect follower of Christian faith: did enact & decree, that whosoever should be found followers and maintainers of this sect, which is called the Lollards sect, Ipso facto, should be counted and reputed guilty of treason against the king's majesty. etc.  
By these hitherto alleged if M. Cope, will not be satisfied, yet let the reader indifferent judge: V●rum in hac re magis nugatur Foxus, an Copus calumniatur. And yet moreover to make the matter more certain, mark the clamation of the said Roger Wall, added to the end of those words above recited, whereby we have to understand more clearly, both what were the proceed of the king in the said Parliament & also what was the blind affection of monks and Priests at that time toward their king and Prince (which was then called princeps sacerdotum) in condemning and destroying the poor Lollards. 
K●llen. the 5 called Princeps Sacerdotum.  The words of the monk be these, O verus amicus, qui amico illa tam iniuriam sibi inferri consimiliter arbitratur, 
Reg. Walll●●. ibid.  praeiudicium illi intentum reputat esse suum, & ad eius onera conferenda, auxiliationis humeros supponere non veretur. etc. That is: O true friend, who taketh and reckoneth that injury no less done to himself which is done to his friend: and that prejudice which is intended against him, reputeth to be as his own. And to bear together the burdens of his friend, sticketh not to lay to his own shoulders, for the easing and helping of him etc.  
How can it now be denied (M. Cope) in reading these authors, and seeing their testimonies, but that Lollardery in this Parliament was made both treason. and heresy, & had therefore a double judgement of punishment annexed, to be hanged for for the one, and to be burned for the other according as in my former Latin story I recorded, and yet I trust, I trifled not?  

Copus pag. ●35. lin. 8.  But you will say again (as ye do) that there is no mention made for heresy to be made treason, nor of any double punishment to be inflicted for the same: In the body of the statute (I grant) there is no express mention in words of heresy to be made treason, 
Objection. Answer.  expressly signified in rigour of words: but inclusively it is so inferred, that it can not be denied. For first where lands, goods and cattle of the said Lollards were lost and forfeit to the king, 
Stat. an. 2. Hen. 5. cap. 7  what doth this import else, but treason or felony?  
And where the Lord Cobham (for whose cause specially this statute seemed to be made) did sustain afterward both hanging and burning by the vigour of the same statute what is here contained: but a double penalty? Again wherein the beginning of the statute mention is made of rumours and congregations, and after upon the same followeth the services of the king, whereunto the officers be first worn should first be preferred for liberty of holy Church, & punishment of heretics, made before these days and not repealed, ut supra, 
Vid. stat. an. 13. Iden. 4. cap. 7. Vid. stat. an. 15. Rich. 2. cap. 2. Vid. stat. an. 5. Rich. 2. cap.  pag. 000. what meaneth this, but to make these congregations of the Lollards, to be forcible entries riotes, great ridings, unlawful assembles, affrayres of the people, armour, routs, & insurrections, & so sendeth them to the former statutes not repealed, that is, to the statute. an. 13. Henr. 4. chap. 7? Where the punishment is left to the discretion of the king? or else to the statute. an. 15. Richard chap. 2. Where the penalty is made fine and ransom: Or else to the statute. an. 5. Richar. 2. chap. 6. where such assemblies be made plain treason, in fine statuti.  
And as here is matter of treason sufficiently contained so for heresy likewise the same statute referreth them to the ordinaries, 
Vip. stat. an. 2. Hen. 4. cap 1ST Vid. stat. an. 5. Rich. 2. cap. 5.  and to the laws, properly to heresy appertaining, and to the statute. an. 2. Henr. 4. chap. 15. where the penalty is burning. Also to the statute. an. 5. Richard 2. chap.  
5. So that in this present statute here mention is contained, as ye see although not in express words, yet inclusively (by referring to other statutes not repealed) both Lollardery which is punished with burning, and forcible entrees which is punished at the kings pleasure. And thus much concerning the second untruth, which M. Cope untruly noted in me.  
3. The third untruth which he noteth in me concerning this matter, 
3. Objection.  is this, wherein he reporteth me, that I say, there was no other cause of devising this sharp law & punishment against these men, 
Answer.  but only for having the scripture books. And therefore here is noted in the margin Foxi dolus malus, but let M. Cope take heed, he deceive not himself and other. For my part I remember no such place in this my Latin story where I so say. Only my words be these, added in the latter end of the place above recited: Wicleviani verò dicebantur quicunque id temporis Scripturas Dei sua lingua lectitarent. etc. That is. They were called Wiclevistes, whosoever at that time read the Scripture in english or vulgar tongue. etc. I say not, that for the scriptures being read in the english tongue, therefore the law was enacted, but so is M. Cope disposed to construe it. What law & statutes were made against writing or reading of any book in English or in any other tongue contrary to the Catholic (that is the Romish) saith, 

Reading of Scripture book● contrary to the romish faith made heresy. Statut an. 2. Hen. 4. cap. 14. Vide supta pag. 507.  
The text of Scripture not to be translated to the vulgar tongue under pain of heresy. Const. provinc. Tho. Arund. Vide supra. pag. 506.   or to the determination of the holy Church (that is of Rome) read I beseech thee the bloody statute made. an. 2. Hen. 4. chap. 15. above specified pag. 523, Also read the constitution provincial of Thomas Arundel above mentioned, pag. 524. lin. 9 Where it was decreed, that the text of holy scripture should not be had or read in the vulgar tongue from the time of M. john Wickliff, for ever after, unless the said translation be approved first by the ordinary or by provincial council, under pain and punishment of heresy. Now let the reader judge whether the reading of scripture books in the english tongue, by the making or translating of Wickliff, or from the time of Wicliffe downward, be counted heresy or not. As for the approving of the ordinary or of the provincial council added in the end of the said constitution, maketh more for a show or pretence, then for any just exception, or any true intention. For what man having those Scriptures translated in English, would either present them to their ordinaries being so set against the reading of such books? or what ordinary would or did ever yet since arundel's time approve any such translation, presented unto them? Or else why did the good Martyrs of Amersam suffer death, in the beginning of king Henry the viii. for having and reading certain books of Scripture, which were (as is said) only four Epistles of S. Paul, with certain other prayers. 
Children of Emershan caused to set faggots to their fathers.  And the other which heard them but only read, did bear faggots, and the same time, the children compelled to set faggots unto their fathers, at which time Longlande being then Bishop of Lincoln, & preaching to them at the stake, said: that whatsoever they were, that did but move his lips in reading those chapters, were damned forever: as when we come to that time, 
Copus pag. 833. lin. 20.  by the grace of Christ, shall hereafter more amply and notoriously appear. And where then is this Dolus malus Foxi, margined against me, for crafty dealing in my story?  
Moreover where M. Cope proceeding farther in this matter, asketh me: how was the Lord Cobham obedient to the king, 
Copus. pag. 83●▪ lin. 13.  when as for the fear of him, the king durst not then keep his parliament at London? To whom I answer again, ask likewise of M. Cope, how was the king then afraid to hold his parliament at London for the Lord Cobham, when the Lord Cobham at that time was in Wales: And here M. Cope, thinking to have me at a narrow strait, and to hold me fast, biddeth me tell him, how it could be otherwise, but the Lord Cobham must needs have fautors. And who should these fautors be (saith he) but sir Roger Acton, Browne & their fellows. The which mighty question of M. Cope, I answer again how can sir Roger Acton, Browne and their fellows be then fautors of the Lord Cobham, for whom the King durst not hold his parliament at London, when as the said Roger Acton, Browne, and the rest were put to death, a whole year almost before the Parliament at Leycester began?  
And now as I have hitherto briefly, and truly answered your askinges (M. Cope) let me be so bold with you again, to propound to you likewise an other question, For so much as you have put me to the searching of the statutes in this matter, wherewith before I was not much acquainted: now out of the same statutes riseth a doubtful scruple or question, worthy to be solved. The cause is this, that for as much as so many good martyrs and Saints of God hitherto in this realm of England, have been burned from the time of king Henry 4. Hen. 5. Hen. 6. Hen. 8. to the time and in the time of Queen Mary, my question is that you with all your learned council about you will tell me, by what law or statute of the realm were these men brent? I know the ancient custom hath been, that heretics convicted by a provincial council were wont to be left to the secular power. But how will ye prove me, these heretics were either convict by such provincial council, or that these seculare men ought to be your butchers in burning them, whom ye have committed to them? If ye allege the vi. Articles made in the reign of king Henry the 8. 

Statutè of the 6. articles in the time of K. Henry. 8.  
Statut. an. 5. Rich. 2. cap. 5. Statut. de comburendo. an. 2. Hen. 4. ca 15. Vide supra pag. 507.  
Statut. an. 2. Henr. 4. de comburendo.  
proved not sufficient, to burn any man.   those articles neither did serve before the time of king Henry the viii. neither yet were they revived after his time. If ye allege to the statute made. an. 5. Richar. 2. cap. 5. In that statute (I answer) is contained no matter of burning, but only of arrest to be done at the certifications of the prelate's, without any further punishment there mentioned. To conclude, if ye allege the statute made. an. 2. Henr. 4. chap. 15. and revived in the reign of Queen Mary, mentioned before pag. 523 To that statute I answer, that although that pretenced statute appeareth in form of words in the Printed book to give unto the temporal officers authority to bring them to the stake, and to burn them, whom the Bishop delivereth: Yet is it not to be proved, either by you, or any other, that statute to be law or warrant sufficient to burn any person or persons committed to the seculare power by the Clergy. And that I prove thus, for although the same statute of king Henry the fourth in the books printed, appear to ba●e law and authority sufficient, by the full assent both of the king, of the Lords, and of the commons: yet being occasioned by M. Cope to search further in the statutes, I have found that in the Rolls and first originals of that Parliament, there is no such mention either of any petition or else of any assent of the commons annexed or contained in that statute, according as in the printed books usual in the Lawyer's hands to craftily and falsely foisted in, as by the plain words thereof may well appear.  
For where the said statute. an. 2. Henry. 4. chap. 15. being thus entitled in the Rolls: Petitio cleri contra haereticos, and assented unto in this form: hath these words.   

Statut. an. 2. Henri. 4. cap. 15. Entitled in the roll thus: Petitio Cleri contra heteticos, and assented unto in this form.  

The printed statute an. 2. Hen. 4. cap. 15. falsely corrupted.  QVas quidem petitiones praelatorum & cleri superius expressatas do. noster Rex, de consensu magnatum & aliorum procerum regni sui, in praesenti Parliamento existentium concessit, & in omnibus & singulis juxta formam & effectum eorundé ordinavit & statuit de caerero firmiter observari, and so forth according to the petition: and more words, are there not in the statute roll. Wherefore where as the statute book printed hath thus: Super quibus quidem novitatibus & excessibus supereus recitatis (videlicet in the petition of the Prelates & clergy) praelati & clerus supradicti ac etiam communitates dicti Regni in eodem Parliamento existen. dicto Domino Regi supplicarunt. etc. Qui quidem Dominus Rex. etc. ex assensu magnatum & aliorum procerum eiusdem Regni etc. concessit ordinavit. etc. These words Ac etiam communitates dicti Regni. etc. are put in further than the roll doth warrant, and seemeth to be the practice of the clergy, to make that as an Act of Parliament, and to seem to have the force of a law, which was never assented unto by the commons.  

Ex constitutionibus provincialibus oxonia celebratis. joan. Antho.  And thus you see how this foresaid statute, Printed both in English and in Latin among the Provincial counsels of Oxford (by the virtue whereof so many good men have been burned so long in England) doth utterly overthrow itself, for that it swerveth from the record both in form and in matter, and lacketh the assent of the commons Which doubt I thought at this present to propound unto you (master Cope) for that you have so urged me to the searching out of the statutes, by your declaiming against the Lord Cobham.  
Moreover unto this statute aforesaid, join also with all an other Memorandum of like practice done. an. 5. Rich. 2. In the which year, 
Vid Stat. an. 5. Ric. 2. cap. 5  where as a statute was concluded the parliament. an. 5. Rich. 2. chap. 5. against certain preachers specified in the same statute, which going about in certain habits from place to place, did draw the people to sermons. And commissions were made and directed in the said parliament to the shrines, to arrest all such preachers and to imprison the same, at the certifications of the Prelates. Here is then to be noted, that the same statute an. 5. Rich. 2. cap. 5. was revoked by the king in the parliament. an. 6. Rich. 2 upon the words of the commons being these videl. Forasmuch as the same statute was never assented, ne granted by the commons, but that which therein was done, was done without their assent, and now aught to be undone, for that it was never their meaning to be justified and to bind themselves and their successors to the prelate's no more, 
Ex Rotul. Parliam.  than their ancestors had done before them. Ex Rotul. And yet this foresaid revocation notwithstanding in Queen mary's time, they inquired upon that statute.  
In searching of these statutes, 
The persecutors in burning Gods people have done against the law.  as you have occasioned me to find out these scruples: so being found out, I thought here not to dissemble them, for so much as I see and hear many now a days so boldly to bear themselves upon this statute, and thinking so to excuse themselves do say, that they have done nothing but the law the law: to the intent that these men seeing now how inexcusable they be both before God and man having no law to bear them out, may the sooner repent their bloody and unlawful tyranny, exercised so long against God's true servants, yet in time before that the just law of God shall find out their unjust dealings, which partly he beginneth already to do, and more no doubt will do hereafter.  
In the mean time this my petition I put up to the Commous, 
A necessary admonition to the Commons of England.  and to all other which shall hereafter put up any petition to the Parliament: that they being admonished by this abuse, will show themselves hear after more wise & circumspect: both what they agree unto in parliaments, & also what cometh out in their name. And as these good Commons in this time of king Henry 4. would not consent nor agree to this bloody statute, nor to any other like For so we read that the Commons in that bloody time of king Henry 4. when an other like cruel bill was put up by the Prelates in an. 8. Hen. 4. against the Lollards, they neither consented to this, and also overthrow the other: so in like manner it is to be wished, that the commons in this our time, or such other that shall have to do in parliaments hereafter following the steps of these former times, will take vigilant heed to such cruel bills of the Pope's prelacy, being put up, that neither their consent do pass rashly: nor that their names in any condition be so abused, Considering with themselves that a thing once being passed in the parliament, cannot afterward be called back: And a little inconvenience once admitted, may grow afterward to mischiefs that cannot be stopped. And sometime it may so happen that through rash consent of voices, the end of things being not well advised, such a thing being granted in one day, that afterward many days may cause the whole realm to rue. But I trust men are bitten enough with such black parliaments to beware of afterclaps. The Lord jesus only protector of his church, stop all crafty devices of subtle enemies, and with his wisdom direct our parliaments, as may be most to the advantage of his word, and comfort of his people. Amen. Amen.  
And thus much having said for the defence of the Lord Cobban, of sir Roger Acton knight, master john Browne Esquire, john Beverly preacher, and of other their fellows against Alanus Copus Anglus, here I make an end with this present Interim, till furthur leisure serve me here after (Christ willing) to pay him the whole Interest which I own unto him. Adding this in the mean time, and by the way: that if master Cope had been a Momus any thing reasonable, he had no great cause so to wrangle with me in this matter, who as I did commend the Lord Cobham & that worthily, for his valiant standing by the truth, of his doctrine before Thomas Arundel the Archbishop so touching the matter of this conspiracy, I did not affirm or define any thing thereof in my former history so precisely that he could well take any vantage of against me, 
Proposition disiunc●iue.  who in writing of this conspiracy laid against sir Roger Acton, And sir john Oldcastle, do but disiunctively or doubtfully speak thereof, not concluding certainly this conspiracy either to be true or not true, but only proving the same not to be true at that time, as Polydore Virgil. and Edward▪ Hall in their histories do affirm: which say that this conspiracy began after the burning of john Husse and Jerome of prague. Which could not be. And thereto tendeth my assertion. 
Lib. Act. & Monu. 174.  My words are plain, and are these. pag. 174. col. 2. line. 13. Wherefore it is evident that there was either no conspiracy at all against the king: or else that it was at some other time, or done by other Captains. etc.  
These be my words with other more, pag. col. and line above noted. In the which proposition disjunctive, if either part be true, it is enough for me. His part it was to refel both, which he hath not done. But only standing fast upon the one part, dissimuleth the other. And this is Alanus Copus Anglus, who by that he shall come from Rome (whether he is now gone as I hear say) I trust he will return a better Logician home again in suam Angliam.  
But to the truth of our matter, as I said before, so I say again, whatsoever this worthy, noble and virtuous knight sir Roger Acton was otherwise, 
Sir Roger Acton contrary to the Bish. of Rome. Causes conjectural why Sir Roger Acton with the rest, were put to death for traitors & Lollards.  this is certain that he was always of contrary mind, and opinion to the bishop of Rome, & to that kind of people, for the which cause he had great envy and hatred at their hands: and could as little bear it: neither do I greatly descent from them, which do suspect or judge that the Lord Cobham, by his friendly help escaped out of the Tower, and that peradventure was the cause why he was apprehended and brought to trouble, and in the end came to his death. Other causes also their might be, that these good men percase did frequent among themselves, some conventicles (which conventicles was made treason by the statute aforesaid) either in those Thickets or in some place else: for the hearing of God's word, and for public prayer, and therefore had they this Beverly their preacher with them.  
But to conclude whatsoever this sir Roger Acton was this is the truth, which I may boldly record, as one writing the Acts and things done in the Church, that he was at length apprehended, condemned and put to death or martyrdom. 3. years and more before the Lord Cobham died Likewise M. john Browne, and john Beverly the preacher, suffered with him the same kind of death (as some say) in the field of S. Giles with other more, to the number of 36. if the stories be true. Which was in the month of january. an 1413. after the computation of our English stories, 
Anno. 1414.  counting the year from the annunciation, but after the Latin writers counting from Christ's nativity. an. 1414. according as this picture is specified.  
These men as is said, suffered before the Lord Cobham aboot 3. years, of whose death divers do write diversly. Some say they were hanged and burnt in S. Gyles field, of whom is Fabian, 
Diversity in author's.  with such as follow him. Other there be which say that some of them were hanged & burnt. Polydorus speaking only of their burning maketh no mention of hanging. 
An english story beginning thus. A table of all the kings.  another certain english Chronicle I have in my hands borrowed of one M. Bowyer, who somewhat differing from the rest, recordeth thus of sir Roger Acton, that his judgement before the justice was thus, to be drawn through London to Tyburn, and there to be hanged, and so he was naked save certain parts of him covered with a cloth. etc. And when certain days were passed (saith the author) a Trumpeter of the kings called Thomas cliff got grant of the king to take him down, and to bury him, and so he did etc. And thus have you the story of sir Roger Acton, and his fellow brethren. As touching their cause whether it were true or else by error mistaken of the king, or by the fetch of the bishops surmised, I refer it to the judgement of him which shall judge both the quick and dead, 
M. Cope gone to Rome.  & seculum per ignem. To whom also I commit you M. Cope, God speed your journey well to Rome, whether I hear say you are going, and make you a good man.  
After the decease or martyrdom of these above mentioned, 
The death of Thomas ArunArchb. of Cant. Ex hist. S. Alba. God's works & punishments to be noted.  who are executed in the month of january an. 1414. in the next month following, and in the same year, the 20. day of February, God took away the great enemy of his word, and rebel to his king Thom. Arundel Archb. of Cant. Whose death following after the execution of these good men above recited, by the marvelous stroke of God so suddenly, may seem somewhat to declare their innocency, and that he was also some great procurer of their death, in that God would not suffer him longer to live, striking him with death incontinently upon the same. But as I did the other before, so this also I do refer, to the secret judgement of the Lord, who once shall judge all secrets openly.  
¶ The picture of the burning and hanging of divers persons counted for Lollards, in the first year of the reign of king Henry the fift.  
In the death of this Archb. first Polydor Virgil is deceived, who in his 22. book, pag. 441. affirmed his death to be an. 1415. and in the second year of king Henr. 5. also after the beginning of the Council of Constance who in deed never reached the beginning thereof, nor ever saw the second year of that king (unless ye count the first day for a year) but died before, an. 1414. Feb. 20. Ex hist. S. Albani & multis. Furthermore concerning the death of this Arundel, and the manner thereof, who had not been so heavy a troubler of Christ's saints in his time, because the thing seemeth worthy of noting, to behold the punishment of God upon his enemies, this is to report, as I have found it alleged out of Thomas Gascoin in Dictionario Theologico: Whose plain words be these: 
Tho. Gascohius in Dictionario theologico. An example of Gods working hand against the enemies of his word.  Anno. 1414. Tho. Arundel Cant. Archiepiscop. sic lingua percussus erat: ut nec deglutire, nec loqui per aliquot dies ante mortem suam potuerit, divitis epulonis exemplo: & sic tantum obijt. Atque multi tunc fieri putabant, quia verbum alligasset, ne suo tempore praedicaretur. etc.  
That is, Thomas Arundel archbishop of Cant. was so stricken in his tongue that neither he could swallow, nor speak for a certain space before his death, much like after the example of the rich glutton, 
The marvelous hand of God up on Tho. Arundel Archb of Cant.  and so died upon the same. And this was thought of many to come upon him, for that he so bound the word of the Lord, that it should not be preached in his days etc. which if it be true, as it doth well here appear, these and such other horrible examples of gods wrath, may be terrible spectacles for such as occupy their tongues and brains so busily to stop the course of god's wrath, striving but against the stream against the force whereof, 
It is in vain to gainstand God's word.  neither they are able to resist, & many times in resisting are overturned themselves & drowned therein. And thus much for the death of Tho. Arundel, who continued archb. in the see of Cant. the space of 18. years.  

Hen. Chichesly Archb. of Cant.  After this Arundel, succeeded next in the said see of Canterb. Henry Chichelsly made archb. an. 1414. and sat xxv. years. This Henry following likewise the steps of his predecessor, showed himself no small adversary against the favourers of the truth. In whose time was much trouble and great affliction in the church. For as the preaching and teaching of the word did multiply and spread abroad daily more and more, so on the contrary side, more vigilant care and strait inquisition followed and increased against the people of God, by reason whereof divers did suffer, & were burned, some for fear fled the country. Many were brought to examination, and by infirmity constrained to abjure. Of whom hereafter (Christ willing) particularly in order of their times we will entreat.  
As true piety, and sincere preaching of Christ's word began at this time to decay: So idle monkery and vain superstition in place thereof begun to increase. 
Zion & Bethleem builded.  For about the same year the king began the foundation of 2. monasteries, one of the one side of Thames of friars observant, the other on the other side Thames called Shene and Zion, dedicated to Charter house monks, with certain Brigit nuns or recluses, to the number of 60. dwelling within the same precinct, so that the whole number of these with priests, monks, deacons and nuns should equal the number of 13. Apostles and 72. disciples. The order of these was according to the description of S. Paul the Apostle, Col. 1. Eat not, taste not, touch not, etc. to eat no flesh, to wear no linen, to touch no money. etc.  
About Michaelmas, the same year the king began his Parliament at Leicester, above mentioned. In the which Parliament the commons put up their bill again, which they had put up before, an. 11. Henr. 4. the tempporalties disorderly wasted by men of the church, might be converted & employed to the use of the king, of his Earls and knights and to the relief of the poor people, as is before recited, pag. 557. 
Vide supra pag. 557.  In fear of which bill least the king would give thereunto any comfortable audience (as testifieth Rob. Fabian and other writers) certain of the Prelates & other headmen of the church put the king in mind to claim his right in France. 
Fabian with other  Whereupon ●en. Chichesly Archbish. of Caunterbury made a long and solemn oration before the king to persuade him to the same, offering to the king in the ●ehalfe of the Clergy great and notable sums. 
A crafty practice of the prelate's. The king stirred up to wars by the bishops.  By reason whereof (saith Fabian) the bill was again put of, and the king set his mind for the recovery of the same: so that soon after he sent his letters and messengers to the French king concerning that matter, and received from him again answer of derision, with a pipe of tennis balls (as some record) sent from the Dolphin, for him to play with at home. Whereby the kings mind was incensed the more toward that voyage, who then furnishing himself with strength and armour, with powder & shot, and gunstones to play with in France, and with other artillarye for that purpose convenient, so set over into France, where he got Dareflew with divers other towns and castles in Normandy and Picardy, and at Agyncourt had a great victory over the french army, they benig counted but 7. thousand. by pricking sharp stakes before them. etc. After that he wa● Cane, Towke, Kowan with other ●ownes more, as Meldune, or Melione, and married with Katherine the french kings daughter. And yet notwithstanding the third time he made his voyage again into France, where at length at Bloys he fell sick and died, Concerning all which viages, because they are sufficiently discoursed in Fabian, ●alle, and other Chronographers, referring therefore the reader unto them, I will return my story to other matters of the Church more effectual.   

The entry of the story of the Bohemians.  
I Declared a little before how by the occasion of Queen Anne, 
Vide supra. pag. 507  which was a Bohemian and married to king Richard 2. the Bohemians coming thereby to the knowledge of Wickliff's books here in England, began first to taste and savour Christ's gospel, 
The Bohemians receiving the Gospel.  till at length by the preaching of john Husse, they increased more and more in knowledge. In so much that pope Alexander the v. hearing thereof, began at last to stir coals, and directeth his Bu● to the archbishop of Suinco, requiring him to look to the matter, & to provide that no person in Churches, Schools or other places should maintain that doctrine, citing also I. Hus to appear before him. 
The pope against the Bohemians. john Hus cited of the Pope. john Husse appealeth from the pope to the Pope. Pope john. 23.  To whom the said john answering again, declared that mandate or Bull of the pope utterly to repugn against the manifest examples & doings both of Christ and of his Apostles, and to be prejudicial to the liberty of the Gospel, in binding the word of God not to have free recourse. And therefore from this mandate of the P. he appealed to the same Pope better advised. But while he was prosecuting his appeal, Pope Alexander died, as is aforesaid, pag, ●53. Ex Cochleo, in hist. Hussit.  
After whom succeeded Pope john the xxiii. who also playing his part here in this matter like a Pope, sought by all means possible how to repress and keep under the Bohemians, first beginning to work his malice upon the foresaid john hus their preacher. Who at the same time preaching at prague in the temple of Bethleem, because he seemed rather willing to teach the Gospel of Christ, than the traditions of Bishops, was therefore accused of certain to the forenamed P. john the 23. for an heretic. The Bishop committed the whole matter unto Cardinal de Collumna, 
john Hus accused to pope john.  who when he had heard the accusation, he appointed a day to john Husse, that he should appear in the court of Rome: which thing once done, Wenceslaus king of the Romans & of Boheme, at the request specially of his wife Sophia, and of the whole nobility of Boheme, as also at the earnest suit and desire of the town and university of prague: He sent his Ambassadors to Rome, to desire the bishop to quit & clearly deliver john hus from that sentence and judgement, and that if the bishop did suspect the kingdom of Boheme to be infected with any heretical or false doctrine, that he should send his ambassadors the which might correct and amend the same, if there be any error or fault in them. And that all this should be done at the only costs and charges of the king of Boheme, and to promise in his name that he would aid and assist the Bishop's Legates with all his power and authority, to punish all such as should be taken or found in any erroneous doctrine. In the mean season also john Husse before his day appointed, sent his lawful and meet procurators unto the court of Rome, and with most firm and strong reasons, did prove his innocency, whereupon he trusted so, that he thought he should have easily obtained that he should not have been compelled, by reason of the great danger, to appear the day appointed. But when as the Cardinal de Collumna, (unto whose will and judgement the whole matter was committed) would not admit no defence or excuse: 
john Hus excommunicate by Cardinal de Collumna. ●  john Husse his procurators, appealed unto the high Bishop: yet notwithstanding, this last refuge did not so much prevail with Cardinal de Collumna, but that he would openly excommunicate john hus as an obstinate heretic, because he came not at his day appointed unto Rome.  
notwithstanding for so much as his procurators had appealed unto the high bishop, they had other judges appointed unto them, as cardinal Aquileianus and cardinal ●enetus with certain others. The which judges after they had prolonged and differred the matter by the space of one year and a half, at the last they returned to the sentence and judgement of cardinal de Columna, and confirming the same, commanded john Hus his Procurators that they should leave of to defend him any more, for they would suffer it no longer. Whereupon when his Procurators would not cease their instant suit, certain of them were cast into prison, and grievously punished, the other leaving their business undone, returned into Boheme.  

The Bohemians a●●●●st the Pope & his ●●ings. Ex Cochleo 〈…〉. ●us●●. lib. 1  The Bohemians notwithstanding little cared for all this, but continuing still as they grew more in knowledge, so the less they regarded the Pope, complaining daily against him and the Archb. for stopping the word of God, and the gospel of Christ to be preached, saying that by their indulgences and other practices of the court of Rome, and of the bishop's Consistory, they sought their own profit, & not of jesus Christ: that they plucked from the sheep of Christ the wool and milk, and did not feed them, neither with the word of God nor with good examples. Teaching moreover and affirming, that the commandments of the Pope and Prelates are not to be obeyed, but so far as they follow the doctrine and life of Christ and of his Apostles, and that lay men ought to judge the works of the prelate's as Paul judged the works of Peter in correcting him. Gal. 2. Furthermore, they had amongst than certain notes and observations, whereby they might discern how far & wherein they might obey their prelate's: they derided also & scorned the Pope's jurisdiction, because of the schism that was then in the church, when there were 3. pope's together one striving against another for the papacy.  

Doubts ●ohn Hus ●●●pounded  Over and besides this, at the same time john Hus did propound publicly, and by the Notaries caused to be written. 3. doubtful questions, the tenor whereof followeth here word for word & is this: Forasmuch saith he as it is good for men being in doubt to ask counsel, whereby all dubitation removed, they may be able the more firmly to adhere the truth. 3. doubts here arise to be solved. The first doubt is whither we ought to believe in the Pope. The second, whither it be possible for any man to be saved, which confesseth not with his mouth unto a mortal priest. The third doubt is, whither any of the doctors do hold or say that some of pharao's host being drowned in the red sea, and of the Sodomites being subverted, besaved.  
As concerning the first, he did hold negatively, alleging the saying of ●ede upon this place of the Apostle: To him that believeth upon him which justifieth the wicked, his faith is imputed to righteousness. 
●●●dere in ●●●n. ●●edere ●●o. ●●●dere 〈◊〉. ●●. Lomb. 〈◊〉 dist. ●. cap. 11. Against A●●rice confession.  Rom. 4. Upon this place saith ●ede: Aliud est credere in deum, aliud credere deo, aliud credere deum. etc. The second doubt saith he, the master of the sentence doth answer. lib. 4. dist. 17. cap. 11. in these words: What is then to be holden or said herein? Certes, that without the confession of the mouth, and assoiling of the outward pain, sins be forgiven through contrition and humility of the hart. etc. For the third doubt he brought in the words of S. Jerome upon the Prophet Nahum, speaking of the Egyptians destroyed in the sea, and of the Sodomites destroyed with fire, & of the Israelites destroyed in the desert. Know you (saith Jerome) that God therefore punished them for their sins here temporally, because they should not be punished hereafter perpetually, & therefore because they were here punished, they shall not be punished hereafter for else the scripture should lie, which is not to be granted. These 3. questions belike john Hus did bring in to declare how the doctors do not agree in all things neither with the church of Rome, neither are to be followed in all points of all men.  

Council of the prelate's of prague against the Gospelers.  It followeth moreover after the death of the Archbish. Swinco above mentioned, that one named Conradus was placed by the pope there to be chief general, which Conradus conferring with the divines and doctors of the university of prague, required their advises and counsels, what way they might best take to assuage the dissensions & discords between the clergy and the people. Whereupon a certain council was devised to be holden after this sort and manner as followeth.  
1. First, that all doctors and masters of the university of prague should be assembled in the court of the Archb. and in his presence that every doctor and master should swear, not to hold or maintain any of the 45. articles of john Wickliff before condemned.  
2. Item, concerning the 7. sacraments of the Church, the keys & censures of the church, the manners, rites, ceremonies, customs, and liberties of the church, concerning also the worshipping of relics and indulgenses, the orders & religions of the church, that every one shall swear that he doth hold, believe & maintain, and will maintain as doth the church of Rome and no otherwise, of the which church of Rome the Pope is the head, & the college of Cardinals is the body: who are the true and manifest successors of blessed S. Peter prince of the Apostles, and of the college of the other Apostles of Christ.  
3. Item, that every one shall swear, that in every catholic matter belonging to the Church that he will stand to the determination of the Apostolical sea, and that he will obey the prelate's in all manner of things wheresoever, 
Purum bonum, Purum malum, Medium.  the thing which is pure good is not forbidden: or that which is mere ill, is not commanded: but is mean or indifferent between both. Which mean or indifferent thing, yet notwithstanding by circumstances of time, place or person, may be either good or evil.  
4, Item, that every one shall swear & confess by his oath, that the opinions of Wickliff and others, touching the 7. sacraments of the church and other things above notified, being contrary to the said church of Rome be false.  
5. Item, that an oath be required of them all, that none of them shall hold, defend or maintain any of the 45. articles of john Wickliff aforesaid; or in any other matter catholic, and especially of the 7. Sacraments and other articles above specified, but only as doth the Church of Rome, and no otherwise.  
6. Item, that every ordinary in his diocese shall cause the said premises contained in the 1.2.3.4. articles aforesaid to be published in his Synods, and by his preachers to be declared to the people in the kingdom of Boheme.  
7. Item, that if any Clerk, student, or lay man shall with stand any of the premises, that the ordinary have authority if he be convicted thereof to correct him, according to the old laws and Canons, and that no man shall d●●end such one by any means, for none but the ordinary hath power to correct such a man, because the Archbishop is chancellor both of the kingdom and university of prague.  
8. Item, that the songs lately forbidden, being odious, ●aunderous and offensive to others fame, be not long neither in streets, taverns, nor any other place.  
9 Item, that master john Hus shall not preach so long as he shall have no absolution of the court, neither shall hinder the preaching in prague by his presence, that by this, his obedience to the Apostolical sea may be known.  
10. Item, that this Council doth appear to be good and reasonable for the putting away of ill report and dissension that is in the kingdom of Boheme.  
11. Item, if master john Hus, with his complices will perform this, which is contained in the 4. former Articles, than we will be ready to say as they would wish us and have us, whensoever need shall require, that we do agree with them in matter of faith, otherwise if they will not so do, we in giving this testimony should lie greatly unto our Lord the King & to the whole world. And moreover, we will be content to write for them to the Court of Rome, and do the best we can for them, our honours saved. This counsel and devise being considered amongst the head of the university of prague, the foresaid administrator named Conradus, presented to the king and to the barons of the realm, and also to the Senate of prague. Whereof as soon as word came to john Hus and his adherents, they likewise drew out other Articles in manner and form of a council as followeth.  
For the honour of God & the true preaching of his gospel, for the health of the people, and to avoid the sinister & false infamy of the kingdom of Boheme, and of the Marquiship of Moravia, & of the city and university of prague, and for the reforming of peace & unity between the clergy and the scholars of the university.  
1. First, let the right and just decrement of the princes and of the kings council, be holden and stand in force, which between the L. Archbi. Suinco on the one party, and between the rector & master john Hus on the other party, was made, proclaimed, s●aled, and solemnly on both parts received and allowed in the court of our sovereign Lord the king.  
2. Item, that the kingdom of Boheme remain in his former rites, liberties & common customs, so as other kingdoms & lands do enjoy, that is, in all approbations, condemnations, and other acts concerning the holy mother universal church.  
3. Item, that master I. Hus, against whom the foresaid Lord Suinco, could object no crime before the council, that the said john Hus may be present in the congregation of the Clergy and there whosoever will object to him either heresy or error, let him object, binding himself to suffer the like pain, if he do not prove it.  
4. Item, if no man will set himself on the contrary part against him, then let the commandment be made by our sovereign Lord the king through all his Cities; and likewise let it be ordained and proclaimed through all villages and towns, that master john Hus, is ready to render account of his faith, and therefore if any will object unto him any heresy or error, let him write his name in the chancery of the Lord Archbishop, and to bring forth his probations openly before both the parties.  
5. Item, if no such shallbe found to object, or which will write his name, then let them be called for, which caused to be noised & rumoured in the Pope's Court, that in the kingdom of Boheme, in the City of prague, and in the Marquesdome of Moravia, many there be whose hearts be infected with heresy and error, that they may prove who they be: and if they be not able to prove it, let them be punished.  
6. Item, that commandment be directed to Doctors of Divinity and of the Canon law, and to the Chapter of Cathedral churches, and that it be required of them all and of every one particularly, that they will bring forth his name, if they know any such to be an heretic or erroneous. And if they deny to know any such, then let them make recognition thereof, before the public Notary, confirming the same with their seals.  
7. Item, these things thus done & premised, then that our sovereign Lord the king, & also that the Archb. will give commandment under pain that no man shall call one another heretic or erroneous, unless he will stand to the probation of that heresy or error, as it becometh him.  
8. Item, after these things obtained that our sovereign lord the king, with the consent of his Barons, will then levy a subsidy, or collect of the clergy, & direct an honest embassy to the Pope's court, with the which ambassadors, let them also go upon their own proper charges or expenses for their purgation, which have caused this kingdom falsely & grievously to be infamed in the Apostolical court.  
9 Item, in the mean season for the presence of master I. Hus no Interdict aught to be made, as it was made of late contrary to the order and determination of our holy mother church. etc.  
As this matter was thus in altercation between the two parts, the one objecting, the other answering in articles, as is aforesaid: In the mean time it happened by the occasion of Ladislaus king of Naples, who had besieged the Pope's towns and territories, that Pope john raising up war against the said Ladislaus, gave full remission of sins to all them which would war of his side to defend the church. When this Bull of the pope's indulgence was come to prague, 
The Pope maketh war.  and there published, the king Wenselaus, who then favoured that pope, gave commandment that no man should attempt any thing against the said Pope's indulgences. But Hus with his followers, not able to abide the impiety of those pardons. began manifestly to speak against them, of the which company were 3. certain artificers, who hearing the priest preaching of these iudulgences, did openly speak against them, & called the pope Antichrist, which would set up the cross to fight against his evenchristened. Wherefore they were brought before the Senate, and committed to ward. But the people joining themselves together in arms: came to the magistrates, requiring them to be let lose. The magistrates with gentle words and fair promises satisfied the people, so that every man returning home to his own house, the tumult was assuaged. But the captives being in prison, not withstanding were there beheaded, whose names were john, 
john. Ma●tine. Sta●con. Martyrs.  Martin, and Stascon. The death and martyrdom of these three being known vuto the people, they took the bodies of them that were slain, and with great solemnity brought them unto the church of Bethlem. At whose funeral divers priests favouring that side, did sing in this wise These be the Saints which for the testament of God gave their bodies. etc. And so their bodies were sumptuously interred in the church of Bethlem, I. Hus preaching at the same funeral, much commending them for their constancy, and blessing God the father of our Lord jesus Christ, which had hid the way of his verity so from the prudent of this world, and had revealed it to the simple lay people and inferior priests, which chose rather to please God then men.  
Thus this City of prague was divided. The prelate's with the greatest part of the clergy, & most of the Barons, which had any thing to lose, did hold with the pope, especially Steven Paletz, 
Steven Paletz a great enemy to john Hus.  being the chiefest doer on that side. On the contrary part the commons, with part of the clergy & students of the university went with john Hus. Wenslaus the king fearing least this would grow to a tumult, 
I. Husse banished out of prague.  being moved by the doctors and prelate's and council of his barons thought best to remove john hus out of the City, who had been excommunicated before by the Pope: And further to cease this dissension risen in the church, committed the matter to the disposition of the doctors and the clergy. They consulting together among themselves, did set forth a decree, ratified and confirmed by the sentence of the king, containing the sum of 18. articles for the maynteynance of the Pope and the see of Rome, against the doctrine of Wickeliffe and john hus. The names of the Doctors of Divinity were these: Steven Paletz: Stanislaus de Znoyma: Petrus de Ikoyma: joannes Heliae: Andreas Broda: johannes Hildesen: Mattheus Monachus: Hermannus Heremita: Georgius Bota: Simon Wenda. etc. john Hus thus departing out of prague, went to his country, where he being protected by the Lord of the Soil, continued there preaching, to whom resorted a great concourse of people, neither yet was he so expelled out of prague, but that sometimes he resorted to his church of Bethleem, and there also preached unto the people.  
Moreover against the said decree of the doctors, I. Hus with his company replied again, and answered to their articles, with contrary articles again as followeth.   

The objections of john Hus and of his part, against the decree of the Doctors.  
FIrst, the foundation of the Doctors whereupon they found all their writings and counsels, is false, which foundation is this, where as they say that part of the clergy in the kingdom of Boheme is pestilent and erroneous, and holdeth falsely of the Sacraments,  
2. The Doctors hereby do defame the kingdom of Boheme, and do raise up new discords.  
3. Let them show therefore those persons of the clergy, whom they call pestilent, & so let them verify their report, binding themselves to suffer the like pain, if they be not able to prove it.  
4. False it is that they say, the Pope & the cardinals to be the true & manifest successors of Peter & of the Apostles, neither that any other successors of Peter or the Apostles, can be found upon earth besides them. When as no man knoweth whether he be worthy of hatred or of favour. And all Bishops and priests be successors of Peter & of the Apostles.  
5. Not the pope, but Christ only is the head: and not the Cardinals, but all Christ's faithful people be the body of the Catholic church, as all holy Scripture and decrees of the holy fathers do testify and affirm.  
6. And as touching the pope, if he be a reprobate, it is plain that he is no head, no nor member also of the holy Church of God, but of the devil, and of his synagogue.  
7. The clergy of the gospelers agreeing with the saying of S. Austen which they allege, and according to the sanctions of the fathers, and determinations of the holy mother church, do say and affirm laudably: that the condemnation and prohibition of the 45. articles is unlawful, and unjust, and rashly done: for that not only because the doctors, but also all Bishops and Archbishops, in such great causes, namely, touching faith (as these articles do) have no authority at all, as appeareth●. De baptismo et eius effectu cap. Maiores. Et in Can. 17. dist. cap. Hinc sedi. etc.  
8. The second cause of the discord which they allege, also is most false: seeing the faith of whole Christendom concerning the church of Rome, is divided in 3. parts by the reason of 3. pope's, which now together do reign: And the 4. part is neutral. Neither is it true, that we ought to stand in all things to the determination of the pope, & of the cardinals, but so far forth as they do agree with the holy scripture of the old and new Testament, from whence the sanctions of the fathers, did first spring as is evident. De accusationibus cap. qualiter. etc.  
9 In the 4. Article they braced out into a certain dotage, & are contrary to themselves. By reason that they doitishly have reprehended the gospelers, who in all their doings receive the holy scripture (which is the law of God, the way of truth and life) for their judge and measure: and afterward they themselves do allege the scripture. Deut. 17. where all judges both pope's and Cardinal's are taught to judge & discern between leper & leper, & in every ecclesiastical cause, only after the rule of god's law. And so are they contrary unto their second article, wherein they say: that in every catholic matter we must run to the pope: which is contrary to the foolish condemnation of the Articles aforesaid. 10 Consequently, like idiots they do most falsely allege for their purpose the Canon, under the name and authority of Jerome written 24. q. 1. Haec est fides papa. etc. where they do apply the words of Jerome most impertinently to the pope of Rome, 
26. q. 1. H●● est fides.  which he writeth to S. Austen, calling him a most blessed Pope.  
11. By the which place of Jerome, 
Austen called Pope.  it is manifest that the first article of those doctors is false. Forasmuch as by these words appeareth that other besides the bishop of Rome and his Cardinals, are called blessed Popes, holding the faith and seat of Peter, and are successors of the Apostles as was Austen and other holy bishops more.  
12. Whereof it followeth moreover, that the church of Rome is not that place, where the Lord did appoint the principal sea of his whole Church. For Christ, which was the head priest of all, did first sit in jerusalem, and Peter did sit first in Antioch, and afterward in Rome. Also other pope's did sit some in Bonony, some at Perusium, some at Auinion.  
13. Item, the foresaid Prelates are falsifiers of the holy Scriptures and Canons, & therefore are worthy to be punished: Which affirm and say, that we must obey the pope in all things. For why it is known that many Popes have erred, and one Pope was also a woman. To whom not only it was not lawful to give obedience, 
Pope joane a● woman.  but also unlawful to communicate with them. As all Rubrices, and infinite Canons do declare.  
14. Item, their 6.7.8.9.10.11. Articles do stand and are grounded upon untrue and false persuasions. And therefore are to be rejected and detested like the other before: Seeing they do induce not to peace and verity, but to dissension and falsity.  
15. It is manifest also to the laity, that this dissension among the clergy riseth for no other cause, but only for the preaching of the Gospel, which reprehendeth such Simoniacs. and such heretics in the church of God, as namely haunt the court of Rome, spreading out their branches abroad into all the world. Who deserve to be removed & extirpate not only of the clergy gospelers, but also of the secular power. And so these three vices, to wit, simony, Luxurity, 
Simony, Luxury, A●●●ice, three causes of dissension in ●he clergy.  & Avarice (which is Idol worship) be the causes of all this dissension among the clergy in the kingdom of Boheme, and not the other, which they falsely ascribe to the Gospelers of prague. These three vices being removed, peace and unity would soon be reform in the Clergy.  
16. Moreover, their last article is to much gross, and not only is without all law, but also without all colour of law: whereas they fond and childishly do argue thus: that the processes made against M. john Hus aught to be obeyed, because forsooth the common sort of the clergy of prague, hath received them: By the same reason they may argue also, that we must obey the devil, for our first parents Adam and Eve obeyed him. Also our fore ancestors before us were Pagans, wherefore we must obey them, and also the Pagans.  
17. But let this frivolous opinion go, this is certain truth, that the said processes made against master john Hus, by law are none. Forsomuch as they were obtained, drawn, wrought, and executed contrary to the commission of the Pope, against the determination of the holy mother church, as appeareth Cap. Sacro de Sententia excom. and a thousand other laws besides.  
18. Finally, whosoever wittingly & obstinately do defend and execute (the said processes made) or consenteth unto them, are all to be counted as blasphemers, excommunicate, and heretics, as hath been afore written and exhibited to the Lord general bishop Olomucense. And more shallbe declared and proved, if audience may be given openly before all the Doctors. Ex Aenea Sylui. & Chocleo.  
¶ Unto these objections of I. Hus & his part, the Catholic Doctors again did answer in a long tedious process: The scope whereof principally tended to defend the principality of the Pope, & to maintain his obedience above all other potentates in the world: affirming & contending, that although Christ is the head alone of the whole multitude of them that are sleeping in Purgatory, and which are labouring in the Church militant, and which are resting in heaven: yet this letteth not, but the Pope is head of the church here militant, that is, of all the faithful, which here in this world live under his office. Like as Christ is king of all kings, and yet Charles may be the king of France: So say they, 
As Charles may be king of France: So also we grant, the pope may be Bish. of Italy, and so it is a good consequent. He may so be, if God had so appointed him but where doth he so appoint.  Christ may be the universal head, and yet the Pope may be head under him of the whole Church. And thus concluded they that the pope is the head, and that the College of Cardinals is the body of the Romish church, which church of Rome is placed in the ecclesiastical office here over the earth, to know and define upon every ecclesiastical and catholic matter, to correct errors, and to purge them, and to have care upon all such universal matters, & cure upon all universal churches, and upon the universal flock of faithful christians. Forasmuch as in the regiment of the church through the universal world, there must needs remain in such office always some such manifest & true successors of Peter, prince of the Apostles & of the college of the other Apostles of Christ: neither can there be found or given upon earth any other successors, 
Ex Cochleo in h●st. Hushed. Catholic that is universal.  but only the Pope which is the head, and the college of Cardinals, which is the body of the foresaid church of Rome. And although the whole universal multitude of the faithful do make the body of Christ, yet the same body of Christ is not placed here in office to exercise such authority upon earth. Because that universal multitude was never yet, nor ever can be congregate together.  
And therefore necessary it is, 
If ye go to humane policy, who ever ●awe any private case of England brought to the emperors court to be decided. If ye go to God's policy, then show gods word for it. The promise of Christ doctourly applied.  that some such true and manifest successors & judges be appointed, to whom recourse must be had, in all such catholic and ecclesiastical matters determinable. For like as in earthly regiments, every case of discord is brought before his judge, & hath his place assigned where to be decided: So like reason would require, that in principal matters and controversies of faith, some such precedents & places be limited for the purpose to have such doubts resolved. And this being granted, than the doctors proceed, & here must needs conclude (say they) that there cannot be given in all the world any other place, but only the church of Rome: the head whereof is the Pope, & the body is the college of Cardinals. For like as Christ departing out of this world in his corporal presence, le●t his body here with us, under the Sacrament in another form, whereby he remaineth with us (according to his promise Mat. vlt.) unto the consummation of the world: Even so while Christ walked here on earth in his bodily presence, he was Pope himself & chief bishop, & so head of the church here militant in earth, corporally conjoined with the same, as the head is to his body. But after that he departed out of the world because his body which is the church militant, 
O deep divinity of these doctors.  up on the earth, should not be headless, therefore he left Peter, & his successors to his church, for an head in his place, unto the consummation of the world, saying to him: Thou art Peter, & upon this rock I will build my church. etc. Mat. 16. And again he saith, feed my sheep. joan. vlt. That is to say, be thou Peter the head over thy brethren.  
Tedious it were to recite all the bibblebabble of these doctors in this their long responsal. 
Vide Eneam. Silu●. & Cocleum. De Hist. Hussit. lib. 1.  Who so lisbeth to see the bottom of their profound writing & knowledge, may resort either to the history of silvius, or else to M. Cochleus, in his first book De hist Hussit.  
Thus then M. john Hus being driven out of prague (as is afore touched) by the motion of these Doctors, and moreover being so excommunicate, that no Mass nor other must be said there where he was present. The people begun mightily to grudge and to cry out against the Prelates & other popish priests, which were the workers thereof, accusing them to be Simoniacs, covetous, whoremasters, adulterers, proud, sparing not to lay open their vices to their great ignominy and shame. And much craving a reformation to be had of the clergy.  
The king seeing the inclination of the people, being also not ignorant of the wickedness of the clergy, under pretence to reform the church, began to require greater exactions upon such Priests and men of the Clergy, as were known and accused to be wicked livers. Whereupon they on the other part, that favoured john Hus, taking that occasion present, complained of all, accused many, and spared none, Whomsoever they knew to be of the Catholic faction, or enemies to john Hus. By reason whereof the priests of the popish Clergy were brought, 
The priests of Boheme desplayed and taxed for their ill life.  such as were faulty, into great distress, and such as were not faulty, into great fear. In so much that they were glad to fall in, at least not to fall out with the Protestants, being afraid to displease them. By this means master Hus began to take some more liberty unto him, & to preach in his church at Bethleem, & none to control him: by the same means the people also received some comfort, and the king much gain & money by the reason.  
And thus the popish Clergy, while they went about to persecute john Hus, were in wrapped themselves in great tribulation, and afflicted on every side, as well of lay men, as of learned men of the clergy. In so much that women also & children were against them. And by that same reason, wherewith they thought to entangle him, they were overthrown themselves. For the Doctors which before condemned this doctrine in john Hus, for an intolerable heresy, & cried out so much against him, for teaching the temporal Lords might take away temporal livings from the clergy sinning habitualiter that is, lying and continuing still in the custom of iniquity: now when the king and the Lords temporal began to mearse them and bereave them of their temporalties for their transgressions, 
The popish doctors and priests overthrown in their own reason.  the said Doctors did keep silence & durst speak never a word. Again where the foresaid doctors, before could not abide in john Hus, that tithes were to be counted for pure alms, now coming to the Guildhall, were feign to entreat for their temporal goods, not to be taken from them, pleading the same temporalties to be mere almose and devotion of good men, given unto the church. Ex Cochleo.  
And thus now did they themselves grant the thing, which before they did condemn. The more that the pope's clergy was pinched, the more grudge & hatred redounded to john Hus, although he was in no cause thereof, but only their own wicked deservings, for the which cause Stephen Paletz, 
Steven Paletz, Andr. Broda, writ against john Hus.  and Andraeas de Broda, being the chief champions of that faction, though they could not remedy the case, yet to ease their minds, wrote sharp and cruel letters to Master Hus. And to help the matter forward, the Pope also here must help at a pinch, who likewise writeth his letters to Wenceslaus king of Bohemia, which was brother to Sigismond Emperor, for the suppressing of john Hus & of his doctrine. Which was in the fifth and last year of his Popedom. an. 1414. The tenor of whose letters to king Wenceslaus in this wise proceedeth.  
¶ The letter of Pope john to K. Wenceslaus.  
IOhn Bishop servant of God's servants, to his well-beloved son in Christ Wenceslaus, 
The letter of Pope john to K. Wenceslaus.  King of Romans and of Boheme, greeting and apostolical benediction.  
Among other desires and delights of our hart: who although unworthy to represent the room of Christ here in earth: this doth chief redound to our singular comfort so often as we do hear of the brotherly entreaty of peace and of concord (by which concord kingdoms do increase, as contrary by discord they are diminished) which is between your honour, and our well-beloved in the Lord Sigismond your brother german & cousin, for the noble king of the Romans etc. And furthermore it followeth in these words. And as we have cause to joy at the premises: so likewise again the heavy rumours which are here, do trouble and damp our minds. For we hear that in divers places under your dominion, there be certain which do follow and lean to the errors of that archhereticke Wickliff, whose books have been long since condemned in the general Roman council to be erroneous, heretical, and swerving from the catholic faith. And furthermore which is worst of all, the said persons cleaving to the opinions of the heretics (lest they should be corrected of their superior powers for their excess, to cover their naughtiness and stubbornness in despising the commandments of the Apostolical seat) do openly teach disobedience and contempt of the keys and ecclesiastical censure, to the subversion of the Apostolical dignity, setting at nought the decrees of the holy fathers & canons. Wherefore we do exhort your 
The description of the Pope's council holden at Rome, in which appeared a monstrous Owl, to the utter defacing of the Pope and all his Clergy.  worship for the mercy of our God, as heartily as we may or can, that it would please you as we desire & hope you will (so effectuously) to show forth your regal power, both for the glory of God, & defence of the catholic faith (which you go about to defend) and for the conservation of your kingly name, state and honour, for the prosperous safe government of your kingdom and dominions, as it becometh a catholic prince, whereby this blot of heresy (which doth so lamentably and miserably spring and creep in those parts and doth so infect the minds of mortal men, to the destruction of their souls, and doth sequester them from the congregation of the pure and catholic faith and truth) may be rooted out. etc.  
Given at Bononia in the Ideses of june, in the v. year of our popedom. etc.  
In this epistle of Pope john above prefixed, forsomuch as mention is made of a certain council before holden at Rome (which was 4. years before) against the articles & books of john Wickliff: it shall not be impertinent nor out of purpose to repeat a certain merry history & worthy otherwise to be noted at, written by Nicholas Clemangis o● a certain spirit, which ruled the Popish Councils, his word are these.  
The same pope called a Council at Rome about four years before, 
The story of an Owl appearing at the council of pope john. Ex Nich. Clemangis.  at the earnest suit of divers men. And a mass of the holy Ghost being said at the entrance into the said Council (according to the accustomed manner) the Council being set, and the said john sitting highest in a chair prepared for him for that purpose: Behold a ugly & dread full Owl, or as the common proverb is, the evil sign of some mischance of death to follow, coming out of the back half of him, flew to and fro, with her evil favoured voice, and standing upon the middle beam of the church, cast her staring eyes upon the Pope sitting, the whole company began to marvel, to see the night crow, which is wont to abide no light, how she should in the midday come in the face of such a multitude, & judged (not without cause) that it was an ill-favoured token. For behold said they, (whispering one in on others ear) the spirit appeareth in the shape of an Owl. And as the stood beholding one an other, and advising the pope, scarcely could keep their countenance from laughter, john himself, upon whom the Owl steadfastly looked, blushing at the matter, began to sweat and to fret and fume with himself, and not finding by what other means he might salve the matter, being so confused dissolving the Council, rose up and departed. After that there followed an other session. In the which the Owl again, after the manner aforesaid, although, as I believe, not called, was present looking steadfastly upon the bishop, whom he beholding to become again, was more ashamed than he was before (and justly) saying he could no longer abide the sight of her, & commanded that she should be driven away with bats and shottinge: but she being a●rayde neither with their noise, neither of any thing else, would not away, until that with the strokes of the sticks, which were thrown at her, she fell down dead before them all. This I learned of a faithful friend, who at the same time came to Rome, the which thing I scarcely crediting for the rareness of the matter, he affirmed by his oath, that it was most certain & true: adding moreover that all there present were much offended, & did greatly deride that Council called for such a purpose, and by little and little the Council was dissolved, nothing done there as he saith. Although it hath not been always seen that such spiritual Doves have been present with Popes and their Counsels, & governed them: yet their evil doctrine declareth no less. Read gentle reader the book of Clemangis, and thou shalt not think thy labour evil bestowed. For he hath both learnedly, truly, freely, and godly, bewailed the filthiness of Antichrist, and his ministers, their wickedness, impiety and cruelty, and the miserable state and face of the Church. etc. And thus much for Pope john.   

¶ The Council of Constance.  
HEre by the way is to be noted and understand, that during all this time of Pope john, there were 3. Pope's reigning together, 
The council of Cō●tance.  neither was yet the the schism ceased, which so long time had continued, the space (as I said) of 29. years. By the reason whereof a general Council was ordained & holden at Constance in the same year. an. 1414. being called by Sigismond the Emperor, and Pope john the 23. for the pacifying of the foresaid schism, which was then between three Popes, striving for the Popedom. The first whereof was john, whom the Italians set up. The second was Gregory, 
Three pope's ●●●ether ●●●ing for ●●e Pope-●ome.  whom the Frenchmen set up. The third was Benedict, whom the Spaniards placed. In this schismatical ambitious conflict, every one defended his Pope, to the great disturbans of christian nations. This council endured four years long, wherein all their matters were decided most by four nations, to say the English, german, French, & Italian nation. Out of which ●oure nations were appointed & chosen four Presidents to judge and determine the matters of the Council. The names of which Presidents were these, john the Patriarch of Antioch for France, Anthony Archbishop of Rigen for Italy, Nicholas Archbishop of Genesuensis for Germany, 
The prelates assembled in ●●is council were numbered together with their deputies. 1940. Philip and Cheyney. etc. Gregorius in Epis●olae ●●a●am.  and Nicholas Bishop of Bathe for England by whom many great and profitable things to the glory of God, and public profit, might have been concluded, if the rotten flesh of the churchmen could have bidden the salt of the Gospel, and if they had loved the truth: but as Gregogorius Nazienzenus writeth, there lightly come few general Counsels, but they end more with disturbance, than tranquillity. So it happened in this council, for whereas john the 13. in the first Session exhorteth them by these words taken out of the 8. of Zachary. Viritatem diligite, that is to say: Lone the truth, further, monishing them, and specially the divines every man to do his endeavour for the unity of the Church, and to speak their mind freely: but how soon this his exhortation was forgotten, it appeared shortly after by the despising of the Prophets, and persecuting of Christ in his members, as by the grace of Christ shall appear hereafter in the process of this story. First this john did resign his Papacy, the Emperor giving him thanks kissed his feet.  
Afterward the said john repenting him that he had so done, sought means to flee, whereunto Frederick Duke of Ostrich did assist him, for he changing his garments, fled by night with a small company. 
Duke Frederick of Ostrich proclaimed traitor.  And when he was now come unto Schaffe house to go into Italy, the Emperor pursuing, took him, and proclaimed Frederick traitor, & for that cause took away certain Cities from him. At the last the matter was appeased under this condition, that Frederick should require grace of the Emperor, and resign all his possessions unto him. Whereupon the Emperor received him again into favour, & restored him to his dukedom. This pope being thus deposed, 
Pope john taken and cast i● prison.  was committed unto the County Palatine, and by him carried to the Castle of Manheime, where he was kept prisoner by the space of 3. years. Afterward he was again by Pope Martin, admitted to the number of Cardinals. 
Mark the good qualities of pope john.   
This Pope john was deposed by the decree of the council, more than 40. most grievous and heinous crimes being objected and proved against him: as that he had hired Marcilus Permensis a Ph●sition, to poison Alexander his predecessor. Further, that he was an heretic, a simoniake, a liar, an hypocrite, a murderer, an enchanter, a dice-player, an adulterer, and a sodomite, & finally what crime is it, that he was not infected withal?  
And now to return unto the council, first we will declare the order of their Sessions, with things therein concluded, in general: then we will (Christ willing) adjoin the special tractation of such matters, as pertain to the story of the Bohemians, and john Hus, and Jerome of prague, who in the same ungodly council were condemned and burned.  
This council therefore of Constance, which was summoned by the Emperor Sigismond, and Pope john 23. about the nativity of our Lord jesus, an. 1414. began the same year to be assembled about the latter end of the year. Which first beginning as the manner is, 
A writing set up how the holy Ghost had no leisure to come to the council of Constance.  with a Mas●e of the holy Ghost, as they were singing according to their custom the Hymn, Veni sancte spiritus, there was at the same time a certain Bill set up in the Church by some well disposed man, as it seemed, wherein was contained these words following: Alijs rebus occupati nunc adesse vobis non possumus. That is to say. We are otherwise occupied at this time, we can not intend to come to you. Here is also to be remembered the worthy saying of the Emperor Sigismond, when talk was ministered as touching the reformation of the spiritualty, and some said quod oporteat in cipere a minoritis, that is, that reformation ought first to begin at the Minorites. 
The worthy answer of the Emperor touching the order of reformation.  The Emperor answering again: Non a minoritis, sed a maioritis, that is, not with the Minorites saith he, but with the Maiorites. Meaning the reformation ought first to begin with the Pope, Cardinals, & Bishops and other superior states of the church, and so to descend after to the inferiors. This much by the way, & now to the purpose and order of the Sessions as we promised. The which counsel continued as is aforesaid by the space of iiij. years, and had in it 45. Sessions, wherein many things were concluded, the which altogether were to long to be recited in this place: as the deposition of three several Popes, which were before spoken of, the hearing of certain Legates. Yet I mind to make some brief recapitulation of the most principal matters there done in the sessions orderly ensuing. 1.  
In the first Session chief was concluded, 
Note by this example, the authority of counsels preferred before the Pope.  first that this Council was lawfully congregate.  
2. Item, that the going away of the pope should be no let or stay, but the Council might proceed.  
¶ Wherein note (gentle Reader) that the authority of the general Council is above the Pope, contrary to their own doctrine.  
3. Item, this Council should not be dissolved before the Church were reform, as well in the superiors, as inferiors.  
In the 4. Session amongst other things, this was first concluded: That a Synod congregate in the holy Ghost, making a general council, representing the whole Catholic Church here militant, hath power of Christ immediately, to the which power every person, of what state or dignity so ever he be: 
Anno. 1415.  yea being the pope himself, aught to be obedient in all such things as concern the general reformation of the Church, aswell in the heads, as in the subjects.  
Item, the said Pope should not translate the Court of Rome, and the officers of the same from the City of Constance. And that all his censures, doings and workinge after the time of his departure, whatsoever he should enterprise to do to the prejudice of this Council, should be of no effect.  
In the 5. Session the same Articles were repeated and concluded again.  
In the 6. Session procuration and citation was sent out against the Pope. 
Commissioners appointed to hear I. Hus.   
Item, commissioners were appointed out of the four nations for the hearing of john Hus, which shallbe hereafter mentioned in his story following.  
Item, the memory of john Wickliff was condemned and the sentence given in the Council holden at Rome upon the condemnation and burning of Wickliff's books, was there confirmed. 
Citation granted against Jerome of prague.   
Item, in the same Session, Citation was sent out against Jerome of prague. The tenor whereof followeth after in the story of the said Jerome.  
Item, in this Session, was decreed against libels of infamy.  
In the 7. Session nothing was handled, but that the tenor of the citation against Pope john was recited.  
In the 8. Session, the sentence and condemnation of john Wickliff, and his 45. Articles was recited, and sentence given against his memory & bones to be burned. 
Sentence given for the burning of Wickliff bones.  The tenor whereof is rehearsed in the history of john Wickli●fes before passed. fol. 449.  
In the 9 Session, The matter & cause of Pope john was again entreated, and commissioners appointed to inquire upon his cause, and judges for the same.  
In the 10. Session, Suspension was given out & read against the said Pope.  
In the 11. and 12. Sessions, 
11. 12.  Notaries were assigned & definitive sentence given against the said Pope, where also was decreed that none of them that contended before for the Papacy, should be chosen Pope.  
In the 13. Session was decreed, Quod nullus praes biter sub pena excommunicationis comunicet populo sub utraque specie panis & vini. 
The people of Christ excommunicated from the communion of the holy cup.  This is, that no Priest under pain of excommunication shall communicate unto the people under both kinds of bread and wine.  
In the 14. Session, came in that resignation of pope Gregory the 12. which was one of the 3. before mentioned, striving for the Papacy, with certain other Articles concerning the election of the Bishop of Rome, and the ratification of their resigning, which gave over the Papacy.  
Then ensueth the 15. Session, in the which silence was commanded on all parts under pain of excommunication, and the great curse that no person or persons high or low of what estate or degree so ever he were, 
The solemn publishing of the sentence of condemnation against I. Hus.  Emperor, King, Cardinal, or other should disturb the said Session with any manner of noise, either by hand, foot, or voice. This being done, the sentence & condemnation against john Hus was read and pulished, which after in the story of john Hus, followeth to be seen more at large.  
In the 16. Session, Ambassadors were assigned by the Council to go into Arragon to Benedictus the 13. to entreat with him for the resignation of his Papacy, as the other two had done before.  
Item, power was given to judges, to cite under pain of deprivation, all such as privily departed away from the Council, in the which Session also the sentence against john Hus was confirmed and ratified.  
In the 17. Session, the Emperor took upon him a journey to the king of Arragon, 
The emperors journey into Arragon.  to entreat with pope Benedictus. An excommunication denounced against all such as should go about to empeche the emperors journey about that matter. etc.  
Item, prayers and processions were determined to be made by the Council, every Sunday for the same cause, with an hundred days of pardon given to them that would be present thereat, and that all Prelates should be present at every of these said Masses and processions in their Pontificalibus. Granting besides to every Priest that said one Mass, 
Pardons were here dog cheap.  for the same a 100 days of pardon. And to all other that once a day should say one Pater noster, and one ave, for the safety of the Emperor xl. days of pardon.  
In the 18. Session, certain judges were assigned for the hearing of matters, which the Council had no leisure to hear.  
It was there also decreed that such letters and Bulls as were written in the name of that council, should be received with no less credit and authority, than the Bulls proceeding from the Sea Apostolical, and that the falsifyers of the same should incur no less penalty than the falsifyers of the other. Legates also and Ambassadors were sent into Italy.  
In the 19 Session which was that same year in the month of September, Jerome of prague who was cited as is before said, was accused of heresy & cast in prison by the said council, & constrained to abjure. The which his abjuration hereafter followeth to be seen in his history.  
Item, it was decreed: Quod non obstantibus saluis conductibus Imperatoris Regum. etc. possit per judicem competentem de haeretica pravitate inquiri. etc. That is, notwithstanding the safe conduct given by the Emperor and kings. 
Concilium Foee●fragum.  etc. Inquiry may be made against a man for heresy by a sufficient judge and process, to be made according to the law.  
The causes of heresies were committed to certain judges and deputies.  

And how chanceth it that the chart of Constantine's donation is not here mentioned.  Item, the Chart called Carolina, and divers other charts and constitutions concerning the liberties of the Church of Rome, being brought forth were approved and confirmed,  
In the 20. Session, letters & instruments were made and set upon Church doors to require and admonish duke Frederick to restore again unto George Bishop of ostrich, 
Provide that the churchmen lose nothing in no case.  such lands, rents, and revenues as he detained & withheld, under pain of interditement, suspending and excommunication.  
During the time of this Session, the Ambassadors returned out of Arragon from the Pope Benedict and were heard with great audience, whereas certain Articles and conditions between the Pope & the council were brought forth and agreed upon to the number of 12.  
In the year of our Lord 1416. was the 21. Session beginning after their manner with a Mass of the holy ghost with processions and such other rites, in the time of which Mass, 
Ann. 1416.  james Bishop of Londy made a Sermon, taking for his Theme these words. Ex probravit Deus incredulitatem eorum & duritiam: That is, the Lord rebuked their misbelief and hardness. etc. This sermon being ended, Jerome of prague which had abjured, 
Jerome o● prague replied against the sermon of the Bishop of L●dy.  as is said the year before, being present thereat, stood up upon a certain bench or form. Replying against the foresaid james and his Sermon, alleging and preaching divers and sundry things, whereupon the Patriarch of Constantinople, one of the commissioners proceeded against him, pronouncing the sentence definitive, which he had in writing against the said Jerome, which sentence being red and approved by the council (the tenor whereof ensueth in his history) the said Jerome was delivered unto the secular power, & burned.  
The 22. and 23. Sessions contain no worthy matter, but 
22. 23,  only the placing of the Ambassadors of Alphansus K. of Arragon, & granting them voices in the Council.  
In the 24. Session, citation was given out against Benedict, keeping with Alphonsus, king of Arragon.  
The 25. Session containeth nothing but a certain Comendam given to the Church of Olemucensis. 
25.   
The 26. Session, 
26.  there was nothing else handled, but the uniting and incorporating of the Ambassadors of the king of Navarre into the Council, and also concerning the derogation of the priority of voices.  
After this followed the 27. and 28. sessions, 
27. ●●.  which were in the year 1417. Wherein was entreated the relation and declaration, 
Anno. 1417.  concerning the cause betwixt Duke Frederick, and the bishop of Trident, and process given out against the said Duke, accusing him of sacrilege, and also excommunicating him, for not obeying the admonition of the council concerning the usurpation and detaining of the city of Trident and other possessions from Bishop George, as is afore specified.  
In the 29. and 30. Sessions, 
29. 30.  Proctors and notaries were given out in the cause against Pope Benedict, and order decreed upon his obstinacy, wherein also the withdrawing of the king of Arragon from the same Pope, was recited and approved by the Council.  
In the 31. Session, certain instruments, and special letters monitory were directed from the Council to a certain Earl of Italy named Comes virtutum, for laying violent hands upon Albert, Bishop of Asce, and for bringing him to prison, requiring the said Earl under pain of interdiction, and excommunication to set the said Bishop at liberty. Also an other decree was set forth for the restoring again the liberties of the Church of Baron.  
In the 32. and 33. Sessions, 
32. 33.  the accusation of pope Benedict was renewed, 
Pope Benedict accused.  and his obstinacy accused, and witness brought in, at which thing doing, the Emperor Sigismond was present.  
In the 34. Session, the cause of the foresaid Pope was heard, and process given out against him.  
In the 35. Session, 
35.  the Ambassadors of the king of Castle were brought in, and united to the Council, and instruments thereof made and read. Also that notwithstanding the oaths made to the foresaid Pope, men might lawfully forsake his obedience.  
In the 36. Session, a certain citation was made and read against the Pope, 
The Pope curseth the council.  containing his deprivation and the sentence against him, & instruments made upon the same. And whereas this Pope had thundered out his curses, deprivations and excommunications against them: The said Synod did annihilate all his doings.  
The 37. Session did renew again the accusation of the foresaid pope, and the sentence definitive against him was published.  
In the 38. Session certain decrees were made touching the adnihilating of the penalties of the Ambassadors of king Henry son of Alphonsus king of Arragon. 
38.  Also an other decree was made touching the revocation of the voices granted to the Ambassadors of the king of Arragon.  
Thus Pope Benedict being deposed and excommunicated as is aforesaid, 
39 39  in the next Sessions following, they addressed themselves to the election of a new Pope, beginning first in the Session to give out decrees concerning general Counsels, & provision, for the avoiding of such like schisms hereafter. 
Decrees for general counsels.  Decreeing every x. year to have a general Council, after the two Counsels that should follow immediately after this, of the which the one should be kept within five years, than next following, and the second within seven years after that.  
Item, in the same Session was drawn out a form touching such thing as the Pope should profess and bind himself, to observe at time of his election, of the which form the order and tenor is this.  
I N. elected for Pope, profess with hart and mouth unto almighty God, 
The profession which the pope is bound to.  whose Church I take upon me to govern, by his help, and to blessed S. Peter the Prince of the Apostles, so long as I shall endure in this frail and brittle life, firmly to believe and hold the holy Catholic faith after the traditions of the Apostles, of general Counsels, and of other holy fathers, and namely of the eight general Counsels. Nicene the first, the second of Constantinople, Ephesine the third, Calcedone the fourth, the fift and six of them in Constantinople, the seventh of Nice, the eight of Constantinople. And also of the general Counsels of Lateran, Lions, and Uienne, willing to observe the same faith univolate even to the uttermost, and to preach and defend the same, even to the spending of my life and blood, and also by all means possible to prosecute and observe the rite of the Sacraments canonically delivered to the Catholic Church. And this my profession and confession by my commandment, being written out by the Notary of the Arches of the holy Church of Rome, I have subscribed with mine own hand, and sincerely with a pure mind and devout conscience, I offer it unto thee almighty God upon such an altar, etc. In the presence of such witness. etc. yeven. etc.  
It was also decided in this Session, that no Prelates should be translated against their wills.  
The third of the same month, and the same year followed the 40. Session, 
40.  wherein certain decrees were constitute and read, as touching reformations to be made through the whole church by the Pope, that next should be, with the Council, before this Synod should break up.  
Item, that they should so proceed to the election of the Bishop of Rome, notwithstanding the absence of those Cardinals which were with Pope Benedict in Spain. This done, the order and manner was decreed for the election of the Pope.  
After these things thus decreed, in the next Session, which was forty one, the constitution of Clement the sixth was read, concerning the order and diet of the Cardinals being in the Conclave about the choosing of the Pope, and upon the same oaths were ministered unto the Cardinals and other electors, binding them to observe and keep all such things as they should be bound to, during the time of the election.  
First, that they should enter into the Conclave within ten days after the forty Session, 
The order & ●aner of the Conclave in choosing the Pope.  which was this present day after sun set.  
Secondly, that every Cardinal should have but two servitors attending upon him at the most, either of the Laity or Clergy, as they would themselves.  
Thirdly, that they should remain together in the said Conclave, without any wall betwixt them, or any other cover, save only bare Curtains, if any were disposed to sleep.  
Fourthly, that the Conclave should so be shut up, and the entry to the privy chamber to be kept so straightly, that none of them should come in or out, nor any to have recourse unto them to talk with them privily or apertly, nor they to admit any man to come to them, except by the consent of them all, certain should be called about matters concerning the election.  
Fiftly, that no man should send to them either messenger or writings.  
Sixtly, that a competent window should be assigned unto them to receive in their victuals, but that no person might come in thereat.  
seventhly, that no day after their first ingress into the Conclave, beside bread, wine and water, they should have any more dishes but one of one only kind, either of flesh or fish, eggs, pottage, made of fish or flesh, not after the deintiest sort, besides salads, cheese, fruit, and conserves, whereof there shall be no principal mess made but for sauce and taste.  
Eightly, that not one should be compelled to go into the Conclave: But if they did all refuse to go in, than they should be compelled thereunto.  
Ninthly, that such as would go out, might, but if they would all go out before the Pope were elect, they should be compelled to go in again, except such whom infirmity did excuse, but without the excuse of infirmity, if any went out, he should no more be admitted, except they went all out together.  
Tenthly, that such as went out by reason of infirmity, for to be absent, and return before the election be determined: may be admitted again into the Conclave in the same state wherein they shall find the election to stand.  
Further and besides the keepers of the Conclave, should also be sworn to see all these premises observed and kept without fraud or guile, and that they should not straighten the Cardinals and other electors above the order here taken.  
And if the King be there himself sitting in his throne of estate, he should receive the same oath of the Cardinale.  
Upon this such as should be electors beside the Cardinals, were chosen.  
Furthermore, 
These were wise Cardinals, they would not go into the Conclave, but they would be sure to have their goods safe unspoiled.  for as much as the goods and substance of such as were elect, were accustomed to be given & granted unto such as could catch them: whereupon under the pretence of the same, many did invade the goods of the Cardinals, and others which were in the Conclave, falsely feigning them to be elected which were not to be elected. To stop the greedy ravening of such, a decree also was published in the same Session.  
These things thus prepared and set in order, the Patriarch of Constantinople, with the Cardinals and other Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, priors, Deans, Archdeacon's, Doctors, with other electors entering into the Conclave upon Monday, on Thursday after they had hatched out a Pope, being S. Martin's even, whereupon they named him Martin: This Martin thus being elected, was strait forth brought in by the Emperor and the Council, into the Church of Constance, and there inthronised for Pope, 
Pope Martin hatched. The Emperor leadeth the Pope's horse by the bridle, on the right hand. The prince elector leadeth the pope's horse on the left hand.  not without great solemnity & triumph. The xxi. day of the said month, this foresaid Martin according to their accustomed pomp was honourably brought in to be crowned with sumptuous procession from the high Church of Constance unto the Monastery of S. Austen. The Emperor on foot, leading his horse by the bridle on the right hand: And the Marquis of Bradenburge Prince elector, likewise leading his horse on the left hand, the Pope himself riding in the midst upon his palfrey.  
And thus being brought into the Monastery aforesaid, and so reduced round about again from thence to the high Church of Constance, was there crowned with all magnificence.  
Notwithstanding all this, yet all the trifling and fond vanity of this Council more great then wise, did not end thus, for in the next Session which was the xlii. came out a decree in the name of the Pope and the Council, discharging the bound of the Emperor and the County Palatine, touching the safe custody of Pope john, who was by bond committed unto them to be kept in safety.  
In the xliii. Session, certain other decrees and statutes were made by Pope Martin in the said Synod. 
Apparel of the clergy.  Annullating and reproving all the acts and proceedings of the other Popes before during the time of the schism from the time of Gregory the xi. As in matters concerning exemptions, unions, fruits and profits of the Church, benefices, simony, dispensations, tithes and other burdens of the Church. Also concerning the apparel of the Clergy and such other things.  
In the xliiij. Session, the sage fathers of this Council were occupied about the determining in what place the next Council should be kept in, the xlv. Session broke up and dissolved this Synod.  
Now to finish our tedious rehearsal of this Synod. The Cardinal Umbald by the commandment of the Pope and the Council, with a high and loud voice pronounced these words Domini ite in pace, which is, Lords depart in peace, whereunto the standers by answered, Amen.  
Thus the council being dissolved, Friar john Bishop of Catthan by the consent and commandment of the Pope and the Council, went up into the Pulpit to make a Sermon, taking for his theme: Vos autem tristitiam habetis: iterum autem videbo vos, & gaudebit cor vestrum. You are now in sadness: I will see you again, and then your hearts shall rejoice. The which collation being ended, an other Cardinal named Anthony, was sent up by the Pope and the Council, 
Smell here reader. this made well for the pope's purse,  with this proclamation, first to dismiss the Synod, and to give every man leave to departed home. Also to declare the Pope's indulgence unto them, who by the authority of God almighty, had granted to them all and every one pre●ent at that Council, full absolution once in their life, so that every one within two months after the hearing of this indulgence, should procure the same in form of writing. Also another indulgence was granted in like manner of plenary remission at the hour of death, and that was understand as well of the household, as of the masters themselves. But under this condition, that from the time of notification of the same, they should fast by the space of one whole year every Friday, for the absolution in their life time. And for the absolution at the hour of death, to fast the same Friday another year, except they had some lawful impediment to the contrary, so that after the second year, 
Ex paralipomeno Albatis ●rsp.  they should fast unto their lives end, or else to do some other good work. The which being in this manner proclaimed, the Synod broke up, and every man departed home.  

The number of prelate's in the counsel of Constance.  The number of the foreigners resorting to this Counsel both spiritual and temporal, was 60500. whereof, the number of Archbishops and Bishops was 346.  
Abbots and Doctors 564.  
Secular men 

Princes.  
Dukes.  
Earls.  
Knights.  
esquires.   16000  
Besides common women, belonging to the same Council 450. 
Common women in the council of Constance. 60500. strangers at the counsel of Constance.   
Barbers 600. Minstrels, Cooks, and jesters 320.  
So that the whole multitude which were viewed to be in the Town of Constance between Easter and Whitsuntide, were numbered to be 60500. strangers and foreigners at that Council.  
Here is to be noted that in this Council of Constance, nothing was decreed or enacted worthy of memory, 
The general council above the pope.  but this only, that the Pope's authority is under the Council, and that the Council ought to judge the Pope.  

Communion in both kinds denied by this council.  And as touching the Communion in both kinds, although the Council did not deny, but that it was used by Christ and his Apostles, yet notwithstanding by the same Council it was decreed to the contrary.  
hitherto we have comprehended the order and discourse of this Council, with the acts and Sessions concerning the same: which Council although it was principally thought to be assembled, for quieting of the schism between the three Popes: yet notwithstanding, a great part thereof was for the cause of the Bohemians, and especially for john Hus: As appeared by their preparation before the Council. For before the Council began, the Emperor Sigismond aforesaid, sent certain Gentlemen Bohemians, which were of his own household, giving them in charge to bring john Hus Bachelor of Divinity, unto the said Council, and that under his safe conduct, the meaning and intent thereof was, that john Hus should purge and clear himself of the blame which they had laid against him: and for the more better assurance, the Emperor did not only promise him safe conduct that he might come freely unto Constance: but also to return again into Boheme without fraud or interruption, he promised also to receive him under his protection and under safeguard of the whole Empire. For the same only cause the Emperor sent him afterwards the said safeconduicts double written, both in Latin and Almain, the form whereof doth hereafter ensue.  
¶ Sigismond by the grace of God King of the Romans, of Hungary and Denmark, Croatia, etc. To all Princes as well Ecclesiastical as Secular, Dukes, Marquesses, and Earls, Barons, Captains, 
The safe conduct given to master john Hus.  Borowmaisters, judges, and Governors, officers of towns, burgages and villages, and unto all rulers of the commonalty, and generally to all the subjects of our Empire, to whom these letters shall come, grace and all goodness.  
We charge and command you all, that you have respect unto john Hus, the which is departed out of Boheme, to come unto the general Council, the which shall be celebrated and holden very shortly at the town of Constance. The which john Hus we have received under our protection and safeguard of the whole Empire, desiring you that you will cheerfully receive him when he shall come towards you, and that you entreat and handle him gently, showing him favour and good will, and show him pleasure in all things, as touching the forwardness, ease, and assurance of his journey, as well by land as by water.  
Moreover, we will that he and all his company with his carriage and necessaries, shall pass throughout all places, passages, ports, bridges, lands, governances, Lordships, liberties, cities, towns, bourgages, castles and villages, and all other your dominions, without paying of any manner of imposition or dane money, peage, tribute, or any other manner of tolle whatsoever it be: we will also that you suffer him to pass, rest, tarry, and to sojourn at liberty, without doing unto him any manner of impeachment, or vexation, or trouble, and that if need shall so require, you do provide a faithful company to conduct him withal, for the honour and reverence which you own unto our imperial majesty. yeven at Spire the xviij. of October, in the year of our Lord GOD 1414.  
¶ By this it may appear that this safe conduct was granted not in the time of the Council by the Bishops, but before the Council by the Emperor: who was or ought to be the principal ordainer and director of the Council under God. Now whether the Bishops in breaking and adnulling this promise of the Emperor, against the emperors mind, 
Ala. Caput. pag. 929.  because the discussion thereof belongeth Ad materiam juris, non facti, being a matter rather or law then of story, I will differ to reason this case with master Cope, to such time, as may be more convenient to the full tractation thereof.  
Notwithstanding, 
Answer to Ala. Cop●.  briefly to touch and pass, let us consider part of the reasons of the said Cope, how frivolous and false they be, and easy to be refelled. What (saith he) if he preached by the way coming up? First that is false, vide infra page. What (saith he) if he stood obstinate in his heresy▪ What if he sought to escape away after his coming up? To this the Lords of Boheme do answer, that his safeconduct was broken, and he imprisoned, not only before he attempted to escape, or before he was condemned for an heretic, but also before he was heard of the Council what he was. Vide infr. page. Further, where Cope saith that the general Council was above the Emperor, and hath power in case of heresy to break public leagues and grants: to that I say, that this safeconduct stood not only upon the Emperor, but also upon the consent of the Pope himself, vide infr. page. And admit that to be true, that the council had power to make this decree, to break promise with heretics: yet this can not be denied, but that john Hus was condemned and judged before that decree in the nineteen. Session was made. Finally, when Cope hath proved by what scripture the counsels have power to defeat the authority of their Emperors in such secular causes touching safeconductes, and outward safety: then will I answer him more fully herein. But to the purpose again of the story.  
john Hus seeing so many fair promises, 
john Hus taketh the emperors safe conduct.  and the assurance which the Emperor had given unto him, sent answer unto the Emperor that he would come unto the Council: But before he departed out of the Realm of Boheme, and specially out of the town of prague, he did write certain bills long enough afore, as well in Latin as in the Bohemian language, and Almain, and caused them to be set and fastened upon the gates of the Cathedral Churches and parish Churches, Cloisters and abbeys, signifying unto them all, that he would go to the general Council at Constance, whereof if any man have any suspicion of his doctrine, that he should declare it before the Lord Conrade, or Bishop of prague, or if he had rather, at the general Council, for there he would render and give up unto every one, and before them all, an account and reason of his faith. The example of his letters and intimations set up were these, the copy where of here followeth.  
¶ The Letters of john Hus, set up in common places of the City of prague.  
Master john Hus, 
Letters of john Hus set up.  Bachelor of Divinity, will appear before the most reverend father the Lord Conrade, Archbishop of prague, and Legate of the Apostolic seat in the next convocation of all the Prelates and Clergy of the kingdom of Boheme, being ready always to satisfy all men which shall require him to give a reason of his faith and hope that he holdeth. And to hear and see all such as will lay unto his charge either any stubborns of error or heresy, that they should write in their names there, as is required both by God's law and man's. And if so be that they could not lawfully prove any stubbornness of error or heresy against him, that then they should suffer the like punishments that he should have had, unto whom altogether he will answer at the next general Council at Constance, before the Archbishop and the Prelates, and according to the decrees and Canons of the holy Fathers, show forth his innocency in the name of Christ.  
Dated the Sunday next after the feast of Saint Bartholomew.  
¶ The Intimations following, were drawn out of the Bohemian tongue.  
I Master john Husnerz, 
another intimation of I. Hus set up for his going to Constance.  do signify unto all men, that I am ready to come and stand before the face of my Lord the Archbishop, and to answer to all things whereof I am falsely accused in the next convocation of Bachelors, and chiefly to this point, that in many places they do report me an heretic, not having respect unto justice or to law, neither yet to my merits or deserts. Therefore since that you which do never cease to selaunder and backbite me with your words, do understand and know these things, come forth openly before the face and presence of the Lord Archbishop, and with an open mouth, declare and show forth what false doctrine or other things you have heard me teach contrary to Catholic faith, and if that I shall be found faulty in never so small a matter, contrary or against the faith of Christ, or in any false doctrine, and that I do choose that or other things contrary to the faith of Christ, 
The offer of I. Hus to his enemies.  than I will hold my peace, and suffer punishment as an heretic. And if there be no man that will resist against me, or accuse me in this point, once again I say unto you, that I am ready to appear at Constance in the famous congregation, to the end that I may stand in the company of the Divines, even before the face of the Pope. Therefore whosoever knoweth any false doctrine contrary to the faith of Christ in me, let him come thither and show it forth boldly, if he have any thing to lay against me, and for my part I will not be slack, if I may understand or know it, to answer as well to small as great, as touching the truth which I have received of God, and desire to be defended. All you good men therefore which love the truth, say now whether by these my words I do think or go about any thing, either contrary to the law of God or man. If I be not admitted then to be heard, be it known and manifest unto all men, that it happeneth not through my fault the same day.  
This Epistle which followeth, was set upon the gates of the King's Palace, translated into Latin, out of the Bohemian tongue.  

A writing a● Hus at the kings ●aes.  Unto the King's majesty, the Queen, and to all such as are of his Council, and to all other Rulers and Magistrates, which now are in the King's Court, I john Hus, do signify and publish; that I have understand, not by any vain rumour or tale, that there be letters brought from the Pope to the King's Majesty, the contents whereof, is this: That the kings Majesty should bring to pass, that the heretics which were now lately sprung up in his kingdom and dominions, should not take any firm or strong root. For so much as without any desert, as I trust by God's grace, the fame or noise is sprung and blown abroad: it shall be our part to foresee and take heed, that neither the kings Majesty, neither the noble Kingdom of Boheme, should be driven to bear or suffer any reproach on slander for me. Wherefore now of late I have sent my letters too and fro, which I have with great labour and diligence, caused to be openly set up, to this intent, that I might thereby cause the Archbishop to be careful and diligent about the matter, signifying openly, that if there were any man in all Boheme, which did know me to be a follower of any false or corrupt doctrine, that he should profess his name in the Archbishop his Court, and there to show forth and declare what he thought. And for as much as there would none be found or come forth, which would accuse me, the Archbishop commanded me and my procurers to departed in peace. Wherefore I require and desire the King's Majesty, which is the defender of the truth, also the Queen and their Counsellors, and all other Rulers and Magistrates, that they would give me a faithful testimonial of this matter. For somuch as I have oftentimes willed and attempted this, and no man hath either accused me or troubled me. I do it moreover to be known unto all Boheme, and to all nations, that I will be present even at the first time before the Council of Constance, in the most famous place, in the presence of the Pope, the Pope being precedent. And finally, in the presence of all others which will come to that most famous place, and that whosoever hath any suspicion of me, that I have either taught or defended any thing contrary unto the faith of Christ, let him come thither also, let him declare there before or in the presence of the Pope, and all the Doctors of Divinity, what erroneous or false doctrine I have at any time followed or holden. More, if he shall convince me of any error, or prove that I have taught any thing contrary unto the Christian faith, I will not refuse to suffer whatsoever punishment shall be due for an heretic. But I hope and trust even from the bottom of my hart, that God will not give the victory to unfaithful and unbelieving men, the which do willingly kick and spurn against the truth.  
The same time john Hus sent his procurers to the Lord Bishop of Nazareth, ordained by the Apostolic Sea Inquisitor of heresy of the City and Diocese of prague, requiring him, that if he had found any error in him, he would declare it openly. But the said Bishop before the said procurer, and the public Notary, with many other credible witnesses answered, that he had often talked with john Hus, and that he never knew any thing in him, but as becometh a godly and faithful man, and this his testimony of john Hus, he approved by his letters, the copy whereof is here under written.  
The Bishop of Nazareth his testimonial.  
WE Nicholas by the grace of God Bishop of Nazareth, 
The testimony of the good ●ish. of Nazareth.  and Inquisitor, specially deputed by the Apostolic seat for heresies both of the City and Diocese of prague, by these presents we do it to be known unto all men, that we in times past have often communed and talked with that honourable man, master john Hus, Bachelor of Divinity, of the famous university of prague, and have had divers and sundry conferences with him, both of the Scriptures and divers other matters, and in all his sayings, doings, and behaviour, we have proved and found him to be a faithful and a Catholic man, finding no manner of evil, sinister, or by any means, erroneous doings in him unto this present. 
The Bish. of Nazareth witnesseth with john hus.  We do witness and protest moreover, how the said john Hus, of late, in the Cathedral Church of prague, and in other both Collegiate and Parish Churches, and in the Colleges of the University of prague, and in the gates and porches of the most noble Prince and Lord, the Lord Wenceslaus King of Romans and of Boheme. Also in the gates of the reverend father the Lord Conrade Archbishop of prague, Legate of the Apostolic Sea, and chancellor of the University of prague, and of other Princes and Barons, then being in the City of prague, hath set up his letters written both in Latin, and in the Bohemian tongue, containing sententially in effect, how the foresaid Master john Hus, would appear before the reverend father the Lord Conrade, the foresaid Archbishop of prague, and all the Prelates and Clergy of the kingdom of Boheme, that shall be congregated and called together by the said Archbishop, at the day appointed in the said City of prague, ready always to satisfy every man that shall desire and require him to show a reason of his faith and hope that he holdeth, and to see and hear all and every one which could prove any obstinacy of error or heresy, lawfully against him, under the pain to receive the like punishment: unto whom altogether he would by God's help, answer in the Council of Constance, which was now at hand, before the said Lord archbishop and us, with all other Prelates, and there in Christ's name, according to the decrees and Canons of the holy Fathers, to declare and show forth his innocency. After the which letters as is aforesaid by the said master john Hus openly set up, there did no man appear before us, the which would accuse the said Master john Hus, of any error, either of any heresy. For the evident witness of all which things, we have commanded these present letters to be made, and confirmed the same with the setting too of our seal.  
Dated in prague thirty of August, an. M. iiij. C. xiv.  
Upon which matter also, a public instrument was drawn, testified with the hand and seal of the public Notary, named Michael Pruthatietz. The copy of which instrument here under followeth.  

¶ An Instrument of Recognition, or protestation of the Lord inquisitor of Heresies.  
IN the name of God, Amen. In the year of his nativity 1414. the thirtieth of August, in the fift year of the bishopric of the most holy Father in Christ john by the grace of GOD Pope, the three and twentieth of that name, in the uppermost parlour of the house of the famous man the Lord Peter of Zwogsta, called Znirglits, master of the mint, of the most famous Prince and Lord, the Lord Wenceslaus, King of Romans and of Boheme, in the greater City of prague, about the Abbey of Saint james the Apostle, in the presence of me the public Notary here under written, and certain witnesses here within written, specially called for that purpose. There was personally present Master john jessenitz, master of Art, procuror in the name of the honourable man, Master john Hus, Bachelor, form in Divinity of the University of prague. He most humbly and earnestly required the reverend father in Christ and Lord, Nicholas Bishop of Nazareth, Inquisitor of Heresies for the City and diocese of prague, specially appointed by the apostolic Sea, being there also present, saying: Reverend father, do you know any error or heresy in Master john Husnetz, otherwise called Hus. The which said Lord Nicholas, not compelled or constrained but of his own will and accord, freely and openly did there recognise, saying these or the like words in the Bohemian tongue.  
I have often and many times been conversant with Master john Hus, and have eaten and drunk with him: also I have been often present at his Sermons, and divers of his collations which he hath made upon divers places of the scripture, and I never found or perceived in him any error or heresy, but in all his words and deeds I have found him always a true and a Catholic man, neither have I found any thing that doth savour of any error or heresy.  
Again, the said master john his procurer, in the behalf as above, required and asked the said Lord Nicholas Bishop and inquisitor, whether any man have accused the said master john Hus of any heresy before him, being inquisitor for heresy, and hath convicted him of heresy. He answered, that since the time he knew john Hus, and that he was made inquisitor for heresy in the City and diocese of prague (as is afore said) never any man accused, either convinced the said master john Hus of any heresy before him unto this present time. Adding moreover, that he the said master john Hus did openly set up his letters patents this present year afore said, in the said month of August, upon the porches of the Cathedral Church of prague, and other Collegiate and parish Churches of the City of prague, and upon the gates of our said Lord, our Lord the King, and the Archbishop of prague, containing in them this effect, how that he would appear before Conrade Archbishop of prague, and all the Prelates and Clergy of the kingdom of Boheme, which should be congregated and called together at a certain day of the month aforesaid, ready always to satisfy all men as touching the faith and hope which he held, and to see and hear all and singular that would lay any obstinacy of error or heresy unto him, that they should determine themselves there, to suffer the like punishment, according to the extremity both of God's law and man's law, unto whom altogether he would answer in his own right before the said Archbishop of prague, and the said Lord Nicholas, Bishop and inquisitor aforesaid, and the Prelates, even in the next general Council of Constance, and there according unto the Canons and decrees of the holy Fathers, declare and show forth his uprightness and innocency, upon all and singular, which proceed, master john de jesenitz procurer, and in the procurers name or behalf as afore, required and desired, that he might have one or many public instruments made unto him by me the public Notary here under written. These things were done the year, indiction, day, month, hour, place, and bishopric, as is afore said, in the presence of these noble and famous men, the Lords William de Zwirgelitz, Baron of the Kingdom of Boheme, Peter his son, the Lord Hlawaczion de Renow, likewise Baron, Wenceslaus de Lunarx, Vnssone de Miekoniz, Burgrave of the Castle of Liechetenburg, Cztiborius de Bodanetz Esquire, and William de Dupore Knight of the said diocese of prague, with many other worthy and credible witnesses, which were specially desired and required unto the premises. And I Michael, sometimes the son of Nicholas de Prachatitz, of the diocese of prague, and by the Imperial authority, public Notary, was present, with the witnesses afore named, at the affairs afore said, at the request, demand, answer, and petition, and all and singular the doings within written, and did see and hear all these things to be done in foresaid manner and form. But being busied with other matters, I have caused this to be faithfully drawn and written, and subscribing the same with mine own hand, have published and reduced it into this form, and have signed it with my seal and name, accustomed being called and required to bear witness of all and singular the premises.   
After this, as all the Barons of Boheme were assembled in the Abbay of Saint james, about the affairs of the Realm, where as the Archbishop of prague was also present: There the said john Hus presented supplications: by the which he most humbly desired the Barons, that they would show him this favour towards the said Archbishop, that if the said Archbishop did suspect him of any error or heresy, that he would declare it openly, and that he was ready to endure and suffer correction for the same at his hands. And if that he had found or perceived no such thing in him, that he would then give him a testimonial thereof, through the which he being as it were armed, he might the more freely go unto Constance. The said Archbishop confessed openly before all the assembly of Barons, 
Conrade the Archb. cleareth john Hus.  that he knew not that the said john Hus was culpable or faulty in any crime or offence, and this was his only counsel, that the said john Hus should purge himself of the excommunication he had incurred: this report, which the Archbishop had given of john Hus, doth appear by the letters which the Barons of Boheme sent unto the Emperor Sigismond by the said Hus in the town of Constance.  
Finally, all the Prelates and Clergy assembled together in the Town of prague, in the Archbishop his Court, where as appeared personally the worshipful master john jesenitz, Doctor of decretals and procurer, in the name and behalf of the honourable man master john Hus, requiring that either the said master john Hus, 
john Hus requireth to give testimony of his faith and could not be admitted.  or that he in the name and behalf of him, might be suffered to come into the said Archbishop's Court, to the presence of the Archbishop, and the Prelates which were there congregated together, for so much as master john Hus is ready to satisfy all men which shall require him to show any reason of his faith or hope, which he holdeth, and to see and hear all and singular, which were there gathered together, that is to say, the Lord archbishop and Prelates, or any of them, which would lay any manner of obstinacy, or error, or heresy unto him, that they should there write in their names, and according both unto God's law and man's, and the Canon law, prepare themselves to suffer like punishment, if they could not lawfully prove any obstinacy of error or heresy against him: unto whom altogether he would, by God's help, answer before the said Archbishop and the Prelates in the next general Council holden at Constance, and stand unto the law, and according to the Canons and Decretals of the holy Fathers, show forth and declare his innocency in the name of Christ: Unto the which master john of jessenetz Doctor, one called Ulricus Swabe of Swabenitz, Martial of the said Archbishop, coming forth of the said Court, did utterly deny unto the said master Doctor and his party all manner of ingress and entrance into the Court, and to the presence of the Archbishop aforesaid, and of the Prelates there gathered together. Pretending that the Archbishop, with the Prelates aforesaid, were occupied about the King's affairs, requiring the said master Doctor, that he would tarry in some place without the said Court, that when the Archbishop and the Prelates had finished the King's affairs, he might then return, and have liberty to come into the Court there. The said master john Hus, and the Doctor of law tarried a while, entreating to be admitted into the archbishop's Court. But seeing he could prevail nothing, he made there a solemn protestation of his request, that both he and also master john Hus and his part, could not be suffered to come into the archbishop's Court, to the presence of the Archbishop and the Prelates. Requiring of the foresaid Notary, public instruments to be made of the same, which also was done.  
And these were the things which were done, before john Hus took his journey to the general Council of Constance, the which I minded briefly to rebarse, whereunto I will also annex somewhat, as touching his journey thetherwards.  
About the Ideses of October 14.14. john Hus being accompanied with two noble Gentlemen, that is to wit, Wencelat of Duba, and john of Clum, he parted from prague, 
john Hus taketh his journey to Constance.  and took his journey towards Constance. And in every place as he passed, he notified his presence by his letters which he sent abroad, and especially in every good town or city of name, the tenor whereof ensueth.  
¶ The copy of the letters which john Hus set up in the common places of the Cities which he passed through going to the Council.  
Master john Hus goeth now unto Constance, 
The letters which john Hus set upon cities as he passed to Constance.  there to declare his faith which he hath hitherto holden, and even at this present doth hold, and by God's help will defend and keep even unto death. Therefore even as he hath manifested throughout all the kingdom of Boheme by his letters and intimations, willing before his departure to have satisfied and given an account of his faith unto every man which should object or lay any thing against him in the general convocation holden in the Archbishop of Prages Court: So likewise he doth manifest and signify, that if there be any man in this noble and Imperial City, the which will impute or lay any error or heresy unto him, that he should prepare himself to come unto the Council, for so much as the said master john Hus is ready to satisfy every man at the said Council, which shall lay any thing unto his charge as touching his faith.  
In all Cities as he passed by, 
How I. Hus was received by the way going up to the counsel.  and principally when he was parted out of Boheme, and entered into Almain, a great number of people did come unto him, and he was very gently received and entertained of his hosts through all the towns of Germany, and specially of the Citizens and burgesses, and oftentimes of the Curates. Insomuch, as the said Hus did confess in a certain Epistle, that he found in no place so great enemies as in Boheme. And if it happened that there were any brute or noise before of his coming, the streets were always full of people, which were desirous to see john hus and gratify him: 
Nurrenberge.  and amongst all other specially at Nurremberge, where as certain merchants which went before, certified the Citizens of his coming. In the same City there were many Curates which came unto him, desiring that they might talk with him secretly apart, unto whom he answered, that he loved much rather to pronounce and show forth his mind and opinion openly before all men, than in huggermugger, for he would keep nothing close nor hidden. So after dinner until it was night, 
A Charterhouse monk against john Hus.  he spoke before the Priests and Senators, and divers other Citizens, insomuch that they all had him in great estimation and reverence one only doctor except, which was a Charterhouse Monk, and the Curate of Saint Sebaulde, which did improve all that he had said.  

john Husses Ho●●es named saith.  The twentieth day after that, he parted out of the town of prague, which was the third day of November, he came unto Constance, and lodged at an honest matron's house being a widow named Faith, in saint Galls street.  
The morrow after, the Gentleman master john de Clum, and master Henry Latzemboge, went to speak with the Pope, and certified him, that john hus was come, 
The Pope ●ōsenteth to ●ela●e con●c●● of john Hus.  whom they had brought to Constance to the general Counsel, under the Emperor his safe conduct, desiring him also that he on his part would grant the said john hus liberty to remain in Constance, without a●ue trouble, vexation, or interruption: unto whom, the Pope answered, that albeit that john hus had killed his brother, yet would he go about as much as in him lay, that no outrage or hurt should be done unto him, during his abode in the town of Constance.  
In this mean time, the greatest adversary that john hus had, named master Steven Palletz, the which was also a Bohemian, 
S●anislaus ●●oma Hus●● enemy, going to Constance, ●●e ● by the way.  was come unto Constance. But his companion master Stanislaus Znoma, was not yet passed the borders of Boheme, when he was stricken with an imposthume, whereof he died. As soon as the said Palletz was come to Constance, he did associate unto him one Michael de Causis, the which had before falsely accused and blamed the said john hus. And this may not be forgotten, that the said Palletz had been familiarly conversant and acquainted with the said john hus from his youth upward, 
Steven Palletz, Micha●ll de Causis ●●●e enemies to Hus.  but after that there was a bull brought unto prague from Pope john the 23. against the king of Apulia, named Ladislaus, the said john Hus withstood it openly, for so much as he saw that it was wicked and nought.  
And as touching the said Palletz, albeit that he had confessed at a certain banquet in the presence of the said john Hus that the said Gull was contrary to all equity & right: 
A Bull against Ladi●●us king of Apulia.  yet notwithstanding forsomuch as he was obliged & bound unto the Pope by means of certain benefices received at his hand, he maintained and defended the said bull against john Hus. 
Michael de Causis.  And this was the cause of the discord and falling out between them. As for Michael de Caulis the companion of master Palletz, he was sometime the Curate of new prague, but he not being content therewith, but seeking after a further pray, dreamt and imagined out a new device how to attain unto it, for he made a semblance that he had found out a new invention or mean, whereby the mines of gold in Gilory, which were perished and lost, might be renewed and set on work again. By this means he did so much with the king wenceslaus, that he did put a great sum of money into his hands, to do that withal which he had promised.  
This honest man after he had laboured and traveled certain days about it, 
The wicked li●e of Mich. de Causis Hu●●es enemy described.  and perceiving that he brought nothing to pass, and that by that means he was utterly in despair of his purpose, he conveyed himself privily out of the Realm of Boheme with the rest of the money, and withdrew himself as a worthy bird for such a nest, into the court of Rome. Such a man of such conditions was easily corrupt with money, and that by the adversaries of the said Hus, & promised them to do what he could for them, the which he did shortly after. The two ●olly roisters Steven Palletz, & Michael de Causis drew out certain articles against the said hus, saying that they had gathered them out of his own writings, and specially out of his treatise, which he had written of the Church. They troited up & down, hither & thither, taking great pains to show the said articles unto the Cardinals, 
The enemies of Hus pra●tile against him.  Bishops, Monks, and such others of that sort, doing them also to understand, that there were other matters of greater importance which the said I. Hus had committed and done against the holy constitutions and other ordinances of the Pope and the Church: which if need were, they said they would propound before the Council. Through the kindling of this their fire, they did so incense the Cardinals & all the Priests, that all they with one mind and consent thought to cause the good man to be taken and laid hands on.  
The 26. day after the said Hus was come to Constance, during all which tune, he was occupied in reading, writing, and familiar talk with his friends, the Cardinals which through the instigation and motion of Palletz and Michael de Causis, sent two Bishops, to wit, the Bishop of Augusta, and of Trident, and with them the Borowmaister of the town of Constance, and a certain knight, to the place where john Hus lodged about dinner time, which should make report unto him, that they were sent by the Pope and his Cardinals, to advertise him that he should come to render some knowledge or witness of his doctrine before them, as he had oftentimes desired, and that they were ready for to hear him.  
Unto whom john Husse answered, I am not come for no such intent, 
I. Hus desired to plead his cause before the whole council.  as to defend my cause particularly before the Pope & his Cardinals: protesting that I never desired no such thing, but that I would willingly appear before the whole assemble of the Council, and there answer for my defence openly, without any fear or doubt, unto all such things as should be demanded or required of me. Notwithstanding said he, forasmuch as you require me so to do, I will not refuse to go with you before the Cardinals. And if it happen that they evil entreat or handle me: yet nevertheless I trust in my Lord jesus, that he will so comfort and strengthen me, that I shall desire much rather to die for his glory sake, then to deny the verity and truth which I have learned by his holy scriptures. Wherefore it came to pass that the Bishops being instant upon him, and not showing any outward semblance, that they bore any malice or hatred against him in their hearts, albeit they had privily laid garrisons both in the house, where they were assembled, and also in other houses: john Hus took his horse which he had at his lodging, and went unto the Court of the Pope and the Cardinals.  
When he was come thither and had saluted the Cardinals, they began to speak to him in this sort: 
1. Hus is come before the Pope & the cardinals.  we have heard many reports of you, the which if they be true, are in no case to be suffered. For men say that you have taught great and manifest errors, and contrary and against the doctrine of the true Church, and that you have sowed your errors abroad through all the Realm of Boheme, 
The words of the pope & the Cardinals to I. Hus.  by a long space or time, wherefore we have caused you to be called hither before us, that we might understand and know how the matter standeth.  
Unto whom john Hus answered in few words: Reverend fathers, 
The answer of john Hus to the Pope and the Cardinals.  you shall understand that I am thus minded and affectioned, that I would rather choose to die, than I should be found culpable of one only error, much less of many & great errors: for this cause I am the more willingly come unto the general Council which is here appointed, to show myself ready even with all my hart to receive correction, if any man can prove any errors in me. The Cardinals answered him again, that his sayings pleased them very well, and upon that they went their way, leaving the said john Hus with master john de Clum, under the guard and keeping of the armed men.  
In the mean season, they did suborn and furnish out a certain divine, 
Dolus malus Cardinaliun●.  a Friar Franciscane, a subtle and crafty man, and a malicious hypocrite, for to question with the said john Hus, which was compassed round about with armed men. 
A friar Minor putteth two qu●●tions to john Hus.  This man drawing near, in his monkish gesture, said: Reverend master, I a simple and rude idiot am come unto you for to learn, for I have hard many strange and contrary things against the catholic faith, to be ascribed unto you, the which do diversly move my mind, being wholly inclined to the truth. Wherefore I do desire you, even for the love which you hear unto the truth, and to all good and godly men, that you would teach me most simple and miserable man, some certainty and truth. And first men say that you hold opinion after the consecration and pronunciation of the words in the Sacrament of the altar, 
A friarly judas. M.I. Clum speaketh for I. Hus.  there remaineth only material bread. I. Husse answered, that it was falsely attributed and imputed to him. Then said he: I pray you is not this your opinion? No verily said john Hus, I do not so think of it. When the Monk asked this question the third time, Master john de Clum being somewhat moved with him, said: why art thou so importunate upon him? verily if any man had affirmed or denied any thing unto me but once, I would have believed him. And thou, albeit he hath showed thee his mind so often, yet ceasest not to trouble him. Then said the Monk: gentle master I pray you pardon me a poor idiot and simple Friar, surely I did it of a good mind & intent, being willing & desirous to learn. This Friar put forth another question unto him, protesting his simplicity and ignorance, what manner of unity of the Godhead & manhood was in the person of Christ? When I. hus had heard this question, he turned himself unto Master john de Clum in the Bohemian language said: 
A wolf in a lambs skin.  truly this Friar is not simple as he doth pretend, for he hath propounded unto me a very hard question. And afterward turning himself to the friar, he said unto him: brother, you say that you are simple, but as I have heard of you, I perceive very well, that you are double and crafty, & not simple. It is not so verily said the friar. Well, said john Hus, I will cause you well to understand that it is so: For as touching the simplicity of a man, it is required in things that concern ciulitie & manners, that the spirit, the understanding, the hart, the words, & the mouth should agree together, and I do not perceive that this is in you. There is in your mouth a certain semblance of simplicity, the which would very well declare you to be an idiot and simple, but your deeds show plainly and evidently a great subtlety and craft in you, with a great quickness and liveliness of wit, in that you have proponed unto me so hard and difficult a question.  
Notwithstanding I will not fear to show you my mind in this question. And when he had made an end, the Monk gave him great thanks for his gentleness and so departed. After that, the Pope's garrison which were about the said john Hus, told him, that this friar was called Master Didace, 
Didace a crafty Friar.  who was esteemed and counted the greatest and most subtle divine in all Lombary. Oh said Hus that I had known that afore, I would have handled him after another sort and fashion, 
Many a man beguiled under the cloak of simplicity.  but I would to God they were all such, then through the help and aid of the holy Scriptures, I would fear none of them. In this manner the said Hus and master john de Clum, were left under the keeping of these men of Arms, until four of the clock at after noon. After which time the Cardinals assembled again in the Pope's Court, to devise and take counsel what they should do with john Hus. Then Steven Palletz & Michael de Causis, with divers other of their adherents, made earnest suit that he should not be let go at liberty again, and having the favour of the judges on their part, they bragged up and down in a manner as they had been mad men, 
I. Husses accusers triumph over him when he was taken.  and mocked the said john hus: saying, now we will hold thee well enough, thou art under our power and jurisdiction, and shalt not departed, until such time as thou hast paid the uttermost farthing.  
A little afore night, they sent f Provost of the Roman court unto M. john de Clum, to show him that he might return to his lodging, for as for I. Hus, they had otherwise provided for him, when M. john de Clum hard these news, he was wonderfully displeased, forsomuch as through their crafts, subtleties & glozing words, they had so trained this good man into their snares, whereupon he went unto t Pope, declaring unto him all that was done, most humbly beseeching him, that he would call to remembrance the promise which he had made unto him and master Henry Latzembog, 
The pope breaketh promise.  and that he would not so lightly falsify and break his faith and promise. The Pope answered that all these things were done without his consent or commandment, and said further to master Clum apart, what reason is it that you should impute this deed unto me, seeing that you know well enough that I myself am in the hands of these Cardinals and Bishops?  
In mine opinion, for so much as Pope john feared that, which in deed did after follow, that he should be deprived of his dignity, he thought to win the favour of these Herodian Cardinals and Bishops, 
The pope to please the council was against I. Hus.  by betraying this good man unto them. So the said M. Clum returned very pensifull & sorry: he complained very fore both privily & openly, of the injury and outrage that the Pope had done, but all profited nothing. After this, the said I. Hus was led by the officers to the chapter house of the great Church of Constance, where he was kept prisoner by the space of right days, from thence he was carried unto the jacobines, hard by the river of Rhine, and was shut up in the prison of the Abbey, the which was hard by the Bogardes.  
After he had been enclosed there a certain time, he fell sore sick of an ague, 
The imprisomment and sickness of john Hus.  by means of the stench of the place, and became so weak, that they despaired of his life. And for fear least this good man should die in prison, as others are wont to do, the Pope sent unto him certain of his Physicians for to cure and help him. In the midst of his sickness his accusers made importunate suit to the principals of the Council, that the said john Hus might be condemned, and presented unto the Pope, these Articles here underwritten.  

¶ Articles presented against john Husse.  
FIrst he doth err about the Sacraments of the church, 
Articles against john Hus.  and specially about the Sacramet of the body of Christ, for so much as he hath openly preached, that it ought to be ministered openly unto the people under both kinds, that is to say, the body and blood. This article is evident, for somuch as his disciples at this instant in prague, do minister the same in both kinds. 
The supper of the Lord.  Moreover, it is affirmed by divers, that he hath taught both in the schools and in the Church, or at the least that he doth hold this opinion, that after the words of consecration pronounced upon the altar, there remaineth still material bread in the Sacrament, this article shall be known by his examination.  
Secondly, he doth err, as touching the ministers of the church, forsomuch as he saith that they cannot consecrated or minister the Sacraments when they are in mortal sin. This article shall likewise be known by his examination. Notwithstanding all that, which is here contained, may be gathered by his writings De ecclesia, the which if he deny, let there then be some divines and others appointed, to peruse and look over his said writings of the Church. Moreover he saith, that other men beside priests may minister the Sacraments, this article is evident, for so much as his disciples do the same at prague, the which of themselves do violently take the Sacrament out of the treasury, and communicate among themselves, 
Of the administration of Sacraments.  when the holy communion is denied unto them: by this and other things, also it is sufficiently evident, that he hath taught that every man being without mortal sin, hath the power of orders or priesthood, for so much as such only as hath taken orders, aught to minister the sacraments unto themselves. And because he proceedeth from small matters unto great and weightier, it doth consequently appear and follow, that those which be in state of grace, can bind and lose.  
Thirdly he doth err as touching the Church, and specially for that he doth not allow & admit that the Church signifieth the Pope, 
Of the Church.  Cardinals, Archbishops, and the Clergy underneath them, but saith that this signification was drawn out from the schoolmen. And in no case to be holden or allowed, this article is manifest by his said treatise upon the Church.  
Moreover he doth err concerning the Church, in that he saith, 
ecclesiastical revenues.  that the Church ought not to have any temporal possessions. And that the temporal Lords may take them away from the Church & the clergy without any offence: this error is evident, forsomuch as through his doctrine and enticements many churches in the kingdom of Boheme & in the city of prague, are already spoiled and rob of a great part of their temporalties and goods. He saith also that Constantinus & other secular princes erred by enriching and enduing churches & monasteries. This article is manifest by that which goeth next before.  
Fourthly, 
The bishop's power.  he erreth as touching the Church, in that he saith, that all priests are of like power, and therefore affirmeth that the reservations of the Pope's casualties, the ordering of Bishops, and the consecration of the Priests were invented only for covetousness. This Article doth somewhat appear by those afore going, but by his examination shall be more evident.  
Fiftly, 
The power of the keys of the Church.  he erreth concerning the church, in that he saith, that the church being in sin, hath no power of the keys, when as the Pope, Cardinals, and all other of the priests and clergy are in deadly sin, the which he saith is possible enough, this also doth appear in his treatise upon the Church, in his first error as touching the ministers of the Church.  
Sixtly he erreth touching the Church, 
Excommunication.  for as much as through contempt he doth not fear excommunication. This doth notoriously appear by his own doings, in that he did contemn and despise the apostolic and ordinary censure, and in all the apostolic excommunications & injunctions he hath borne himself upon the divine commandments, and in contempt of the keys to the setting out of his hypocrisy, he hath said mass all the ways between this and the city of prague, and thereby hath prophanate the process and authority of the Church.  
seventhly he erreth again, 
In vestitures  as touching the Church, because he keepeth not the institutions & investitures thereof, but holdeth opinion that every man hath authority to invest & appoint any man to the cure of souls. This is evident by his own doings. For so much as many in the kingdom of Boheme, by their defenders and favourers. or rather by himself were appointed and put into parish churches, the which they have long ruled and kept, not being appointed by the apostolic sea, neither yet by the ordivarie of the city of prague.  

The office of preaching.  Eightly, he erreth as touching the Church, in that he holdeth opinion, that a man being once ordained a Priest or a deacon cannot be forbidden or kept back from the office of preaching, this is likewise manifest by his own doings, for somuch as he himself could never be letted from preaching, neither by the Apostolic sea, neither yet by the Archbishop of prague.  

Lupus agnum accusat quod turba●●s sontem.  And to the intent that the said john Hus, who is dothed in sheeps clothing, & inwardly a raving wolf, may be the better known by his fruits, for the better information of you most reverend fathers, I say, that from the first time that he took in hand or went about to sow his errors and heresies, 
A heaping together of many grievous cr●nes.  the which afterward he did in deed, he understanding and perceiving himself to be ●standed and gainsaid by the Germans, which were in the university of prague, for somuch as he could conclude nothing, because they had 3. voices, and he on his parr, had but one only voice: he went about and brought to pass, and that by the secular power, that the Germans should have but one voice, and he and his parts 3. voices, the which thing, when the Germans once perceived, rather than they would lose or forsake any part of their right, which they had in voices, or be in danger in their persons, the which would then have ensued upon it, to save themselves, they wholly with one consent agreed together to departed out of prague, and by this means this solemn & famous university of prague was made desolate that had brought forth so many notable men in divers sciences. 
The departure of the Germans from the v●uersitie of prague.  Behold this his first fruits which divided that so famous university, for so much as grapes are not gathered of thorns, neither figs of brambles.  

The 45. articles of Wickliff.  Moreover, when there were questions moaned amongst the divines of the university of prague upon the 45. articles of john Wickliff, and that they had called a convocation, and all the divines of Boheme, for the Germans were all ready departed, they concluded that every one of those Articles were either heretical, seditious, or else erroneous. He alone held the contrary opinion, the none of those articles were either heretical, seditious, or erroneous, as afterward he did dispute, hold, and teach in the common schools of prague, where by it is evidently enough foreseen, that he doth affirm those articles of Wickliff, the which are not only condemned in England, but also by the whole church, because they were first invented and set forth by the members of Antichrist.  
Moreover, he being complained of to the Archbishop of prague, the he preached & set forth certain articles which were heretical, false and seditious, he was forbidden by the said Archbishop to preach any more, and proceeded against him, according to the canonical sanctions, the which process is confirmed by the apostolic sea, and published as well in the court of Rome, as without: the which john Hus and his adherents have divers and manifold ways violate & prophanate. 
The office of preaching forbidden by the Archb.  And whosoever did speak against him, they were deprived of their benefices, and others placed in, which have ruled, and yet do rule the said churches, & the flocks pertaining to the same, not having any cure or charge of the souls committed unto them, neither by the apostolic sea, neither yet by the ordinary of the place.  
Also as many, as well priests as lay men in the city of prague & kingdom of Boheme, which have spoken against the doctrine of Hus, and the profanation of the process aforesaid, or at the least not allowing the same, have suffered most mortal hatred and persecutions, and yet to this day do suffer. But that at this present it is dissimuled until the end of the process against john Hus. Wherefore if he be now let go again, without doubt they shall suffer great persecution both in body and goods, and throughout all the realm of Boheme, house shallbe against house, and this mischief will creep, yea suddenly spring up throughout all Germany, and innumerable souls shallbe infected, so that there shall be such persecution of the clergy and faithful, as hath not been since the time of the Emperor Constantine to this present day, 
Insurrectiós feared in Boh●●me against the clergy.  for he ceaseth not to move and stir up the laity, against the clergy and faithful christians. And when any of the clergy would draw him away, or call him from his heresy, & for that cause doth forbid him to preach, that he do not teach no heresies: Then sayeth he, and teacheth that the clergy doth that of envy and malice, because he rebuketh their vices and faults: that is to say, their simony and pride, and covetousness.  
Moreover, he stirreth up the seculare princes against the prelate's of churches, monasteries, & universities, and generally against the whole clergy. Going about by this means, he preacheth and teacheth that prelate's and other men of the church ought not to have any temporal goods or possessions, but only to live upon alms. And by this means he hath done already very much hurt, and anoied divers and many Prelates, clerk and Churches in the kingdom of Boheme and city of prague. For so much as thereby they are already spoiled and rob of their possessions. Yea, he teacheth also that it is lawful for the lay people without sin, to withhold and keep back the tithes and oblations, or to give the Church goods to any other minister: all the seculare princes are greatly inclined hereunto, but specially the laity, who followeth every man his own will.  
He hath generally to lay for himself all those heretics which do but very finally regard the ecclesiastical censures and hate the authority of the Roman church, yea do utterly detest & abhor the same, the which thing will more and more increase, except it be effectually and manfully withstand, and if he do by any means escape from the council, he and his favourers will say that his doctrine is just and true, 
Cayphas prophesied.  and that it is allowed by the authority of the universal sacred Council, and that all his adversaries are wicked and naughty men, so that he would do more mischief, than ever any heretic did since the time of Constantinus Magnus.  
Wherefore most holy fathers provide and take heed to yourselves, 
Master Palletz lieth, for the holy Ghost had no leisure to come to that council  and to the whole flock, amongst whom the holy Ghost hath placed you to rule the Church of Christ, the which he hath purchased with his own blood, and whilst the disease is new and fresh, help and remedy it, as well touching him which doth so infect and trouble the Church of God, as also concerning the occasions, through the which he hath presumed, & might do the same: because the Prelates do abuse the ecclesiastical censures, & as well the Prelates as those that are under them dye not keep and observe the order of the church which is appointed them by God, whereby it cometh to pass, that whilst they themselves do walk the broken & unknown paths, their flock falleth headlong into the ditch.  
Wherefore let our sovereign Lord the Pope, and this most sacred Council ordain and depute Commissioners, the which may examine the said john Hus upon all afore written, and other things in the presence of them which know the matter. Let there be also certain Doctors and Masters appointed to read over and peruse his books which he hath written, whereof some are here present, that the church may be speedily purged and cleansed from these errors.   
Upon this his accusation, they ordained and appointed 3. commissioners or judges, that is to say, the patriarch of Constantinople, and the bishop of Castle, & the bishop of Lybusse. The which prelate's being thus deputed, hard the accusation & the witness which was brought in by certain babbling priests of prague, 
I. Hus sick of an ague in prison.  confirmed by their oaths, & afterward recited the said accusation unto the said Hus in the prison, at such time as his ague was fervent and extremely upon him. 
I. Hus debarred of his advocate.   
Upon this john Hus required to have an advocate to answer for him, the which was plainly and utterly denied him. And the reason that the master's Commissioners brought against it was this, that the plain canon doth forbid that any man should be a defender of any cause of his, which is suspect of any kind of heresy: The vanity and folly of the witnesses was such, that if in case they had not been both the accusers and judges themselves, there should have needed no distinct confutation. I would have rehearsed the testimonies in this place but that I knew them to to be such, as the prudent and wise reader could not have red without great tediousness. Nowheit some of them shall be declared, when we come to the process of his judgement.  
afterward, when john Husse had recovered little strength or health by the commandment of the three commissioners there was presented unto him certain Articles, many in number, which they said they had gathered out of his book which he made of the Church: of which articles some were forged and invented by master Palletz, & other some were gathered only by halves, as shall be more plainly declared hereafter when we come to speak of the judgement pronounced and given against the said Hus.  
Thus john Hus remained in the prison of the covent of the franciscans, 
The books which I. Hus wrote in prison.  until the Wednesday before Palm Sunday, and certain appointed to keep him, and in the mean season to employ and spend his time withal, he wrote certain books: That is to say, of the ten commandments, of the love and knowledge of God, of Matrimony, of Penance, of the three enemies of mankind, of the prayer of our Lord, and of the Supper of our Lord.  

Pope john fled out of Constance  The same day Pope john the 23, changed his apparel & conucyed himself secretly out of Constance, fearing the judgement by the which afterward he was deprived of his Papal dignity, by means of most execrable & abominable forfaites and doings. This was the cause that john Hus was transported and carried unto an other prison: for the Pope's servants which had the charge and keeping of john Hus, understanding that their Master was fled & gone, delivered up the keys of the prison unto the Emperor Sigismond, and to the Cardinals, and followed their Master the Pope. Then by the whole consent of the Council, the said john Hus was put into the hands of the Bishop of Constance, who sent him to a Castle on the other side of the River of Rhine, not very far from Constance, whereas he was shut up in a Tower, with fetters on his legs, that he could scarce walk in the day time, and at night he was fastened up to a rack against the wall hard by his bed.  

Noble men of Boheme labour for john Hus.  In the mean season certain noble men and Gentlemen of Pole & Boheme, did all their endeavour to purchase his deliverance, having respect to the good renown of all the Realm, the which was wonderfully defamed and slandered by certain naughty persons. The matter was grown unto this point, that all they which were in the town of Constance, that seemed to bear any favour unto I. Hus, were made as mocking stocks, and derided of all men, yea even of the slaves and base people. Wherefore they took counsel and concluded together to present their request in writing unto the whole Council, or at the least unto the four nations of Almain, Italy, France, and England: this request was presented the 14. day of May. an. 1415. The tenor here ensueth.  

¶ The first schedule or Bill, which the nobles of Boheme delivered up to the Council for the deliverance of john Hus, the 14. day of May. Anno. 1415.  
MOst reverend Fathers and Lords. The Nobles and Lords of Boheme and Pole here present, by this their present writings do show and declare unto your Fatherly reverences how that the most noble King and Lord, the Lord Sigismond king of Romans, always Augustus' king of Hungary, Croatia, Dasmatia, etc. hearing of the great dissension that was in the kingdom of Boheme as heir, King and Lord successor, willing & minding to foresee and provide for his own honour, he sent these Noble men Master Wenceslate de Duba and john de Clum here present, 
The safe conduct of the Emperor challenged.  that they would bring and assure Master john Hus under the king his name and safe conduct. So that he would come to the sacred general Council of Constance, under the safe conduct of the said king, and the protection of the sacred Empire, openly given and granted unto the said Master john Hus, that he might purge himself and the kingdom of Boheme from the slander that was raised upon them, and there to make an open declaration of his Faith to every man that would lay any thing to his charge. The which the said Nobles with the forenamed Master john Hus have performed and done, according to the kings commandment.  
When as the said Master john Hus was freely of his own accord come unto Constance, under the said safe conduct, & grievously imprisoned before he was heard, and at this present is tormented both with fetters and also with hunger and thirst. Albeit that in times passed at the Council holden at Paysan. 1410. year of our Lord, the heretics which were condemned, were suffered to remain there at liberty, and to departed home freely: notwithstanding this Master john Husse, neither being convicted nor condemned, no not so much as once heard, is taken and imprisoned, when as neither any king or any Prince Elector, either any Ambassador of any University was yet come or present. And albeit the Lord the King, together with the Nobles and Lords here present most instantly required and desired, that as touching his safe conduct they would foresee and have respect unto his honour. And that the said Master john Hus might be openly heard, for so much as he would render and show a reason of his faith, and if he were found or convicted obstinately to affirm or maintain any thing against the truth or holy Scripture, that then he ought to correct and amend the same, according to the instruction and determination of the Council: yet could he never obtain this. But the said Master john Husse, 
The extremities john Hus antlered in prison  notwithstanding all this, is most grievously oppressed with fetters and irons, and so weakened with thin and slender diet, that it is to be feared lest that his power and strength being hereby consumed and wasted, he should be put in danger of his wit or reason.  
And although the Lords of Boheme here present are greatly slandered, because they seeing the said Master john Hus, so to be tormented and troubled contrary to the kings safe conduct, have not by their letters put the king in mind of his said safe conduct, that the said Lord and king should not any more suffer any such matters, for so much as they tend to the contempt and disregard of the kingdom of Boheme, which from the first original and beginning, since it received the Catholic faith, it never departed or went away from the obedience of that holy Church of Rome: yet notwithstanding they have suffered & borne all these things patiently hitherto, least by any means occasion of trouble or vexation of this sacred Council might arise or spring thereof.  
Wherefore most revereud fathers & Lords: The Nobles and Lords before named do wholly & most earnestly desire & require your reverences here present, that both for the honour of the safe conduct of our said Lord the king, & also for the preservation and increase of the worthy fame and renown both of the foresaid kingdom of Boheme, & your own also, that you will make a short end about the affairs of M. john Hus: for so much as by the means of his strait handling he is in great danger by any longer delay, cven as they do most specially trust upon the most upright consciences & judgements of your fatherly reverences. But forasmuch as most reverend fathers and Lords, it is now come to the knowledge and understanding of the Nobles & Lords of Boheme here present, how that certain backbiters and slanderers of the most famous kingdom of Boheme aforesaid, have declared & told unto your reverences how that the Sacrament of the most precious blood of our Lord is carried up & down through Boheme in vessels not consecrated or hallowed, and that Cobblers do now hear confessions & minister the most blessed body of our Lord unto others: The Nobles therefore of Boheme here present require and desire you that you will give no credit unto false promoters & tale tellers, 
The confutation of certain slanders.  for that as most wicked and naughty slanderers & backbiters of the kingdom aforesaid, they do report & tell untruths: requiring also your reverences, that such slanderous persons of the kingdom aforesaid, may be named & known. And the lord the king together with your reverences, shall well perceive and see that the Lords of Boheme will go about in such manner to refel and put away the false & f●●uolous slanders of those naughty persons, that they shall be ashamed to appear hereafter before the lord the king and your reverences.   
As soon as this their supplication was red, that bishop of Luthonis rising up said. 
The Bishop of Luthonis.  Most reverend fathers I well perceive and understand that the last part of this writing doth touch me, my familiars & friends, as though the kingdom of Boheme were slandered by us. Wherefore I desire to have time & space of deliberation that I may purge myself from this crime that is laid against me. The principal of the counsel appointed him the 17. day of May, at the which day the lords of Boheme should be present again, to hear both the answer of the council, and also the excuse of the bishop of Luthonis, the which thing in deed was afterward performed: for the 17. day of May, which was the 4. day before the whitsuntide they met there again, where first of all a certain bishop in the name of the whole council answered by word to the nobles of Boheme, the contents of whose answer may easily be known by the second supplication, which the Bohemiams put up to the council. But first I have here in these few words following, showed how the bishop Luthonis defended himself against that which is before written.  

¶ The answer of the Bishop of Luthonis, to the last part of the supplication, which the nobles of Boheme presented unto the Council.  
MOst reverend fathers and noble Lords, 
The answer and accusation of the Bish. of Luthonis against john Hus.  as Peter de Mladoneywitz bachelor of Art: in the name of certain of the nobles of the kingdom of Boheme in his writings, amongst other things did propound how that certain slanderers and backebiters of the said kingdom have brought to the ears of your reverences, that the most precious blood of Christ is carried up and down in Boheme in bottles, & that Cobblers do hear confessions, and minister the body of Christ unto others, whereupon most reverend fathers and Lords: Albeit that I together with the other prelate's, doctors, masters and other innumerable catholics of the said kingdom, the which do desire as much as in them lieth to defend the faith of Christ, have laboured for the extirpation & rooting out of that most wicked and detestable sect of Wickliff's, which now (alas for sorrow) beginneth to spring and rise in the said kingdom, as it is well known. notwithstanding, here in this my oration, not for any shame or reproof, but for the honour of the kingdom aforesaid, I have propounded, and declared a certain new sect, which is now lately sprung up in the said kingdom, the followers whereof do minister & communicate the sacraments in many cities, towns, & places of the said kingdom, under both kinds both of bread and wine, and do constantly teach the common people both men and women that it is so to be communicated, obstinately affirming the same, and that the clergy which do repugn or say nay unto it, are to be counted church robbers, as by the writings of their assertions being directed and presented hither, shall openly appear.  
Moreover by the report and fame which goeth here abroad, & by the writings which were sent over unto me, I have propounded that it came to my knowledge, that the blood of Christ is carried about in vessels. Is not consecrated, approving the foresaid erroneous assertion of the Wiclevists, that affirm it necessary for salvation, that the people should communicate under both kinds of bread and wine, and that it is necessary, as the body of Christ is carried in the pixe or box, so the blood of Christ should be carried in bottles, or other necessary vessels from place to place, and specially about the ministration of the sick. Also I declared not of myself, but I heard it to be declared by others, both great and credible persons, that there was a certain woman a follower of that sect, the which taking by violence the body of Christ out of a priests hands, did communicate unto herself, and affirmed that all men ought to do so, if the Priests would deny them the Communion. And the same woman amongst many other errors, of the which she was convicted, did affirm that a good lay woman might better consecrate and give absolution, than an evil priest: affirming that an evil priest can neither consecrate nor absolve. But I know that neither I, neither any of my assistance in this matter have brought this at any time into your cares, that cobblers in the said kingdom do hear confession, or minister the sacrament of the body of Christ, as is alleged by the said Peter, in the behalf of the said supplicantes. notwithstanding, that we did fear if means were not found to recounter or stop the offences before named, that this would immediately follow upon it. Wherefore most reverend fathers, lest that the kingdom might he defamed any more by such pestiferous sects, and that the Christian faith might happen to be endangered: with all reverence and charity I do desire you, even by the bowels of mercy, of our Lord jesus Christ, that this most sacred Council, would provide some speedy remedy for this kingdom, as touching the premises.  
Moreover, whether be they backbiters and slanderers or wicked and false enviers of the kingdom of Boheme, the which do let the errors aforesaid, & many others more, which are sown by the Wiclevists in the said kingdom, and also else where, which also both do labour and have laboured for the extirpation and roting out of those errors out of the kingdom aforesaid, and as catholic men, for the zeal of their faith have manfully put forth themselves against the maintainers of the said errors or such as do maintain and defend the teachers of those errors. This answer I have here presented before your reverences always, wholly submitting myself and assistance unto your judgement, and to the definition of this most sacred council of Constance.   

¶ The answer of the nobles of Boheme.  

The bishop of Luthonius answer confuted.  THe day before whitsuntide, the nobles of Boheme did confute this their answer made 2. days before in the Council to their former writing, as here followeth: Most reverend fathers and Lords, for so much as upon thursday it was answered in the behalf of your reverences to the requests of the nobles and Lords of Boheme, that the said Lords were misinformed of divers points contained in the declaration of their said vil: therefore the foresaid Lords have now determined and decreed to declare their former propounded requests more at large unto your reverences, not mineding hereby to argue or reprove your fatherly wisdoms and circumspections, but that your reverences (their desires being partly on this behalf fulfilled) might the more effectuously & distinctly discern and judge as touching this matter.  
And first of all, where as the Lords alleged and said how that master john Hus was come hither unto Constance, freely of his own good will, under the safe conduct of the Lord the king, 
The bishops do quarrel about the safe conduct of john Hus.  and the protection of the sacred Empire: It is answered on the behalf of your reverences, how that the said Lords are misinformed, as touching the safe conduct, and that you have understand by such as are worthy credit, that the friends and favourers of the said M. john Hus, did first procure and get his safe conduct 15. days after his imprisonment.  
The Lords of Boheme, and specially the Lord john de Clum here present, 
The safe conduct of john Hus obtained and showed before the imprisonment of john Hus.  whom this matter doth chiefly touch, doth answer, that not only the 15. day after, but even the very same day that john Hus was apprehended and taken, when as our reverend father the Pope, in the presence of all his Cardinals, demanded of M. john de Clum, whether M. john Hus had any safeconduict from the king his son: he answered, most holy father & Cardinals, know ye that he hath a safe conduct, and when he was asked the question again the second time, he answered in like manner.  
Yet notwithstanding none of them required to have the safeconduict showed unto them: and again the third day following, the Lord john de Clum complained unto our Lord the Pope, how notwithstanding the safe conduct of our sovereign Lord the king, he detained and kept M. john Hus as prisoner, showing the said safeconduict unto many. And for a further truth herein, he referreth himself unto the testimonies and witnesses of divers Earls, Bishops, knights, gentlemen, and famous Citizens of the city of Constance, the which altogether at this present did see the said safe conduct, and heard it read, whereupon the said john de Clum is ready to bind himself under what penalty shallbe required, evidently to prove and confirm that which he hath promised, who soever say to the contrary.  
Moreover, the Lords of Boheme refer themselves unto the knowledge of certain Princes electors & other Princes, Bishops, & many other noblemen, which were present before the king's majesty, where and when as the said safe conduct was granted and given out by the special commandment of our said Lord the king.  
Hereby your fatherly reverences may understand and perceive that the said Lords of Boheme are not evil informed as touching the said safe conducit: But rather they which by such reports have falsely and untruly informed your reverences. And first of all they have offended against the Lord our king, 
The bishops of the council falsely informed touching the safe conduct of john Hus.  and his chancellors. secondarily, against the Lords and nobles of Boheme, as though we had privily & by stealth, purchased the said safe conduct. Wherefore the Lords aforesaid most humbly require & desire your reverences that you will not so lightly believe such as be not worthy of credit, but rather hearing the contrary part, to labour and discuss that the truth may the more evidently appear.  
Secondly, 
john Hus, imprisoned before he was either condemned or heard.  where as the Lords aforesaid, alleging how M. john Hus, coming unto Constance, of his own free will, being neither condemned nor heard, was imprisoned, your reverences have made answer thereunto, that he the said M. john Hus in the time of Alexander 5. was infamed and slandered upon certain heresies, and thereupon cited personally to appear in the court of Rome, and there was heard by his procurers.  
And for somuch as he refused obstinately to appear, he was excommunicated, in the which excommunication he continued (as you affirm) by the space of five years, for the which he was judged, and counted not only a simple and plain heretic, but an heresiarke, that is to say, an inventor and sour of new and strange heresies, and that he coming toward Constance, did preach by the way openly. 
Alexander the ● The answer touching the citation of I. Hus to the court of Rome.  To this the Lords aforesaid do answer, that as touching his slander and citation, they can affirm nothing, but by report. But as touching that he did not personally appear, they say they have heard both himself, and divers other credible persons say: yea even the most famous Prince Wenceslaus king of Boheme, and almost all the whole nobility is witness, that he would willingly have appeared at Rome, or else where, if he might safely have comen thither, 
I. Hus his procurers evil entreated at Rome  and that deadly enmity had not letted: and moreover his procurers, which he sent unto the court of Rome, alleging reasonable causes for his non appearance, some of them were cast into prison, and others very evil entreated.  
As for the excommunication which he hath so long sustained, they have heard him often say, that he hath not resisted against the same by contumacy, or stubbornness, but under evident appellation, and thereupon reterreth himself unto the Acts of his causes, which were pleaded in the court of Rome, wherm all this is more largely contained, the which your reverences may evidently perceive and see in this our present public transumpt, which we have offered unto you upon certain points aforesaid.  
As concerning his preaching, wherewithal his enemies do report and charge, 
I. Hus falsely reported to preach openly at Constance.  that M. john Hus did preach openly in the City of constance: The Lords aforesaid, and specially the Lord john de Clum here present do answer that he hath continually lodged with the said M. john Hus here in constance, and that whosoever they be, that have been so bold, or dare be so bold to say & affirm that M. john Hus had preached (as is premised) or that which less is, 
I. Hus falsely charged to preach coming to the council.  since the time of his coming unto this city, even unto the very day & time of his captivity and imprisonment, that he went but one step out of the house of his lodging, that the said Lord john de Clum, will and is content to bind himself with any such, as shall affirm the same, under what penalty so ever it be, of money or otherwise, that which he hath falsely reported unto your reverences, he shall never be able justly & truly to affirm and prove.  
Thirdly, whereas your reverences do say, that you do not understand or know, what the Lords do mean, by the heretics condemned, at the council holden at Pisa, whether the mocking or deriding the Pope, whose ambassadors came thither for unity or concord, the which were suffered and gently entreated, as their Lords were most inclined unto unity and peace, or else that they did understand or mean the particular heretics, which were there condemned adjoining thereunto: that the heretics also coming unto the council, under the pretence of that unity, should be gently handled and entreated. etc. Reverend fathers and Lords, whether they be counted the first, or that they be thought the second or last, the Lords aforesaid require none other thing, but that the said M. john Hus may use such liberty as they used: forsomuch as he came willingly unto this most sacred council, not for any other purpose, but only publicly to recognise his faith. And in what point soever he shall seem to vary from the word of God, and the union of the holy mother the church, that in that point he will willingly be united and reconciled again thereunto, and not only himself, but also his favourers and adherents, he would move and provoke thereunto: 
I. Hus had many well-willers in Bohemia.  of whom the greater number are in the kingdom of Boheme. Also he is come hither that he might purge and clear the noble kingdom of Boheme, from the sinister and evil slander which was raised upon it.  
Last of all most reverend fathers & Lords, for so much as your reverences have most favourably answered unto the principal request made by the Lords aforesaid, that the process of M. john Hus through God's help should be determined and ended withal expedition and gentleness: The Lords aforesaid do render most hearty thanks unto your reverences, and when soever their desire by God's help shall come to the end or effect long wished or looked for, they will not only here, but also before the whole kingdom of Boheme, and in all other places wheresoever they come render most immortal thanks unto your reverences for ever.   
¶ This declaration of the nobles of Boheme above prefixed, may serve not only to the confutation of the bishop Luthonius this Bohemian, but also against the cavillacious of Alanus Copus Anglus. Dial. 6. pag. 929. touching the safe conduct of john Hus, whereof sufficiently before hath been said, vide supra, pag. 596.  
When as the noble men of Boheme by long time could receive no answer of those supplications, which they had already put up, they determined the last day of May following by an other supplication being put up unto the principals of the council, to entreat that john Hus might be delivered out of prison, and defend his own cause openly: they also put the testimonial of the bishop of Nazareth, as touching john Hus. 
Vide supra. pag. 597.  The copy whereof is expressed in the beginning of this history, word by word.  

¶ Another supplication of the nobles of Boheme.  

another supplication of the Bohemians for john Hus.  MOst reverend fathers and Lords in Christ, of late there was a supplication put up unto your reverences on the behalf of the Lords & nobles of Boheme, and the nation of Pole, wherein they most humbly desired your reverences to consider how the informations which were put up unto your reverences, by the enemies of M. john Hus, 
The Lords could have no answer of their supplication.  were insufficient. And with reverence be it spoken, in many points untrue, as in the safeconduict granted by the king's majesty, and also in other articles, as more plainly appeareth in the Schedule, which was then offered unto you: upon the which said Schedule and other things at that presence being put up, they could not as yet receive no answer. Wherefore the Lords aforesaid, most humbly require your fatherly reverences, that it would please you to consider the said supplication, and to give some answer to the Lords aforesaid, thereupon and specially having respect unto the great injuries and griefs which are done unto the said M. john Hus, the which may be understand and known by the Schedule aforesaid, that you will mercifully consider and foresee, that all those griefs and evils so far different from all brotherly love and charity are done unto him by his enemies even for very malice and hatred.  
To the intent therefore that the rancour and malice may be confounded and overthrown, and the plain and evident truth appear, it may please your fatherly reverences to understand that it is notified and known unto the Barones, Nobles, Citizens, Clergy and laity of the kingdom of Boheme, that M. john Hus in all his acts and doings as well Scholastical as Ecclesiastical, and specially in all his public and open sermons, he hath made and hath accustomed to make these manner of protestations, the which without any thing to the contrary, he hath always endeavoured to have them strong and firm, as by this his protestation here following, which he made about the determination of a certain question, it may most evidently and plainly appear unto every man which would behold and look upon the same: the form and tenor whereof here followeth, and is such.  

¶ The protestation of john Hus.  
FOr so much as above all things I do desire the honour of God, 
The protestation of I. Hus.  the profit of the holy Church, and that I myself may be a faithful member of our Lord jesus Christ, which is the head and husband of the holy Church which he hath redeemed: Therefore as heretofore oftentimes I have done, even so now again I make this protestation, that I never obstinately said, or hereafter will say any thing that shall be contrary unto the truth and verity: and moreover that I have always holden, do hold, and firmly desire for to hold the very true and infallible truth and verity, so that before that I would defend and maintain any error contrary thereunto, I would rather choose by the hope and help of the Lord to suffer extreme punishment, even unto death: yea, and thorough the help of God I am ready, even to offer this my miserable life unto death for the law of Christ, 
Vid. in priore edit. pag. 207.  the which I do believe every part and parcel thereof to be given and promulgate for the salvation of mankind, by the counsel and determination of the most holy Trinity, and the saints of God. etc.   
By the which his protestation, and also other protestations by the said M. john Hus, being well observed and noted, it may be easily gathered and known that his whole intent and purpose was and is, that he neither would nor will have spoken or written any thing in his books, treatises, doctrines, or public sermons, or else to have affirmed any articles, the which willingly and wittingly he did understand or know to be either erroneous, offensive, seditious, heretical, or offending the godly ear. All beit that these and such like things are falsely imputed unto him by his enemies. But it hath always been his chief intent and purpose, and so is, that every point, conclusion or article contained in his books or articles, to have put and affirmed them to this end, according to the truth of the Gospel, the holy Doctors and writers upon the holy Scriptures, and to that end and purpose, as is before expressed in his protestations: and if in any point, he should be found to vary or go astray, or that he were not well understanded of others by like information to be informed, understanded, corrected and amended, and that he will by no means sustain or defend any manner of article against the holy Church of Rome, or the Catholic faith.  
Wherefore most reverend fathers, the premises notwithstanding, his enemies, 
Articles foisted out of Husses books by enemies.  through the extreme hatred which they bear unto him, hath picked and taken out by piece meal certain articles out of the book of M. john Hus, rejecting and not looking upon the allegations and reasons, neither having any relation unto the distinction of their equivocations, have compounded and made thereof certain false and feigned articles against him, to this end, that all charity and love being set apart, they might the better overthrow him, and bring him unto death contrary unto the safe conduct upon good and just occasion openly assigned, and given unto the said master john Hus, by the most noble Prince the Lord Sigismond king of the Romans and of Hungary, for his just defence, against all the frivolous accusations and assaults of the enemies, not only of the said M. john Hus, but also of the famous kingdom of Boheme, and for the quiet appeasing of all such tumults and rumours, rising and springing in the said kingdom of Boheme, or else where: the avoiding of which most perilous uproars, the said king of Romans doth greatly desire and wish, as the right heir and successor of the said kingdom.  
Whereupon the Barons and Nobles aforesaid, most humbly desire and require, the premises being considered, and respect had unto the great infamy and slander which may happen by the premises unto the said kingdom and inhabitants thereof, that you will put to your hands, and take some order & mean, that master john Hus may be distinctly heard by some famous men, divines already deputed, or otherwise to be appointed upon all and singular such articles as shall be laid unto him to declare his own mind and intent, and also the mind of the doctors alleged for his purpose, with the manifold distinctions and equivocations: in the which the drawers out of the most part of his articles have also made equivocations, that so according unto the disposition of witnesses, of the which a great number of them are and have a long time been his mortal enemies, that at the frivolous instigation of his enemies, when he was miserably detained prisoner, that he should not be condemned unheard. For so much as by the said declarations your fatherly reverences might be the more better informed of the truth, he himself is ready always to submit himself under the determination of this most sacred council. 
The council evil ininformed against john Hus.  For your reverences, by the crafty and feigned persuasions of his enemies, are thus informed, that M john Hus hath been uncurably obstinate by a long time in most perilous articles, the which your reverences may now plainly perceive to be untrue, and for the more evidence herein to be showed, there is presented unto your reverences an instrument of public recognition of the most reverend father in Christ, the Lord Nicholas Bishop of Nazareth and Inquisitor of heresies, specially appointed by the apostolic sea in the diocese of prague, the which by your reverences is more diligently to be harkened unto.  

The nobles required that john Hus not being convict nor condemned, should be delivered out of prison.  Wherefore it may please your fatherly reverences to command the said M john Hus neither convicted nor condemned, to be taken and brought out of his bonds and chains, in the which he is now most grievously detained and kept, and to put him into the hands of some reverend Lords, Bishops, or commissioners appointed or to be appointed by this present council. That the said M. john Husse may somewhat be relieved and recover again his health, and be the more diligently and commodiously examined by the Commissioners: and for the more assurance, the Barons and Nobles aforesaid of the kingdom of Boheme, will provide most sure and good sureties, 
A petition for M. john Husses deliverance out of prison.  the which will not break their fidelity and faith for any thing in the world. Which also shall promise in his behalf, that he shall not flee or depart out of their hands, until such time as the matter be fully determined by the said Commissioners. In the execution of the which promises we have determined to provide and foresee unto the fame and honour of the said kingdom of Boheme, and also to the safeconduct of the most worthy Prince, the king of Romans, lest that the enemies and detractors of the honour and fame of the kingdom aforesaid, might not a little slander and reprove the said Lords, pretending and showing forth hereafter, that they had made unreasonable or unlawful requests: for the withstanding of which mischief, we require your fatherly reverences, that you will decree, & most graciously consent that this our petition and supplication may be drawn out again by your Notary, and reduced into a public form and order.   
After this supplication was read before the deputies of the 4. nations, the patriarch of Antioch answered in the name of them all unto every article of the said supplication, but it was done in few words.  

The answer of the council to the supplication  First, as touching the protestation of john Hus, whether it be true or false, it shallbe made evident in the process of his cause. Moreover, whereas they say that the adversaries of john Hus hath perversely drawn certain things out of his books, that also the matter itself shall declare in the end. Where as if it shallbe found & decreed that john Hus is unjustly & untruly accused, that then it shall come to pass, that his adversaries shall incur perpetual ignominy and slander. 
I. Hus in no case must be baled.  But as touching sureties, albeit there might be a thousand put in or bound, yet can it not by any means be, that the deputies of the Council with a safe conscience may receive or take them in this man's cause, unto whom there is no faith or credit to be given. Howbeit thus much they will do, upon the 5. day of june next, john Hus shall be brought again unto Constance, 
No credit to be kept with an heretic.  and there have free liberty to speak his mind before the Council, & that they would lovingly and gently hear him: but the matter in the end fell out far contrary to this promise.  

Supplication to the Emperor Sigismond.  The same day the said Barons and Lords presented a supplication of this tenor unto the Emperor:  
Unto the most high and mighty Prince, the Lord Sigismond king of the Romans, always Augustus' king of Hungary, Croatia, and Dalmatia, our most gracious Lord faithful & true service in all things, and at all times. Most noble Prince and gracious Lord, we signify unto your worthiness, that we all together with one mind, consent and accord have delivered up unto the reverend fathers and Lords, the deputies of the 4 nations, and to the whole sacred Council of Constance, this our supplication here under written. as reasonable, just, and worthy of consideration, the tenor whereof here followeth word by word, and is this.  

¶ The copy of the supplication, which was presented unto the deputies of the council, is before written, whereunto this which followeth was annexed.  
WHerefore we most humbly require and desire your princely majesty, 
The Baron's supplication to the king for I. Hus.  that both for the love of justice, and also of the fame and renown of that most famous kingdom of Boheme, whereof we acknowledge you undoubtedly the true Lord and heir successor, and also foreseeing unto the liberty of your safeconduct, that you will with your favourable countenance, beholding these most reasonable and just supplications, which we have put up to the Lords aforesaid, put to your helping hand toward the said most reverend fathers and Lords, that they will effectually hear us, in this our most just petition, which we have offered up to them, as is aforesaid: lest that the enemy of the renown and honour of the famous kingdom of Boheme, and such as our slanderers also hereafter may detract and slander us, that we should make unreasonable and unlawful requests unto the said reverend fathers and Lords, and therefore we required and desired of them that it would please them to decree by setting to their public hand & seal to authorize our said supplication. Likewise we do most heartily require your highness, that you would vouchsafe in like manner to give us your testimony of the premises.   
But what answer the Emperor made hereunto, we could never understand or know, but by the process of the matter a man may easily judge, 
The king forced by the importunity of the Cardinals to break promise.  that this good Emperor was brought and lead even unto this point, through the obstinate mischief of the cardinals and bishops, to break and falsify his promise and faith, which he had made and promised, and this was their reason, whereby he was driventhereunto: that no defence could or might be given either by safe conduct, or by any other mean unto him, which was suspected or judged to be an heretic. But by the Epistles and letters of john Hus, a man may easily judge: what the king's mind was. Now we will proceed in the history. 
The mischievous counsel of the popish band   
The 5. day of june, the Cardinals, bishops, and the rest of the priests, all that were almost in Constance, assembled to a great number, at the Covent of the franciscans in Constance, and there it was commanded, that before john Hus should be brought forth, in his absence they should rehearse the witnesses and articles, which they had slanderously gathered out of his books: the which articles with john Husses answer we will hereafter repeat. By chance there was then present a certain. Notary, named Peter Mladoniewitz, the which bare great love and amity unto the said Hus, who assoon as he perceived that the Bishops and cardinals were already determined and appointed to condemn the said articles in the absence of john Hus, he went withal speed unto master Wencelate de Duba, and john of Clum, & told them all the matter: who incontinent made report thereof to the Emperor. Who understanding their intent, sent jews the County Palantine of Heydelberge, and the Lord Frederick, Burgrave of Nuremberge, to signify unto them, which ruled the council, that nothing should be resolved or done in the case of john Hus, before that it were first heard with equity: and that they should send him all such articles as were said against the said Hus, which were either false or heretical, & he would do so much, 
The crafty counsel of the papists stopped by the Emperor.  that the said articles should be examined by good and learned men. Then according to the Emperors will, the judgement of the principals of the Council was suspended, until such time as john Hus were present.  
In the mean season these gentlemen, master of Dube and of Clum, did give unto the two Princes which the Emperor had sent, certain small treatises which the said Hus had made, out of the which they had drawn certain articles to present unto them which ruled the council, under this condition, that they would render them again, when they should demand them. The intent & meaning of these Barons was, that by this means the adversaries of john Hus might the more easily be reproved, the which of a naughty and corrupt conscience, had picked out corrupt sentences out of the said books of john Hus. The books were delivered unto the Cardinals and Bishops, and that done, john Hus was brought forth, and the Princes which were sent by the Emperor, departed back again. After they showed the books unto john Hus, and he confessed openly before the whole assembly that he had made them, & that he was ready, if there were any fault in them, to amend the same.  

I. Hus forced to keep silence by outrage of the bishops and priests.  Now hearken a little to the holy proceedings of these reverend fathers, for here happened a strange & shameful matter. With much a do they had scarcely read one article, & brought forth a few witnesses upon the same against him, but as he was about to apen his mouth to answer, all this mad heard or flock begun so to cry out upon him, that he had not leisure to speak one only word. The noise & trouble was so great and so vehement, that a man might well have called it a brute or noise of wild beasts, and not of men, much less was it to be judged a congregation of men gathered together, 
The like practice in these latter days was used at Oxford against the godly fathers.  to judge and determine so grave and weighty matters. And if it happened that the noise and cry did never so little cease, that he might answer anything at all, out of the holy Scriptures or Ecclesiastical Doctors, by and by he should here these goodly replies upon him: That maketh nothing to the purpose.  

An outrageous council.  Beside all this, some did outrage in words against him, & other some spitefully mocked him: so that he seeing himself overwhelmed with this rude and barbarous noises & cries, & that it profited nothing to speak, he determined finally with himself to hold his peace & keep silence. From that time forward all the whole rout of his adversaries, thought that they had won the battle of him, and cried out altogether, now he is dumb, now he is dumb. This is a certain sign and token, that he doth consent & agree unto these his errors. Finally, the matter came to this point, that certain of the most moderate & honest among them, seeing this disorder, determined to proceed no further, but that all should be deferred & put of until an other time. Through their advise the Prelates & others departed from the Council for that present, & appointed to meet there again the morrow after to proceed in judgement.  

A great Eclipse of the Sun.  The next day, which was the seven. of june, on which day the sun was almost wholly eclipsed, somewhat after about seven. of the clock, this same flock assembled again in the cloister of the friars Minors, 
They went forth with sword & staves, as it had been to take a thief.  and by their appointment john Hus was brought before them, accompanied with a great number of armed men. Thither went also the Emperor, whom the gentlemen, master of Dube, & Clum, and the Notary named Peter, which were great friends of the said Hus, did follow to see what the end would be. When they were come thither, they heard that in the accusation of Michael de Causis, they read these words following: john Hus hath taught the people divers and many errors both in the chapel of Bethleem, 
Peter and john, follow Christ into the bishop's house.  and also in many other places of the City of prague, of the which errors some of them he hath drawn out of Wickleffs books, and the rest he hath forged and invented of his own head, and doth maintain the same very obstinately and stiffly.  

Matter made against I. Hus  First, that after the consecration and pronunciation of the words, in the supper of the Lord, there remaineth material bread, and this is proved by the witness of john Protiwate parish Priest of s. Clement's in prague, 
False witness against john Hus  john Pecklow preacher at s. Giles in prague, Benise preacher in the castle of prague, Andrew Brod, canon of prague, and divers other Priests. 
The answer of john Hus.  Unto this john Hus taking a solemn oath, answered that he never spoke any such word, but thus much he did grant, that at what time the Archbishop of prague forbade him to use any more that term or word bread, 
Naming of bread forbidden by the archb.  he could not allow the bishop's commandment: for so much as Christ in the 6. chapter of john doth oftentimes name himself the bread of angels, which came down from heaven, to give life unto the whole world. But as touching material bread, he never spoke any thing at all. Then the Cardinal of Cambray taking a certain bill in his hand, which he said he received the day before, said unto john Hus, will you put any universalities a part rei.i. 
The Cardinal sophisticateth with I. Hus.  as touching the thing? When john Hus answered, that he would, because S. Anselme, and divers other had so done, the Cardinal did proceed to gather his argument in this manner.  
It followeth then, said he, that after the consecration is made, there remaineth the substance of material bread, & that I do thus prove: That the consecration being done, whiles the bread is changed & transubstantiated into the body of Christ, as you say, either there doth remain the common substance of material bread, or contrariwise. If the substance do remain, then is our purpose at an end. If contrariwise, then doth it follow, that by the decision of the singularity, the universal ceaseth any more to be, john Hus answered, truly it ceaseth to be in this singular material bread, by means of this transubstantiation, when as it is changed & transubstantiated into the body of Christ: but notwithstanding in other singularities, it is made subject.  
Then a certain English man by that argument would prove out of the first position, 
The disputation of the English use.  that there remained material bread. Then said john Hus, that is a childish argument, which every boy in the schools knoweth, and thereupon gave a solution. Then an other English man would prove, that there remained material bread in the sacrament, because the bread after the consecration was not annihilate. Unto whom john Hus answered: Although, said he, that the bread be not annihilate or consumed, yet singularly it ceaseth there to be by means of the alteration of his substance into the body of Christ. 
An English man.  Here an other English man, stepping forth, said: john Hus seemeth unto me, to use the same kind of crafty speech, which Wickleffe used, for he granted all these things, which this man hath done, & yet in very deed was fully persuaded that material bread remained in the sacrament after the consecration. The which when john Hus had denied, saying that he spoke nothing but only sincerely & uprightly, according to his conscience, the English man proceeded to demand of him again, whether the body of Christ be totally and really in the sacrament of the altar. 
john Hus agreeth with that blind rhyme in the sacrament.  Whereunto john Hus answered: verily, I do think that the body of Christ is really and totally in the sacrament of the altar, the which was borne of the virgin Mary, suffered, died, & rose again, and sitteth on the right hand of God the father almighty. When they had disputed a good while to and fro, as touching universalities, the English man which before would prove that material bread remained in the sacrament, because that the bread was not annihilate, interrupting and breaking their talk, said: to what purpose is this disputation upon universalities, the which maketh nothing to the purpose, as touching faith: for as far as I can perceive or here, this man holdeth a good opinion, as touching the Sacrament of the aultare.  
Then an other English man, named Sto●kes, said: I have seen at prague (said he) a certain treatise, the which was ascribed unto this man john Hus, 
Stokes an English man.  wherein it was plainly set forth, that after the consecration, there remained material bread in in the Sacrament. verily said john Hus, saving your reverence, that is not true.  
Then they returned again unto the witnesses of them which were spoken of a little before, 
False witness  who every man for himself affirmed with an oath, that which he had said. Amongst whom john Protyway parish priest of S. Clement's in prague, 
john Hus falsely accused for calling S. Gregory a rhymer  when he should come to confirm his testimony, added more, that john Hus should say, that S. Gregory was but a rhymer, when he did allege his authority against him. Unto whom john Hus answered, that in this point they did him great injury, for somuch as he always esteemed and reputed S. Gregory for a most holy doctor of the Church.  
These contentions and disputations being somewhat appeased, 
The Cardinal of Florence.  the Cardinal of Florence turned himself toward john Hus, & said: Master, you know well enough that it is written that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all witness is firm and stable: 
Twenty witnesses prevailed against john Hus, but the testimony of all Boheme would not serve on his part.  and here you see now almost 20. witnesses against you, men of authority & worthy of credit, amongst the which some have heard you teach these things themselves, the other by report & common brute or voice, do testify of your doctrine, and altogether generally bring firm reasons & proofs of their witness, unto the which we are forced & constrained to give credit, and for my part I see not how you can maintain & defend your cause against so many notable & well learned men. Unto whom john Hus answered in this manner: I take God and my conscience to witness, that I never taught any thing, neither was it ever in my mind or fantasy to teach in such sort or manner, as these men here have not feared to witness against me, that which they never heard. And albeit they were as many more in number as they are, for all that, I do much more esteem, yea and without comparison regard the witness of my Lord God, 
The Cardinal of Cambray.  before the witness and judgement of all mine adversaries, upon whom I do in no point stay myself. Then said the Cardinal again unto him, it is not lawful for us to judge according to your conscience, for we can not choose, but that we must needs stay ourselves upon the firm & evident witness of these men here. For it is not for any displeasure or hatred that these men do witness this against you (as you do allege) for they allege and bring forth such reasons of their witness, that there is no man that can perceive any hatred in them, or that we can in any case be in doubt thereof. And as touching M. Steven Paletz, whereas you say, you do suspect him that he hath craftily & deceitfully drawn out certain points or articles out of your books for to betray them afterward: It seemeth that in this point you do him great wrong, for in mine advise he hath used and showed a great fidelity and amity toward you, in that he hath alleviated and moderated many of your articles much more than they are in your own books. I understand also that you have like opinion of divers other notable men, and specially you have said, that you do suspect M. Chancellor of Paris, 
He meaneth Gerson.  than whom there is no more excellent and Christian man in all the whole world.  

another accusation for defending of Wickliff's articles.  Then was there read a certain article of accusation in the which it was alleged that john Hus had taught & obstinately defended certain erroneous Articles of Wicliffes in Boheme. Whereunto Hus answered, that he never taught any errors of john Wickliff's, or of any other man's. Wherefore if it be so that Wickliff: have sowed any errors in England, let the English men look to the themselves. But to confirm their article, there was alleged that john hus did withstand the condemnation of Wickliff's articles, the which was first condemned at Rome, & afterward also, when the Archb. Swinco with other learned men, held a convocation at prague for the same matter, when as they should have been there condemned for this cause, that none of them were agreeing to the Catholic faith or doctrine, but were either heretical, erroneous or offensive: he answered that he durst not agree thereunto, for offending his conscience, and specially for these Articles: 
Certain Articles of Wickliff that I. Hus stood in.  that Silvester the pope and Constantine did err in bestowing those great gifts & rewards upon the church Also that the pope or Priest being in mortal sin, can not consecrate nor baptise. This article said he, I have thus determined, as if I should say that he doth unworthily consecrate or Baptizm, when as he is in deadly sin, and that he is an unworthy minister of the Sacraments of God. Here his accusers, with their witnesses, were earnest and instant, that the article of Wickliff was written by the very same words in the treatise which john Husse made against Stephen Paletz. 
A treatise against Steven Palletz.  verily said john hus I fear not to submit myself, even under the danger of death, if you shall not find it so, as I have said. When the book was brought forth, they found it written as john Husse had said. He added also moreover that he durst not agree unto them which had condemned Wickliff's articles, for this Article: the tenths were pure alms.  

Whether tenths be pure almose  Here the Cardinal of Florence objected unto him this argument, as touching the alms: it is required that it should be given freely without bond or duty. But tenths are not given freely without bond or duty: therefore are they no alms. john Hus denying the Mayor of this Sillogismus brought this reason against him. For somuch as rich men are bounden under the pain of eternal damnation, unto the fulfilling of the 6. works of mercy, which Christ repeateth in the 25. chap. of Matthew: 
Almose standeth of duty  and these works are pure alms: Ergo, alms is also given by bond & duty. Then an Archbishop of England stepping up, said, if we all be bound unto those 6. works of mercy, it doth follow that poor men, which have nothing at all to give, should be damned. I answer, said hus, unto your antecedent, that I spoke distinctly of rich men, and of those which had where withal to do those works: they I say were bound to give alms under pain of damnation.  
He answered moreover unto the Minor of the first argument, that tenths were at first given freely, and afterward made a bond and duty. And when as he would have declared it more at large, he could not be suffered. He declared also divers other causes, why he could not with safe conscience, consent unto the condemnation of Wickliff's articles. But how soever the matter went he did affirm & say, that he did never obstinately confirm any Articles of Wickleffes, but only that he did not allow and consent that Wickliff's Articles should be condemned before that sufficient reasons were alleged out of the holy Scripture for their condemnation, 
I. Hus his mind touching the condemnation of Wickliff's articles.  & of the same mind, saith john Hus are a great many other Doctors and masters of the University of prague. For when as Swinco the archbishop commanded all Wickliff's books to be gathered together in the whole City of prague, and to be brought unto him, I myself brought also certain books of Wickliff's, which I gave unto that Archbishop desiring him that if he found any error or heresy in them that he would note and mark them, and I myself would publish them openly. 
Wickliff's books burned in prague by Archb. Suinco.  But the archbishop, albeit that he showed me no error nor heresy in them, burned my books together with those that were brought unto him, notwithstanding that he had no such commandment from Pope Alexander the fifth of that name. But notwithstanding by a certain policy he obtained a Bull from the said Pope by means of jaroslaus Bishop of Sarepte of the order of franciscans, that all Wickleff●s books for the manifold errors, contained in them (whereof there was none named) should be taken out of all men's hands.  
The archb. using the authority of this Bull, 
A narration touching Wickliff's books.  thought he should bring to pass that the king of Boheme and the Nobles should consent to the condemnation of Wickliff's books, but therein he was deceived. Yet nevertheless he calling together certain divines, gave them in commission to sit upon Wickliff's books and to proceed against them by a definitive sentence in the Canon law. These men by a general sentence judged all those books worthy to be burned. The which when the Doctors, Masters and Shollers of the university heard report of, they altogether with one consent & accord (none excepted but only they, which before were chosen by the Archbishop to sit in judgement) determined to make supplication unto the king to stay the matter. 
The university of prague maketh supplication to the king for saving of Wickliff's books.  The king granting their request, sent by and by certain unto the Archbishop to examine the matter. There he denied that he would decree any thing as touching Wickleffes books contrary unto the kings will & pleasure. Whereupon, albeit that he had determined to burn them the next day after, yet for fear of the king, the matter was passed over.  
In the mean time Pope Alexander the fifth being dead, 
Wickliffs' books burned in prague against the kings will. A decree that no man should teach any more in chapels.  the Archbishop fearing least the Bull which he had received of the pope, would be no longer of any force or effect, privily calling unto him his adherentes, and shutting the gates of his Court round about him, being guarded with a number of armed soldiers, he consumed and burned all Wickliff's books. Beside this great injury the Archbishop by means of his Bull aforesaid, committed an other less tolerable. For he gave out commandment that no man after that time under pain of excommunication should teach any more in Chapels. 
john Hus appealed to the pope & from the pope to Christ.  Whereunto I did appeal unto the Pope, who being dead, and the cause of my matter remaining undetermined, I appealed likewise unto his successor john 23. Before whom when as by the space of 2. years, I could not be admitted by my advocates to defend my cause, I appealed unto the high judge Christ. When I. Hus had spoken these words, it was demanded of him whether he had received absolution of the pope or no he answered, 
A question of the council whether it be lawful to appeal to Christ or no.  no. Then again whether it were lawful for him to appeal unto Christ or no. Whereunto john Hus answered: verily I do affirm here afore you all that there is no more just or effectual appeal, than that appeal which is made unto Christ, for as much as the law doth determine that to appeal is no other thing then in a cause of grief or wrong done by an inferior judge, to implore and require aid and remedy at a higher judges hand. Who is then an higher judge than Christ? Who I say can know or judge the matter more justly or with more equity? when as in him there is found no deceit, neither can he be deceived: 
The popish church derideth Christ.  or who can better help the miserable & oppressed than he? While john Hus with a devout and sober countenance was speaking and pronouncing those words, he was derided and mocked of all the whole council.  
Then was there rehearsed an other Article of his accusation in this manner: that john Hus for to confirm the heresy which he had taught the common and simple people out of Wickleffes books, said openly these words, that at what time a great number of Monks and Friars and other learned men, were gathered together in England in a certain Church, to dispute against john Wickliff, & could by no means vanquish him or give him the foil, suddenly the church door was broken open with lightning so that with much a do Wickleffes enemies hardly scaped without hurt. He added moreover that he wished his soul to be in the same place where john Wickleffes soul was. Whereunto john Hus answered: 
Hus accused for trusting that Wickliff's soul is saved.  that a douscine years before that any books of Divinity of john Wickleffes were in Boheme, he did see certain works of Philosophy of his, the which, he said, did marvelous delight and please him. And when he understood the good and godly life of the said Wickleffe, he spoke these words: I trust said he that Wickleffe is saved, and albeit that I doubt whether he be damned or no, yet with a good hope I wish that my soul were in the same place where john Wickleffes is. Then again did all the company jest and laugh at him.  
It is also in his accusation that john Hus did counsel the people according to the example of Moses, 
Sedition laid to his charge.  to resist with the sword against all such as did gainsay his doctrine. And the next day after he had preached the same, there were found openly in divers places certain intimations that every man being armed with his sword about him, should stoutly proceed: and that brother should not spare brother, neither one neighbour an other. john Husse answered that all these things were falsely laid unto his charge by his adversaries, for he at all times when he preached did diligently admonish, and warn the people, that they should all arm themselves to defend the truth of the Gospel, according to the saying of the Apostle, with the helmet and sword of salvation, and that he never spoke of any material sword, but of that which is the word of God. And as touching intimations or Moses' sword, he never had nothing to do withal.  

Hus accused for moving certain tumults against the clergy and division in the university of prague.  It is moreover affirmed in his accusation and witness that many offences are sprung up by the doctrine of Hus. For first of all he sowed discord between the Ecclesiastical and the politic state: whereupon followed the persecution, spoiling: and robbery of the Clergy & Bishops. And more over that he through his dissension, dissolved the university of prague. Hereunto john Hus briefly answered that these things had not happened by his means or default. For the first dissension that was between the Ecclesiastical and politic state, sprang and grew upon this cause, that pope Gregory the 12. of that name, promised at his election that at all times at the will and pleasure of the Cardinals: he would departed from, 
A story of pope's  and give over his seat again: for under that condition he was elect and chosen. This man contrary and against Winceslaus king of Boheme, who was then also king of the Romans, made jews Duke of Bavaria Emperor.  
A few years after it happened that when as P. Gregory would not refuse and give over his seat and office at the request of the Cardinals, that the whole College of Cardinals sent letters to the king of Boheme requiring him, that together with them he would renounce & forsake his obedience unto pope Gregory, and so it should come to pass that by the authority of a new Bishop he should recover again his imperial dignity. For this cause the king consented to the will of that Cardinals as touching a neutrality that is to say, that he would neither take part with Pope Gregory, 
The cause why Swinco & other of the Clergy did fly out of prague.  neither yet with Benedict the xii. Bishop of Auinion, which was then named Pope as it doth appear by Chronicles. In this cause then, for somuch as the archbishop Swinco with the Clergy, were against the king, and abstaining from the divine service many of them departed out of the City, and the archbishop himself breaking down the tomb of the Lord Wincelate contrary and against the kings will, did also take Wickliff's books & burned them: thereupon the king without any gainsaying suffered that certain goods of theirs, which of their own wills were fled away, should be spoiled, because they should not consent or accord with the bishop. Whereupon it is easy to be understanded and known, that john hus was falsely accused for that matter. 
This doctor Naso was counsellor to king Wenceslus.  Howbeit a certain man one Naso rising up, said, the Clergy (said he) did not abstain from the divine service because they would not swear to consent unto the king, but because that they were spoiled and rob of their goods and substance. And the Cardinal of Cambray, who was one of the judges said: here I must say somewhat, which is come into my mind.  
When as I came from Rome, the same year that these things were done, by chance I met on the way certain Prelates of Boheme. Whom when I demanded what news they had brought out of Boheme, they answered that there was happened a wonderful cruel and heinous fact, for all the Clergy were spoiled of all their substance and very ill entreated and handled. 
A declaration how the Germans departed from the university of prague.  Then john Hus alleging the same cause which he did before, went forward unto the second part of the Article which was objected against him, denying also that it happened through his fault, that the germans departed from the University of prague. But when as the king of Boheme, according to the foundation of Charles the fourth, his father granted three voices unto the Bohemes, & the fourth unto the germans whereat the germans grudging, that they should be exempted from their voices, 
The penalty of money was 100 silver shock.  of their own accord departed & went their ways: binding themselves with a great oath and under a great penalty, both of their fame and also money, that none of them should return again unto prague Notwithstanding: I am not ashamed to confess that I did approve and allow the doings of the king, unto whom of only I owe obedience for the commodity and profit of my country. And because you shall not think that I have spoken any untruth, here is present Albert Warren Tranius, which was deacon of the faculties, who had sworn to departed with the rest of the germans: he, if that he will say the truth, shall easily clear me of this suspicion.  
But when as Albert would have spoken, he could not be heard. But the foresaid Naso, of whom before is made mention, after he had asked leave to speak, said, this matter do I understand well enough, 
The slander of the unshamefast Sycophant.  for I was in the kings court, when these things were done in Boheme, when as I saw the masters of the 3. nations of the germans, bavarians, Saxons, and Silesians, amongst whom the Pollonians were also numbered, most humbly come unto the king, requiring that he would not suffer the right of their voices to be taken from them. Then the king promised them that he would foresee and provide for their requests. But john Hus and Jerome of prague with divers others, persuaded the king that he should not so do. Whereat the king at the first being not a little moved, gave him a sore check that he and Hierom of prague did somuch intermedie themselves, and moved such open controversies, in somuch that he threatened them, that except they would foresee and take heed, he would bring it to pass that the matter should be determined and decreed by fire. Wherefore most reverend fathers, you shall understand that the king of Boheme did never favour with his hart, these men whose unshamefastness is such, 
Palletz speaketh against john Hus.  that they feared not even of late, to entreat me evil, being so much in the kings favour and credit. After him stepped forth Paletz, saying: verily most reverend fathers, not only the learned men of other nations, but also of Boheme itself: are through the Council of john Hus and his adherentes, banished out of Boheme, of the which number some remain yet in exile in Moravia. Hereunto john Hus answered, how can this be true, said he, sithence I was not at prague at that time, when as these men you speak of, departed and went away from thence? These things were thus debated the day aforesaid as touching john Hus.  
This done, the said john Hus was committed to the custody of the bishop of Rigen, 
Hus committed to custody. Jerome of prague.  under whom Jerome of prague was also prisoner. But before that he was led away the Cardinal of Cambray, calling him back again in the presence of the Emperor, said john Hus, I have heard you say, that if you had not been willing of your own mind to come unto Constance, neither the Emperor himself, neither the king of Boheme could have compelled you to do it. Unto whom john Hus answered, under your licence most reverend father, I never used any such kind of talk or words. But this I did say, that there was in Boheme a great number of gentle men and noble men, which did favour and love me, the which also might easily have kept me in some sure and secret place, that I should not have been constrained to come unto this town of Constance neither at the will of the Emperor, 
The Cardinal of Cambray.  neither of the king of Boheme. With that the Cardinal of Cambray, even for very anger began to change his colour, and despiteously said do you not see the unshamefastness of the man here? And as they were murmuring and whispering on all parts, 
john de Clum.  the L. joh. de Clum, ratifying and confirming that which john Hus had spoken, said: that john Hus had spoken very well, for on my part (said he) which in comparison of a great many others am but of small force in the realm of Boheme, yet always if I would have taken it in hand, I could have defended him easily by the space of one year, even against all the force & power of both these great and mighty kings. How much better might they have done it which are of more force or puissance than I am? and have stronger castles and places than I have? After that the L. de Clum had spoken, the Cardinal of Cambray said, let us leave this talk. And I tell you john Hus, and counsel you, that you submit yourself unto the sentence and mind of the Council, as you did promise in the prison, and if that you will do so, it shall be greatly both for your profit and honour.  
And the Emperor himself began to tell him the same tale, 
The aemperours' oration to I. Hus.  saying: Albeit that there be some which say that the 15 day after you were committed to prison, you obtained of us our letters of safe conduct, notwithstanding I can well prove by the witness of many Princes and noble men, that the said sase conduct was obtained and gotten of us by my Lord de Dube and de Clum, before you were parted out of prague, under whose guard we have sent for you, to to the end that none should do you any outrage or hurt, but that you should have full liberty to speak freely before all the Council, and to answer as touching your faith and doctrine, and as you see my Lords the Cardinals and Bishops, have so dealt with you, that we do very well perceive their good will towards you, for the which we have great cause to thank them. And for somuch as divers have told us, that we may not or ought not of right, to defend any man which is an heretic or suspect of heresy: therefore now we give you even the same Council, which the Cardinal of Cambray hath given you already, that you be not obstinate to maintain any opinion, but that you do submits yourself under such obedience as you own unto the authority of the holy Council in all things, that shall be laid against you and confirmed by credible witnesses. The which thing if you do according to our Counsel, we will give order that for the love of us and of our brother the whole realm of Boheme, the Council shall suffer you to departed in peace, with an easy and tolerable penance & satisfaction. The which thing if you do contrariwise refuse to do, the presidents of the Council, shall have sufficient wherewithal to proceed against you. And for our part be ye well assured, that we will sooner prepare and make the fire with our own hands to burn you withal, than we will endure or suffer any longer that you shall maintain or use this stiffness of opinions, which you have hitherto maintained and used. Wherefore our advise and council is, that you submit yourself wholly unto the judgement of the council. Unto whom I. 
The answer of I. Hus un to the Emperor.  Hus answered in this sort: O most noble Emperor, I render unto your highness most immortal thanks for your letters of safeconduct. Upon this L. john de Clum did break him of his purpose, and admonished him, that he did in no point excuse himself of the blame of obstinacy.  
Then said I Hus, O most gentle lord, I do take God to my witness, that I was never minded to maintain any opinion ever obstinately, and that for this same intent and purpose, I did come hither of mine own good will, that if any man could lay before me any better or more holy doctrine than mine, that then I would change mine opinion without any further doubt. After he had spoken and said these things, he was sent away with the sergeants.  
The morrow after, which was the viii. day of june, the very same company which was assembled the day before, assembled now again at the Covent of the Franciscaves. And in this assembly were also I. hus, his friend's Lord de Dube, and Lord de Clum, and Peter the Notary. Thither was john Hus also brought: & in his presence there were read about 39 Articles, the which they said, were drawn out of his books. Hus acknowledged all those that were faithfully and truly collected and gathered to be his, of the which sort there were but very few. The residue were counterfeited and forged by his adversaries: 
1. Articles laid to I. Hus.  & specially by Stephen Palletz, the principal author of this mischief for they could find no such thing in the books out of the which they said they had drawn and gathered them, or at the least, if they were: they were corrupted by flanders, as a man may easily perceive by the number of Articles.  
These be the same Articles in a matter which were showed before in the prison to john Hus, and are rehearsed here in an other order. Howbeit, there were more Articles added unto than and other some corrected & enlarged. But now we will show them one with an other, and declare what the said Hus did answer both openly before them all, as also in the prison, for he left his answers in the prison briefly written with his own hand in these words.  
I john Hus, unworthy minister of jesus Christ, master of Art and Bachelor of Divinity do confess that I have written a certain small treatise entitled of the church, 
The answer of john Hus concerning his book of the church.  the copy whereof was showed me by the notaries of the three Presidents of the Council, that is to say, the patriarch of Constantinople, the Bishop of Castle, and the Bishop of Libusse: the which deputies or presidents in repose of the said treatise, delivered unto me certain articles, saying, that they were drawn out of the said treatise, and were written in the same.  
The first Article. There is but one holy universal or Catholic Church, which is the universal company of all the predestinate. I do confess that this proposition is mine and is confirmed by the saying of S. Augustin upon S. john.  
The second article. S. Paul was never any member of the devil: 
S. Paul was never any member of the devil.  albeit that he committed, and did certain acts like unto the acts of the malignant Church. And likewise S. Peter which fell into an horrible sin of perjury and denial of his master, it was by the permission of God that he might the more firmly and steadfastly rise a gain and be confirmed. I answer, according to Saint Augustine, that it is expedient that the elect and predestinate should sin and offend.  
Hereby it appeareth, that there is two manner of separations from the holy church. 
Two manner of separations from the church.  The first is, not to perdition as all the elect are divided from the Church. The second is to perdition, by the which certain heretics are through their deadly sin, divided from the Church. Yet notwithstanding, by the grace of God they may return again unto the flock and be of the sold of our Lord jesus Christ of whom he speaketh himself saying, I have other sheep which are not of this fold. john. xx.  
The third article. No part or member of the Church doth departed or fall away at any time from the body, for so much as the charity of predestination, 
The members of the church never fall finally away.  which is the bond and chain of the same, doth never fall. This proposition is thus placed in my book: As the reprobate of the church proceed out of the same, & yet are not as parts or members of the same, for so much as no part or member of the same doth finally fall away, because that the charity of predestination, which is the bond and chain of the same, doth never fall away. This is proved by the 13. chapter of the first to the Corinthians and to the Romans the 8. chapter: All things turn to good to them which love God. Also I am certain that neither death nor life can separate us from the charity and love of God, as it is more at large in the book.  
The fourth Article. 
The predestinate is always a member of the universal church although not in present justice.  The predestinate although he be not in the state of grace according to present justice, yet is he always a member of the universal Church. This is an error, if it be understand of all such as be predestinate, for thus it is in the book about the beginning of the fift chapter where it is declared that there be divers manners and forts of being in the Church, for there are some in the Church according to a misshappen faith, and other some according to predestination, as Christians predestinate now in sin, but shall return again unto grace.  
The fift article: There is no degree of honour or dignity neither any human election, 
To be in the church: and a member of the church.  or any sensible sign, that can make any man a member of the universal Church. I answer this article is after this manner in my book. And such subtleties are understanded & known by considering what it is to be in the Church, and what it is to be a part or member of the Church, 
Predestination.  & that predestination doth make a man a member of the universal Church, the which is a preparation of grace, for the present, and of glory to come: & not degree of dignity, neither election of man, neither any sensible sign. For the acuser judas Iscarioth notwithstanding Christ's election, & the temporal graces which were given him for his office of Apostleship, and that he was reputed and counted of men a true Apostle of jesus Christ yet was he no true Disciple but a wolf covered in a sheps skin, 
Both good and bad in the Church.  as saint Augustine saith.  
The vi. Article: A reprobate man is never no member of the holy Church. I answer, it is in my book with sufficient long probation out of the 26. Psalm, and out of the v. chapter to the Ephesians, & also by S. barnard saying the Church of jesus Christ is more plainly and evidently his body, than the body which he delivered for unto death I have also written in the v. chap. of my book, that the holy church is the barn of the Lord, in the which are both good and evil, predestinate and reprobate, the good being as the good corn or grain, and the civil as the chaff, & thereunto is added the exposition of S. Augustine.  
The seventh article: judas was never no true Disciple of jesus Christ. I answer and I do confess the same. This appeareth by the fift article, which is passed afore, & by S. Augustine in his book of penance, where he doth expound the meaning of S. john in his first Epistle and second chapter, where he said: They come out from amongst us, but they were none of us. He knew from the beginning all them which should believe, and him also which should betray him and said: And therefore I say unto you that none cometh unto me, except it be given him of my father. From that tune many of the Disciples parted from him, and were not those also called Disciples according the words of the Gospel? And yet notwithstanding they were no true Disciples, because they did not remain and continue in the word of the son of God, according as it is said: If you remain in my word, you be my Disciples. For so much then as they did not continue with Christ as his true Disciples, so likewise are they not the true sons of God: although they seem so, unto him they are not so, unto whom it is known what they shall be: That is to say of good, evil. Thus much writeth S. Augustine. It is also evident that judas could not be the true Disciple of Christ, by means of his covetousness for Christ himself said in the presence of judas, as I suppose, except a man forsake all that he hath, he can not be my Disciple. For somuch then as judas did not forsake all things, according to the Lords will, and follow him he was a thief as it is said, john the 12. and a devil, john the 6. whereby it is evident by the word of the Lord, that judas was not his true, but sayned Disciple. Whereupon S. Augustine writing upon john, declaring how the sheep hear the voice of Christ, saith, what manner of hearers, think we, his sheep were? Truly judas heard him and was a wolf, yet followed he the shepherd, but being clothed in a sheep's skin he lay in wait for the shepherd.  
The eight article: The congregation of the predestinate whether they be in the state of grace or no, according unto present justice, is the holy universal Church, and therefore it is an article of faith, and it is the same Church, which hath neither wrinkle neither spot in it, but is holy & undefiled, 
The Church is taken sometime for the congregation of the elect & faithful, & so is the article taken in the Creed.  the which the son of God doth call his own. The answer. The words of the book out of the which this Article was drawn are these: Thirdly, the Church is understand and taken for the congregation and assembly of the faithful, whether they be in the state of grace, according to present justice or not. And in this sort it is an Article of our faith, of the which S. Paul maketh mention in the fifth chapter to the Ephesians: Christ so loved his Church that he delivered and offered himself for the same etc. I pray you then, is there any faithful man, the which doth doubt that the Church doth not signify all the elect and predestinate the which we ought to believe to be the universal Church the glorious spouse of jesus christ holy and without spot? wherefore this Article is an article of faith, the which we ought firmly to believe according to our Creed. I believe the holy Catholic Church, and of this Church doth S. Augustine, S. Gregory, S. Jerome, and divers other make mention.  

Peter never was head of the whole universal Church.  The ix. article: Peter never was, neither is the head of the holy universal Church. The answer. This Article was drawn out of these words of my book: All men do agree in this point, that Peter had received of the rock of the church (which is Christ) humility, poverty, steadfastness of faith, and consequently blessedness. Not as though the meaning of our Lord jesus Christ was, when he said upon this rock I will build my Church, 
The Church builded upon Peter, how.  that he would build every Militant Church upon the person of Peter, for Christ should build his Church upon the rock which is Christ himself, from whence Peter received his steadfastness of faith, for somuch as jesus Christ is the only head and foundation of every Church, and not Peter.  
The tenth Article: If he that is called the vicar of jesus Christ, do follow Christ in his life, than he is his true vicar. 
The vicar of Christ how he is to be taken.  But if so be it, he do walk in contrary paths and ways, then is he the messenger of Antichrist, & the enemy and adversary of S. Peter, & of our Lord jesus Christ, and also the vicar of judas Iscarioth. I answer the words of my book are these: If he which is called the vicar of S. Peter walk in the ways of Christian virtues aforesaid, we do believe verily that he is the true vicar and true Bishop of the Church which ruleth: but if he walk in contrary paths and ways, then is he the messenger of Antechrist contrary both to S. Peter, 
E●●●ard, ad Eu ●en●●m. lib. 4.  and our Lord jesus Christ. And therefore S. Bernard in his 4. book did write in this sort unto pope Eugenie: Thou delightest & walkest in great pride and arrogancy, being gorgeously and sumptuously arrayed, what fruit or profit do thy flock or sheep receive by thee? If I durst say it, these be rather the pastures and feedinge of devils, then of sheep. S. Peter & S. Paul did not so, wherefore thou seemest by these thy doings to succeed Constantine, & not S. Peter. These be the very words of S. Bernard. It followeth after in my book that if the manner and fashion of his life and living, be contrary to that which S. Peter used, or that he be given to avarice and covetousness, then is he the vicar of judas Iscarioth, which loved and chose the reward of iniquity, & did set out to sale the Lord jesus Christ. As soon as they had read the same, those which ruled and governed the council, beheld one an other, making mocks and moes, they nodded their heads at him.  
The xi. article: All such as do use Symmony, & priests living dissolutely and wanton, do hold an untrue opinion of the 7. Sacraments, as unbelieving bastards, and not as Children, not knowing what is the office & duty of the keys or censures, rites, and ceremonies, neither of the divine service of the Church, or of veneration or worshipping of relics, neither of the orders constituted and ordained in the Church, neither yet of indulgences or pardons. I answer, that it is placed in this manner in my book. This abuse of authority or power is committed by such as do sell & make merchandise of holy orders, 
Prelates making merchandise of holy orders.  and get and gather together riches by Simony, making fairs and markets of the holy Sacraments, and living in all kind of voluptuousness and dissolute manners, or in any other filthy or villainous kind of living. They do pollute and defile the holy ecclesiastical state. And albeit that they profess in words that they do know God, yet do they deny it again by their deeds, and consequently believe not in God: But as unbelieving bastards they hold a contrary and untrue opinion of the 7. Sacraments of the Church. And this appeareth most evidently, for somuch as all such do utterly contemn and despise the name of God, according to the saying of Malachy, the first chapter: Unto you O Priests be it spoken, which do despise and contemn my name.  
The xii. Article: The papal dignity hath his original from the Emperors of Rome. 
The Pope taketh his original 〈◊〉 the Emperors. 96. dis●.  I answer, and mark well what my words are. The pre-eminence and institution of the Pope is sprung and come of the emperors power & authority. And this is proved by the 96. distinction, for Constantine granted this privilege unto the Bishop of Rome, and other after him confirmed the same: That like as Augustus for the outward and temporal goods bestowed upon the Church, is counted always the most high king above all others: so the bysh. of Rome should be called the principal father above all other bishops. This notwithstanding the papal dignity hath his original immediately from Christ, as touching his spiritual administration and office, to rule the Church. Then the Cardinal of Cabray said: in the time of Constantine there was a general Council holden at Nice, in the which, albeit the highest room and place in the Church was given to the Bishop of Rome, for honour's cause, it is ascribed unto the Emperor: wherefore then do you not aswell affirm and say that the Papal dignity took his original rather from that council, then by the emperors authority and power?  
The 13. article: No man would reasonably affirm (weout revelation) neither of himself nor of any other, 
The pope is not the head of any particular church  that he is the head of any particular Church. I answer I confess it to be written in my book, and it followeth strait after: Albeit that through his good living he ought to hope and trust that he is a member of the holy universal Church, the spouse of jesus Christ, according to the saying of the Preacher: No man knoweth whether he be worthy and have deserved grace and favour, or hatred. And Luke the 17. when ye have done all that ye can, say that you are unprofitable servants.  
The 14. Article: It ought not to be believed that the pope, whatsoever he be, may be the head of any particular Church, unless he be predestinate or ordained of God. I answer, that I do acknowledge this preposition to be mine, and this is easy to prove, forsomuch as it is necessary that the Christian faith should be depraved, for somuch as the Church was deceived by N. as it appeareth by S. Augustine.  
The 15. article. The pope's power as Vicar, is but vain and nothing worth, 
The pope's power vain  if he do not confirm & address his life according to jesus Christ, and not follow the manners of S. Peter. I answer that it is thus in my book that it is meet and expedient that he which is ordained vicar should address and frame himself in manners and conditions, to the authority of him, 
Distinction of merit, and of office  which did put him in place. And john Hus said. Moreover before the whole council I understand that the power and authority in such a pope as doth not represent the manners of Christ, is frustrate and void as touching the merit and reward, which he should obtain and get thereby, and doth not get the same: but not as concerning his office. Then certain others standing by asked of him saying, where is that gloze in your book? I. Hus answered, you shall find it in my treatise against M. Palletz, whereat all the assistance (looking one upon an other) began for to smile and laugh.  
The 16. Article. The pope is most holy, not because he doth supply and hold the room and place of S. Peter, 
Holiness cómeth not by sitting, but by following  but because he hath great revenues. I answer that my words are mutilate, for thus it is written: He is not most holy because he is called the vicar of S. Peter, or because he hath great and large possessions: But if he be the follower of jesus Christ in humility, gentleness, patience, labour and travail, and in perfect love and charity.  
The 17. Article. 
The Cardinals do count it heresy that they should be compelled to be followers of the Apostles  The Cardinals are not the manifest and true successors of the other Apostles of jesus Christ if they live not according to the fashion of the Apostles keeping the commandments and ordinances of the Lord jesus, I answer, that it is thus written in my book, and it proveth itself sufficiently. For if they enter in by an other way then by the door which is the Lord jesus, they be murtheres and thieves.  
Then said the Cardinal of Cambray, behold both this and all other articles before rehearsed, he hath written much more detestable things in his book, then is presented in his articles. Truly john Hus thou hast kept no order in thy sermons and writings. Had it not been your part to have applied your sermons according to your audience? For to what purpose was it, or what did it profit you before the people to preach against the Cardinals, when as none of them were present? It had been meeter for you to have told them their faults before them all, then before the laity. Then answered john Hus, reverend father, for so much as I did see many priest & other learned men present at my sermons, for their sakes I spoke those words. Then said the Cardinal thou hast done very ill, for by such kind of talk thou hast disturbed and troubled the whole state of the Church.  
The 18. Article. 
18.  An heretic ought not to be committed to the secular powers to be put to death, for it is sufficient only that he abide and suffer the ecclesiastical censure. These are my words. 
I. Hus condeneth the cruelty of the prelate's in seeking the death of heretics.  That they might be ashamed of their cruel sentence and judgement, specially for somuch as jesus Christ bishop both of the old and new Testament would not judge such as were disobedient by civil judgement, neither condemn them to bodily death. As touching the first point. It may be evidently seen in the 12. Chapter of S. Luke. And for the second it appeareth also by the woman which was taken in adultery, of who it is spoken in the 8. chapter of Saint john. And it is said in the 18. Chapter of Saint Matthew: If thy brother have offended thee. etc. Mark therefore what I do say: That an heretic whatsoever he be, ought first to be instructed and taught with Christian love, and gentleness by the holy scriptures and by the reasons drain and taken out of the same, as S. Augustine and others have done, disputing against the heretics. But if there were any which after all these gentle and loving admonitions and instructions, would not cease from, or leave of their stiffness of opinions, but obstinately resist against the truth, such I say aught to suffer corporal or bodily punishment.  
As soon as john Hus had spoken those things, the judges red in his book a certain clause, wherein he seeined grievously to enuey against them which delivered an heretic unto the secular power, not being confuted or contricted of heresy, and compared them unto the high priests, Scribes, and Phariseis, which said unto Pilate, it is not lawful for us to put any man to death, and delivered Christ unto him: 
The betraying and condemning of innocents.  And yet notwithstanding according unto Christ's own witness, they were greater murderers than Pilate: for he, said Christ: which hath delivered me unto thee, hath committed the greatest offence. Then the Cardinals and Bishops, 
And how could this bishop of Cambray understand the books of I. Hus being written in Bohemian speech, which he understood not.  made a great noise and demanded of I. Hus, saying, who are they that thou dost compare or assimule unto the Phariseis? Then he said, all those which delivered up any innocent unto the civil sword, as the Scribes and Phariseis delivered jesus Christ unto Pilate. No, no, said they again, for all that, you spoke here of doctors. And the Cardinal of Cambray, according to his accustomed manner said: Truly, they which have made and gathered these articles, have used great lenity and getlenes, for his writings are much more detestable & horrible  
The 19 article. 
19  The Nobles of the world ought to constrain and compel the ministers of the Church to observe and keep the law of jesus Christ. I answer, that it standeth thus word for word in my book. 

The church militant standeth in three parts. 

1. Ministers.  
2. Nobles.  
3. Commons     Those which be on our part do preach and affirm that the church militant, according to the parts, which the Lord hath ordained, is divided and consisteth in these parts. That is to say: Ministers of the Church, which should keep purely and sincely the ordinances and commandments of the son of God, and the Nobles of the world that should compel and drive them to keep the commandments of jesus Christ, and of the common people, serving to both these parts and ends according to the institution and ordinance of jesus Christ.  
The 20. Article. 
20.  The ecclesiastical obedience, is a kind of obedience, which the priests and monks have invented without any express authority of the holy scriptures. I answer and confess, that those words are thus written in my book. I say, 
Three kinds of obedience. 

1. Spiritual.  
2. Secular.  
3. Ecclesiastical.    that there be three kinds of obedience, spiritual, secular and ecclesiastical. The spiritual obedience is that which is only due according to the law and ordinance of God, under the which the Apostles of jesus Christ did live, and all Christians ought for to live. The secular obedience, is that which is due according to the Civil laws and ordinances. The ecclesiastical obedience is such as the Priests have invented without any express authority of Scripture. The first kind of obedience doth utterly exclude from it all evil, as well on his part which giveth the commandment, as on his also which doth obey the same. And of this obedience it is spoken in the 24. 
True obedience ruled by God's commandment. Deut. 24.  chap. of Deut. Thou shalt do all that which the priests of the kindred of Levy shall teach and instruct thee, according as I have commanded them.  
The 21. Article. 
21.  He that is excommunicated by the pope, if he refuse and forsake the judgement of the Pope, and the general Council, and appealeth unto jesus Christ, after he hath made his appellation all the excommunications and curses of the Pope cannot annoy or hurt him. I answer, that I do not acknowledge this proposition, but in deed I did make my complaint in my book, that they had both done me and such as favoured me great wrong, & that they refuse to hear me in the pope's court. For alter the death of one pope I did appeal to his successor, and all that did profit me nothing. And to appeal from the P. to the Council, 
Appealing unto Christ.  it were to long, & that were even as much as if a man in trouble should seek an uncertain remedy. And therefore last of all I have appealed to the head of the Church my Lord jesus Christ, for he is much more excellent and better, than any pope to discuss and determine matters and causes, for somuch as he cannot err, neither yet deny justice to him that doth ask or require it in a just cause, neither can he condemn the innocent. Then spoke the Cardinal of Cambray unto him and said: 
Appealing to Christ, forbidden by the Cardinal of Cambray.  wilt thou presume above S. Paul, who appealed unto the Emperor and not unto jesus Christ? john Hus answered: for somuch then as I am the first the do it, am I therefore to be reputed & counted an heretic? And yet notwithstanding S. Paul did not appeal unto the Emperor of his own motion or will, but by the will of Christ, which spoke unto him by revelation and said: be firm and constant for thou must go unto Rome. And as he was about to rehearse his appeal again, they mocked him.  
¶ For so much as mention here is made of the appeal of the said Hus, it seemeth good here to show the manner and form thereof.  

The copy and tenor of the appeal of john Hus.  
FOrasmuch as the most mighty Lord one in essence. 3. in person, is both the chief and first, 
The appeal of john Hus from pope john 23. unto Christ.  etc. also the last and uttermost refuge of all those which are oppressed, and that he is the God which defendeth verety and truth throughout all generations, doing justice to such as be wronged, being ready and at hand to all those which call upon him in verity and truth, and binding those that are bond: and fulfilleth the desires of all those which honour and fear him: defending and keeping all those that love him, and utterly destroyeth and bringeth to ruin the stiffnecked and unpenitent sinner, 
The ferlicht complaint & prayer of christ against wicked judges.  and that the Lord jesus Christ very God and man, being in great anguish compassed in with the priests, Scribes and Phariseis, wicked judges and witnesses, willing by the most bitter and ignominious death, to redeem the chosen children of God, before the foundation of the world, from everlasting damnation, hath left behind him this godly example for a memory unto them which should come after him, to the intent they should commit all their causes into the hands of God, who can do all things, and knoweth and seethe all things, saying in this manner: O Lord, behold my affliction, for my enemy hath prepared himself against me, and thou art my protector and defender. O Lord thou hast given me understanding and I have acknowledged thee: thou hast opened unto me all their enterprises, and for mine own part I have been as a meek lamb, which is led unto sacrifice, and have not resisted against them. They have wrought their enterprises upon me, saying: Let us put wood in his bread, and let us banish him out of the land of the living that his name be no more spoken of, nor had in memory. But thou O Lord of hosts which judgest lustily and seest the devices and imaginations of their hearts, hasten thee to take vengeance upon them, for I have manifested my cause unto thee, for so much as the number of those which trouble me is great, and have counseled together, saying: the Lord hath forsaken him, pursue him and catch him. O Lord my God, behold their doings, for thou art my patience, deliver me from mine enemies, for thou art my God: do not separate thyself fan from me: for so much as tribulation is at hand, and there is no man which will secure me. My God my God look down upon me wherefore hast thou forsaken me? So many dogs have compassed me in, 
After the example of Christ he maketh his prayer to God.  and the company of the wicked have besieged me round about, for they have spoken against me with the deceitful tongues, and have compassed me in with words, full of despite, and have enforced me without cause. In stead of love towards me, they have slandered me and have recompensed me with evil for good, and in place of charity, they have conceived hatred against me.  
Wherefore behold I staying myself upon this most holy and fruitful example of my saviour and redeemer, 
A godly prayer of john Hus.  do appeal before God for this my grief and hard oppression from this most wicked sentence, and judgement, and the excommunication determined by the Bishop, 
chrysostom. Andrew of prague.  Scribes, Phariseis, and judges, which sit in Moses' seat, and resign my cause wholly unto him, so as the holy Patriarch of Constantinople john chrysostom appealed twice from the Council of the Bishops and Clergy. And Andrew Bishop of prague, and Robert Bishop of Lincoln, appealed unto the sovereign and most just judge, the which is not defiled with cruelty, neither can he be corrupted with gifres and rewards, neither yet be deceived, by false witness. Also I desire greatly that all the faithful servants of jesus Christ, 
Robert bishop of Lincoln appealed from men to christ.  and especially the Princes, Barons, Knights, Esquires and all other which inhabit our Country of Boheme, should understand & know these things and have compassion upon me which am so grievously oppressed by the excommunication which is out against me, the which was obtained and gotten by the instigation and procurement of Michael de Causis my great enemy, 
john Hus complaineth of Michael de Causis, his great enemy.  and by the consent and furtherance of the Canons of the Cathedral Church of prague, and given and granted out by Peter of Saint Angels Deane of the Church of Rome, and Cardinal and also ordained judge by Pope john the twenty-three. who hath continued almost these two years and would give no audience unto my Advocates and Procurators (which they ought not to deny: no not to a jew or Pagan, or to any heretic, whatsoever he were) neither yet would he receive any reasonable excuse for that I did not appear personally neither would he accept the testimonials of the whole University of prague with the seal hanging at it, or the witness of the sworn Notaries, and such as were called unto witness. By this all men may evidently perceive that I have not incurred any fault or crym of contumacy or disobedience, for somuch as that I did not appear in the Court of Rome, was not for any contempt, but for reasonable causes.  
And moreover, for somuch as they had laid embushmentes for me on every side by ways where I should pass, and also because the perils & dangers of others, have made me the more circumspect and advised, and for somuch as my procurers were willing and contented to bind themselves even to abide the punishment of the fire, 
The procurator of I. Hus laid in prison at Rome.  to answer to all such as would appose or lay any thing against me in the Court of Rome, as also because they did imprison my lawful procurator in the said Court, without any cause, demerit or fault as I suppose. For somuch then as the order and disposition of all ancient laws, as well divine of the old and new testament, as also of the Canon laws is this, that the judges should resort unto the place where the crime or fault is committed or done, and there to inquire of all such crimes as shall be objected and laid against him which is accused, or slandered and that of such men as by conversation have some knowledge or understanding of the party so accused (the which may not be the evil willers or enemies of him which is so accused or slandered but must be men of an honest conversation, 
The pope proved to do against his own canon law.  no common quarrel pickers or accusers, but fervent lovers of the law of God) and finally that there should be a fit and meet place appointed whether as the accused party might without danger or peril, resort or come, and that the judge and witnesses should not be enemies unto him that is accused. And also forsomuch as it is manifest that all these conditions were wanting and lacking, as touching my appearance for the safeguard of my life, I am excused before God from the frivolous pretended obstinacy and excommunication. Whereupon I I. Hus do present, & offer this my appeal unto my Lord jesus Christ, my just judge, who knoweth defendeth, and justly judgeth every man's just and true cause.   
The 22. Article. 
22.  A vicious and naughty man liveth viciously and naughtily: 
A knot found in a rush.  but a virtuous and godly man liveth virtuously and godly. I answer: my words are these That the division of all humane works is in two parties that is, that they be either virtuous or vicious: For somuch as it doth appear that if any man be virtuous and godly, and that he do any thing, he doth it then virtuously and godly. And contrariwise if a man be vicious & nought that which he doth is vicious and nought. For as vice which is called crime or offence, and thereby understand deadly sin, doth universally infect or deprave all the acts and doings of the subject, that is of the man which doth them: so likewise virtue and godliness doth quicken all the acts and doings of the virtuous & godly man: in somuch that he being in the state of grace, is laid to pray and do good works even sleeping, as it were by a certain means working. 
The tree that is good bringeth forth good fruit.  As S. Augustine, S. Gregory and divers other affirm. And it appeareth in the sixth chapter of Luke: If thine eye that is to say, the mind or intention be simple, not depraved with the perverseness of any sin or offence all the whole body, that is to say, all the acts and doings shall be clear and shining, that is, acceptable and grateful unto God. But if thine eye be evil, the whole body is darkened And in the second to the Corin. 
2. Cor. 10.  x. Chapter. All things that you do, do them to the glory of God. And likewise in the first Epistle to the Corinthians, and last chapter it is said: 
1. Cor. vlt.  Let all your doings be done with charity. Wherefore all kind of life and living according unto charity, is virtuous and godly: and if it be without charity, it is vicious and evil. This saying may well be proved out of the 23. chapter of Deuteronomy, where God speaketh unto the people that he that keepeth his commandments, is blessed in the house and in the field, out going and in coming, sleeping and waking: 
Deu. 23.  but he that doth not keep his commandments is accursed in the house and in the fields in going out and coming in, sleeping, and waking etc. The same also is evident by S. Augustine upon the Psal. where he writeth, that a good man in all his doings doth praise the Lord. And Gregory saith that the sleep of saints and holy men doth not lack their merit. How much more than his doings which proceed of good zeal, be not without reward and consequently be virtuous and good? And contrariwise it is understanded of him, which is in deadly sin, of whom it is spoken in the law, that whatsoever the unclean man doth touch, is made unclean.  
To this end doth that also appertain which is before repeated out of the first of Malachi. And Gregory in the first book and first question, saith: we do defile the bread, which is the body of Christ, when as we come unworthily to the table, and when we being defiled, do drink his blood. And S. Augustine upon the 146. Psalm, saith: if thou dost exceed the due measure of nature, & dost not abstain from gluttony, but gorge thyself up w● drunkenness whatsoever laud or praise thy tongue doth speak, of the grace and favour of God, 
Cardinal of Cambray objecteth.  thy life doth blaspheme the same when he had made an end of this article, the Cardinal of Cambray said: The scripture saith that we be all sinners. And again, if we say we have nosinne, we deceive our selves, and so we should always live in deadly sin. 
john Hus answereth.  john Hus answered, the Scripture, speaketh in that place of venial sins, the which do not rtterly expel or put away the habit of virtue from a man, but do associate themselves together. And a certain English man whose name was w. said: but those sins do nor associate themselves with any act morally good. john Hus alleged again S. Augustine's place upon 146. Psalm the which when he rehearsed, they all with one mouth said, what makes this to the purpose?  
The 13. article. The minister of Christ living according to his law, and having the knowledge and understanding of the scriptures, 
Forbidding to preach, whether it ought to be obeyed.  and an earnest desire to edify the people, aught to preach, notwithstanding the pretended excommunication of the pope. And moreover if the pope or any other ruler, do forbidden any priests or minister so disposed, not to preach, that he ought not to obey him. I answer, that these were my words. That albeit the excommunication were either threatened or come out against him, in such sort that a Christian ought not to do the commandements of Christ, it appeareth by the words of S. Peter, and the other Apostles, that we ought rather to obey God, then man. whereupon it followeth that the minister of Christ living according unto this law. etc. ought to preach notwithstanding any pretended excommunication For it is evident that it is commanded unto the ministers of the Church to preach the word of God. 
Act. 5.  Acts 5. GOD hath commanded us to preach and testify unto the people, as by divers other places of the scripture, and the holy fathers, rehearsed in my treatise it doth appear more at large. The second part of this article followeth in my treatise in this manner.  
By this it appeareth that for a minister to preach, 
Preaching & almose giving be not works indifferent, but duties & commandments. To forbid a minister to preach: And to forbid a rich man to give almose, is both one. How the pope's cursings are blessings.  and a rich man to give alms, are not indifferent works, but duties and commandments. Whereby it is further evident, that if the pope or any other ruler of the Church do command any minister disposed for to preach, not to preach, or a rich man disposed for to give alms, not to give, that they ought not to obey him. And he added moreover, to the intent that you may understand me the better. I call that a pretended excommunication, the which is unjustly disordered and given forth contrary to the order of the law and Gods commandments. For the which the mere Minister appointed thereunto ought not to cease from preaching neither yet to fear damnation.  
Then they objected unto him, that he had said that such kind of excommunications were rather blessings. verily said Hus, even so do I now say again, that every excommunication, by the which a man is unjustly excommunicate: is unto him a blessing afore God, according to that saying of the Prophet: I will curse where as you bless: and contrariwise, they shall curse, but thou O Lord shalt bless. Then the Cardinal of florence, 
The Cardinal of Florence with his Notary, 8. Causes why excommunication ought tobe feared.  which had always a Notary ready at his hand to write such things as he commanded him, said: The law is, that every excommunication, be it never so unjust, aught to be feared. It is true said john Hus, for I do remember eight causes, for the which excommunication ought to be feared. Then said the Cardinal, is there no more but eight? It may be, said john Hus, that there be more.  
The xxiiii. Article. 
24.  Every man which is admitted unto the ministry of the Church, receiveth also by special commandment, the office of a preacher, and aught to execute and fulfil that commandment, notwithstanding any excommunication pretendeth to the contrary. The answer. My words are these: For so much as it doth appear by that which is aforesaid, that whosoever cometh, or is admitted unto the ministry, receiveth also by especial commandment, the office of preaching he ought to fulfil that commandment, any excommunication to the contrary pretended notwithstanding. Also no Christian ought to doubt but that a man sufficiently instructed in learning, 
A minister ●re admitted is more ●●unde to preach: then to do any other work ●●in rey, the pope's pro●intiō not●●thstaning.  is more bound to counsel and instruct the ignorant, to teach those which are in doubt, to chastise those which are unruly, and to remit and forgive those that do him injury, then for to to any other works of mercy. For so much then as he that is rich and hath sufficient, is bounden under the pain of damnation to minister and give comporall and bodily alms, as appeareth in the 25. chapter of Matthew: how much more is he bound to do spiritual alms?  
The 25. Article. The Ecclesiastical censures are Antichristian, such as the clergy hath invented for their own preferment, and for the bondage and sevitude of the common people. whereby if the Laity be not obedient unto the Clergy at their will and pleasure, it doth multiply their covetousness, defendeth their malice, and prepareth a way for Antichrist. 
Censures of the Pope's Church, multiplieth the Pope's ●●ctousnes  whereby it is an evident sign and token, that such censures proceed from Antichrist, the which censures in their processes they do call Fulminations or lightnings, whereby the Clergy doth chief proceed against such as do manifest and open the wickedness of Antichrist, which thrust themselves into the office of the clergy. These things are contained in the last chapter of his treatise of the Church. I answer, and I deny that it is in that form. But the matter thereof is largely handled in the 23. chapter. And in the examination of the audience, they have gathered certain clauses most contrary thereunto. The which when they had read, the Cardinal of Cambray renewed his old song, saying: truly these are much more grievous and offensive, than the Articles which are gathered.  
The 26. Article. There ought no interditement to be appointed unto the people, for so much as Christ the high bishop, neither for john Baptist, neither for any injury that was done unto him did make any interditement. My words are these: when as I complained, that for one Ministers sake, an Interditement was given out, and thereby all good men ceased from the laud and praise of God. And Christ the high bishop, notwithstanding that the prophet was taken and kept in prison, 
Christ in●●dited ●ne, but ●rayed for all.  than whom there was no greater amongst the children of men, did not give out any curse or interditement, no not when as Decode beheaded him, neither when he himself was spoiled, beaten, and blasphemed of the Soldiers, Scribes and pharisees, he did not then curse them, but prayed for them, and taught his Disciples to do the same, as it appeareth in the fift chapter of Saint Matthew. And Christ's first Vicar following the same doctrine and learning, saith in his first Epistie of Saint Peter and the second chapter: 
1. Pet. 2.  Hereunto are ye called: For Christ hath suffered for us, leaving us an example that we should follow his footsteps, who when he was cursed and evil spoken of did not curse again. 
Rom. 12.  And Saint Paul following the same order and way in the xij. chapter of the Romans, saith: bless them that persecute you. There were besides these many other places of scripture recited in that book, but they being omitted, these were only rehearsed, which did help or prevail to stir up or, move the judges minds.  
And these are the Articles which were alleged out of I. Hus his book entitled Of the Church.  
Other Articles moreover out of other his books were collected, & forced against him, first out of his treatise written against Steven Paletz, to the number of 7. Articles. Also 6. other Articles strained out of his treatise against Stanislaus Znoyma. whereunto his answers likewise be adjoined, not unfruitful to be read.  

¶ Here followeth seven Articles, which are said to be drawn out of his Treatise which he wrote against Stephen Pallets.  
The first Article. 
1. Articles drawn out of the treatise written against Steven Palletz  If the Pope, Bishop, or Prelate, be in deadly sin,. he is then no Pope, bishop, nor Prelate. The answer, I grant thereunto, and I send you unto Saint Augustine, Jerome, chrysostom, Gregory, Cyprian, and bernard, the which do say, moreover that whosoever is in deadly sin, is no true Christian, how much less than is he Pope, or Bishop, of whom it is spoken by the Prophet Amos in his 8. chapter. They have reigned and ruled and not through me, they became Princes, and I knew them not. etc. But afterward I do grant that a wicked Pope, Bishop, or Priest, is an unworthy minister of the Sacrament, by whom God doth baptise, consecrate, or otherwise work to the profit of his Church, and this is largely handled in the text of the book by the authorities of the holy Doctors, for even he which is in deadly sin is not worthily a king before God, as it appeareth in the first book of kings 15. chapter. where as God saith unto Saul by the Prophet Samuel, saying: for so much as thou hast refused and cast of my word, I will also refuse and cast thee off, that thou shalt be no more King. 
The emperors judgement of I. Hus.  whiles these things were thus entreating, the Emperor looking out at a certain window of the cloister, accompanied with the county Palentine, and the Burgrave of Norenberg, conferring and talking much of john Hus. At length he said, that there was never a worse or more pernicious heretic than he. In the mean while when john Hus had spoken these words, 
The Cardinal of Cambray.  as touching the unworthy king, by and by the Emperor was called, and he was commanded to repeat those words again, which after that he had done, his duty therein being considered, the Emperor answered, no man saith he, doth live without fault, than the Cardinal of Cambray, being in a great fury said, is it not enough for thee that thou dost contemn and despise the Ecclesiastical state, and goest about by the writings and doctrine to perturb and trouble the same, but that now also thou wilt attempt to throw kings out of their state and dignity? Then Paletz began to allege the laws whereby he would prove that Saul was king, even when those words were spoken by Samuel, and therefore that David did forbid that Saul should not be slain, not for the holiness of his life, the which there was none in him, but for the holiness of his anointing. And when as john Hus repeated out of S. Cyprian, that he did take upon him the name of Christianity in vain which did not follow Christ in his living, Paletz answered, behold and see what a folly is in this man which allegeth those things which make nothing for the purpose, for albeit anyman be not a true Christian, is he not therefore true Pope, Bishop, or King? when as these are names of office and to be a Christian is a name of merit and desert, and so may any man be a true Pope, bishop, or King, although he be no true Christian. Then said john Hus, if Pope john the twenty-three. were a true Pope, wherefore have ye deprived him of his office? The Emperor answered, the Lords of the Council have now lately agreed thereupon that he was true Pope, but for his notorious and manifest evil doings wherewithal, he did offend and trouble the Church of God, and did spoil and bring to ruin the power thereof, he is rejected and cast out of his office.  
The second Article. The grace of predestination is the bond whereby the body of the Church and every part and member thereof is firmly knit and joined unto the head. The answer. I acknowledge this Article to be mine, and it is proved in the text out of the eight chapter to the Romans, who shall separate us from the charity and love of Christ. etc. And in the tenth chapter of john, My sheep hear my voice, and I know them, and they follow me, and I give them eternal life, neither shall they perish eternally, neither is there any man which shall take them out of my hands. This is the knot of the body of the Church, and of our spiritual head Christ, understanding the Church to be the congregation of the predestinate.  
The third Article. If the Pope be a wicked man, and specially a reprobate, then even as judas the Apostle, he is a Devil, a Thief, and the Son of perdition, and not the head of the holy militant Church, for so much as he is no part or member thereof. The answer. My words are thus, if the Pope be an evil or wicked man, and specially if he be a Reprobate, then even as judas, so is he a Devil, a Thief, and the Son of perditition. How then is he the head of the holy militant Church? where as he is not truly no member or part thereof, for if he were a member of the holy Church, then should he be also a member of Christ, and if he were a member of Christ, then should he cleave and stick unto christ by the grace of Predestination and present justice, and should be one spirit with God, as the Apostle saith in the first Epistle to the Corinthians, the sixth Chapter: know ye not that your bodies are the members of Christ?  
The 4. Article. An evil Pope or Prelate, or reprobate is no true pastor, but a thief and a robber. The answer. The text of my book is thus. If he be evil or wicked, them is he an hireling, of whom Christ speaketh, he is no sheep heard, neither are the sheep his own. Therefore when he seethe the wolf coming he runneth away, and forsaketh the sheep, and so finally doth every wicked and reprobate man. Therefore every such reprobate or wicked Pope or Prelate is no true Pastor. But a very thief and a robber, as is more at large proved in my book. Then said john Hus, I do so limit all things, that such as touching their desert, are not truly and worthily Popes and shepherds before God, but as touching their office and reputation of men, they are Popes, Pastors, and Priests.  
Then a certain man rising up behind john hus clothed all in silk, said: my Lords take heed lest that john Hus deceive both you, and himself with these his gloss, and look whether these things be in his book or not, for of late I had disputation with him, upon these Articles, in the which I said, that a wicked Pope, etc. was no Pope, as touching merit and desert, but as touching his office, he was truly Pope. Whereupon he used these gloss which he had heard of me, and did not take them out of his book. Then john Hus turning himself unto him, said: did you not hear that it was so read out of my book, and this did easily appear in john twenty-three. Whether he were true Pope or a very thief and robber. Then the Bishops and Cardinals looking one upon another, said: that he was true Pope, and laughed john Hus to scorn.  
The 5. The Pope is not, neither aught to be called according unto his office most holy. For then the king ought also to be called most holy, according to his office. Also the tormentors, lictors and devils, ought also to be called holy. The answer: My words are otherwise placed in this manner, so ought a fainer say, that if any man be a most holy Father, than he doth most holily observe and keep his Fatherlynesse. And if he be a naughty and wicked Father, then doth he most wickedly keep the same. Likewise if the bishop be most holiest, then is he also most good, and when as he saith that he is Pope, it is the name of his office.  
Whereupon it followeth that the man which is Pope being an evil and reprobate man, is a most holy man. And consequently by that his office, he is most good. And for so much as no man can be good by his office, except he do exercise & use the same, his office very well, it followeth that if the Pope be an evil & reprobate man, he cannot exercise or use his office well. Forsomuch as he cannot use the office well, except he be morally good. Mat. 12. How can you speak good things, when you yourselves are evil, & immediately af●er it followeth. If the Pope by reason of his office be called most holy, wherefore should not the King of Romans be called most holy by reason of his office and dignity? When as the King, according unto Saint Augustine's mind, representeth the Deity and Godhead of Christ, and the Priest representeth only his humanity. Wherefore also should not judges: yea, even tormentors be called holy, forsomnth as they have their office by ministering unto the Church of Christ. These things are more at large discoursed in my book, but I cannot find or know saith john hus any foundation whereby I should call the Pope most holy, when as this is only spoken of Christ. Thou only art most holy. Thou only art the Lord. etc. Should I then truly call the Pope most holy?  
The 6. Article. If the Pope live contrary unto Christ. Albeit he be lawfully and Canonically elect and chosen, according to human election, yet doth he ascend and come in another way then by Christ. The answer. The text is thus, if the Pope live contrary unto Christ in pride and avarice, how then doth he not ascend and come another way into the sheep fold, then by the lowly and meek door our Lord jesus Christ? But admit as you say, that he did ascend by lawful election, the which I call an election principally made of God, and not according unto the common and vulgar constitution and ordinance of men, yet for all that, it is affirmed and proved that he should ascend and come in another way, for judas Iscariot was truly and lawfully chosen of the Lord jesus Christ unto his Bishopric, as Christ saith in the sixth of john, and yet he came in an other way into the sheep fold, and was a thief and a Devil, and the son of perdition. Did he not come in another way? when as our Saviour spoke thus of him, he that eateth bread with me, shall lift up his heel against me.  
The same also is proved by saint bernard unto Pope Eugenius. Then said Paletz: behold the ●●ror and madness of this man, for what more furious or mad thing can there be then to say, judas is chosen by Christ, and notwithstanding he did ascend an other way, and not by Christ. john Husse answered, verily both parts are true, that he was elect and chosen by Christ, and also that he did ascend, and come in another way, for he was a Thief, a Devil, and the son of perdition. Then said Palettez, cannot a man be truly and lawfully chosen Pope or bishop, and afterward live contrary unto Christ? and that notwithstanding he doth not ascend any other ways. But I, said john hus do say that whosoever doth enter into any bishopric or like office by simony, not to the intent to labour and travel in the Church of God, but rather to live delicately, voluptuously and unrighteously, and to the intent to advance himself with all kind of pride, every such man ascendeth and cometh up by an other way, and according unto the Gospel, he is a thief and a robber.  
The 7. Article. The condemnation of the forty five Articles of Wickliff made by the Doctors is unreasonable and wicked, and the cause by them alleged is feigned and untrue: That is to say, that none of those Articles are Catholic, but that every of them be either heretical, erroneous or offensive. The answer: I have written it thus in my treatise. the forty five Articles are condemned for this cause, that none of those forty five, is a Catholic Article, but each of them is either heretical, erroneous or offensive. 
The Cardinal of Cambray.   
O Master Doctor, where is your proof, you fain a cause which you do not pove, etc. As it appeareth more at large in my Treatise. Then said the Cardinal of cambray, john Husse, thou didst say that thou wouldst not defend any error of john Wickliff's. And now it appeareth in your books, that you have openly defended his Articles. john Hus answered. Reverend Father, even as I said before, so do I now say again, that I will not defend any errors of john Wickliff's, neither of any other man's, but for so much as it seemed unto me to be against conscience, simply to consent unto the condemnation of them, no Scripture being alleged or brought contrary and against them, thereupon I would not consent or agree unto the condemnation of them, And for so much as the reason which is copulative can not be verified in every point, according to every part thereof. 
Articles drawn out of his treatise written against Stanislaus de Znoyma.    
Now there remaineth six Articles of 39 These are said to be drawn out of an other treatise which he wrote against Stanislaus de Znoyma.  
The first Article. No man is lawfully elect or chosen, in that the electors or the greater part of them have consented with a lively voice according to the custom of men to elect and choose any person, or that he is thereby the manifest and true Successor of Christ, or Vicar of Peter in the Ecclesiastical office, but in that that any man doth most abundantly work meritoriously to the profit of the Church, he hath thereby more abundant power given him of God thereunto. The answer. These things which follow are also written in my book. It standeth in the power and hands of wicked electors to choose a woman into the Ecclesiastical office, as it appeareth by the election of Agnes, which was called john, who held and occupied the Pope's place & dignity by the space of two years and more.  
It may also be that they do choose a Thief, a Murderer, or a Devil, and consequently they may also elect and choose Antichrist.  
It may also be, that for love, covetousness, or hatred, they do choose some person whom God doth not allow. And it appeareth that that person is not lawfully elect and and chosen: In so much as the electors or the greater part of them have consented and agreed together, according to the custom of men upon any person, or that he is thereby the manifest Successor or Vicar of Peter, the Apostle or any other in the Ecclesiastical office.  
Therefore they which most accordingly unto the scripture do elect and choose, revelation being set a part, do only pronounce and determine by some probable reason upon him they do elect and choose, whereupon whether the electors do so choose good or evil, we ought to give credit unto the works of him that is chosen, for in that point that any man doth most abundantly work meritoriously to the profit of the Church, he hath thereby more abundant power given him of God thereunto. And hereupon saith Christ in the 10. of john, give credit unto works.  
The 2. Article. The Pope being a reprobate, is not the head of the holy Church of God. The answer. I wrote it thus in my Treatise, that I would willingly receive a probable and effectual reason of the Doctor, how this question is contrary unto the faith, to say, that if the Pope be a reprobate, how is he the head of the holy church. Behold the truth cannot decay or fail in disputation, for did Christ dispute against the faith, when he demanded of the Scribes and Pharisyes. Math. 12. Ye stock and offspring of Uypers, how can ye speak good things, when you yourselves are wicked and evil? and behold I demand of the Scribes if the Pope be a reprobate, and the stock of Uipers, how is he the head of the holy Church of GOD, that the Scribes and Pharisyes which were in the Council house of prague make answer hereunto? For it is more possible that a reprobate man should speak good things, for so much as he may be in state of grace according unto present justice, then to be the head of the holy Church of God.  
Also in the 5. of john, our Saviour complaineth upon the jews, saying. How can you believe which do seek for glory amongst yourselves, and do not seek for the glory that cometh only of God. And I likewise do complain how that if the Pope be a reprobate, can he be the head of the Church of God, which receiveth his glory of the world, and seeketh not for the glory of GOD? For it is more possible that the Pope being a Reprobate should believe, then that he should be the head of the Church of God. For so much as he taketh his glory of the world.  
The 3. Article. There is no spark of appearance, that there ought to be one head in the spiritualty, to rule the Church, the which should be always conversant with the militant Church. The answer. I do grant it. For what consequent is this. The king of Boheme is head of the kingdom of Boheme. Ergo, the Pope is head of the whole militant Church. Christ is the head of the spiritualty, ruling and governing the militant Church by much more and greater necessity than Cesar ought to rule the temporalty. For so much as Christ which sitteth on the right hand of God the Father doth necessarily rule the militant Church as head. And there is no spark of appearance that there should be one head in the spiritualty ruling the church, that should always be conversant with the militant church, except some infidel would heretically affirm, that the militant Church should have here a permanent and continual City or dwelling place, and not to inquire and seek after that which is to come. It is also further evident in my book, how unconsequent the proportion of the similitude is for a reprobate Pope to be the head of the militent church, and a reprobate king to be the head of the kingdom of Boheme.  
The 4. Article. 
4.  Christ would better rule his Church by his true Apostles dispersed through out the whole world without such monstrous heads: I answer, that it is in my book, as here followeth, that albeit that the doctor doth say, that the body of the militant Church, is oftentimes without a head: yet notwithstanding we do verily believe that Christ jesus is the head over every Church, ruling the same without lack or default, pouring upon the same a continual motion and sense, even unto the latter day, neither can the doctor give a reason why the Church in the time of Agnes, by the space of 2. years and 5. months, living according to many members of christ in grace and favour, but that by the same reason the Church might be without a head, by the space of many years. For so much as Christ should better rule his Church by his true disciples dispersed throughout the whole world, without such monstrous heads. Then said they all together: Behold now he prophesieth, and john Hus prosecuting his former talk said, but I say that the Church in the time of the Apostles was far better ruled and governed then now is. And what doth let or hinder that christ should not now also rule the same better by his true Disciples without such monstrous heads, as have been now a late? For behold even at this present we have no such head. And yet Christ ceaseth not to rule his Church, when be had spoken these words, he was derided and mocked.  
The 5. Article. Peter was no universal Pastor or shepherd of the sheep of Christ, much less is the Bishop of Rome. The answer. These words are not in my book, but those which do follow. Secondly it appeareth by the words of Christ, that he did not limit unto Peter for his jurisdiction, the whole world, no not one only province. So likewise neither unto any other of the Apostles. Notwithstanding certain of them walked through many regions and other some fewer, preaching and teaching the kingdom of God, as Paul which laboured & traveled more than all the rest did corporally visit and convert most provinces, whereby it is lawful for any Apostle or his vicar to convert and confirm as much people, or as many provinces in the faith of Christ, as they are able, neither is there any restraint of their liberty or jurisdiction. But only by disability or insufficiency.  
The 6. Article. The Apostles and other faithful priests of the Lord have stoutly ruled the Church in all things necessary unto salvation before the office of the Pope was brought in to the Church, and so would they very possibly do still, if there were no Pope even unto the latter day. Then they all cried out again and said: Behold the prophet, but john Hus said verily it is true that the Apostles did rule the Church stoutly, before the office of the Pope was brought into the Church. And certainly a great deal better than it is now ruled. And likewise may other faithful men which do follow their steps do the same, for as now we have no Pope, and so peradventure it may continue and endure a year or more. Besides this were brought against him other 19 articles objected unto him being in prison which with his answers to the same here likewise follow. Of the which Articles, the first is this.  
The first Article. 
1. Article. Paul how he was both a blasphemer, & also a member of Christ.  Paul according unto present justice was a blasphemer and none of the Church, and therewithal was in grace, according unto predestination of life ever lasting. The answer. This proposition is not in the book, but this which followeth: whereby it doth seem probable, that as Paul was both a blasphemer according to present justice, and therewithal also was a faithful child of our holy mother the Church, and in grace according to predestination of life everlasting. So Iscariot was both in grace according unto present justice, and was never of our holy mother the Church, according to the predestination of life everlasting, for so much as he lacked that predestination. And so Iscariot albeit he was an Apostle, and a Bishop of Christ, which is the name of his office, yet was he never no part of the universal Church.  
The 2. Article. 
2. Article. Predestination.  Christ doth more love a predestinate man being sinful, than any reprobate in what grace possible soever he be. The answer. My words are in the 4. chapter of my book entitled of the Church, and it is evident that God doth more love any predestinate being sinful, than any reprobate, in what grace so ever he be for the time: for so much as he will, that the predestinate shall have perpetual blessedness, and the reprobate to have eternal fire. Wherefore God partly infinitely loving them both as his creatures, yet he doth more love the predestinate because he giveth him greater grace, or a greater gift: that is to say, life everlasting, which is greater & more excellent than only grace, according unto present justice. And the third Article of those Articles before, soundeth much near unto this, that the predestinate cannot fall from grace, for they have a certain radical grace rooted in them, although they be deprived of the abundant grace for a time. These things are true in the compound sense.  
The 3. Article. 
3. Article.  All the sinful according unto present injustice, are not faithful, but do swerver from the true Catholic faith, for so much as it is impossible that any man can committee any deadly sin but in that point, 
Who so committeth deadly sin sw●●●eth from the faith.  that he do swerver from the faith. The answer. I acknowledge that sentence to be mine, and it appeareth, that if they did think upon the punishment which is to be laid upon sinners, and did fully believe, and had the faith of the divine knowledge and understanding. etc. then undoubtedly they would not so offend and sin. This proposition is verified by the saying of the prophet Esay. Thy rulers are vnfayth●●ll, misbelievers, fellows and companions of thieves, they all love bribes, and follow after rewards. Behold the Prophet calieth the rulers of the Church infidels for their offences, for all such as do not keep their faith inviolate unto their principal Lord, are unfaithful servants, and they also are unfathfull children which keep not their obedience, fear, and love unto God their father.  
Item, this proposition is verified, by the saying of the Apostle, 
Tit. cap. 1.  the 1. chap. to Titus: They do confess that they know God, but by their works they do deny him. And for so much as they which are sinful, do swerver away from the meritorious work of blessedness, therefore they do swerver from the true faith grounded upon charity, for so much as faith without works is dead. To this end doth also pertain, that which the Lord speaketh Math. 23. of the faithful and unfaithful servant.  
The 4. Article. 
4. Article.  These words of john in his 22. chap. Receive the holy Ghost: And whatsoever you sholl bind upon earth. etc. And Matthew 16. and 18. chapter for lack of understanding shall terrify many Christians, and they shallbe wonderfully afraid, and others shallbe deceived by them, presuming upon the fullness of their power and authority. The answer. This sentence I do approve and allow, and therefore I say in the same place, 
The words of Christ for binding and losing, unless they be well understanded, minister to much fear or presumption.  that it is first of all to be supposed that the saying of our Saviour is necessary, as touching the virtue of the word, forasmuch as it is not possible for a Priest to bind and lose, except that binding and losing be in heaven. But for the lack of the true understanding of those words, many simple Christians shallbe made arrayed, thinking with themselves that whether they be just or unjust, the Priests may at their pleasures, whensoever they will, bind them. And the ignorant Priests do also presume and do take upon them to have power to bind and lose whensoever they wil For many foolish and ignorant priests do say that they have power and authority to absolve every man confessing himself, of what sin or offence soever it be, not knowing that in many sins it is forbidden them, and that it may happen that an hypocrite do confess himself, or such one as is not contrite for his sin, whereof proof hath oftentimes been found and it is evident for so much as the letter doth kill, but the spirit doth quicken.  
The v. Article, 
5. Article.  The binding and losing of God, is simply & plainly the chief and principal. 
Binding & losing chief and principally belong to Christ.  The answer. This is evident, forsomuch as it were blasphemous presumption to affirm, that a man may remit and forgive an evil fact or offence done against such a Lord, the Lord himself not approving or allowing the same. For by the universal power of the Lord, it is necessary that he do first absolve and forgive, before that his vicar do the same, neither is there one Article of our faith, which ought to be more common or known unto us, then that it should be impossible for any man of the militant Church to absolve or bind, except in such case as it be conformable unto the head of the Church jesus Christ. Wherefore every faithful Christian ought to take heed of that saying: if the Pope or any other pretend by any manner of sign to bind or lose, that he is thereby bound or loosed, for he that doth grant or confess that, must also consequently grant and confess that the Pope is without sin, and so that he is a God, for otherwise he must needs err, and do contrary unto the keys of Christ. This saying proveth the fact of the Pope, who always in his absolution presupposeth contrition and confession. Yea moreover, if any letter of absolution be given unto any offender, which doth not declare the circumstances of the offence which ought to be declared, it is said that thereby the letter of absolution is of no force and effect. It is also hereby evident, that many Priests do not absolve those which are confessed, because that either through shamefastness they do cloak or hide greater offences, or else that they have not due contrition or repentance, 
To true absolution 4. things are required.  for unto true absolution there is first required contrition. Secondly a purpose & intent to sin no more. Thirdly, true confession. And four steadfast hope of forgiveness, The j appeareth by Ezech. if the wicked do repent him. etc. The ij. in the v. & 8. of john do thou not sin any more. The third party by this place of Luke: show yourselves unto the Priests. And the fourth is confirmed by the saying of Christ: My son believe, and thy sins are forgiven thee. I also added many other probations in my treatise out of the holy fathers, Augustine, Jerome, and the master of the sentences.  
The 6. Article. 
6. Article.  The Priests do gather and heap up out of the Scriptures those things which serve for the belly but such as pertain to the true imitation and following of Christ, that they reject and refuse as impertinent unto salvation. The answer. This Saint Gregory doth sufficiently prove in his 17. 
Ex Gregorio.  Homely, alleging the saying of Christ: 
Priests more given to their own lucre and belly, then to the service of Christ.  The harvest is great, the workmen are few, speaking also that which we cannot say without grief or sorrow, that albeit there be a great number which willingly hear good things, yet there lacketh such as should declare the same unto them, for behold the world is full of priests, but notwithstanding there is a scarcity of workmen in the harvest of the Lord. We take upon us willingly priesthood, but we do not fulfil & do the works & office of priesthood. And immediately after he saith, we are fallen unto outward affairs & business, for we take upon us one office for honour sake, and we do exhibit & give an other to ease ourselves of labour. We leave preaching and as far as I can perceive we are called Bishops to our pain, which do retain the name of honour, but not the verity.  
And immediately after he saith, we take no care for our flock, we daily call upon for our stipend & wages, we covet and desire earthly things with a greedy mind, we gape after worldly glory, we leave the cause of God undone, and make haste about our worldly affairs & business, we take upon us the place of sanctity and holiness, and we are wholly wrapped in worldly cares & troubles. etc. This writeth saint Gregory with many other things more in the same place. Also in his Pastoral, in his Morals, in his register. Also Saint Bernard with many other places. Likewise in his xxxiij. Sermon upon the Canonicalles, he saith, all friends, and all enemies: all kinsfolks and adversaries, all of one household, and no peace makers: they are the Ministers of Christ, and serve Antichrist: they go honourably honoured with the goods of the Lord, and yet they do honour. etc.  
The 7. Article. 
7. Article.  The power of the pope, which doth not follow Christ, is not to be feared. The answer. It is not so in my treatise, but contrariwise, that the subjects are bound willingly & gladly to obey the virtuous and good rulers, and also those which are wicked and evil. 
The Pope's power ●oing ungodly is not to be feared.  But notwithstanding, if the pope do abuse his power, it is not them to be feared as by bondage. And so the Lords the Cardinals as I suppose, did not fear the power of Gregory the xij. before his deposition, when as they resisted him, saying that he did abuse his power contrary unto his own oath.  
The 8. Article. 
8. Article.  An evil and a wicked Pope is not the successor of Peter, but of judas. The answer. I wrote thus in my treatise: If the pope be humble and meek, neglecting and despising the honours and lucre of the world: if he be a shepherd taking his name by the feeding of the flock of God (of the which feeding the Lord speaketh, 
The Pope doing contrary to Christ is not the vicar of christ, but Antichrist.  saying: feed my sheep) if he feed the sheep with the word, and with virtuous example, and that he become even like his flock with his whole hart and mind: if he do diligently and carefully labour and travel for the Church, then is he without doubt the true Vicar of Christ. But if he walk contrary unto these virtues, for so much as there is no society between Christ and Belial, and Christ himself saith: he that is not with me, is against me: how is he then the true vicar of Christ or Peter, and not rather the Vicar of Antichrist? Christ called Peter himself Sathanas, when he did contrary him but only in one word, and that with a good affection, even him whom he had chosen his Vicar, and specially appointed over his church. Why should not any other then, being more contrary unto Christ be truly called Sathanas, and consequently Antichrist, or at lest the chief and principal minister or vicar of Antichrist? There be infinite testimonies of this matter in S. Augustine, S. Jerome, Cyprian, Chrisostom, Bernard, Gregory, Remigius, and Ambrose. etc.  
The 9 Article. 
9 Article.  The Pope is the same beast of whom it is spoken in the Apot. 
I. Hus need not prove this article the pope will prove it himself.  power is given unto him to make war upon the saints. The answer. I deny this Article to be in my book.  
The 10. Article. 
10. Article.  It is lawful to preach, notwithstanding the Pope's inhibition. The answer. The Article is evident forsomuch as the Apostles did preach contrary to the commandment of the bishops at jerusalem. 
Top reach against the pope's commandment.  And S. hilary did the like, contrary to the commandment of the pope which was an Arrian. It is also manifest by the example of Cardinals, which contrary unto the commandment of Pope Gregory the xij. sent throughout all realms such as should preach against him. It is also lawful to preach under appeal, contrary unto the Pope's commandment. And finally he may preach which hath the commandment of God, whereunto he ought chief to obey.  
The 11. Article. 
11. Article.  If the Pope's commandment be not concordant and agreeable with the doctrine of the Gospel or the Apostles, it is not to be obeyed. The answer. I have thus written in my book: 
How far prelate's are to be obeyed  The faithful disciple of Christ ought to weigh and consider whether the pope's commandment be expressly & plainly the commandment of Christ or any of his Apostles, or whether it have any foundation or ground in their doctrine or no: and that being once known or understand, he ought reverently and humbly to obey the same. But if he do certainly know that the pope's commandment is contrary and against the holy Scripture, and hurtful unto the Church: then he ought boldly to resist against it, that he be not partaker of the crime and offence by consenting thereunto. This I have handled at large in my treatise, and have confirmed it by the authorities of Saint Austin, Jerome, Gregory, chrysostom, Bernard and Bede, and with the holy Scripture and Canons, the which for brevities cause I do here pass over. 
Isydorus.  I will only rehearse the saying of Saint Isydore, who writeth thus: He which doth rule, and doth say or command any thing contrary and besides the will of God, or that which is evidently commanded in the Scriptures, he is honoured as a false witness of God, and a Church robber. Whereupon we are bounden to obey no Prelate, but in such case as he do command or take counsel of the Counsels and commandments of Christ.  
Likewise S. Augustine upon this saying: upon the chair of Moses. etc. saith: Secondly, they teach in the chair of Moses the law of God: Ergo, God teacheth by them: but if they will teach you any of their own inventions, do not give ear unto them, neither do as they command you. Also in the saying of Christ, he that heareth you heareth me, all lawful and honest things be comprehended, in the which we ought to be obedient, according to Christ's saying: it is not you which do speak, but the spirit of my father which speaketh in you. Let therefore my adversaries and slanderers learn that there be not only 12. 
Concilia. precepts.  Counsels in the Gospel, in the which subjects ought to obey Christ and his appointed ministers, but that there are so many Counsels and determinations of God, as there be lawful and honest things joined with precepts and commandments of God, binding us thereunto, under the pain of deadly sin: for every such thing doth the Lord command us to fulfil in time and place, with other circumstances at the will and pleasure of their minister.  
The 12. Article. 
12. Article.  It is lawful for the clergy and laity by their power and jurisdiction to judge and determine of all things pertaining unto salvation, 
The clergy and laity may judge of the works of their prelate's.  and also of the works of the Prelates. The answer. I have thus written it in my book, that it is lawful for the clergy and laity to judge and determine of the works of their heads and rulers. It appeareth by this, that the judgement of the secret counsels of God, in the court of conscience is one thing, & the judgement of the authority and power in the church is an other. Wherefore subjects first aught principally to judge and examine themselves 1. Corinthians. 11. chapter. Secondly they ought to examine all things which pertaineth unto their salvation, for a spiritual man judgeth and examineth all things. And this is alleged, as touching the first judgement, and not the second, as the enemy doth impute it unto me. 
judgement double. Secret in the co●●● of conscience. Open in the ●●urt of authority.  Whereupon in the same place I do say that the lay man ought to judge and examine the works of his Prelate, like as Paul doth judge the doings of Peter in blaming him. Secondly to avoid them according to this saying: Beware of false Prophets. etc. Thirdly to rule over the ministry: For the subject aught by reason to judge and examine the works of the Prelates. And if they be good, to praise God therefore and rejoice: But if they be evil, they ought with patience to suffer them, and to be sorry for them, but not to do the like, lest they be damned with them: according to this saying: If the blind lead the blind, both fall into the ditch.  
The 13. Article. 
13. Article.  God doth suspend of himself, every wicked Prelate from his ministry, while he is actually in sin. for by that means that he is in deadly sin, he doth offend and sin whatsoever he do: 
To God● ward all wicked ministers be suspended.  and consequently is forbidden so to do: therefore also is he suspended from his ministry. The answer. This is proved as touching suspension from dignity, by Osee the iiij. chapter, and Esay, and Malachy the first. And Paul in the 1. Corinthians. 11. chapter, suspendeth all such as be sinful or in any grievous crime or offence, from the eating of the body of the Lord, and the drinking of his blood, and consequently suspendeth all sinful Prelates from the ministration of the reverent Sacrament. And God doth suspend the wicked and sinful from the declaration of his righteousness. Psalm. 49. For so much then as to suspend in effect, is to prohibit the ministry or any other good thing for the offence sake, or as the new laws do term or call it, to interdict or forbid: It is manifest by the Scriptures afore rehearsed, that God doth prohibit the sinful, being in sin to exercise or use their ministry or office, which by God's commandment ought to be exercised without offence. Whereupon he saith by Esay the Prophet: ye that carry the vessels of the Lord, be ye cleansed and made clean. And to the Corinthians it is said: Let all things be done with love and charity. etc. The same thing also is commanded by divers and sundry Canons, the which I have alleged in my treatise.  
The 14. Article. 
14 Article.  The answer which he made to the 25. Article in prison sufficeth for this, 
The lay people supplanted by the Clergy.  that is to say, that the clergy for their own preferment and exaltation, doth supplant and undermine the lay people, doth increase and multiply their covetousness, cloaketh and defendeth their malice and wickedness, and prepareth away for Antichrist.  
The first part he proveth by experience, by the example of Peter de Luna, which named himself Benedict: by the example of Angelus Coriarius, which named himself Gregory the 12. and also by the example of john 23. Likewise by the xiij. and xxiv. of Ezechiel, and out of Gregory, which saith, what shallbe come of the flock, when the shepherds themselves, are become wolves. etc. Also out of Osee, Miche, and other of the Prophets, and many places of S. Barnard.  
The second part is proved by the 8. chapter of jeremy, Gregory in his 17. Homely, and S. Barnard upon the Canonicals.  
The third part of this Article is also proved by experience: for who defendeth the wickedness of any schism but only the Clergy alleging Scriptures, and bringing reasons therefore? Who excuseth Simony, but only the Clergy? likewise covetousness in heaping together many benefices, luxuriousness and fornication? For how many of the Clergy is there now a days which do say it is no deadly sin alleging (albeit disorderly) the saying of Genesis, increase and multiply.  
Hereby also is the 4. part of the Article easily verified. For the way of Antichrist is wickedness and sin: of the which the Apostle speaketh to the Thessalonians: Gregory in his register Pastoral and morals: Also S. Barnard upon the Canonicalles plainly saith: wicked and evil Priests prepare the way for Antichrist.  
The 15. Article. 
15. Article.  john Hus doth openly teach and affirm that these conclusions aforesaid are true. 
The dishonesty of such as gathered fal●● accusations against john Hus.  The answer is manifest by that which I have afore written. For some of these propositions I did write and publish, other some my enemy did fain, now adding, then diminishing and taking away, now falsely ascribing and imputing the whole proposition unto me: the which thing the commissioners themselves did confess before me. Whom I desired for the false iwention and feigning of those Articles, that they would punish those, whom they themselves known and confessed to be mine enemies.  
The 16. Article. 
16. Article.  Hereby also it appeareth, that it is not true which they have affirmed in the article following: that is to say, that all the aforesaid conclusions be false, erroneous, seditious, and such as do weaken and make feeble the power and strength of the Church, invented contrary to the holy Scriptures and the Church. But if there be any such, I am ready most humbly to revoke and recant the same.  
The 17. Article. 
17. Article.  There was also an objection made against me as touching the Treatises which I wrote against Paletz and Stanislaus de Znoyma. The which I desired for God's sake, they might be openly read in the audience of the whole Council, and said that I, notwithstanding my former protestation, would willingly submit myself to the judgement of the whole Council.  
The 18. article. 
18. Article.  There was also an other article objected against me in this form. Item, john Husse said and preached that he should go to Constance, and if so be that for any manner of cause he should be forced to recant that he had before taught, yet notwithstanding he never purposed to do it with his mind: for so much as what so ever he had before taught, was pure and true, and the sound doctrine of Christ. The answer. This article is full of lies: to the inventor whereof I suppose the Lord saith thus: All the day long thou hast imagined mischief and wickedness, and with thy tongue as with a sharp razor, thou hast wrought deccypte. Thou hast delighted and loved rather to talk of wickedness and mischief then of equity and justice. verily I do grant that I left behind me a certain epistle to be read unto the people, the which did contain that all such as did weigh and consider my careful labours and traveles, should pray for me, and steadfastly persevere and continue in the doctrine of our Lord jesus Christ, knowing for a certainty that I never taught them any such errors as mine enemies do impute or ascribe unto me, and if it should happen that I were overcome by false witness, they should not be vexed or troubled in their minds, but steadfastly continue in the truth.  
The 19 Article. 
19 Article.  Last it was objected against me, that after I was come into Constance, I did write unto the Kingdom of Boheme, that the Pope and the Emperor received me honourably and sent unto me two bishops to make agreement between me and them, and that this seemeth to be written by me to this end and purpose, that they should confirm and establish me and my hearers in the errors, which I had preached and taught in Boheme. This Article is falsely alleged even from the beginning. For how manifestly false should I have written that the pope & the Emperor did honour me, when as otherwise I had written before, that as yet we knew not where the Emperor was? and before the Emperor himself came unto Constance, I was by the space of 3. weeks in prison. And to write that I was honoured by my imprisonment, the people of the kingdom of Boheme would repute the honour as no great renown and glory unto me. Howbeit my enemies may in derision say unto me, that according to their wills & pleasures, I am exalted and honoured. Wherefore this article is wholly throughout false and untrue.  

Articles 19 drawn out by the Parisians against I Hus.  Unto these articles above prefixed, were other articles also to be annexed, which the Parisians had drawn out against M. john Hus, to the number of 19 The chief author whereof, was john Gerson Chancellor of the university of Paris, a great setter on of the Pope against good men. 
john Gerson Chancellor of Paris.  Of these articles john Hus doth often complain in his Epistles that he had no time nor space to make answer unto them. Which articles being falsely collected and wrongfully depraved although john Hus had no time t● answer unto, yet I thought not unfit here to set down for the reader to see and judge.  

¶ Articles formally contained or picked out of the Treatise of john Hus of prague, which he entitled of the Church following in this part or behalf the errors they term them of john Wickelyffe  
THe first article. 
1.  No reprobate is true Pope, Lord or Prelate. The error is in the faith and behaviour and manners, being both of late and many times before condemned, as well against the poor men of Lions, as also against the Waldenses and Pikardes. The affirmation of which error is temerarious, seditious, offensive and pernicious, and tending to the subversion of all humane policy and governance, forasmuch as no man knoweth whether he be worthy of love or hatred, for that all men do offend in many points, and thereby should all rule and dominion be made uncertain and unstable, if it should be founded upon predestination and charity: neither should the commandment of Peter have been good, which willeth all servants to be obedient unto their masters and Lords although they be wicked.  
The 2. article. 
2.  That no man being in deadly sin, whereby he is no member of Christ, but of the Devil, is true Pope, Prelate or Lord. The error of this is like unto the first.  
The 3. article. 
3.  No reprobate or otherwise being in deadly sin, sitteth in the Apostolic seat of Peter, neither hath any Apostolical power over the christian people This error is also like unto the first.  
The 4. Article. 
4.  No reprobrate are of the Church neither likewise any which do not follow the life of Christ. This error is against the common understanding of the doctors, concerning the church.  
The 5. Article. 
5.  They only are of the church, and sit in Peter's seat, and have Apostolic power which follow Christ and his Apostles in their life and living. The error hereof is in faith and manners, as in the first article, but containing more arrogancy and rashness.  
The 6. article. 
6.  That every man which liveth uprightly according to the rule of Christ may and ought openly to preach and teach, although he be not sent, yea although he be forbidden or excommunicate by any Prelate or Bishop even as he might and ought to give alms: for his good life in living together with his learning doth sufficiently send him.  
This is a rash and temerarious error offensive and tending to the confusion of the whole ecclesiastical hierarchy.  
The 7. article. 
7.  That the Pope of Rome being contrary unto Christ, is not the universal Bishop, neither hath the church of Rome any supremacy over other Churches, except peradventure it be given him of Cesar, and not of Christ. An error lately and plainly reproved.  
The 8. article. 
8.  That the Pope ought not to be called most holy, neither that his feet are holy and blessed, or that they ought to be kissed. This error is temerarius unreverently and offensively published.  
The 9 article. 
9  That according unto the doctrine of Christ, heretics, be they never so obstinate or stubborn, ought not to be put to death, neither to be accursed or excommunicated. This is the error of the Donatists, temerariously, and not without great offence affirmed against the laws of the ecclesiastical discipline as S, Augustine doth prove.  
The 10. Article. 
10.  That subjects and the common people may and ought publicly and openly to detect and reprove the vices of their superiors and rulers, as having power given them of Christ, and example of Saint Paul so to do: this error is pernicious, full of offence, inducing all rebellion, disobedience and sedition, and the curse and malediction of Cham.  
The 11. article. 
11.  That Christ only is head of the church and not the Pope. It is an error according unto the common understanding of the Doctors, if all the reason of the supremacy, and of being head be secluded and taken away from the Pope.  
The 12. article. 
12.  That the only church which comprehendeth the predestinate and good livers, is the universal Church, whereunto subjects do owe obedience. And this is consequent unto the former article. The error is contained as in the former articles.  
The 13. article. 
13.  That tithes and oblations given unto the Church are public and common alms. This error is offensive, and contrary to the determination of the Apostle. 1. Cor. 9 chapter.  
The 14. article. 
14.  That the clergy living wickedly, aught to be reproved and corrected by the lay people by the taking away of their tithes and other temporal profits. A most pernicious error and offensive, inducing the secular people to perpetrate sacrilege subverting the ecclesiastical liberty.  
The 15. article. 
15.  That the blessings of such as are reprobate or evil livers of the clergy are maledictions and cursings before God according to the saying. I will curse your blessings. This error was lately reproved of Saint Augustine, against saint Cyprian and his followers, neither is the master of the sentences allowed of the masters in that point that he seemeth to favour this article.  
The 16. article. 
16.  That in these days and in long time before, there hath been no true Pope, no true Church, or faith, which is called the romish Church, whereunto a man ought to obey, but that it both was and is the synagogue of Antichrist and Satan. The error in this article is in this point that it is derived, and taketh his foundation upon the former articles.  
The 17. article. 
17.  That all gift of money given unto the ministers of the Church, for the ministration of any spiritual matter, it doth make such ministers in that case users of Simony. This error is seditious and temerarius, for so much as some thing may be given unto the clergy, under the title of sustentation or maintaining the minister, without the selling or buying of any spiritual thing.  
The 18. article. 
18.  That whosoever is excommunicate of the pope if he appeal unto Christ, he is preserved that he need not fear the excommunication, but utterly to contemn and despise the same. This error is temerarious and full of arrogancy.  
The 19 article. 
19  That every deed done with out charity is sin. This error was reproved and revoked before this time at Paris, specially if it be understand of deadly sin, for it is not necessary that he which lacketh grace should continually sin and offend a new Albeit he be continually in sin.   

¶ This following, the Masters of Paris by their whole voice and consent did add and adjoin unto these nineteen articles, for their reason and determination.  
WE affirm that these articles aforesaid are notoriously heretical, and that they are judicially to be condemned for such, and diligently to be rooted out with their most seditious doctrines, lest they do infect other. For albeit they seem to have a zeal against the vices of the Prelates and the clergy, the which (the more is the pity and grief) do but to much abound, yet is it not according unto learning, for a sober and discreet zeal, suffereth and lamenteth those sins and offences, which he seethe in the house of God, that he cannot amend or take away, for vices cannot be rooted out, and taken away by other vices and errors, for so much as devils are not cast out thorough Beelzebub, but by the power of God which is the holy Ghost, who willeth that in correction the measure and mean of prudence be always kept, according to the saying. Mark, who, what, where and why, by what means and when, Prelates and bishops are bound under grievous and express penalties of the law diligently and vigilantly to bear themselves against the foresaid errors and such other like, and the maintainers of them, for let it always be well understand and noted that the error which is not resisted is allowed, neither is ●here any doubt of prime affinity or society of him, which slack●● to withstand a manifest mischief.  
These things are intermeddled by the way under correction, as by way of doctrine.  
john Gerson Chancellor of Paris, unworthy.   
These things thus declared, a man may easily understand, that john hus was not accused for holding any opinion contrary to the Articles of our faith, but because he did stoutly preach and teach against the kingdom of Antichrist for the glory of Christ, and the restoring of the Church.  
Now to return unto the story: when as the first 39 articles, 
The words of the Cardinal of Cambray unto I. Hus ●er his accusation.  which I have before rehearsed, were all read over together with their testimonies, the Cardinal of Cambray cailing unto john Hus, said: thou hast heard what grievous and horrible crimes are laid against thee, and what a number of them there are: and now it is thy part to devise with thyself what thou wilt do. Two ways are proponed and set before thee of the Council, whereof the one of them, thou must of force and necessity enter into.  
First, that thou do humbly and meekly sub●nit thyself unto the judgement & sentence of the Council, 
A double inconvenience for I. Hus to fall in.  that whatsoever shall be there determined by their common voice and judgement, thou wilt patiently bear and suffer the same. The which thing if thou wilt do, we of our part both for the honour of the most gentle Emperor here present, and also for the honour of his brother the King of Boheme, & for thy own safeguard and preservation, will entreat and handle thee with as great humanity, love, and gentleness, as we may. But if as yet thou art determined to defend any of those Articles which we have propounded unto thee, and dost desire or require to be further heard thereupon, we will not deny thee power and licence thereunto: but this thou shalt well understand that here are such mance of men, so clear in understanding and knowledge, and having so firm and strong reasons and arguments against thy articles: that I fear it will be to thy great hurt, detriment, and peril, if thou shouldest any longer will or desire to defend the same.  
This do I speak and say unto thee to counsel and admonish thee, and not as in manner of a judge.  
This Oration of the Cardinals many other prosecuting, every man for himself, 
I. Hus aunwereth.  did exhort and persuade john Hus to the like: unto whom with a lowly countenance he answered: Most reverend fathers, I have often said that I came hither of mine own free will, not to the intent obstinately to defend any thing, but if that in any thing I should seem to have conceived a perverse or evil opinion, that I would meekly and patiently be content to be reform and taught. Whereupon I desire that I may have yet further liberty to declare my mind. Whereof except I shall allege most firm & strong reasons, I will willingly submit myself (as you require) unto your information.  
Then there start up one, which with a loud voice said: Behold how craftily this man speaketh. Determeth it information and not correction or determination. Verily said john Hus, even as you will term it, information, correction, or determination: for I take God to my witness, that I speak nothing but with my hart and mind.  
Then said the Cardinal of Cambray, forsomuch then as thou dost submit thyself unto the information and grace of this Council, 
The Cardinal of Cambray appointeth I. Hus certain conditions, whereby he may be delivered.  this is decreed almost by threescore Doctors, whereof some of them are now departed hence, in whole room and place the Parisians are succeeded: and also it is approved by the whole Council, not one man speaking the contrary thereunto.  
First of all, that thou shalt humbly and meekly confess thyself to have erred in these Articles, which are alleged and brought against thee.  
Moreover, that thou shalt promise by an oath, that from henceforth thou shalt not reach, hold, or maintain any of these Articles. And last of all that thou shalt openly recant all these Articles.  
Upon the which sentence, when as many others had spoken their minds, 
The answer of I. Hus.  at the length john Hus said: I once again do say, that I am ready to submit myself to the information of the Council: but this I most humbly require and desire you all, even for his sake, which is the God of us all, that I be not compelled or forced to do the thing, which my conscience doth repugn or strive against, or the which I cannot do without danger of eternal damnation: that is, that I should make revocation by oath to all the Articles which are alleged against me. For I remember that I have red in the book of universalities, that to abjure is to renounce an error which a man hath before holden. And for so much as many of these Articles are said to be mine, which were never in my mind or thought to hold or teach, how should I then renounce them by an oath? But as touching those articles which are mine in deed, if there be any man which can teach me contrariwise unto them, I will willingly perform that which you desire.  
Then said the Emperor, 
The Emperor exhorteth john Hus to recant.  why mayest not thou without danger also renounce all those articles which thou sayest are falsely alleged against thee by the witnesses? For I verily would nothing at all doubt to abjure all errors, neither doth it follow that therefore by and by I have professed any error. To whom john Hus answered: Most noble Emperor, this word to abjure, doth signify much otherwise then your majesty doth here use it. Then said the Cardinal of Florence: john Hus, you shall have a form of abjuration, which shall be gentle and tolerable enough, written and delivered unto you, and then you will easily & soon determine with yourself, whither you will do it or no.  
Then the Emperor repeating again the words of the Cardinal of Cambray, 
The Emperor rehearseth the Cardinal of Cambrayes' words.  said: thou hast heard that there are two ways laid before thee. First, that thou shouldest openly renounce those thy errors, which are now condemned, and subscribe unto the judgement of the Council, whereby thou shouldest try and find their grace and favour. But if thou proceed to defend thy opinions, the Council shall have sufficient, whereby according to their laws & ordinances, they may decree and determine upon thee. To whom john Hus answered: I refuse nothing (most noble Emperor) whatsoever the Council shall decree or determine upon me. This only one thing I except, that I do not offend God and my conscience, or say that I have professed those errors which was never in my mind or thought, for to profess. But I desire you all, if it may be possible, that you will grant me further liberty to declare my mind and opinion, that I may answer as much as shall suffice, as touching those things which are objected against me, and specially concerning ecclesiastical offices, and the state of the ministery.  
But when as other men began to speak, 
The force of false witness.  the Emperor himself began to sing the same song which he had sung before. Thou art of lawful age said the Emperor, thou mightest have easily understand what I said unto thee yesterday and this day: 
The Emperor to john Hus.  for we are forced to give credit unto these witnesses which are worthy of credit: for so much as the Scripture saith, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses, all truth is tried: How much more than by so many witnesses of such worthy men.  
Wherefore if thou be wise, receive penance at the hands of the Council, with a contrite hart, and renounce the manifest errors, and promise by an oath that from henceforth thou wilt nevermore teach or preach against them. The which if thou refusest to do, there are laws and ordinances, whereby thou shalt be judged of the Council.  
here a certain very old Bishop of Pole put to his verdict. 
An old bishop of Pole.  He said the laws are evident as touching heretics, with what punishment they ought to be punished. But john Hus constantly answered as before: in somuch that they said he was obstinate and stubborn. Then a certain well fed priest and gaily appareled, 
Objection of a priest better said then taught.  cried out unto the precedents of the Council, saying: he ought by no means to be admitted to recantation: for he hath written unto his friends, that although he do swear with his tongue, yet he will keep his mind unsworn without oath: wherefore he is not to be trusted. Unto this slander john Hus answered as is said in the last Article, affirming that he was not guilty of any error.  
Then said Palletz, 
Palletz against john Hus.  to what end is this protestation, for so much as thou sayest that thou wilt defend no error, neither yet Wickliff, and yet dost defend him? When he had spoken these words, he brought forth for witness 9 Articles of john Wickliff's, and read them openly: & afterward he said: When as I and M. Stanislaus in the presence of Ernestus of Ostrich duke of prague, preached against them, he obstinately defended the same, not only by his sermons, but also by his books which he set forth. The which except you do here exhibit, we will cause them to be exhibited. So said the Emperor also. 
A new heap of slanders.  Unto whom john Hus answered, I am very well contented that not only those, but also all other my books be brought forth and showed.  
In the mean time there was exhibited unto the Council a certain Article, wherein john was accused, that he had slanderously interpreted a certain sentence of the Popes: the which he denied that he did, saying, that he never saw it, but in prison, when as the Article was showed him by the Commissioners. And when he was demanded who was the author thereof, he answered that he knew not, but that he hard say that master jessenitz was the author thereof.  
What (said they) then do you think or judge of the interpretation thereof? Then answered john Hus, what should I say thereunto, when as I said I never saw it, but as I have heard it of you. Thus they were all so grievous and troublesome unto him, 
I. Hus waxeth faint and weary.  that he waxed faint & weary, for he had passed all the night before without sleep, through the pain of his teeth.  

another quarrel against I. Hus, touching these three men beheaded at prague. Vide supra. pag. 590.  Then was there another Article read, in the which was contained that three men were beheaded at prague, because that through Wickleffes doctrine and teaching, they were contuinelious and slanderous against the Pope's letters: and that they were by the same Hus, with the whole pomp of the Scholars, and with a public convocation or congregation carried out to be buried, & by a public Sermon placed amongst the number of Saints. And the same Doctor Naso, of whom you have heard certain testimonies already recited, affirmed the same to be true, and that he himself was present, when as the king of Boheme commanded those blasphemers so to be punished.  

I. Hus belied.  Then said john Hus: both those parts are false, that the King did command any such punishment to be done, and that the corpses were by me conveyed with any such pomp unto their sepulture or burial: wherefore you do both injury unto me and the King. Then Palletz confirmed the affirmation of Doctor Naso, his fellow, with this argument (for they both laboured to one end and purpose:) That it was provided by the King's commandment, that no man should once speak against the Pope's Bulls: 
Ex puris affirmativis non con sistet. argum. in 2 figuta.  And these three spoke against the Pope's Bulls: Ergo, by virtue of the king's commandment they were beheaded. And what john Husse his opinion and mind was as touching these men, it is evident enough by his book entitled Of the Church, wherein he writeth thus: I believe they have read Daniel the Prophet, where as is said: And they shall perish with sword and fire, and with captivity, and many shall fraudulently & craftily associate themselves unto them. And afterward he saith: how is this fulfilled in these two lay men, who not consenting, but speaking against the feigned lies of Antichrist, have offered their lives therefore, and many other were ready to do the same, and many were fraudulently associate unto them, which being feared by the threatenings of Antichrist, are fled, and have turned their backs, etc.  
When these things were read, one looking upon another, as though they had been all in a marvelous strange study, they held their peace for a certain space. For this Palletz, & the foresaid Doctor Naso had also added that john Hus in an open Sermon had inflamed & stirred up the people against the Magistrates, in so much that a great number of the citizens did openly set themselves against the magistrates: and by that means was it, that he said those in. were ready to suffer death for the truth. And this sedition was hardly appeased by any benefit, or help that the king could do. 
Another quarrel picked by English men against john Hus  Then the Englishmen exhibited the copy of a certain Epistle, which they said was falsely conveyed unto prague, under that title of the University of Oxford, & that john Hus did read the same out of the Pulpit unto the people, that he might commend and praise john Wickleffe unto the Citizens of prague. When they had read the same before the Council, 
The testimonial of Oxford, for Wikliff brought to Prage.  the Englishmen demanded of john Hus, whether he had read the same openly or no. Which when he had confessed, because it was brought thither by two scholars under the seal of the University: they also inquired of him what scholars they were. He answered: this my friend (meaning Stephen Palletz) knoweth the one of them as well as I, the other I know not what he was.  
Then they first inquired of him, as touching the last man, where he was. john Hus answered: I heard say (said he) that in his return into England, he died by the way. As touching the first, Palletz said, that he was a Bohemian, and no Englishman, and that he brought out of England a certain small piece of the stone of Wickleffes sepulchre, 
A piece of the stone of Wickliff's sepulchre brought for a relic to Prage.  which they that are the followers of his doctrine at this present, do reverence and worship as a thing most holy. Hereby it appeareth for what intent all these things were done, and that john Hus was the author of them all.  
Then the Englishmen exhibited another Epistle, contrary to the first, under the seal of the University, the effect and argument whereof was this: The Senate of the university, not without great sorrow and grief hath experimented & found that the errors of Wickleffe are scattered & spread out of the University throughout all England. And to the intent that through their help & labour, means may be found to remedy this mischief, they have appointed for that purpose twelve Doctors, men of singular learning, and other masters, which should sit in judgement upon the books of Wicklesse.  
These men have noted out above th●●um●●er of CC. articles, the which the whole university have judged worthy to be burnt: but for the reverence of the said sacred Council, the said University hath sent them unto Constance, referring and remitting the whole authority of the judgement unto this Council.  
here was great silence kept for a while. 
The oath of Palletz.  Then Palletz rising up, as though he had finished now his accusation, said: I take God to my witness before the emperors majesty here present, & the most reverend fathers, Cardinals and Bishops, that in this accusation of john Hus, I have not used any hatred or evil will: but that I might satisfy the oath which I took, when I was made Doctor, that I would be a most cruel and sharp enemy of all manner of errors, for the profit and commodity of the holy Catholic Church. 
The oath of Michael de Causis.  Michael de Causis did also the like. And I, said john Hus, do commit all these things unto the heavenly judge, which shall justly judge the cause or quarrel of both parties. 
john Hus witnesseth the Lord.  Then said the Cardinal of Cambray, I cannot a little commend and praise the humanity and gentleness of Master Palletz, which he hath used in drawing out the articles against master john Hus. For as we have heard, there are many things contained in his book, much worse and detestable.  
When he had spoken these words, the Bishop of Rygen unto whom john Hus was committed, commanded that the said john Hus, should be carried again safely unto prison. Then john de Clum following him, did not a little encourage and comfort him. 
I. de Clum doth comfort john Hus.  No tongue can express what a courage and stomach he received by the short talk which he had with him: when as in so great a broil and grievous hatred, he saw himself in a manner forsaken of all men. After that john Hus was carried away, the Emperor began to exhort the precedents of the Council in this manner, saying: 
YOu have heard the manifold and grievous crimes which are laid against john Hus, 
The emperors oration to the precedent of the council.  which are not only proved by manifest and strong witnesses, but also confessed by him: of the which every one of them by my judgement and advise have deserved, and are worthy of death. Therefore, except he do recant them all, I judge and think meet that he be punished with fire: and albeit he do that which he is willed and commanded to do: notwithstanding I do counsel you, that he be forbid the office of preaching and teaching, and also that he return no more into the kingdom of Boheme. For if he be admitted again to teach and preach, and specially in the kingdom of Boheme, he will not observe and keep that which he is commanded, but hoping upon the favour and good will of such as be his adherents and fautors there, he will return again unto his former purpose and intent, and then besides these errors, he will also sow new errors amongst the people, so the last error shall be worse than the first.  
Moreover, I judge and think it good that his articles which are condemned, should be sent unto my brother the king of Boheme, and afterward into Pole and other provinces, whereas men's minds are replenished with his doctrine, with this commandment, that whosoever do proceed to hold or keep the same, 
That which god plateth man shall never root up  they should by the common aid both of the Ecclesiastical and Civil power, be punished. So at the length shall remedy be found for this mischief, if the boughs together with the root, be utterly rooted and pulled up: and if the Bishops and other Prelates, which here in this place have laboured and traveled for the extirpating of this heresy, be commended by the whole voices of the Council unto the Kings and Princes, under whose dominion they are. 
Jerome of prague mentioned and promoted by the Emperor.  Last of all, if there be any found here at Constance, which are familiars unto john Hus, they also ought to be punished with such severity and punishment as is due unto them, and specially his scholar Jerome of prague. Then said the rest, when the master is once punished, we hope we shall find the Scholar much more tractable and gentle.   
After they had spoken these words, they departed out of the Cloystev, where they were assembled and gathered together. The day before his condemnation, which was the sixth of july, 
4. Bishops sent to john Hus.  the Emperor Sigismond sent unto him four Bishops, accompanied with master Wencelate de Duba, and john de Clum, that they should learn and understand of him what he did intend to do. When as he was brought out of prison unto them, john de Clum begins first to speak unto him, saying.  
Master john Hus, 
The pitiful and loving oration of I. de Clum unto I Hus.  I am a man unlearned, neither am I able to counsel or advertise you, being a man of learning and understanding: notwithstanding I do require you, if you know yourself guilty of any of those errors, which are objected and laid against you before the Council, that you will not be ashamed to alter & change your mind to the will and pleasure of the Council: if contrary wise, 〈◊〉 will be no author unto you, that you should do any thing contrary or against your conscience, but rather to suffer and endure any kind of punishment, than to deny that which you have known to be the truth. Unto whom, john Hus turning himself, 
〈◊〉 marne●as constance of john Hus.  with lamentable tears, said: verily as before I have often times done, I do take the most high God for my witness, that I am ready with my whole hart and mind, if the Council can instruct or teach me any better by the holy Scripture: I will be ready with all my hart to alter and change my purpose. Then one of the Bishops which sat by, 
That is no 〈◊〉 mode●● that are regardeth to obey 〈◊〉, then manifest ve●●●, john Hus answereth.  said unto him, that he would never be so arrogant or proud, that he would prefer his own mind or opinion before the judgement of the whole Council. To whom john Hus answered, neither do I otherwise mind or intend. For if he which is the meanest or least in all this Council, can convict me of error, I will with an humble hart and mind perform and do whatsoever the Council shall require of me. Mark said the Bishops, how obstinately he doth persever in his errors. And when they had thus talked, they commanded the keepers to carry him again unto prison, and so they returned again unto the Emperor with their commission.  
The next day after, which was Saturday, and the sixth day of july, there was a general Session holden of the Princes and Lords, both of the ecclesiastial and Temporal estates in the head Church of the City of Constance, the Emperor Sigismond being Precedent in his Imperial robes and habit: in the midst whereof, there was made a certain high place being square about like a table, and hard by it there was a desk of wood, upon the which the garments and vestments pertaining unto priesthood were laid, for this cause, that before john hus should be delivered over unto the Civil power, he should be openly deprived and spoiled of his Priestly ornaments. When john Husse was brought thither, he fell down upon his knees before that same high place, and prayed a long time. In the mean while the Bishop of Londy went up into the Pulpit, and made this Sermon following.  

The Sermon of the Bishop of Londy, before the sentence was given upon john Husse.  

The sermon where the ●●tence.  IN the name of the Father, the Sun, and of the holy Ghost. Trusting by humble invocation upon the divine help and aid, most noble Prince, and most Christian Emperor, and you most excellent Fathers, and reverend Lords, bishops, and Prelates, also most excellent Doctors and Masters, most famous and noble Dukes and high Countess, honourable Nobles, and Barons, and all other men worthy of remembrance: that the intent and purpose of my mind may the more plainly and evidently appear unto this most sacred congregation, 
The theme  I am first of all determined to entreat or speak of that which is read in the Epistle on the next Sunday, 
His theme confirmed by Aristotle.  in the sixth Chapter to the Romans. That is to say: Let the body of sin be destroyed, etc.  
It appeareth by the authority of Aristotle, in his book entitled De coelo & mundo, how wicked, dangerous, and foolish a matter it seemeth to be, not to withstand perverse and wicked beginnings. For he saith, that a small error in the beginning, is very great in the end. It is very damnable and dangerous to have erred, but more hard to be corrected or amended. Whereupon that worthy Doctor S. Jerome, in his book upon the exposition of the Catholic faith, teacheth us how necessary a thing it is, that heretics and heresies should be suppressed, even at the first beginning of them, saying thus: the rotten and dead flesh is to be cut off from the body, lest that the whole body do perish and putrify. For a scabbed sheep is to be put out of the fold, lest the whole flock be infected. And a little fire is to be quenched, lest the whole house be consumed and burned. Arrius was first a spark in Alexandria, who because he was not at the first quenched, he presumed and went about with his wicked and perverse imaginations, and fantastical inventions, to spot and defile the Catholic faith, which is founded and established by Christ, defended with the victorious triumphs of so many Martyrs, and illuminate and set forth with the excellent doctrines and writings of so many men. Such therefore must be resisted: such heretics of necessity must be suppressed and condemned.  
Wherefore I have truly propounded, as touching the punishment of every such obstinate heretic, that the body of sin, is to be destroyed. Whereupon it is to be considered according unto the holy traditions of the fathers, that some sins are adverse and contrary unto another. Othersome are annexed or conjoined together: othersome are, as it were, branches and members of others. And some are as it were the roots and head of others. Amongst all which, those are to be counted the most detestable, out of the which the most and worst, have their original and beginning. Wherefore, albeit that all sins and offences are to be abhorred of us: yet those are specially to be eschewed, which are the head and root of the rest. For by how much the perverseness of them is of more force and power to hurt, with so much the more speed and circumspection, ought they to be rooted out and extinguished, with apt preservatives and remedies. For so much then as amongst all sins none doth more appear to be inveterate, than the mischief of this most execrable Schism, therefore have I right well propounded, that the body of sin should be destroyed. For by the long continuance of this Schsme, great and most cruel destruction is sprung up amongst the faithful, and hath long continued, abominable divisions of heresies are grown: threatenings are increased and multiplied: the confusion of the whole Clergy is grown thereupon, and the opprobries and slanders of the Christian people are abundantly sprung up and increased. And truly it is no marvel, for so much as that most detestable and execrable Schism, is as it were, a body and heap of dissolution of the true faith of God: for what can be good or holy in that place, where as such a pestiferous Schism hath reigned so long a time? For as Saint Bernard saith, like as in the unity and concord of the faithful, there is the habitation and dwelling of the Lord, so likewise in the Schism and dissipation of the Christians, there is made the habitation and dwelling of the Devil. Is not Schism and division the original of all subversion, the den of heresies, and the nourisher of all offences? for the knot of unity and peace being once troubled and broken, there is free passage made for all strife and debate. Covetousness is uttered in oaths for lukers' sake, 
They cannot abide the laity to rule in any case.  lust and will is set at liberty, and all means opened unto slaughter. All right and equity is banished, the Ecclesiastical power is injuried, and the calamity of this Schism bringeth in all kind of bondage, swords and violence doth rule, the laity have the dominion, concord and unity are banished, and all prescript rules of Religion utterly contemned and set at nought.  
Consider most gentle Lords, 
All the popish religion lieth in lands, lordships and liberties.  how that during this most pestiferous Schism, how many heresies have appeared and showed themselves, how many heretics have scaped unpunished, how many Churches have been spoiled and pulled down, how many Cities have been oppressed, and regions brought to ruin, 
Note here the pope's divinity, how the blood of christ s. ruth to purchase their patrimony.  what confusion hath there happened in the Clergy? What and how great destruction hath been amongst the Christian people? I pray you mark how the Church of God, the spouse of Christ, and the mother of all faithful, is contemned and despised. For who doth reverence the keys of the Church, who feareth the censures or laws, or who is it that doth defend the liberties thereof? But rather who is it, that doth not offend the same, or who doth not invade it, or else what is he that dare not violently lay hands upon the patrimony or heritage of jesus Christ? The goods of the Clergy, and of the poor, and the relief of Pilgrims and strangers, gotten together by the blood of our Saviour, and of many Martyrs, are spoiled and taken away, behold the abomination of the desolation brought upon the Church of God, the destruction of the faith, and the confusion of the Christian people, to the ruin of the lords flock or fold, and all the whole company of our most holy Saviour and redeemer. This loss is more great or grievous than any which could happen unto the Martyrs of Christ, and this persecution much more cruel than the persecution of any tyrants, for they did but only punish the bodies, but in this schsme, and division the souls are tormented. There the blood of men was only shed, but in this case the true faith is subverted and overthrown. That persecution was salvation unto many: but this Schism is destruction unto all men. When the tyrants raged, than the faith did increase: but by this division it is utterly decayed. During their cruelty and madness, the primative Church increased, but through this schism it is confounded and overthrown. tyrants did ignorantly offend: but in this schism many do wittingly and willingly even of obstinacy offend. There came in heretics, users of Simony, and hypocrites, to the great detriment and deceit of the Church: under those tyrants the merits of the just were increased.  
But during this Schism, mischief and wickedness are augmented, for in this most cursed and execrable division, truth was made an enemy unto all Christians, faith is not regarded, love and charity hated, hope is lost, justice overthrown, no kind of courage or valiantness, but only unto mischief: modesty and temperance cloaked, wisdom turned into deceit, humility feigned, equity and truth falsified, patience utterly fled, conscience small, all wickedness intended, devotion counted folly, gentleness abject and cast away, 
This Schism continued 40. years  religion despised, obedience not regarded, and all manner of life reproachful and abominable. With how great and grievous sorrows is the Church of God replenished & filled, whiles that tyrants do oppress it, heretics invade it, users of Simony do spoil and rob it, and schismatics go about utterly to subvert it? O most miserable and wretched christian people, whom now by the space of forty years, with such indurate and continual schism, they have tormented and almost brought to ruin. O the little bark and ship of Christ, which hath so long time wandered and strayed now in the midst of the whorlepooles, and by and by sticketh fast in the rocks, tossed too and fro with most grievous and tempestuous storms. O miserable and wretched boat of Peter, if the most holy father would suffer thee to sink or drown, into what dangers and perils have the wicked pirates brought thee? amongst what rocks have they placed thee? O most godly and loving Christians, what faithful devout man is there, which beholding and seeing the great ruin and decay of the Church, would not be provoked unto tears? what good conscience is there that can refrain weeping? because that contention and strife is powered upon the ecclesiastical rulers, which have made us to err in the way: because they have not found, 
He stirreth up the Emperor. Sigismond.  or rather, would not find the way of unity and concord: Whereupon so many heresies: and so great confusion is sprung up, and grown in the flock of Peter, and the fold of our Lord.  
Many Princes, Kings and Prelates, have greatly laboured and traveled for the rooting out hereof, but yet could they never bring to pass, or finish that most wholesome and necessary work. Wherefore most Christian King, this most glorious and triumphant victory hath tarried only for thee, the crown and glory thereof shall be thine for ever, and this most happy victory shall be continually celebrate to thy great honour and praise, that thou hast restored again the Church which was so spoiled, thou hast removed and put away all inveterate and overgrown Schisms and divisions, thou hast trodden down users of Simony, & rooted out all heretics. Dost thou not behold & see how great perpetual and famous renown & glory it will be unto thee? For what can be more just, what more holy, what more better, what more to be desired, or finally, what can be more acceptable, than to root out this wicked and abominable Schism, to restore the Church again unto her ancient liberty, to extinguish and put away all Simony, and to condemn and destroy all errors and heresies from amongst the flock of the faithful? Nothing truly can be better, nothing more holy, nothing more profitable for the whole world, and finally, nothing more acceptable unto God. For the performance of which most holy and godly work, thou wast elect and chosen of God, thou wast first deputed and chosen in heaven, before thou wast elect and chosen upon earth. Thou wast first appointed by the celestial and heavenly Prince, before the electors of the Empire did elect or choose thee, and specially, that by the Imperial force and power, thou shouldest condemn and destroy those errors and heresies, which we have presently in hand to be condemned and subverted. To the performance of this most holy work, God hath given unto thee the knowledge & understanding of his divine truth and verity, power of princely majesty, and the just judgement of equity and righteousness, as the most highest himself doth say: I have given thee understanding and wisdom, to speak and utter my words, and have set thee to rule over nations and kingdoms, that thou shouldest help the people, pluck down and destroy iniquity, & by exercising of justice, thou shouldest, I say, destroy all errors and heresies, and specially this obstinate heretic here present, through whose wickedness & mischief, many places of the world are infected with most pestilent and heretical poison, 
Loripiden rectus deridcat, aethiopus album.  and by his means and occasion, almost utterly subverted & destroyed. This most holy and godly labour, O most noble Prince, was reserved only for thee, upon thee it doth only lie, unto whom the whole rule and ministration of justice is given. 
Note the vile flattery of these papists when they would have any thing of the Emperor for their purpose  Wherefore thou hast established thy praise & renown, even by the mouths of infants & sucking babes, for thy praises shall be celebrated for evermore that thou hast destroyed & overthrown such and so great enemies of the faith. The which that thou mayst prosperously & happily perform & bring to pass, our Lord jesus Christ may vouchsafe to grant thee his grace & help, who is blessed for ever & ever, Amen.   

The proctor of the council calleth for the sentence.  When this Sermon was thus ended, the Procurer of the Council rising up, named Henricus de Piro, required that the process of the cause against john Hus might be continued, and proceed unto the definitive sentence. Then a certain Bishop, which was appointed one of the judges, declared the process of the cause, which was pleaded long since in the Court of Rome and elsewhere, between john Hus, and the Prelates of prague.  
At the last he repeated those articles which we have before remembered, amongst the which he rehearsed also one article, that I. Hus should teach the two natures of the Godhead and manhood to be one Christ. john Hus went about briefly with a word or two to answer unto every one of them, but as often as he was about to speak, the Cardinal of Cambray commanded him to hold his peace, 
The Cardinal of Cambray commanded john Hus. to keep silence. john Hus could not be heard in the council.  saying: hereafter you shall answer to all together, if you will. Then said john Hus, how can I at once answer unto all those things which are alleged against me, when as I cannot remember them all? Then said the Cardinal of Florence, we have heard thee sufficiently. But when as I. Hus for all that, would not hold his peace, they sent the officers which should force him thereunto. Then began he to entreat, 
john Hus committeth his cause to the Lord Christ.  pray, and beseech ther●●hat they would hear him, that such as were present, ●ight not credit or believe those things to be true which were reported of him. But when all this would nothing prevail, he kneeling down upon his knees, committed the whole matter unto God, and the Lord jesus Christ, for at their hands he believed easily to obtain that which he desired.  
When the articles abovesaid were ended, last of all there was added a notable blasphemy, 
Mark the unshame fastness of them to feign what they list.  which they all imputed unto john Hus. That is, that he said there should be a fourth person in divinity, and that a certain Doctor did hear him speak of the same. When john Hus desired that the Doctor might be named, the Bishop which had alleged the article, said, that it was not needful to name him. 
john Hus again slandered.  Then said john Hus, O miserable and wretched man that I am, which am forced and compelled to bear such blasphemy and slander.  
Afterward the Article was repeated, 
The council doth call it heretical to appeal to Christ.  how he appealed unto Christ, and that by name, was called heretical, whereunto john Hus answered: O Lord jesus Christ, whose word is openly condemned here in this Council, unto thee again I do appeal: which when thou wast evil entreated of thine enemies, didst appeal unto God thy father, committing thy cause unto a most just judge, that by thy example we also being oppressed with manifest wrongs and injuries, 
Contempt of the pope's excommunication laid to john Pus.  should flee unto thee. Last of all, the Article was rehearsed, as touching the contempt of the excommunication by john Hus. Whereunto he answered as before, that he was excused by his advocates in the court of Rome, wherefore he did not appear when he was cited: and also that it may be proved by the acts, that the excommunication was not ratified: and finally, to the intent he might clear himself of obstinacy, he was for that cause come unto Constance, under the emperors safeconduct. When he had spoken these words, one of them which was appointed judge, read the definitive sentence against him, which followeth thus word for word.  

The sentence or judgement of the Council of Constance given against john Husse.  
THe most holy and sacred general Council of Constance, being congregate and gathered together, representing the Catholic Church for a perpetual memory of the thing, 
The sentence read against john Hus.  as the verity & truth doth witness, an evil tree bringeth forth evil sevite: hereupon it cometh, that the man of most damnable memory john Wickleffe, through his pestiferous doctrine, not through jesus Christ by the Gospel, as the holy Fathers in times past, have gotten faithful children, but contrary unto the wholesome faith of jesus Christ, as a most venomous root, hath begotten many pestilent & wicked children, whom he hath left behind him, successors and followers of his perverse and wicked doctrine, against whom this sacred Synod of Constance is forced to rise up, as against bastards and unlawful children, and with diligent care, with the sharp knife of the Ecclesiastical authority, to cut up their errors out of the Lords field, as most hurtful brambles and briars, lest they should grow to the hurt and detriment of others.  
For somuch then as in the holy general Council lately celebrated and holden at Rome, it was decreed that the doctrine of I. Wickleffe of most damnable memory should be condemned, & that his books which contained the same doctrine, should be burned as heretical, & this decree was approved & confirmed by the sacred authority of that whole Council: nevertheless one john Hus here personally present in this sacred Council, not the Disciple of Christ, but of john Wickliff, an Archheretic, after, and contrary or against the condemnation and decree, hath taught, preached & affirmed the Articles of Wickleffe, which were condemned by the Church of God, and in times passed by certain most reverend fathers in Christ, Lords, Archbishops, and Bishops, of divers kingdoms & Realms, Masters of divinity of divers Universities: especially resisting in his open Sermons, and also with his adherents and complices in the schools, the condemnation of the said Articles of Wickleffes, oftentimes published in the said University of prague, and hath declared him the said Wickleffe, for the favour and commendation of his doctrine, before the whole multitude of the Clergy and people, to be a Catholic man, and a true evangelical Doctor. He hath also published and affirmed, certain & many of his Articles worthily condemned to be Catholic, the which are notoriously contained in the books of the said john Hus.  
Wherefore, after diligent deliberation & full information first had upon the premises by the reverend fathers and Lords in Christ of the holy Church of Rome, 
They shall bring you before their councils, they shall persecute you, and cast you in prison and bring you before kings & precedents for my name. etc. Luke, 21.  Cardinals, patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates, & Doctors of ●●●nitie and of both laws in great number assembled and gathered together, this most sacred & holy Council of Constance declareth & determineth the articles above said (the which after due conference had, are found in his books written with his own hand, the which also the said john Hus in open audience, before this holy Council, hath confessed to be in his books) not to be Catholic, neither worthy to be taught, but that many of them are erroneous, some of them to be wicked, othersome to be offensive unto godly ears, many of them to be temerarious and seditious, and the greater part of them to be notoriously heretical, and even now of late by the holy fathers and general Counsels, reproved & condemned. And for so much as the said Articles are expressly contained in the books of the said john Hus, therefore this said 
* The said concelium malignantium.  sacred Council, doth condemn & reprove all those books which he wrote, in what form or phrase soever they be, or whether they be translated by others & doth determine and decree, that they all shall be solemnly & openly burned in the presence of the clergy & people of the city of Constance, & elsewhere: adding moreover for the premises, that all his doctrine is worthy to be despised & eschewed of all faithful Christians. And to the intent this most pernicious & wicked doctrine, may be utterly excluded & shut out of the Church, this sacred Synod doth straightly command, that diligent inquisition be made by the ordinaries of the places by the Ecclesiastical censure, for such treatises and works, and that such as are found, be consumed & burned with fire. And if there be any found, which shall contemn or depise this sentence or decree, this sacred Synod ordaineth and decreeth that the ordinaries of the places, and the inquisitors of heresies, shall proceed against every such person as suspect of heresy.  
Wherefore, after due inquisition made against the said john hus, and full information had by the Commissaries and Doctors of both laws, and also by the saiengs of the witnesses which were worthy of credit, and many other things openly read before the said john Hus, and before the fathers and prelate's of this sacred Council (by the which allegations of the witnesses it appeareth that the said john Hus hath taught many evil & offensive, 
Many shall come in my name and shall deceive many. Mark 13.  seditious, and perilous heresies, and hath preached the same by a long time) this most sacred & holy Synod lawfully congregate and gathered together in the holy Ghost, the name of Christ being invocate & called upon, by this their sentence which here is set forth in writing, determineth, pronounceth, declareth, & decreeth, that john Hus was and is a true and manifest heretic, and that he hath preached openly errors & heresies lately condemned by the church of God, and many other seditious, temerarious, & offensive things to no small offence of the Divine majesty, and of the universal Church, and detriment of the Catholic faith & Church, neglecting and despising the keys of the Church, & Ecclesiastical censures. In the which his errors he continued with a mind altogether indurate and hardened by the space of many years, much offending the faithful Christians by his obstinacy & stubborns, when as he made his appeal unto the Lord jesus Christ, 
To appeal to Christ is deragatory to the pope's holiness.  as the most high judge, omitting and leaving all Ecclesiastical means. In the which his appeal he alleged many false, injurious, and offensive matters, in contempt of the Apostolic sea, and the Ecclesiastical censures and keys.  
Whereupon both for the premises & many other things, the said Synod pronounceth I. Hus to be an heretic, 
Verity condemned for heresy.  & judgeth him by these presents to be condemned & judged as an heretic, & reproveth the said appeal as injurious, offensive, & done in derision unto the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, & judgeth the said Hus, not only to have seduced the christian people by his writings & preachings, and specially in the kingdom of Boheme, neither to have been a true preacher of the Gospel of Christ unto the said people, according to the exposition of the holy Doctors: but also to have been a seducer of them, & also an obstinate and stiff-necked person, yea and such a one as doth not desire to return again to the lap of our holy mother the Church, neither to abjure the errors and heresies which he hath openly preached and defended. Wherefore this most sacred Council decreeth and declareth that the said john hus, shall be famously deposed and disgraded from his Priestly orders and dignity, etc.   
Whilst these things were thus read, john Husse, albeit he were forbidden to speak, notwithstanding he did often interrupt them, 
I. Hus cleareth himself of obstinacy  and specially when he was reproved of obstinacy, he said with a loud voice: I was never obstinate, but as always heretofore, even so now again I desire to be taught by the holy Scriptures, and I do profess myself to be so desirous of that truth, that if I might by one only word subvert the errors of all heretics, I would not refuse to enter into what peril or banger soever it were. 
They condemn the books written in the Bohemian tongue, which they never read.  When his books were condemned, he said: wherefore have you condemned those books, when as you have not proved by any one Article, that they are contrary to the scriptures or Articles of faith? And moreover, what injury is this that you do to me, that you have condemned these books written in the Bohemian tongue, which you never saw, neither yet read? And oftentimes looking up unto heaven, he prayed.  
When the sentence and judgement was ended, 
Hus prayeth for his enemies.  kneeling down upon his knees, he said: Lord jesus Christ, forgive mine enemies, by whom thou knowest that I am falsely accused, and that they have used false witness and slanders against me: forgive them I say, for thy great mercy's sake. This his prayer and oration the greater part, and specially the chief of the Priests did deride and mock.  
At the last, 
I. Hus commanded to put on the priests garments.  the seven Bishops which were chosen out to disgrade him of his priesthood, commanded him to put on the garments pertaining unto priesthood, which thing when he had done, until he came to the putting on of the Albe, he called to his remembrance the white vesture which Herode put upon jesus Christ to mock him withal. So likewise in all other things he did comfort himself by the example of Christ. When he had now put on all his priestly vestures, the Bishops exhorted him that he should yet alter and change his mind and purpose, and provide for his honour and safeguard. Then he (according as the manner of the ceremony is) going up to the top of the scaffold, being full of tears, he spoke unto the people in this sort.  
These Lords and Bishops do exhort and council me, that I should here confess before you all that I have erred, the which thing to do, if it were such as might be done with the infamy and reproach of any man, they might peradventure easily persuade me thereunto: but now truly I am in the sight of the lord my God, without whose great ignominy, and grudge of mine own conscience, I can by no means do that which they require of me. For I do well know, 
I. Hus his oration unto the people.  that I never taught any of those things which they have falsely alleged against me, but I have always preached, taught, written, and thought contrary thereunto. With what countenance then should I behold the heavens? with what face should I look upon them, whom I have taught, where of there is a great number, if through me it should come to pass that those things which they have hitherto known to be most certain and sure, should now be made uncertain? Should I by this my example astonish or trouble so many souls, so many consciences, endued with the most firm and certain knowledge of the Scriptures, and Gospel of our Lord jesus Christ and his most pure doctrine, armed against all the assaults of Satan? I will never do it, neither commit any such kind of offence, that I should seem more to esteem this vile carcase appointed unto death, than their health and salvation. At this most godly word he was forced again to hear by the consent of the Bishops, that he did obstinately and maliciously persevere in his pernicious and wicked errors.  
Then he was commanded to come down to the execution of his judgement, and in his coming down, one of the seven Bishops afore rehearsed, first took away the chalice from him which he held in his hand, 
The disgrading of john Hus.  saying: O cursed judas, why hast thou forsaken the counsel & ways of peace, and hast counseled with the jews? we take away from thee this chalice of thy salvation. But john Hus received this curse in this manner: but I trust unto God the father omnipotent, and my Lord jesus Christ, for whose sake I do suffer these things, that he will not take away the chalice of his redemption, but have a steadfast and firm hope that this day I shall drink thereof in his kingdom. Then followed the other Bishops in order, which every one of them took away the vestments from him, which they had put on, each one of them giving him their curse. Whereunto john Hus answered, that he did willingly embrace and bear those blasphemies for the name of the Lord jesus Christ. At the last they came to the rasing of his shaven crown. But before the Bishops would go in hand with it, there was a great contention between them, with what instrument it should be done, with a razor, or with a pair of shears.  
In the mean season, 
The words of I. Hus unto the Emperor. The crown of john Hus pared away with shears.  john Hus turning himself toward the Emperor, said: I marvel that forsomuch as they be all of like cruel mind and stomach, yet they can not agree upon their kind of cruelty. Notwithstanding, at the last they agreed to cut off the skin of the crown of his head with a pair of shears. And when they had done that, they added these words: now hath the Church taken away all her ornaments and privileges from him. Now there resteth nothing else, but that he be delivered over unto the secular power. But before they did that, there yet remained another knack of reproach. For they caused to be made a certain crown of paper, 
The marvelous constancy and courage of the blessed martyr.  almost a cubit deep, in the which were painted three devils of wonderful ugly shape, and this title set over their heads, Heresiarcha. The which when he saw, he said: My Lord jesus Christ for my sake did wear a crown of thorn: why should not I then for his sake again wear this light crown, be it never so ignominious? Truly I will do it, and that willingly. When it was set upon his head, the Bishops said: now we commit thy soul unto the devil. 
The paper with the inscription set upon Husses head.  But I, said john hus (lifting his eyes up towards the heavens) do commit my spirit into thy hands: O Lord jesus Christ, unto thee I commend my spirit which thou hast redeemed. These contumelious opprobries thus ended, the Bishops turning themselves towards the Emperor, said: This most sacred Synod of Constance, leaveth now john Husse, which hath no more any office, or to do in the Church of God, unto the civil judgement and power. Then the Emperor commanded Lodovicus Duke of Bavaria, which stood before him in his robes, holding the golden apple with the cross in his hand, that he should receive john hus of the Bishops, and deliver him unto them which should do the execution. By whom, as he was led to the place of execution, before the Church doors he saw his books burning, whereat he smiled and laughed. And all men that he passed by, 
The protestation of john Hus as he was led to the place of execution.  he exhorted, not to think that he should die for any error or heresy, but only for the hatred and ill will of his adversaries, which had charged him with most false and unjust crime. All the whole City in a manner being in armour, followed him.  
The place appointed for the execution, was before the gate Gorlebian, between the gardens and the gates of the suburbs. When as john Husse was come thither, kneeling down upon his knees, and lifting his ●ies up unto heaven, he prayed, and said certain Psalms, and specially the 50. and 31. Psalms. And they which stood by, heard him oftentimes in his prayer, with a merry and cheerful countenance repeat this vers●▪ Into thy hands, O Lord, 
The prayers of I. Hus well liked of the people.  I commend my spirit, etc. Which th●●g when the lay people beheld which stood next unto him, they said: what he hath done afore, we know not, but now we see and hear that he doth speak and pray very devoutly and godly. Othersome wished that he had a Confessor. There was a certain Priest by, sitting on horseback in a green gown drawn about with red silk, which said, he ought not to be heard, 
Ex epist. joan. Hus. 31.  because he is an heretic. Yet notwithstanding whilst he was in prison, he was both confessed, and also absolved by a certain Doctor, a Monk, as Hus himself doth witness in a certain Epistle which he wrote unto his friends out of prison. 
The paper with devils fell from his head. At the prayer of Hus the paper with devils fell down.  Thus Christ reigneth unknown unto the world, even in the midst of his enemies. In the mean time whilst he prayed, as he bowed his neck backward to look upward unto heaven, the crown of paper fell off from his head upon the ground. Then one of the soldiers taking it up again, said: let us put it again upon his head, that he may be burned with his masters the devils whom he hath served.  
¶ The description of the burning of john Hus, contrary to the safeconduict granted unto him.  

The martyrdom of b●essed john Hus.  Then was the fire kindled, and john Hus began to sing with a loud voice, jesus Christ the son of the living God have mercy upon me. And when he began to say the same the third time, the wind drove the flame so upon his face, that it choked him. Yet notwithstanding he moved a while after, 
Precious in the sight of God is the death of his saints.  by the space that a man might almost say three times the lords prayer. When all the wood was burned and consumed, the upper part of the body was left hanging in the chain, the which they throw down stake and all, and making a new fire burned it, the head being first cut in small gobbets, that it might the sooner be consumed unto ashes. The heart, which was found amongst the bowels, 
The hart of john Hus beaten with s●aues, and consumed with fire. The ashes of john Hus cast into the river of Rh●ine.  being well beaten with staves and clubs, was at last pricked upon a sharp stick, and roasted at a fire a part until it was consumed. Then with great diligence gathering the ashes together, they cast them into the river of Rhine, that the least remnant of the ashes of that man should not be left upon the earth, whose memory notwithstanding can not be abolished out of the minds of the godly, neither by fire, neither by water, neither by any kind of torment.  
¶ I know very well that these things are very ●●lenderly written of me as touching the labours of this most holy Martyr john Hus, 
The author and witness ●● this story.  with whom the labours of Hercules are not to be compared. For that ancient Hercules slew a few monsters: but this our Hercules with a most stout and valiant courage hath subdued even the world itself, the mother of all monsters and cruel beasts. This story were worthy some other kind of more curious handling, but for so much as I cannot otherwise perform it myself, I have endeavoured according to the ve●y truth, as the thing was in deed, to commend though same unto all godly minds: neither have I heard it reported by others, but I myself was present at the doing of all these things, and as I was able I have put them in writing, that by this my labour, and endeavour howsoever it were. I might preserve the memory of this holy man and excellent Doctor of the evangelical truth.  

●. john Pizibram is thought to be his name. Ex Cochleo lib 2. de Hist. H●ssit.  What was the name of this author which wrote this story, it is not here expressed. Cochleus in his 2. book contra Hussitas, supposeth his name to be joannes Pizibram, a Bohemian. Who afterward succeeding in the place of I. Hus at prague, at last is thought to relent to the Papists.  
This godly servant and Martyr of Christ was condemned by the cruel council, and burned at Constance an. 1415. about the month of july.  
How grievously this death of john Hus was taken among the nobles of Boheme and of Moravia, hereafter (Christ willing) shall appear by their letters which they sent unto the council, & by the letters of Sigismond the king of Romans, written unto them. Wherein he laboureth, all that he can, to purge and excuse himself, of Husses death. All be it he was not altogether free from that cruel fact, and innocent from that blood: yet notwithstanding he pretendeth in words so to wipe away that blot from him, that the greatest part of that crime seemeth to rest upon the bloody prelate's of that council, 
Ex Cocbleo dehist. Huss. lib. 4.  as the words of the king do purport in form as followeth.  
INterea (inquit) nobis adhuc in partibus Rheni existentibus, pervenit ad Constantiam etc. i. 
The Emperor excuseth himself of the death of I. Hus.  In the mean time as we were about the coasts of Rhine, john Hus went to Constance, and there was arrested, as is not to you unknown. Who if he had first resorted unto us, & had gone with us up to the Council, perhaps it had been otherwise with him. And God knoweth, what grief and sorrow it was to our heart, to see it so to fall out, as with no words can be well expressed. Whereof all the Bohemians, which were there present, can bear us witness, seeing and beholding how careful and solicitous we were in labouring for him: In so much that we many times with anger and fury departed out of the Council: and not only out of the Council, but also went out of the City of Constance taking his part, unto such time as the rulers of the Council sending unto us, said: That if we would not permit them to prosecute that, which right required in the Council, what should they then do in the place. Whereupon thus we thought with ourselves, that here was nothing else for us more to do, nor yet to speak in this case, for asmuch as the whole Council otherwise had been dissolved. Where is to be noted moreover, that in Constance the same time there was not one clerk, or two, but there were Ambassadors for all kings and princes in Christendom, especially since the time that (Petrus de Luna giving over) all those kings and princes which took his part, came to us: so that whatsoever good was to be done, it was now to be passed in this present Council. etc. Ex Epist. Imper. Sigismundi. ad Nobiles. etc.  
¶ By this it may appear that the Emperor as partly ashamed and sorry of that which was done, would gladly have cleared himself thereof, and have washed his hands with Pilate: yet he could not so clear himself, but that a great portion of that murder remained in him to be noted, and well worthy of reprehension: as may both appear by his last words spoken in the Council to I. Hus, whereof john Hus in his Epistles complaineth, 
Ex epist. john Hus. 33.  writing to certain of his friends in Bohemia in his 33. Epistle, as by his words may appear here following.  
I Desire you yet again for the love of God, 
The Emperor uncourteous to john Hus.  that the Lords of Boheme joining together, will desire the king for final audience to be given me. For so much as he alone said to me in the Council, that they should give me audience shortly, and that I should answer for myself briefly in writing: it will be to his great confusion, if he shall not perform that which he hath spoken. But I fear that word of his will be as firm and sure, as the other was concerning my safeconduct granted by him. Certain there were in Bohemia, which willed me to beware of his safeconduct. And other said: he will sure give you to your enemies. And the Lord Mikest Dweky told me before M. jessenitz, saying: Master, know it for certain you shallbe condemned. And this I suppose he spoke, knowing before the intention of the king. I hoped well that he had been well affected toward the law of God and truth, and had therein good intelligence: now I conceive that he is not greatly skilful nor so prudently circumspect in himself. 
Pilate more moderate to Christ, than this Emperor to john Hus.  He condemned me before mine enemies did. Who, if it had pleased him, might have kept the moderation of Pilate the Gentile, which said: I find no cause in this man: or at least if he had said but thus: behold I have given him his safeconduct safely to return And if he will not abide the decision of the council, I will send him home to the king of Boheme, with your sentence & attestations, that he with his clergy may judge him. But now I hear by the relation of Henry Leffl, and of other, that he will ordain for me sufficient audience: And if I will not submit myself to the judgement of the council, he will send me safe, the contrary way. etc.  
This john Hus being in prison, wrote divers treatises, as of the commandments, of the lords prayer, of mortal sin, of matrimony, of the knowledge and love of God, of 3. enemies of mankind, the world, the flesh, and the devil, of penance, of the Sacrament of the body and blood of the Lord: of the sufficiency of the law of God to rule the church. etc. He wrote also divers Epistles and letters to the Lords and to his friends of Boheme: And in his writings did foreshow many things before to come, touching the reformation of the Church: and seemeth in the prison to have had divers prophetical revelations showed to him of God. Certain of which his letters, and predictions, I thought here underneath to insert, in such sort, as neither in reciting all I will overcharge the volume too much: nor yet in reciting of none, I will be so brief, but that the reader may have some taste, and take some profit of the Christian writings and doings of this blessed man: first beginning, with the letter of the Lord Clum, concerning the safeconduct of john Hus.  
A letter of the Lord john de Clum concerning the safeconduict of john Hus.  
TO all and singular that shall see and hear these presents, I john de Clum do it to understand, how master john Hus Bachelor of divinity, under the safeconduicte and protection of the renowned prince and Lord Sigismond of Romans semper Augustus, and king of Hungary. etc. My gracious Lord, and under the protection, defence, and safeguard of the holy Empire of Rome, having the letters patent of the said my Lord king of Romans. etc. came unto Constance to render a full count of his faith in public audience to all that would require the same. This the said M. john Hus, in this Imperial City of Constance, under the safeconduict of the said my Lord king of Romans, hath been and yet is detained. And although the Pope with the Cardinals have been seriously required, by solemn Ambassadors of the said my Lord king of Romans. etc. in the king's name & behalf, that the said master john Hus should be set at liberty, and be restored unto me, yet notwithstanding, they have and yet do refuse hitherto to set him at liberty, to the great contempt & derogation of the safeconduct of the king, & of the safeguard and protection of the Empire or Imperial majesty. Wherefore I john aforesaid in the name of the king, do here publish and make it known, that the apprehending and detaining of the said M. john Hus, was done wholly against the will of the forenamed king of Romans my Lord, seeing it is done in the contempt of the safeconduct of his subjects, and of the protection of the Empire, because that the said my Lord was then absent far from Constance, and if he had been there present, would never have permitted the same. And when he shall come, it is to be doubted of no man, but that he for this great injury, and contempt of this safeconduct done to him & to the Empire, will grievously be molested for the same.  
Given at Constance in the day of the nativity of the Lord 1414.  
¶ In this instrument above prefixed note (gentle reader) 3. things.  
First, the goodness of this gentle Lord john de Clum, being so fervent and zealous in the cause of john Husse, or rather in the cause of Christ.  
Secondly, the safeconduct granted unto the said I. Hus, under the faith and protection of the Emperor, and of the Empire.  
Thirdly, here is to be seen the contempt and rebellion of these proud prelate's in disobeying the authority of their high Magistrate, who contrary to his safeconduct given, and the mind of the Emperor, did arrest and imprison this good man, before the coming of the said Emperor, & before that john Hus was heard. Let us now, as we have promised, adjoin some of the epistles of this godly man.  
An Epistle of john Hus, unto the people of prague in his own vulgar speech.  

A letter of john Hus to the people of prague.  GRace and peace from our Lord jesus Christ, that you being delivered from sin, may walk in his grace, and may grow in all modesty and virtue, and after this may enjoy eternal life.  
dearly beloved, I beseech you which walk after the law of God, that you cast not away the care of the salvation of your souls, when as you hearing the word of God, are premonished wisely to understand that you be not deceived by false apostles: which do not reprehend the sins of men, but rather do extenuate and diminish them: which flatter the priests, and do not show to the people their offences which magnify themselves boast their own works, and marvelously extol their own worthiness: but follow not Christ in his humility, in poverty, in the cross and other manifold afflictions. Of whom our merciful saviour did premonish us before, saying: false Christ's and falls Prophets shall rise, and shall deceive many. And when he had forewarned his well-beloved disciples he said unto them: beware and take heed of false Prophets, which come to you in sheeps clothing, but inwardly are ravening wolves: ye shall know them by their fruits. And truth it is, that the faithful of Christ have much need diligently to beware, and take heed unto themselves. For as our saviour himself doth say: the elect also, if it were possible, shallbe brought into error. Wherefore my well-beloved, be circumspect and watchful, that ye be not circumvented with the crafty trains of the devil. And the more circumspect ye ought to be, for that antichrist laboureth the more to trouble you. The last judgement is near at hand death shall swallow up many, but to the elect children of God, the kingdom of God draweth near, because for them he gave his own body Fear not death, love together one an other, persevere in understanding the good will of God without ceasing. Let the terrible & horrible day of judgement, be always before your eyes, that you sin not: and also the joy of eternal life, whereunto you must endeavour. Furthermore, let the passion of our saviour be never out of your minds: that you may bear with him & for him gladly, whatsoever shallbe laid upon you. For if you shall consider well in your minds his cross & afflictions, nothing shallbe grievous unto you, & patiently you shall give place to tribulations, cursings, rebukes, stripes, and prisonment, and shall not doubt to give your lives moreover for his holy truth, if need require. Know ye well-beloved that antichrist being stirred up against you, deviseth divers persecutions. And many he hath not hurt, no not the least heir of their heads, as by mine own example I can testify, although he hath been vehemently incensed against me. Wherefore I desire you all, with your prayers to make intercession for me to the lord, to give me intelligence, sufferance, patience and constancy, that I never serve from his divine verity. He hath brought me now to Constance. In all my journey openly and manifestly, I have not feared to utter my name as becometh the servant of God. In no place I kept myself secret, nor used any dissimulation. But never did I find in any place more pestilent and manifest enemies then at Constance. Which enemies neither should I have had there, had it not been for certain of our own Bohemians, hypocrites & deceivers, who for benefits received and stirred up with covetousness, with boasting and bragging have persuaded the people that I went about to seduce them out of the right way. But I am in good hope that through the mercy of our God, and by your prayers I shall persist strongly in the immutable verity of God, unto the last breath. Finally, I would not have you ignorant, that whereas every one here is put in his office, I only as an outcast am neglected. etc. I commend you to the merciful Lord jesus Christ, our true God, and the son of the immaculate virgin Mary, which hath redeemed us by his most bitter death, without all our merits, from eternal pains, from the thraldom of the Devil, and from sin.  
From Constance, the year of our Lord. 1415.  
¶ An other letter of john Hus to his benefactors.  
MY gracious benefactors and defenders of the truth, 
another letter of I. Hus.  I exhort you by the bowels of jesus Christ, that now ye setting aside the vanities of this present world, will give your service to the eternal king, Christ the Lord. Trust not in Princes nor in the sons of men, in whom there is no health. For the sons of men are dissemblers and deceitful. To day they err, to morrow they pearish, but God remaineth for ever. Who hath his servants, not for any need he hath of them, but for their own profit: unto whom he performeth that, which he promiseth, & fulfilleth that which he purposeth to give. He casteth of no faithful servant from him, for he saith: where I am there also shall my servant be. And that Lord maketh every servant of his to be the Lord of all his possession, giving himself unto him, and with himself, all things: that without all tediousness, fear, and without all defect, he may possess all things, rejoicing with all Saints in joy infinite. O happy is that servant, whom, when the Lord shall come, he shall find watching. Happy is the servant which shall receive that king of glory with joy. Wherefore, well beloved Lords, and benefactors, serve you that king in fear: which shall bring you, as I trust, now to Boheme at this present, by his grace in health, and hereafter, to eternal life of glory. Far ye well: For I think that this is the last letter that I shall write to you: who to morrow, as I suppose, shall be purged in hope of jesus Christ, through bitter death, from my sins. The things that happened to me this night, I am not able to write. Sigismond hath done all things with me deceitfully, God forgive him and only for your sakes. You also heard the sentence which he awarded against me. I pray you have no suspicion of faithful Vitus.  
another letter to the Lord john de Clum.  
Most gracious benefactor in Christ jesus, 
another letter of I. Hus.  dearly beloved, yet I rejoice not a little, that by the grace of God I may write unto your honour. By your letter, which I received yesterday, I understand, first how the iniquity of the great strumpet, that is, of the malignant congregation (whereof mention is made in the apocalypse) is detected and shall be more detected. With the which strumpet the kings of the earth do commit fornication, fornicating spiritually from Christ, and as is there said, sliding back from the truth, and consenting to the lies of antichrist, thorough his seduction and thorough fear, or thorough hope of confederacy, for getting of worldly honour. Secondly I perceived by your letter, how the enemies of the truth, begin now to be troubled. Thirdly, I perceived the fervent constancy of your charity; wherewith you profess the truth boldly. Fourthly, with joy I perceived that you mind now to give over the vanity and the painful service of this present world, and to serve the Lord jesus Christ quietly at home. Whom to serve, is to reign, as Gregory sayeth. Whom he that serveth faithfully, hath Christ jesus himself in the kingdom of heaven to minister unto him, as he himself sayeth▪ Blessed is that servant, whom when the Lord shall come, he shall find waking, and so doing. Verily I say unto you that he rising, shall gird himself, and shall minister to him. This do not ●he kings of this world to their servants: whom only they do love so long as they are profitable and necessary for their commodities etc.  
Another Epistle of john Hus, wherein he declareth why God suffereth not his to perish, bringing divers examples, wherewith he doth comfort and confirm both himself and other.  
THe Lord God be with you. Many causes there were, well-beloved in God my dear friends, which moved me to think that those letters were the last, which before I sent unto you, looking that same time for instant death. But now understanding the same to be deferred, I take it for great comfort unto me, that I have some le● sir more to talk with you by letters: & therefore I writ again to you, to declare & testify at least, my gratitude & mindful duty toward you. And as touching death, God doth know why he doth defer it both to me and to my well-beloved brother M. Hier. who I trust will die holily and without blame: and do know also that he doth, and suffereth now more valiantly, than I myself a wretched sinner. God hath given us a long time, that we might call to memory our sins the better, and repent for the same more fervently. He hath granted us time, that our long and great temptation should put away our grievous sins, & bring the more consolation. He hath given us time, wherein we should remember the horrible rebukes of our merciful king and Lord jesus, and should ponder his cruel death, and so more patiently might learn to bear our afflictions. 
The torments of the martyrs under the old and new Testament.  And moreover that we might keep in remembrance, how that the joys of the life to come, are not given after the joys of this world immediately, but through many tribula●ions the Saints have entered into the kingdom of heaven. For some of them have been cut and chopped all to pieces, some their eyes bored through, some sodde: some roasted, some slain alive, some buried quick, stoned, crucified, grineded betwixt mill stones, drawn & hailed hither and thither unto execution, drowned in waters, strangled and hanged, torn in pieces, vexed with rebukes before their death, pined in prisons, & afflicted in bands. And who is able to recite all the torments and sufferings of the holy Saints, which they suffered under the old and new Testament for the verity of God: namely those which have at any time rebuked the malice of the priests, or have preached against their wickedness. And it will be a marvel if any man now also shall escape unpunished, who so ever dare boldly resist the wickedness and perversity, especially of those priests, which can abide no correction. And I am glad that they are compelled now to read my books, in the which, their malice is somewhat described: and I know they have read the same more exactly and diligently, than the holy Gospel, seeking therein to find out errors.  
Given at Constance upon Thursday, the 28. day of june. An. 1415.  
¶ Another letter of john Hus, wherein he rehearseth what injuries he received of the Council, and of the deputies.  

He meaneth be like that he should move the king in these matters contained in this Epistle.  IF my letter be not sent yet to Boheme, keep it and send it not, for hurt may come thereof, etc.  
Item, if the king do ask who ought to be my judge, since that the Council neither did call me, nor did cite me, neither was I ever accused before the Council, and yet the Council hath imprisoned me, and hath appointed their proctor against me.  
Item, I desire you right noble and gracious Lord john, if audience shall be given me, that the king will be there present himself, and that I may have a place appointed near unto him, that he may hear me well and understand what I say: and that you also with the Lord Henry, and with Lord Wenselaus and other more, if you may, will be present, and hear what the Lord jesus Christ my procurator and advocate, and most gracious judge, will put in my mouth to speak, that whether I live or die, you may be true and upright witnesses with me, least lying lips shall say hereafter that I swerved away from the truth which I have preached.  
Item, know you that before witnesses and notaries in the prison, I desired the commissioners that they would depute unto me a proctor and an advocate, who promised so to do, and afterward would not perform it. Wherefore I have committed myself to the Lord jesus Christ that he will be my procurator and advocate and judge of my cause.  
Item, know you, that they have as I suppose no other quarrel against me, but only this, that I stood against the Pope's Bull, which Pope john sent down to Boheme, 
Vide supra. pag. 553.  to sanctify war with the sign of the cross & full remission of sins, to all them which would take the holy cross to fight for the patrimony of the Romish church against Ladislaus king of Naples, and they have mine own writing which was read against me, and I do acknowledge it to be mine. Secondly, they have also against me, that I have continued so long in excommunication, and yet did take upon me to minister in the church and say Mass Thirdly they have against me, because I did appeal from the Pope to Christ. For they read my appeal before me, in the which with a willing mind, smiling I confessed before them all to be mine. Fourthly, because I left a certain letter behind me, which was read in the church of Bethleem, the which letter my adversaries have very evil favouredly translated and sinisterly expounded, in the which I did write that I went out without a safeconduct. Whereunto you yourselves can say and bear me record, that I in my going out, had no safe conduct of the Pope, neither yet did know whether you should go out with me when I wrote that letter.  
Item, if audience may be given to me, and that after the same audience the king would suffer me not to be returned again into prison, but that I may have your counsels & others my friends: and if it may please God that I may say some thing to my sovereign Lord the king, for the behalf of Christianity, and for his own profit. etc.  
¶ Another letter of john Hus, wherein he confirmeth the Bohemians, and describeth the wickedness of that Counsel. 
Another letter of john Hus.   
IOhn hus in hope the servant of GOD, to all faithful in Boheme, which love the Lord, greeting through the grace of GOD.  
It cometh in my mind, wherein I must needs admonish you, that be the faithful and beloved of the Lord, how that the Council of Constance being full of pride, 
The Council condone books which they understand not.  avarice, and all abomination, hath condemned my books written in the Boheme tongue, for heretical, which books they never saw, nor never heard them read: And if they had heard them, yet they could not understand the same, being some Italians, some Frenchmen, some Britain's, some spaniards, Germans, with other people of other nations more: unless peradventure john Bishop of Litomishe understood them, which was present in that Council, and certain other Bohemians, and Priests which are against me, and labour all they may how to deprave both the verity of God, 
Praise of Bohemia. The abomination of the Council of Constanc● described.  and the honesty of our country of Boheme: Which I judge in the hope of GOD, to be a Godly land, right well given to the true knowledge of the Faith, for that it doth so greatly desire the word of GOD, and honest manners. And if you were here at Constance, ye should see the grievous abomination of this Council, which they call so holy, and such as can not err. Of the which Council I have heard it by the Swechers reported, that the City of constance is not able in 30. years to be purged of those wicked abominations in that Council committed. And all be offended almost with that Council, being sore grieved to behold such execrable things perpetrate in the same.  
When I stood first to answer before mine adversaries, seeing all things there done with no order, and hearing them also outrageously crying out, I said plainly unto them, that I looked for more honest behaviour, and better order and discipline, in that Council. Then the chief Cardinal answered, sayest thou so? but in the tower thou spakest more modestly▪ To whom, said I: 
I. Hus seemeth here to prophesy of the Council as it came to pass. The Council afraid to be tried by the scriptures.  in the Tower no man cried out against me, where as now all do rage against me. My faithful and beloved in Christ, be not afraid with their sentence in condemning my books. They shall be scattered hither and thither abroad, like light Butterfleis, and their Statutes, shall endure as Spiderwebbes. They went about to shake my constancy from the verity of Christ: but they could not overcome the virtue of God in me. They would not reason with the scriptures against me, as divers honourable Lords can witness with me, which being ready to suffer contumely for the truth of God, took my part stoutly; namely Lord Wenceslaus de Duba, and Lord john de Clum: for they were let in by king Sigismond into the Council. 
This cardinal was Cardinal Cambrensis.  And when I said, that I was desirous to be instructed, if I did in any thing err, than they heard the chief Cardinal answer again: because thou wouldst be informed, there is no remedy, but that thou must first revoke thy doctrine, according to the determination of 50. Bachelors of Divinity appointed. O high instruction.  
After like manner S. Katherine also should have denied and revoked the verity of God and faith in Christ, because the 50. masters likewise did withstand her: which notwithstanding, that good virgin would never do, 
S. Katherine disputed with 50. doctors, converted them but I. Hus could not convert his 59 Doctors.  standing in her faith unto death: But she did win those her masters unto Christ, when as I can not win these my masters by any means. These things I thought good to write unto you, that you might know how they have overcome me, with no grounded Scripture nor with any reason: but only did assay with terrors and disceits to persuade me to revoke and to abjure. But our merciful God, whose law I have magnified, was and is with me, and I trust, so will continue, and will keep me in his grace unto death. written at Constance after the feast of john Baptist, in prison and in bands, daily looking for death, although for the secret judgements of God, I dare not say whether this be my last Epistle: for now also almighty God is able to deliver me.  
Another letter of john Hus, wherein he comforteth his friends and willeth them not to be troubled for the condemning of his books: and also declareth the wickedness of the Clergy.  
Master john Husse, in hope the servant of God, to all the faithful which love him and his statutes, wisheth the truth and grace of God.  
Beloved, I thought it needful to warn you that you should not fear or be discouraged because the adversaries have decreed that my books shall be burnt. Remember how the Israelites burned the preachings of the Prophet jeremy and yet they could not avoid the things that were Prophesied of in them. 
Good books of good men have been burned of old time.  For after they were burnt, the Lord commanded to write the same Prophecy again, and that larger: which was also done. For jeremy sitting in prison spoke, and Baruch which was ready at his hand, wrote. This is written either in the 35. or 45. chapter of the Vision of jeremy. It is also written in the books of the Maccabees, that the wicked did burn the law of God, and killed them that had the same. Again, under the new Testament, they burned the Saints, 
Good men with their books to be burned, no news.  with the books of the law of God. The Cardinals condemned and committed to fire certain of S. Gregory's books, & had burnt them all if they had not been preserved of God by the means of Peter, Gregory's minister. Having these things before your eyes, take heed least through fear, you omit to read my books, and deliver them to the adversaries to be brent. Remember the sayings of our merciful saviour, by which he forewarneth us. Math. 24. There shall be (sayeth he) before the day of judgement, great tribulation, such as was not from the beginning, until this day, neither shall be afterwards: So that even the elect of God should be deceived if it were possible. But for their sakes, those days shall be shortened. When you remember these things (beloved) be not afraid, for I trust in God that that school of Antichrist shall be afraid of you, and suffer you to be in quiet, neither shall the Council of Constance extend to Bohemia For I think, 
I. Hus seemeth to prophesy of the Council of C●ns●●nce.  that many of them, which are of the Council, shall die before they shall get from you my books And they shall depart from the Council and be scattered abroad, throughout the parts of the world, like storks, and then they shall know when winter cometh, what they did in summer. Consider that they have adjudged their head the Pope worthy of death, for many horrible facts that he hath done. 
The blasphemous opinion of Lawyers and papists, touching the sovereignty of the Pope.  Go to now: Answer to this you preachers which preach that the Pope is the God of the earth, that he may as the Lawyers say, make sale of the holy things: that he is the head of the whole holy Church in verity well governing the same: that he is the heart of the Church in quickening the same spiritually: that he is the well spring from the which floweth all virtue and goodness: that he is the son of the holy church: that he is the safe refuge to which every Christian man ought to fly for succour. Behold now that head is cut off with the sword, now the God of the earth is bound, now his sins are declared openly, now that well spring is dried up, that sun darkened, that heart is plucked out and thrown away, lest that any man should seek succour thereat. The Council hath condemned that head, and that for this offence, because he took money for indulgences, bishoprics and other such like. But they condemned him by order of judgement, which were themselves the buyers and sellers of the same merchandise. There was present john Bishop of Lytomissia, who went twice about to buy the bishopric of prague, but others prevented him. 
One Symonist condemneth an other.  O wicked men, why did they not first cast out the beam out of their own eyes? These men have accursed and condemned the seller, but they themselves which were the buyers and consenters to the bargain, are without danger. What shall I say that they do use in this manner of buying and selling at home in their own countries? For at Constance there is one Bishop that bought, 
The bishops of the Council noted of Simony.  & another which sold, and the Pope for allowing of both their facts, took bribes of both sides. It came so to pass in Bohemia also as you know. I would that in that Council God had said, he that amongst you is without sin, let him give the sentence against Pope john: Then surely they had gone all out of the Council house, one after another. Why did they bow the knee to him always, before this his fall, kiss his feet, and call him the most holy father, seeing they saw apparently before, that he was an heretic, that he was a mankiller, that he was a wicked sinner? all which things now they have found in him. 
Pope joh. made a pope being known to be a murderer.  Why did the Cardinals choose him to be Pope, knowing before that he had killed the holy Father? Why suffered they him to meddle with holy things, in bearing the office of the Popedom? for to this end they are his counsellors, that they should admonish him of that which is right. Are not they themselves as guilty of these faults as he? seeing that they accounted these things vices in him, and were partakers of some of them themselves? why durst no man lay aught to his charge, before he had fled from Constance, but assoon as the secular power, by the sufferance of God, laid hold upon him, then, and never afore, they conspired altogether that he should not live any longer. Surely, even as at this day is the malice, the abomination and filthiness of Antichrist revealed in the Pope and others of this Council.  

Antichrist now first beginneth to be revealed in the Pope.  Now the faithful servants of God may understand what our saviour Christ meant by this saying: when you shall see the abomination of desolation, which is spoken of Daniel. etc. who so can understand it, etc. Surely these be great abominations, pride, covetousness, simony, sitting in a solitary place, that is to say, in a dignity void of goodness, of humility, and other virtues: as we do now clearly see in those that are constituted in any office and dignity. O how acceptable a thing should it be (if time would suffer me) to disclose their wicked acts, which are now apparent, 
A prophesy of john Hus.  that the faithful servants of God might know them? I trust in God that he will send after me, those that shall be more valiant: and there are alive at this day, that shall make more manifest the malice of Antichrist. and shall give their lives to the death, for the truth of our Lord jesus Christ: who shall give both to you and me the joys of life everlasting. This Epistle was written upon S. john Baptistes' day in prison and in cold irons, I having this meditation with myself, that john was beheaded in his prison and bonds, for the word of God.  
¶ Another letter of john Hus.  
IOhn hus in hope the servant of God to all the faithful at Boheme, which love the Lord, wisheth to stand and die in the grace of God, and at last to attain to eternal life. Amen.  
Ye that bear rule over other and be rich, and ye also that be poor, well be loved and faithful in God, I beseech you, and admonish you all, that ye will be obedient unto God, make much of his word, and gladly hearing the same, will humbly perform that which ye hear. I beseech you stick fast to the verity of God's word, which I have written and preached unto you out of his law, and the Sermons of his Saints. Also I desire you if any man either in public Sermon or in private talk heard of me any thing, or have read any thing written by me which is against the verity of God, that he do not follow the same. Albeit I do not find my conscience guilty that I ever have spoken or written any such thing amongst you.  
I desire you moreover if any man at any time have noted any levity either in my talk or in my conditions, that he do not follow the same: but pray to God for me, to pardon me that sin of lightness. I pray you that ye will love your priests and ministers which be of honest behaviour, to prefer and honour them before others: namely such priests as travail in the word of God. I pray you take heed to yourselves and beware of malicious and deceitful men, and especially of these wicked priests, of whom our Saviour doth speak that they are under sheeps clothing, & inwardly are ravening wolves. I pray such as be rulers & superiors, to behave themselves gently towards their poor inferiors, and to rule them justly. I beseech the citizens that they will walk every man in his degree, and vocation with an upright conscience. The Artificers also I beseech, that they will exercise their occupations diligently, and use them with the fear of God. I beseech the servants, that they will serve their masters faithfully. And likewise the schoolmasters I beseech, that they living honestly, will bring up their Scholars virtuously, and to teach them faithfully: First to learn to fear GOD: then for the glory of GOD and the public utility of the common wealth, and their own health, and not for avarice or for worldly honour, to employ their minds to honest Artes. I beseech the Students of the University and all Schools, in all honest things to obey their Masters, and to follow them, and that with all diligence, they will study to be profitable both to the setting forth of the glory of God, and to the soul's health as well of themselves, as of other men. Together I beseech and pray you all, that you will yield most hearty thanks to the right honourable Lords, 
A note for all noble men to mark & to follow.  the Lord Wencelaus de Duba, Lord john de Clum, Lord Henry Lumlovio, Lord Vilem Zagecio, Lord Nicholas and other Lords of Boheme, of Moravia and Polony: that their diligence towards me, may be grateful to all good men: because that they like valiant champions of God's truth, have oftentimes set themselves against the whole Council for my deliverance, contending and standing against the same to the uttermost of their power: but especially Lord Wencelaus de Duba, and Lord john de Clum. What so ever they shall report unto you, give credit unto them: for they were in the Council when I there answered many. They know who they were of Bohemia, and how many false and slanderous things they brought in against me, and that Council cried out against me, and how I also answered to all things whereof I was demanded. I beseech you also that ye will pray for the king of Romans, and for your king, and for his wife your Queen, that God of his mercy would abide with them and with you, both now and henceforth in everlasting life. Amen.  
This Epistle I have written to you out of prison and in bands, looking the next day after the writing hereof, for the sentence of the Council upon my death, having a full trust that he will not leave me, neither suffer me to deny his truth and to revoke the errors, which false witnesses maliciously have devised against me. How mercifully the Lord GOD hath dealt with me, and was with me in marvelous temptations, ye shall know, when as hereafter by the help of Christ, we shall all meet together in the joy of the world to come. As concerning M. Jerome my dearly beloved brother and fellow, I hear no other but that he is remaining in strait bands, looking for death as I do: and that for the faith which he valiantly maintained amongst the Bohemians, our cruel enemies of Boheme, have given us into the power and hands of other enemies, and into bands. I beseech you pray to God for them.  
Moreover I beseech you, namely you of prague, that we will love the temple of Bethleem, and provide so long as God shall permit, that the word of God may be preached in the same For, because of that place, the Devil is angry, and against the same place he hath stirred up Priests and Canons, perceiving that in that place his kingdom should be disturbed and diminished. I trust in GOD that he will keep that holy Church so long as it shall please him, and in the same shall give greater increase of his word by other, than he hath done by me a weak vessel. I beseech you also that ye will love together, and withholding no man from the hearing of God's word, ye will provide and take care that good men be not oppressed by any force and violence.  
Written at Constance, the year of our Lord. 1415.  
¶ An other right godly letter of john Hus, to a certain priest admonishing him of his office, and exhorting him to be faithful: worthy to be red of all Ministers.  

A worthy lesson for all ministers & prelate's.  THe peace of our Lord jesus Christ. etc. My dear brother be diligent in preaching the Gospel, and do the work of a good Evangelist: neglect not your vocation: labour like a blessed soldier of Christ. First live godly and holily. Secondly, teach faithfully and truly. Thirdly, be an example to other in well doing, that you be not reprehended in your sayings: correct vice and set forth virtue. To evil livers threaten eternal punishment: but to those that be faithful and godly, set forth the comforts of eternal joy. Preach continually, but be short and fruitful, prudently understanding, & discretely dispensing the holy Scriptures. Never affirm or maintain those things that be uncertain and doubtful, lest that your adversaries take hold upon you, which rejoice in depraving their brethren, whereby they may bring the ministers of God into contempt. Exhort men to the confession of their faith, and to the communion of both kinds, both of the body & blood of Christ, whereby such as do repent earnestly of their sins, may the more often come to the holy communion. And I warn you that you enter into no taverns with guests, & be not a common company keeper. For the more a preacher keepeth him from the company of men, the more he is regarded. All be it, deny not yet your help and diligence, where soever you may profit other. Against fleshly lust preach continually all that ever you can: For that is the raging beast, which devoureth men, for whom the flesh of Christ did suffer. Wherefore my hearty beloved, I beseech you to fly fornication: for where as a man would most profit and do good, there this vice useth most to lurk. In any case fly the company of young women, and believe not their devotion: For S. Austen saith, the more devout she is, the more proclive to wantonness, and under the pretence of religion, the snare and venom of fornication lurketh. 
S. Augustin meaneth not here of all, but of the common sort of light persons.  And this know my well-beloved, that the conversation with them, subverteth many, whom the conversation of this world could never blemish nor beguile. Admit no women into your house, for what cause, so ever it be, and have not much talk with them otherwise, for avoiding of offence. Finally, howsoever you do, fear God and keep his precepts: so shall you walk wisely, and shall not pearish: so shall you subdue the flesh, contemn the world, and overcome the devil: so shall you put on God, find life, and confirm other, and shall crown yourself with the crown of glory, the which the just judge shall give you. Amen.  
¶ This letter of john Hus containeth a confession of the infirmity of man's flesh: How weak it is, and repugnant against the spirit. Wherein he also exhorteth to persevere constantly in the truth.  

This Palletz was the chiefest enemy of I. Hus, & procurer of his death.  HEalth be to you from jesus Christ. etc. My dear friend, know that Palletz came to me to persuade me that I should not fear the shame of abjuration, but to consider the good which thereof will come. To whom I said, that the shame of condemnation and burning is greater than to abjure and why should I fear then that shame? But I pray you tell me plainly your mind. Presuppose that such articles were laid to you, which you knew yourself not to be true: 
Michael de Causis another bitter enemy of john Hus. john Hus prayeth for his enemies.  what would you do in that case? Would you abjure? Who answered. The case is sore, & began to weep. Many other things we spoke which I did reprehend Michael de Causis, was some times before the prison with the deputies. And when I was with the deputies, thus I heard him speak unto the keepers: We by the grace of God will burn this heretic shortly: for whose cause I have spent many Florenes. But yet understand that I write not this to the intent to revenge me of him, for that I have committed to God, and pray to God for him with all my heart.  
Yet I exhort you again, to be circumspect about our letters: for Michael hath taken such order that none shall be suffered to come into the prison: 
A prophecy of john Hus  no not yet the keepers wrues are permitted to come to me. O holy God, how largely doth Antichrist extend his power and cruelty? But I trust that his power shall be shortened, and his iniquity shallbe detected more & more amongst the faithful people.  
Almighty God shall confirm the hearts of his faithful, whom he hath chosen before the costitution of the world, that they may receive the eminall crown of glory. And let Antichrist rage's as much as he will, yet he shall not prevail against Christ, which shall destroy him with the spirit of his mouth, as the Apostle sayeth: And 〈◊〉 shall the creature be delivered out of servitude or corruptions into the liberty of the glory of the sons of God, as sayeth the Apostle in the words following: we also within ourselves do groan, waiting for the adoption of the sons of God, the redemption of our body.  
I am greatly comforted in those words of our Sauiour● happy be you when men shall hate you and shall separate you, and shall rebuke you, and shall cast out your name as execrable, for the son of man. Rejoice and be glad, for behold, great is your reward in heaven, Luke 6. O worthy, yea O most worthy consolation, which not to understand, but to practise in time of tribulation, is a hard lesson.  
This rule saint james with the other Apostles, did well understand, which saith: count it exceeding joy my brethren, when ye shall fall into divers temptations, knowing that the probation of your faith worketh patience: let patience have her perfect work. For certainly it is a great matter for a man to rejoice in trouble, and to take it for joy to be in divers temptations. A light matter it is to speak it and to expound it: but a great matter to fulfil it: For why, our most patiented and most valiant champion himself, 
The example of Christ.  knowing that he should rise again the third day, overcoming his enemies by his death, and redeeming from damnation his elect after his last Supper was troubled in spirit and said: My soul is heavy unto death. Of whom also the Gospel sayeth, that he began to fear, to be sad and heavy. Who being then in an agony, was confirmed of the Angel, and his sweat was like the drops of blood falling upon the ground. And yet he notwithstanding, being so troubled, said to his disciples: let not your hearts be troubled, neither fear the cruelty of them that persecute you: for you shall have me with you always, that you may overcome the tyranny of your persecutors. Whereupon those his soldiers, looking upon the Prince and king of glory, sustained great conflicts. They passed through fire and water and were saved, and received the crown of the Lord God, of the which S. james in his canonical Epistle, sayeth. Blessed is the man that suffereth temptation, for when he shall be proved, he shall receive the crown of life, which God hath promised to them that love him. Of this crown I trust steadfastly the Lord will make me partaker also with you, which be the fervent sealer's of the truth, and with all them which steadfastly and constantly do love the Lord jesus Christ, which suffered for us, leaving to us example that we should follow his steps. It behoved him to suffer, as he sayeth: and us also it behoved to suffer, that the members may suffer together with the head. For he sayeth: If any man will come after me, let him deny himself and take up his cross and follow me.  
O most merciful Christ, 
The prayer of I. Hus to Christ.  draw us weak creatures after thee, for except thou shouldst draw us, we are not able to follow thee. give us a strong spirit, that it may be ready, and although the flesh be feeble, yet let thy grace go before us, go with us, and follow us: for without thee we can do nothing, and much less enter into the cruel death for thy sake. give us that prompt and ready spirit, a bold hart, an upright faith, a firm hope and perfect charity, that we may give our lives patiently and joyfully for thy name's sake. Amen. Written in prison and in bonds in the Vigil of holy S. john the Baptist, who being in prison and in bonds for the rebuking of wickedness, was beheaded.  
¶ Among divers other letters of john Hus, which he wrote to the great consolation of others: I thought also here to intermixed an other certain godly letter written out of England, by a faithful Scholar of Wickleffe, as appeareth, unto john Hus and the Bohemians, which for the zealous affection therein contained, seemeth not unworthy to be read.  
¶ A letter to john Hus, and to the Bohemians from London.  
Greeting, and whatsoever can be devised more sweet, in the bowels of Christ Iesu. 
A zealous letter to I. Hus from London.   
My dearly beloved in the Lord, whom I love in the truth, and not I only, but also all they that have the knowledge of the truth, which abideth in you, and shall be with you through the grace of GOD for evermore: I rejoiced above measure, when our beloved brethren came and gave testimony unto us of your truth, and how you walk in the truth. I have heard brethren, how sharply Antichrist persecuteth you, in vexing the faithful servants of Christ with divers and strange kinds of afflictions. And surely no marvel, if amongst you (since it is so almost all the world over) the law of Christ be too too grievously impugned, and that red Dragon having so many heads (of whom it is spoken in the apocalypse) have now vomited out of his mouth that great flood, by which he goeth about to swallow up the woman: but the most gracious God will deliver for ever his only and most faithful spouse Let us therefore comfort ourselves in the Lord our God, and in his unmeasurable goodness, hoping strongly in him which will not suffer those that love him, to be unmercifully defrauded of any their purpose, if we according to our duty, shall love him with all our hart: for adversity should by no means prevail over us, if there were no iniquity reigning in us. Let therefore no tribulation or sorrow for Christ's cause, discourage us, knowing this for a surety, that whosoever the Lord vouchsafeth to receive to be his children, those he scourgeth: For so the merciful father will have them tried in this miserable life by persecutions, that afterwards he may spare them. For the gold that this high artificer hath chosen, he purgeth and trieth in this fire, that he may afterwards lay it up in his pure treasury. For we see that the time which we shall abide here, is short and transitory: the life which we hope for after this, is blessed and everlasting. Therefore whilst we have time, let us take pain, that we may enter into that rest. What other thing do we see in this brickle life, than sorrow, heaviness and sadness, and that which is most grievous of all to the faithful, too much abusing and contempt of the law of the Lord. Let us therefore endeavour ourselves as much as we may, to lay hold of the things that are eternal and abiding, despising in our minds all transitory and frail things. Let us consider the holy fellowship of our fathers that have gone before us. Let us consider the Saints of the old and new Testament. 
●●amples of the old martyrs  Did they not pass through this sea of tribulation and persecution? were not some of them cut in pieces, other some stoned, & others of them killed with the sword? Some others of them went about in pelts and goats skins, as the Apostle to the hebrews witnesseth. Surely they all walked strait ways, following the steps of Christ, which said, he that ministereth unto me, let him follow me, whether so ever I go. etc. Therefore let us also, which have so noble examples given us of the Saints that went before us, laying away as much as in us lieth, the heavy burden, and the yoke of sin which compasseth us about, run forward through patience, to the battle that is set before us, fixing our eyes upon the author of faith, and jesus the finisher of the same: who seeing the joy that was set before him, suffered the pains of the cross, despising death. Let us call upon him, which suffered such reproach against himself of sinners, that we be not wearied, fainting in our hearts, but that we may heartily pray for help of the Lord, and may fight against his adversary Antichrist: that we may love his law, and not be deceitful labourers, but that we may deal faithfully in all things, according to that, that God hath vouchsafed to give us, and that we may labour diligently in the lords cause under hope of an everlasting reward. Behold therefore brother Hus, most dea●ly beloved in Christ, although in face unknown to me, yet not in faith and love (for distance of places cannot separate those whom the love of Christ doth effectually knit together) be comforted in the grace which is given unto thee, labour like a good soldier of Christ jesus, preach, be instant in word and in example, and call as many as thou canst, to the way of truth: for the truth of the gospel is not to be kept in silence because of frivolous censures and thunderbolts of Antichrist. And therefore to the uttermost of thy power strengthen thou and confirm the members of Christ, which are weakened by the devil: and if the Lord will vouchsafe it, Antichrist shall shortly come to an end. And there is one thing wherein I do greatly rejoice, that in your realm and in other places, God hath stirred up the hearts of some men that they can gladly suffer for the word of God, imprisonment, banishment and death.  
Further, beloved I know not what to write unto you, but I confess that I could wish to power out my whole heart, if thereby I might comfort you in the law of the Lord. Also I salute from the bottom of my heart, all the faithful lovers of the law of the Lord, and specially jacobellus your coadjutor in the gospel, requiring that he will pray unto the Lord for me in the Universal church of jesus Christ. And the God of peace which hath raised from the dead the shepherd of the sheep, the mighty Lord jesus Christ, make you apt in all goodness to do his will, working in you that which may be pleasant in his sight. All your friends salute you which have heard of your constancy. I would desire also to see your letters written back to us, for know ye that they shall greatly comfort us.  
At London by your servant, desiring to be fellow with you in your labours Ricus Wiceewitze, priest unworthy.  
¶ An other letter of john Hus to his friends of Boheme.  
THe Lord God be with you. I love the counsel of the Lord, above gold and precious stone. Wherefore I trust in the mercy of jesus Christ, that he will give me his spirit to stand in his truth. Pray to the Lord, for the spirit is ready and the flesh is weak The Lord almighty be the eternal reward unto my Lords, which constantly, firmly and faithfully do stand for righteousness: to whom the Lord God shall give in the kingdom of Boheme, to know the truth. For the following of which truth, necessary it is that they return again into Boheme, setting apart all vain glory, & following not a mortal and miserable king, but the king of glory which giveth eternal life.  
O how comfortable was the giving of the hand of Lord john de Clum unto me, which was not ashamed to reach forth his hand to me a wretch, and such an abject heretic, lying in fetters of iron, and cried out upon all men. Now peradventure I shall not speak much hereafter with you: Therefore salute in time as you shall see them, all the faithful of Boheme.  
Palletz came to me into prison. 
Wicked Palletz.  His salutation in my vehement infirmity, was this before the Commissaries, that there hath not risen a more perilous heretic since Christ was borne, then was Wickliff and I. Also he said that all such as came to hear my talk, were infected with this heresy, to think that the substance of bread remained in the sacrament of the altar. To whom I answered and said: O master, what a grievous salutation have you given me? and how greatly do you sin? Behold I shall die, or peradventure to morrow shall be burnt. And what reward shall be recompensed to you in Boheme for your labour?  
This thing peradventure I should not have written, lest I might seem to hate him. I have always had this in my heart, trust not in princes. etc. And again, cursed be the man which trusteth in man, and maketh flesh to be his arm. For God's sake be you circumspect how you stand and how you return Carry no letters with you. direct your books not all by one, but diversly by divers friends.  
Know this for certain, 
The visions of I. Hus by dreams.  that I have had great conflicts by dreams, in such sort as I had much a do to refrain from crying out. For I dreamt of the Pope's escape before he went. And after the Lord john had told me thereof, immediately in the night it was told me that the Pope should return to you again. And afterward also I dreamt of the apprehending of master Jerome, although not in full manner as it was done. All the prisonments, whether and how I am carried, were opened to me before, although not fully after the same form and circumstance. Many serpents oftentimes appeared unto me having heads also in their tail: but none of them could bite me, and many other things more.  
These things I write, not esteeming myself as a prophet, or that I extol myself, but only to signify unto you what temptations I had in body and also in mind, and what great fear I had, 
A prophesy of Master Jerome of prague.  lest I should transgress the commandment of the Lord jesus Christ. Now I remember with myself the words of master Jerome which said, that if I should come to the Council, he thought I should never return home again. In like manner there was a good and godly man, a tailor, 
This tailors name was Andrew, a Polonian.  which taking his leave of me at prague, spoke to me in these words: God be with you (said he) for I think verily, my dear and good master john, that you shall not return again to us with your life. The king, not of Hungary, but of heaven, reward you with all goodness, for the faithful doctrine which I at your hands have received. etc.  
¶ And shortly after the writing hereof, he sendeth also unto them an other prophetical vision of his to be expounded, touching the reformation of the church, written in his 44. Epistle: the contents whereof be these.  
¶ An other letter of john Hus, sent to the Lord john de Clum.  
I Pray you expound to me the dream of this night. I saw how that in my church of Bethleem; they came to raze and put out all the images of Christ, and did put them out. The next day after I arose and saw many painters, which painted and made more fairer Images & many more than I had done before: which Images I was very glad and joyful to behold. And the painters with much people about them, said, let the bishops and priests come now, 
Prophetia.  & put us out these pictures. Which being done, much people seemed to me in Bethleem to rejoice, and I with them. And I awaking therewith, felt myself to laugh. etc.  
¶ This vision Lord john de Clum, and john Hus himself in his book of Epistles in the 45. Epist. seemeth to expound, and applieth these Images of Christ unto the preaching of Christ and of his life. The which preaching and doctrine of Christ, though the Pope and his Cardinals should extinguish in him, yet did he foresee & declare, that the time should come, wherein the same doctrine should be revyned again by others, so plenteously, that the pope with all his power, should not be able to prevail against it. Thus much as concerning this vision of john Hus. Whereunto doth well accord the prophesy of Jerome of prague, printed in the coin called Moneta Hussi: of the which coin I have myself one of the plates having this superscription following printed about it: Centum revolutis annis Deo respondebitis & mihi. That is. After a hundredth years come and gone, you shall give a count to God and to me. Whereof (God willing) more shallbe said hereafter.  
Furthermore in 48. Epist. the said I. Hus seeming to speak with the like spirit of Prophecy, hath these words following: 
Prophetia.  Sed spero, quod quae dixi sub tecto, praedicabuntur super tecta: That is: but I trust that those things which I have spoken within the house, hereafter shallbe preached upon the top of the house.  
And because we are here in hand with the Prophecies of john Hus, it shall serve well in place, here moreover to record his words in a certain treatise by him written, De Sacerdotum & Monachorum carnalium Abhominatione, wherein the said john Hus speaking prophetically of the reformation of the Church, hath these words following. Ex istis ulterius aduerte incidentaliter, quod Dei ecclesia nequit ad pristinam suam dignitatem reduci. etc. That is in english.  

Prophetia.  Moreover, hereupon note and mark by the way, that the church of God, cannot be reduced to his former dignity, or be reform, before all things first be made new. The truth whereof is plain by the Temple of Solomon Like as the Clergy and Priests, so also the people and laity: Or else unless all such as now be addict to avarice, from the least to the most, be first converted and reclaimed, as well the people as the clergy and Priests. Albeit as my mind now giveth me, I believe rather the first, that is, that then shall rise a new people, form after the new man, which is created after God. Of the which people new Clerks & Priests shall come, and be taken: which all shall hate covetousness, and glory of this life, hasting to an heavenly conversation. Notwithstanding all these things shall come to pass and be brought by little and little in order of times dispensed of God for the same purpose. And this God doth and will do for his own goodness and mercy, and for the riches of his great longanimity and patience, giving time and space of repentance to them that have long line in their sins to amend, and fly from the face of the lords fury, while that in like manner the carnal people, and carnal priests successively and in time, shall fall away and be consumed as with the moth. etc.  
¶ An other letter of john Husse.  
Master Martin my dear brother in Christ,  
I exhort you in the Lord, that you fear God, keep his commandments and flee the company of women, 
Note that then priests were not married, and therefore he willeth him to avoid all company of women.  and beware of hearing their confessions, lest by the hypocrisy of women, Satan deceive you, trust not their devotion. You know how I have detested the avarice and the inordinate life of the Clergy, wherefore through the grace of God I suffer now persecution, which shortly shallbe consummate in me, neither do I fear to have my hart powered out for the name of Christ jesus. I desire you heartily be not greedy in seeking after benefices. And yet if you shallbe called to any cure in the country, let the honour of God, the salvation of souls, and the travail thereof move you thereunto, and not the having of the lining or the commodities thereof. And if you shall be placed in any such benefice, beware you have no young woman for your cook or servant, lest you edify and increase more your house, than your soul. See that you be a builder of your spiritual house, being gentle to the poor, and humble of mind, and waste not your goods in great fare. I fear also if you do not amend your life, ceasing from your costly and superfluous apparel, lest you shallbe grievously chastised, as I also wretched man shallbe punished, which have used the like, 
H● repenteth his gay garments.  being seduced by custom of evil men and worldly glory, whereby I have been wounded against God with the spirit of pride. And because you have notably known both my preaching and outward conversation even from my youth, I have no need to write many things unto you, but to desire you for the mercy of jesus Christ, that you do not follow me in any such levity and lightness, 
He repenteth his playing at the chess.  which you have in seen in me. You knew how before my priesthood, which grieveth me now, I have delighted to play oftentimes at chess, and have neglected my time, and thereby have unhappily provoked both myself and other to anger many times by that play. Wherefore, besides other my innumerable faults, for this also I desire you to invocate the mercy of the Lord, that he will pardon me, and so direct my life, that having overcome the wickedness of this present life, the flesh the world and the devil, I may find place in the heavenly country, at the least in the day of judgement. Far ye well in Christ jesus, with all them which keep his law. My grey coat if you will keep to yourself for my remembrance, but I think you are ashamed to wear that grey colour: therefore you may give it to whom you shall think good. 
john Hus from his gay garments commth to his white coat.  My white coat you shall give the minister. N. my scholar. To George or else to Zuzikon. 60. groats, or else my grey coat: for he hath faithfully served me.  

¶ The superscription  
I pray you that you do not open this letter, before you be sure and certain of my death.   
The consolation of Master Jerome to Master Hus.  
MY master, in those things which you have both written hitherto and also preached after the law of God against the pride, avarice, an other inordinate vices of the Priests, go forward, be constant and strong And if I shall know that you are oppressed in the cause, and if need shall so require, of mine own accord, I will follow after to help you, as much as I can.  
BY the life, acts and letters of john Hus hitherto rehearsed, it is evident and plain, that he was condemned, not for any error of doctrine, which they could well prove in him, who neither denied their popish transubstantiation, neither spoke against the authority of the church of Rome, 
john Hus condemned for no erroneous doctrine wherein he was culpable  if it were well governed, nor yet the 7. Sacraments, & also said mass himself, and almost in all their popish opinions was a papist with them: but only of evil will was accused of his malicious adversaries, because he spoke against the pomp, pride, and avarice, & other wicked enormities of the pope, Cardinals, & Prelates of that Church, and because he could not abide the high dignities & livings of the Church, and thought the doings of the pope to be Antichristlike. For this cause he procured so many enemies & false witnesses against him. Who straining and picking matter out of his books and writings, having no one just article of doctrine to lay unto him, yet they made him an heretic, whether he would or no, and brought him to his condemnation. This can hatred and malice do, where the charity of Christ hath no place. Which being so, as thy charity (good reader) may easily understand, in perusing the whole course of his story: I beseech thee then, what cause had john Cochleus to write his 12. books against john Hus and Hussites? 
Cochleus ralleth against john Hus without cause.  In which books how bitterly & intemperately he misuseth his pen, by these few words in his second book thou mayst take a little taste: which words I thought here briefly to place in English to the end that all English men may judge thereby, with what spirit and truth these Catholics he carried. His words be these. Lib. 2. Hist. Dico igitur joan Huss neque sanctum neque beatum habendum esse, 
Ex Chocleo. Lib. 2. Hist. Hussitarum. pag. 88  sed impium potius. etc. That is, I say therefore john Husse is neither to be counted holy nor blessed: but rather wicked and eternally wretched: insomuch that in the day of judgement, it shallbe more easy, not only with the infidel Pagans, Turks, Tartarians, and jews, but also with the most sinful Sodomites, & the abominable Persians, which most filthily do lie with their daughters, sisters or mothers,, yea & also with most impious Cain killer of his own brother, with Thyestes killer of his own mother, and the Lestrygones & other Andropophagis, which devour man's flesh, yea more easy with those infamous murderers of infants, Pharaoh, & Herode, then with him etc. These be the words of Cochleus. Whose railing books although they deserve neither to be read, nor answered, yet if it pleased God, it were to be wished that the Lord would stir up some towardly young man, that hath so much leisure, to defend the simplicity of this john Hus, which cannot now answer for himself. In the mean time, something to satisfy or stay the reader's mind against this immoderate, hyperbole of Cochleus, in like few words I will bring out john Hus to speak and to clear himself against this slander: whose words in his book De sacerdotum & Monachorum abhominatione desolationis. pag. 84. etc. I beseech the reader to note. Name & ista scribens fateor, qd nihil aliud me in illis perurget, nisi dilectio Dom. Nostri jesu crusifixi. etc. That is. For in writing these things, I confess nothing else to have moved me hereunto, but only the love of our Lord jesus crucified, whose prints and stripes, (according to the measure of my weakness and vileness) I covet to bear in myself, beseeching him so to give me grace, that I never seek to glory in myself or in any thing else, but only in his cross, and in the inestimable ignominy of his passion which he suffered for me. And therefore I writ and speak these things, which I do not doubt will like all such as unsaynedly do love the Lord Christ crucified: and contrary will mislike not a little all such as be of Antichrist. Also again, I confess before the most merciful Lord jesus Christ crucified, that these things which I do now write, and those that I have written before, neither I could have written, nor knew how, nor durst so have written, unless he by his inward unction had so commanded me. Neither yet do I write these things as of authority, to get me fame and name: For as S. Augustine & Jerome do say, that is only to be given to the scriptures and writings of the Apostles, Evangelists and Prophets, and to the Canonical Scriptures, which do abound in the fullness of the spirit of jesus. And whatsoever is there said, is full of verity and wholesome utility. etc. And here place also would require something to say to Aeneas silvius to Antoninus, and to Laziardus, which falsely impute articles to him, which he never maintained. But because time suffereth not, I will proceed to the story of master Hierom of prague.   

The Tragical and lamentable history of the famous learned man and godly Martyr of Christ, master Jerome of prague, burned at Constance for like cause and quarrel as Master john Hus was. 1416.  

The story of Jerome of prague.  THese things hitherto being discoursed touching the life, Acts and Constant martyrdom of M. john Hus with part also of his letters adjoined to the same, whose death was on the 6. of july. an. 1416. now remaineth consequently to describe the like Tragedy and cruel handling of his Christian companion and fellow in bands M. Jerome of prague: Who grievously sorrowing the slanderous reproach and diffamation of his country of Boheme, and also hearing tell of the manifest injuries done unto that man of worthy memory M. john Hus: freely and of his own accord came unto Constance, 
Jerome cometh to Constance.  the 4. day of Iprill. an, 1415. Who there perceiving that john Hus was denied to be heard, and that watch and wait was laid for him on every side, he departed to Iberling a City of the Empire, until the next day: the which City was a mile of from Constance, 
The safe conduct was required but in vain of the Emperor.  and from thence he wrote his letters by me unto Sigismond king of Hungry and his Barons, and also unto the Council, most earnestly requiring that the king and the Council would give him a safe conduct freely to come and go, and that he would then come in open audience to answer unto every man, if there were any of the Council that would lay any crime unto him, as by the tenor of his intimation, shall more at large appear.  
When as the said king of Hungary was required thereunto, as is aforesaid, being in the house of the Lord Cardinal of Cambray, he denied to give M. Jerome any safe conduct excusing himself for the evil speed he had with the safe conduct of john Hus before, and alleging also certain other causes. The deputies also of the four nations of the Council, being moved thereunto by the Lords of the kingdom of Boheme, answered: we (say they) will give him a safeconduct to come, but not to departed. Whose answers, when they were reported unto master Jerome, he the next day after wrote certain intimations according to the tenor here under written, which he sent unto Constance to be set upon the gates of the City, and upon the gates of the Churches and Monasteries, and of the houses of the Cardinals, and other nobles and prelate's. The tenor whereof here followeth word for word in this manner.  

The intimations of Jerome of prague, set up in divers places of the town of Constance.  Unto the most noble Prince and Lord, the Lord Sigismond, by the grace of God king of the Romans, always Augustus, and of Hungary etc. I Jerome of Prage master of Art of the general universities of Paris, coleyn, Heldeberg & Prage, by these my present letters do notify unto the king together with the whole reverend Council and as much as in me lieth, do all men to understand and know, that because of the crafty slanderers, backbiters & accusers, I am ready freely & of mine own will, to come unto Constance, there to declare openly before the Council the purity and sincerity of my true faith and mine innocency, and not secretly in corners before any private or particulate person. Wherefore if there be any of my slanderers, of what nation or estate soever they be, which will object against me any crime of error or heresy: let them come forth openly before me in the presence of the whole Council, and in their own names object against me, and I will be ready, as I have written, to answer openly and publicly before the whole Council of mine innocency, and to declare the purity and sincerity of my true faith. And if so be that I shallbe found culpable in error or heresy, than I will not refuse openly to suffer such punishment as shall be meet and worthy for an erroneous person, or an heretic.  
Wherefore I most humbly beseech my Lord the King and the whole sacred Council, that I may have to this end and purpose aforesaid, safe and sure access. And if it hap that I offering such equity and right as I do, before any fault be proved against me, be arrested imprisoned, or have any violence done unto me, that then it may be manifest unto the whole world that this general Council doth not proceed according to equity and justice, if they would by any means put me back from this profound and strait justice, being come hither freely and of mine own mind and accord. The which thing I suppose to be far from so sacred and holy Council of wise men.  

Safe conduct ●●nied to Jerome.  WHen as yet he through such intimations copied out in the Bohemian, Latin, and German tongue, being set up as is aforesaid, could not get any safeconduct them the Nobles, Lords, and Knights specially of the Bohemian nation, 
Jerome returneth toward Boheme, with the testimonies of the Lords of Boheme. Hierom apprehended in the way by Duke john. Michael de Causis, and Palletz enemies to Jerome.  present in Constance, gave unto master Hi●rome their letters patents, confirmed with their seals for a testimony and witness of the premises. With the which letters the said M. Jerome returned again unto Boheme, but by the treason and conspiracy of his enemies was taken in Hirsaw by the officers of Duke john, and in Zultzbach was brought back again to the presence of the Duke. In the mean time such as were the setters forward of the Council against M. john Hus, and M. Jerome, that is to say Michael de Causis and M. Palletz and other their accomplices, required that the said master Jerome should be cited by reason of his intimations: & certain days after the citation hereunder written, was set upon the gates and porches of the city, and Churches, which followeth here in this manner.  
This most sacred and holy Synod and general council of Constance, 
Jerome of prague cited by the council when he was taken.  faithfully congregated and gathered together in the holy Ghost, representing the universal militant Church, unto Jerome of prague, which writeth himself to be a master of Art of so many Universities, and pretendeth those things which are only pertaining unto sobriety and modesty, and that he knoweth no more than he ought. etc. Know thou that there is a certain writing come unto our understanding and knowledge, the which was set up as it were by thine own person upon that gates of the Churches and City of Constance, upon the Sunday, when there was song in the Church of God: Quasi modo geniti. Wherein thou dost affirm, that thou wilt openly answer unto thy accusers and slanderers which shall object any crime, error or heresy against thee, whereof thou art marvelously infamed and accused before us, and specially touching the doctrine of Wickleff, and other doctrines contrary unto the catholic faith, so that thou mightest have granted unto thee a safe conduct to come. But for so much as it is our part principally and chief to foresee and look unto these crafty Foxes which go about to destroy the vineyard of the Lord of hosts, therefore we do cite & and call forth by the tenor of these presents, thy person manifoldly defamed and suspected for the temerarious affirming and teaching of manifold errors, so that within the term of 15. days to be accounted from the date of these presents, whereof 5. days are appointed for the first term five for the second, and other five for the third, we do ordain and appoint by Canonical admonition and warning, that thou do appear in the public Session of the sacred Council, if there be any holden the same day, or else the first day immediately following, when as any Session shallbe, according to the tenor of thy said writing, to answer to those things, which any person or persons shall object or lay against thee in any cause of thy faith, and to receive & have, as justice shall require. Whereupon, so much as in us lieth, & as catholic faith shall require, we offer & assign to thee by the tenor hereof, our safe conduct from all violence (justice always being saved) certifying thee that whether thou dost appear or not, the said term or time appointed notwithstanding, process shall go forward against thee by the said sacred Council, or by their Commissary or Commissaries, for the time aforesaid not observed and kept, thy contuinacie or stubbornness in any thing notwithstanding Given in the 6. Session of the general Council, the 17. day of April, under the seal of the presidents of the four nations.   

¶ Grumpert Faber Notary of the germans.  
AFter that Sigismond king of Hungary with the rest of the Council, 
This Duke john in histories is commonly called the son of Clement.  understood by the foresaid Duke joh. that M. Jerome was taken, they were earnestly in hand, requiring that M. Jerome should be brought before them unto the Council. The which Duke john, after he had received letters of the king and the Council, brought M. Hierom bound unto Constance, whom his brother Duke Ludovicus lead through the City to the Cloister of the friars Minors in Constance, whereas the chief Priests and Elders of the people, Scribes & Phariseis, were gathered together attending and waiting for his coming. 
Jerome is brought bound unto Constance by Duke john.  He the said master Jerome carried a great handbolte of iron with a long chain in his hand, and as he passed the chain made a great rattling and noise, and for the more confusion and despite towards him, they led him by the same chain after Duke Ludovicus aforesaid, holding and stretching out the chain a great way from him: with the which chain, they also kept him bound in the Cloister. When he was brought into the Cloister, they read before him the letter of Duke john, which was sent with that said master Jerome unto the Council, containing in effect how that the said Duke john had sent master Jerome unto the council, who by chance was fallen into his hands, because he heard an evil report of him, that he was suspected of the heresies of Wickleffe: that the Council might take order for him, whose part it was to correct & punish such as did err and stray from the truth, besides many other flattering tales which were written in the said letter for the praise of the Council. After this they read the citation which was given out by the council against master Jerome, 
The council neither would give him liberty safely to come nor freely to go.  whereof we have spoken before. Then certain of the Bishops said unto him: Hierom why didst thou fly & run away, and didst not appear when thou waste cited? He answered, because I could not have any safeconduict, neither from you, neither from the king, as it appeareth by these letters patents of the Barons, which you have, neither by my open intimations could I obtain any safe conduct.  
Wherefore I perceiving many of my grievous & heavy friends to be here present in the Council, would not myself be the occasion of my perils and dangers, but if I had known or had any understanding of this citation, without all doubt, albeit I had been in Boheme, I would have returned again. Then all the whole rabble rising up, alleged divers and sundry accusations and testimonies against him with a great noise and tumult. When the rest held their peace, 
M. Jerome was accused by M. Gerson with commendation of his eloquence.  than spoke master Gerson the Chancellor of Paris: Jerome when thou wast at Paris, thou thoughtest thyself by means of thy eloquence to be an Angel, & didst trouble the whole University, alleging openly in the schools many erroneous conclusions with their correlaria, and specially in the question de universalibus & de Idaeis, with many other very offensive questions. Unto whom Master Jerome said: I answer to you master Gerson: 
Gerson reneweth old matters.  Those matters which I did put forth there in the Schools at Paris, in the which also I answered to the arguments of the Masters, I did put them forth Philosophically and as a Philosopher, and master of the University: and if I have put forth any questions which I ought not to have put forth, teach me that they be erroneous, and I will most humbly be informed, and amend the same.  

The master of the university of Coleine. This man would accuse but he lacked matter.  Whiles he was yet speaking, an other (as I suppose, the master of the University of Colleyne upon the River of Rhine) rising up said: when thou wast also at Coleyn in thy position which thou didst there determine, thou didst propound many erroneous matters. Then said M. Jerome unto him, show me first one error which I propounded. Wherewithal he being in a manner astonished, said, I do not remember them now at the first, but hereafter they shallbe objected against you.  

The master of the university of Heidelberg.  And by and by the third man rising up, said: when that you were also at Heidelberg, you propounded many erroneous matters as touching the Trinity, and there painted out a certain shield or scutchine, comparing the Trinity of persons in divinity unto water, snow, and ice, and such like. Unto whom M. Jerome answered: Those things that I wrote or painted there, the same will I also speak, writ and paint here, and teach me that they be erroneous, and I will most humbly revoke and recant the same.  

Crucifige, Crucifige cum.  Then certain cried out, let him be burned, let him be burned. Unto whom he answered: if my death do delight or please you, in the name of God let it be so.  
Then said the archbishop of Salisburg, not so master Jerome, forsomuch as it is written: I will not the death of a sinner, but rather that he convert and live. When these and many other tumults and cries were passed, whereby they did then most disorderly and outrageously witness against them, they delivered the said master Jerome being bound, unto the officers of the City of Constance, to be carried to prison for that night: and so every one of them returned to their lodgings.  

Jerome is comforted by the Notary.  In the mean time, one of the friends of M. I. Hus, looking out at a window of the Cloister, said unto him, M. Jerome. Then said he, you are welcome my dear brother. Then s●yd Peter unto him: Be constant & fear not to suffer death for the truth sake, of the which when you were in times passed at liberty, you did preach so much goodness. Unto whom Jerome answered, truly brother I do not fear death, and forsomuch as we know that we have spoken much thereof in times past: let us now see what may be known or done in effect. By and by his keepers coming to the window, threatening him with strokes, did put away the said Peter from the window of the Cloister.  

Et tu de illis es. Luc. 22.  Then came there one Uitus unto M. Jerome & said master how do you? Unto whom he answered: truly brother, I do very well. Then his keepers coming about him, laid hold of the said Uitus, saying, this is also one of the number, 
Vitus the companion of john de Clum.  and kept him. When it drew towards evening, the archb. of Rigen, sent certain o● his servants which lead away M. Hi●rome, being strongly bound with chains, both by the hands and by the neck, and kept him so for certain hours. 
Hierom straightly bound hand and foot.  When night drew on, they carried him unto a certain tower of the City in Saint Paul's Churchyard, where as they tying him fast unto a great block, and his fleet in the stocks: his hands also being made fast upon them, they left him: where as the block was so high, that he could by no means sit thereupon, but that his head must hang downward. 
Vitus had to the Archbishop of Rigen.  They carried also the said Uitus unto the archbishop of Rygen, who demanded of him, why he durst be so bold to talk with such a man being a reprobate of all men, and an heretic: and when as he could find no cause of imprisonment in him, and that he said he was master john de Clums friend (taking an oath and promise of him that he should not go about to endamage the Council, 
Vitus bound by oath.  by reason of that imprisonment and captivity) so dismissed him and sent him away.  
Master Hierom, unknown unto us whether he was carried, 
Jerome hanging in the stock● was fed with bread & water.  lay in the said tower two days & two nights relieved only with bread and water. Then one of his keepers coming unto M. Peter, declared unto him how that M. Jerome lay hard by in bonds and chains, and how he was fed. Then M. Peter desired that he might have leave given him to give him meat, 
Peter bringeth meat to Jerome.  because he would procure the same unto him. The keeper of the prison granting his request, carried meat unto him. Within ●leuen days after, so hanging by the heels: he used so small repast, that he fell sore sick even unto the death. 
Jerome in greatsicknes calleth for a confessor. M. Hie●ome was kept in irons in prison the space of one year.  When as he lying then in that captivity and prison, desired to have a Confessor, they of the Council, denied that he should have any, until such time as by great importunity he obtained to have one: his friends being then there present in the same prison and tower, wherein he then lay by the space of one year lacking but seven days.  
After they had put john Hus to death, then about the feast of the nativity of Mary the virgin, they brought forth M. Jerome, whom they had kept so long in chains, unto the Church of S. Paul: and threatening him with death, being instant upon him, they forced him to abjure & recant, and consent unto the death of M. john Hus, that he was justly and truly condemned and put to death by them. He, what for fear of death and hoping thereby to escape out of their hands, according to their will and pleasure: & according to the tenor which was exhibited unto him: did make abjuration, and that in the Cathedral Church and open Session, the draft whereof penned to him by the Papists, here ensueth.  

¶ The abjuration of M Jerome of prague.  
I Jerome of prague, 
The forced abjuration of Jerome.  Master of Art, acknowledging the Catholic Church and the Apostolic faith: do accurse and renounce all heresies, & specially that, whereof I have hitherto been infamed, and that which in times past john Hus and john Wickleffe have bolden and taught in their works, treatises and sermons, made unto the people and Clergy: for the which cause the said Wickliff and Hus, together with the said doctrines & errors, are condemned by this Synod of Constance, as heretics and all the said doctrine sentencially condemned, and especially in certain articles expressed in the sentences and judgements given against them by this sacred Council.  
Also I do accord and agree unto the holy Church of Rome, the Apostolic seat in this sacred Council, & with my mouth and hart do profess in all things, and touching all things, and specially as touching the keys, Sacraments, orders and offices and ecclesiastical censures, of pardons, relics of saints. Ecclesiastical liberty, also ceremonies and all other things pertaining unto Christian Religion, as the Church of Rome, the Apostolic sea and this sacred Council do profess: and specially that many of the said Articles are notoriously heretical and lately reproved by the holy fathers, some of them blasphemous, other some erroneous: some offensive unto godly cares, & many of them temerarious and seditious. And such also were counted the Articles lately condemned by the sacred council, and it was inhibited and forbidden to all and singular Catholic men hereafter to preach, teach or presume to hold or maintain any of the said Articles, under pain of being accursed.  
And I the said Jerome, forsomuch as I have laboured by Scholastical Arts, to persuade the opinion, De Vniversalibus realibus, and that one substance of the common kind should signify many things subject under the same and every one of them as S. Ambrose, Hierom, Augustin do affirm, and likewise others. For the teaching hereof by a plain example I described as it were a certain triangle, form or figure, the which I called the shield of faith.  
Therefore utterly to exclude and take away the erroneous and wicked understanding thereof, the which peraduen tture some men may gather thereby: I do say, affirm: & declare, that I never made the said figure, neither named it the shield of faith to that intent or purpose, that I would extol or prefer the opinion of universalities above or before the contrary opinion, in such sort as though that were the shield of faith, & that without the affirmation thereof, the Catholic faith could not be defended or maintained, when as I myself would not obstinately stick thereunto. But this I said, because I had put example in the description of the Triangle or form, that one divine essence consisted in three subjects or persons in themselves distinct: that is to say, the father, the son, and the holy Ghost. The article of the which Trinity, is the chief shield of faith, and foundation of the Catholic truth.  
Furthermore that it may be evident unto all men what the causes were for the which I was reputed & thought to stick to, and favour some time I. Hus. I signify unto all men by these presents, that when as I heard him oftentimes both in his sermons and also in the schools: I beleleved that he was a very good man, neither that he did in any point gainsay the traditions of our holy mother the Church or holy doctors: in somuch as when I was lately in this City, and the articles, which I affirmed were showed unto me, which were also condemned by the sacred Council, at the first sight of them I did not believe that they were his, at the least not in that form. But when as I had further understood by certain famous Doctors & masters of Divinity, that they were his articles: required for my further information and satisfaction, to have the books of his own hand writing showed unto me, 
Hierom is made here to say not his own mind, but what pleased them.  wherein it was said, those articles were contained. The which books, when they were showed unto me written with his own hand, which I did know as well as mine own, I found all, and every one of those articles therein written in like form as they are condemned. Wherefore I do worthily judge and think him and his doctrine with his adherents to be condemned and reproved by this sacred council, as heretical and without reason. All which the premises with a pure mind and conscience I do hear pronounce & speak, being now fully and sufficiently informed of the foresaid sentences and judgements given by the sacred council against the doctrines of the said john Wickleffe and john Hus, and against their own persons: unto the which judgement, as a devout Catholic in all things, I do most humbly consent and agree.  
Also I the foresaid Hierom, which before the reverend fathers the lords Cardinals, and reverend Lords Prelates and Doctors, and other worshipful persons of this sacred Council in this same place, did heretofore freely and willingly declare and expound mine intent, and purpose amongst other things speaking of the Church, did divide the same into three parts. And as I did perceive afterward, it was understanded by some the I would affirm that in the triumphant Church, there was faith. Whereas I do firmly believe that there is the blessed sight and beholding of God, excluding all dark understanding & knowledge: And now also I do say, affirm & declare, that it was never my intent and purpose, to prove that there should be faith, speaking of faith as faith is commonly defined, but knowledge far exceeding faith. And generally whatsoever I said, either there, or at any time before, I do refer and most humbly submit myself unto the determination of this sacred Council of Constance.  
Moreover, I do swear both by the holy Trinity, and also by the most holy Gospel, that I will for evermore remain and persevere without all doubt, in the truth of the Catholic Church. And all such as by their doctrine and teaching, shall impugn this faith, I judge them worthy together with their doctrines, of eternal curse. And if I myself at any time (which God forbidden I should) do presume to preach or teach, contrary thereunto, I will submit myself unto the severity of the Canons, and be bound unto eternal pain and punishment. Whereupon I do deliver up this my confession and tenor of my profession willingly before this sacred general council, and have subscribed and written all these things with mine own hand.   

Jerome after his abjuration returned into prison.  AFter all this, they caused him to be carried again unto the same prison, but not so straightly chained & bound as he was before: notwithstanding kept every day with soldiers and armed men. And when as afterward, his enemies which were appointed against him, as Michael de causis, & wicked Palletz, with other their companions in these affairs, understood & knew by the words & talk of M. Jerome and by other certain tokens, that he made the same abjuration & recantation, not of a sincere & pure mind, but only to the intent thereby to scape their hands they together with certain Friars of prague, 
Hierom accused a new by Causis, Palletz, and the Carmelites.  of the order of Carmelites, then coming in, put up new accusations against the said M. Jerome, and drew the same into Articles, being very instant and earnest that he should answer thereunto. And forsomuch as his judges & certain Cardinals, 
The Cardinal of Cambray with certain other cardinals labour for the delivery of Jerome.  as the Cardinal of Cambray, the Cardinal de Vrsinis, the Cardinal of Aquilegia, and of Florence, considering the malice of the enemies of M. Jerome, did see the great injury that was done unto him, they laboured before the whole Council for his delivery.  
It happened upon a certain day, as they were labouring in the Council for the delivery of the said M. Jerome: that the germans and Bohemians his enemies, with all force and power resisted against it, crying out, that he should in no case be dismissed. Then start up one called Doctor Naso, which said unto the Cardinals, we marvel much of you most reverend fathers, that your reverences will make intercession for such a wicked heretic, for whose sake we in Boheme with the whole clergy, 
Si dimittio hunc non es amicus Caesaris.  have suffered much trouble & mischief, and peradventure your fatherhoodes shall suffer: and I greatly fear lest that you have received some rewards, either of the king of Boheme or of these heretics. When as the Cardinals were thus rebuked, they discharged themselves of master Hieromes cause and matter.  
Then his enemies aforesaid, 
The Patriarch of Constantinople gave sentence of death both against M. Hus, and M. Jerome of prague.  obtained to have other judges appointed, as the patriarch of Constantinople, & a German doctor, forsomuch as they did know that the Patriarch was a grievous enemy unto M. Jerome, because he being before appointed judge by the Council, had condemned john Hus unto death.  
But M. Jerome would not answer them in prison requiring to have open audience, because he would there finally declare unto them his mind, neither would he by any means consent unto those private judges. Whereupon the Precedents of the Council thinking that the said M. Jerome would renew his recantation, before the said audieuce and confirm the same: did grant him open audience.  
In the year of our Lord. 
Ann. 1416.  1416. the 25. day of May, which was the Saturday before the Ascension of our Lord the said M. Hierom was brought unto open audience before the whole Council, 
Jerome brought again before the council  to the great Cathedral church of Constance, whereas by the Commissioners of the Council, in the behalf of his foresaid enemies, there was laid against him of new. C. and seven. Articles, to the intent that he should not scape the snare of death, which they provided and laid for him: in so much as the judges had before declared that by the saying of the witnesses it was already concluded in the same audience. The day aforesaid, from morning until noon, he answered unto more than 40. Articles, most subtlety objected against him: denying that he held or maintained any such articles as were either hurtful or false, 
False witness against Jerome.  & affirming the those witnesses had deposed them against him falsely and slanderously as his most cruel and mortal enemies. In the same Session they had not yet proceeded unto death, because that the noon time drew so fast on, that he could not answer unto the Articles. Wherefore for lack of time sufficient to answer unto the residue of the Articles, there was an other time appointed, which was the third day after the foresaid Saturday, before the Ascension of our Lord, at which time again early in the morning, he was brought unto the said Cathedral Church to answer unto all the residue the Articles.  
In all which articles, as well those which he had answered unto the Saturday before: as in the residue, he cleared himself very learnedly, 
The dexterity of Hierom in confuting his adversaries.  refelling his adversaries (who had no cause) but only of malice & displeasure were set against him, & did him great wrong) in such sort that they were themselves astonied at his oration, and refutation of their testimonies brought against him, and with shame enough were put to silence: As when one of them had demanded of him, what he thought by the sacrament of the altar: He answered, before consecration (said he) it is bread & wine: after the consecration it is the true body and blood of Christ, adding withal more words according to their catholic faith. Then an other rising up, Jerome, said he: there goeth a great rumour of thee, that thou shouldest hold, bread to remain upon the altar. To whom he pleasantly answered, saying: that he believed bread to be at the Bakers. At which words being spoken, one of the Dominicke Friars fumishly took on and said, what? dost thou deny, that no man doubteth of? Whose peevish sausines, Jerome with these words did well repress: hold thy peace (said he) thou monk, thou hypocrite And thus the monk being nipped in the head, sat down dumb. After whom started up an other, who with a loud voice cried out: I swear (said he) by my conscience, that to be true, that thou dost deny. To whom said Jerome again, speaking in latin: Heus inquit, sic jurare per conscientiam tutissima fallendi via est. That is, thus to swear by your conscience, is the next way to deceive. An other there was, a spiteful and a bitter enemy of his, whom he called by no other name then dog, or ass. After he had thus refuted them: one after an other, that they could find no crime against him, neither in this matter nor in any other, they were all driven to keep silence.  

False witnesses.  This done, then were the witnesses called for, who coming in presence, gave testimony unto the Articles before produced. By reason whereof, the innocent cause of Jerome was oppressed, and began in the council to be concluded. Then Jerome rising up begun to speak, forsomuch (saith he) as you have heard mine adversaries so diligently hither to, convenient it is, that you should also now hear me to speak for myself. Whereupon with much difficulty, at last audience was given in the Council for him to say his mind Which being granted, 
Audience hardly given to Jerome to speak for himself. The oration of Jerome had before the council.  he from morning to noon continuing, entreated of divers and sundry matters, with great learning and eloquence. Who first beginning with his prayer to God, be sought him to give him spirit, ability and utterance, which might most tend to the profit & salvation of his own soul. And so entering into his Oration.  
I Know saith he, reverend Lords, that there have been many excellent men, which have suffered much otherwise than they have deserved, being oppressed with false witnesses, & condemned with wrong judgements. And so beginning with Socrates he declared how he was unjustly condemned of his countrymen, 
Socrates.  neither would he escape when he might: taking from us the fear of two things, which seem most bitter to men, to wit, of prisonment and death. Then he inferred the captivity of Plato, 
Plato. Anaxagoras Zeno, Rupilius. Bo●tius.  the banishment of Anaxagoras, and the torments of Zeno. Moreover he brought in the wrongful condemnation of many gentiles as the banishment of Rupilius: reciting also the unworthy death of Boetius and of others, whom Boetius himself doth write of.  
From thence he came to the examples of the hebrews, and first began with Moses the deliverer of the people, & the law giver, 
Moses. joseph.  how he was oftentimes slandered of his people as being a seducer and contemner of the people. joseph also, saith he, for envy, was sold of his brethren, and for false suspicion of whoredom, 
Esayas', Daniel. The Prophets. Susanna.  was cast into bands. Besides these, he reciteth Esayas, Daniel, and almost all the Prophets, who as contemners of god, and seditious persons, were oppressed with wrongful condemnation. From thence he proceeded to the judgement of Susanna, and of divers other besides, who being good and holy men, yet were they unjustly cast away with wrongful sentence. At the length he came to john Baptist, 
john Baptist Christ.  and so in long process he descended unto our saviour, declaring how it was evident to all men, by what false witnesses both he and john Baptist, were condemned. Moreover how Stephen was slain by the College of the priests, 
The Apostles.  and how all the Apostles were condemned to death, not as good men but as seditious styrrers up of the people, and contemners of the Gods, and evil doers. It is unjust saith he, unjustly to be condemned one priest of an other, and yet he proved that the same hath so happened most unjustly in that Council of Priests. These things did he discourse at large, with marvelous eloquence, and with singular admiration of all that heard him.  

The false witness of Jerome ●●felled.  And forasmuch as all the whole sum of the cause did rest only in the witnesses, by many reasons he proved that no credit was to be given unto them, especially seeing they spoke all things of no truth, but only of hatred malice, & envy. And so prosecuting the matter, so lively and expressly he opened unto them the causes of their hatred, that he had almost persuaded them. So lively and likely their hatred was detected, that almost no trust was given to their testimonies, save only for the cause and quarrel wherein they stood touching the pope's doctrine. All men's minds here were moved and bending to mercy towards him. For he told them how that he of his own accord came up to the Council, and to purge himself he did open unto them all his life and doings, being full of virtue & godliness. This was (saith he) the old manner of ancient and learned men and most holy Elders, that in matters of faith they did differ many times in arguments, not to destroy the faith, but to find out the verity. So did Augustine and Jerome dissent, not only being divers, but also contrary one from the other & yet without all suspicion of heresy.  
All this while the pope's holy Council did wait still, when he would begin to excuse himself, and to retract those things, which were objected against him, and to crave pardon of the Council. But he persisting still in his constant oration, did acknowledge no error, nor gave any signification of retractation.  
At last entering into the praise & commendation of M. john Hus, 
Jerome commendeth the life, and bewaileth the death of john Hus.  he affirmed that he was a good, just, and holy man, and much unworthy that death, which he did suffer. Whom he did know from his youth upward, to be neither fornicator, drunkard, neither any evil or vicious person: but a chaste & sober man, & a just and true preacher of the holy Gospel: and whatsoever things master john Hus and Wicklyff had holden or written specially against the abuse and pomp of the clergy, he would affirm even unto the death, that they were holy and blessed men, and that in all points of the Catholic faith, he doth believe as the holy Catholic Church doth hold or believe. And finally he did conclude that all such articles, as john Wickleffe & john Hus had written & put forth against the enormities, pomp and disorder of the Prelates, he would firmly & steadfastly, without recantation, hold & defend even unto the death, And last of all, he added that all the sins that ever he had committed, did not so much gnaw and trouble his conscience, as did that only sin, which he had committed in that most pestiferous fact, when as in his recantation, he had unjustly spoken against that good and holy man & his doctrine, & specially in consenting unto his wicked condennation concluding that he did utterly revoke & deny that wicked recantation which he had made in that most cursed place, 
Jerome repenteth his speaking against john Hus.  & that he did it through weakness of hart and fear of death: And moreover that whatsoever thing he hath spoken against that blessed man, he hath altogether lied upon him, and that he doth repent him with his whole hart, that ever he did it.  
And at the hearing hereof, the hearts of the hearers were not a little sorry. For they wished and desired greatly that such a singular man should be saved if otherwise their blind superstition would have suffered it. 
Hus never maintained any doctrine against the Church of Rome: but only spoke against their naughty life.  But he continued still in his prefixed sentence, seeming to desire rather death than life. And persisting in the praise of john Husse, he added moreover, that he never maintained any doctrine against the state of the Church, but only spoke against the abuses of the clergy, against the pride, pomp and excess of the Prelates. For somuch as the patrimonies of the churches were first given for the poor, then for hospitality and thirdly to the reparations of the Churches: it was a grief to that good man (said he) to see the same misspent and cast away upon harlots, great feastings, and keeping of horses and dogs, upon gorgeous apparel and such other things unseming Christian Religion. And herein he showeth himself marvelous eloquent: yea never more. 
Jerome did put them to silence.   
And when his oration was interrupted many times by divers of them, carping his sentences as he was in speaking: yet was there none of all those that interrupted him which scaped unblanckt, but he brought them all to confusion, and put them to silence. When any noise began, he ceased to speak, & after began again, proceeding in his Oration and desiring them to give him leave a while to speak whom they hereafter should hear no more: 
Jerome in prison 340. days. The excellent memory in M. Jerome.  neither yet was his mind ever dashed at all these noises and tumults.  
And this was marvelous in him to behold, notwithstanding he continued in straight prison, 340. days, having neither book, nor almost light to read by: yet how admirably his memory served him: Declaring how all those pains of his straight handling, did not somuch grieve him, as he did wonder rather to see their unkind humanity towards him.  
When he had spoken these and many other things as touching the praise of john Wickleffe, & john Hus, they which sat in the Council, whispered together, saying: by these his words it appeareth that he is at a point with himself. Then was he again carried into prison, & grievously settered by the hands, 
M. Jerome brought again before the council.  arms and feet with great chains and fetters of iron.  
The Saturday next before the Ascension day, early in the morning he was brought with a great number of armed men unto the Cathedral Church before the open congregation, to have his judgement given him. There they exhorted him, that those things which he had before spoken in the open audience, as is aforesaid touching: he praise and commendation of M. john Wickleffe, and M. john Hus, confirming and establishing their doctrine, he would y●t recant the same: but he marvelous stoutly without all fear, spoke against them, & amongst other things said unto them: I take God to my witness, and I protest here before you all, that I do believe and hold the articles of the faith, 
M. Hierom holds all the articles of the Catholic Church. The eloquence of M. Jerome.  as the holy Catholic Church doth hold and believe the same: but for this cause shall I now be condemned, for that I will not consent with you unto the condemnation of those most holy and blessed men aforesaid, whom you have most wickedly condemned for certain articles, detetesting and abhorring your wicked and abominable life. Then he confessed there before them all his belief, and uttered many things very profoundly and eloquently, in so much that all men there present, could not sufficiently commend & praise his great eloquence & excellent learning and by no means could they induce or persuade him to recant.  
Then a certain bishop named the Bishop of Landy made a certain sermon exhortative against M. Jerome persuading to his condemnation.  
After the Bishop had ended the said sermon, M. Jerome said again unto them: You shall condemn me wickedly and unjustly. 
The prophesy of M. Jerome.  But I after my death will leave a remorse in your conscience, and a nail in your hearts, ET CITO VOS OMNES, VT RESPONDEATIS MIHI CORAM ALTISSIMO ET JUSTISSIMO JUDICE POST CENTUM ANNOS: that is. And here I cite you to answer unto me before the most high and just judge, within a C. years.  
No pen can sufficiently write or note those things which he most eloquently, profoundly, & Philosophically had spoken in the said audience, neither can any tongue sufficiently declare the same, wheerfore I have but only touched here the superficial matter of his talk, partly, & not wholly noting the same. finally, when as by no means he might be persuaded to recant the premises, immediately even in his presence, the sentence & judgement of his concondemnation was given against him, & read before him.  
¶ The burning of master Jerome of prague.  

A paper with red devils put upon the head of M. Jerome, by devilish papists. M. Jerome committed to the secular power.  The which sentence so given before his face, & ended. A great & long mitre of paper was brought unto him, painted about with red devils: the which when he beheld and saw, throwing away his hood upon the ground amongst the Prelates, he took the mitre, and put it upon his head: saying, Our Lord jesus Christ, when as he should suffer death for me most wretched sinner, did wear a crown of thorn upon his head: and I for his sake in stead of that crown, will willingly wear this mitre and cap. Afterward he was laid hold of by the secular power.  
After that he was led out of the said Church to the place of execution, when he was going out of the Church with a cheerful countenance & a loud voice lifting his eyes up into heaven, 
M. Jerome went singing unto his martyrdom.  he began to sing Credo in unum Deum, as it is accustomed to be song in the church. Afterward as he passed a long, he did sing some Canticles of the Church. The which being ended, in the entering out of the gate of the city, as men go unto Gothlehem, he did sing this hymn, faelix namque. 
M. Jerome prayeth.  And that respond being ended, after he came to the place of execution where as Master john Hus before had suffered death innocently, kneeling down before an image which was like unto the picture of M. john Hus, which was there prepared to burn M. Hierom, he made a certain devout prayer.  
While he was thus praying, the tormentors took him up and lifting him up from the ground, 
M. Jerome ●●● to an Image like to john Hus.  spoiled him of all his garments, and left him naked, and afterward girded him about the loins with a linen cloth, and bound him fast with cords and chains of Iron to the said Image, which was made fast unto the earth: and so standing upon the ground, when as they began to lay the wood about him, 
M. Jerome ●●geth at ●● burning.  he song Salue festa dies. And when the hymn was ended, he song again with a loud voice, Credo in unum Deum, unto the end. That being ended, he said unto the people in the german tongue in effect as followeth. dearly beloved children, 
The words of Jerome to the people.  even as I have now song, so do I believe and none otherwise. And this Creed is my whole faith: notwithstanding now I die for this cause, because I would not consent, and agree to the council, and with them affirm and hold that master john Hus, 
M. Jerome giveth testimony of john Hus.  was by them holily and justly condemned: For I did know well enough that he was a true preacher of the Gospel of jesus Christ.  
After that he was compassed in with the wood up to the crown of the head, they cast all his garments upon the wood also, and with a firebrand they set it on fire. The which being once fired, he began to sing with a loud voice: In manus tuas domine commendo spiritum meum when that was ended, and that he began vehemently to burn, he said in the vulgar Bohemian tongue: 
The last words of M. Jerome  O Lord God father almighty, have mercy upon me and be merciful unto mine offences, for thou knowest how the sincerely I have loved thy truth. Then his voice by the vehemency of the fire, was choked & stopped, that it was no longer heard, but he moved continually his mouth and lips, as though he had still prayed or spoken within himself.  

The cruelty of his death.  When as in a manner his whole body with his beard was burned round about, and that there appeared through the great burning upon his body certain great bladders, as big as an egg, yet he continually very strongly & stoutly moved, & shaked his head & mouth, by the space almost of one quarter of an hour. So burning in the fire, he lived with great pain & martyrdom, whiles one might easily have gone from S. Clementes over the bridge, unto our Lady Church: he was of such a stout and strong nature. After that he was thus dead in the fire, by and by they brought his bedding, his straw-bed, his boots, his hood, & all other things that he had in the prison, 
The ashes of M. Jerome cast into the river of Rhine.  and burned them all to ashes in the same fire. The which ashes, after that the fire was out, they did diligently gather together, and carry them in a cart, and cast them into the river of Rhine, which ran hard by the City.  
That man which was the true reporter hereof, 
The witness of the writer.  and which testified unto us the acts and doings about the condemnation Master Jerome, and sent the same unto us to Prage in writing, doth thus conclude: All these things (saith he) I did behold, see and hear to be done in this form & manner. And if any man do tell you the contrary, do not credit him, for all those things which happened unto him, when he came toward Constance, and also at his first coming unto Constance of his own free well, and afterward when he was brought bound unto Constance, as is aforesay, I myself did see and perfectly behold: and for a perpetual memory thereof to be had for ever, I have directed the same unto you, not lying or falsifying any point thereof, 
The truth of this story.  as he which is the searcher of all men's hearts can bear me witness: willing rather to sustain the note of ignorance & rudeness of stile, to bear witness unto the truth, than I would by any means be compelled by tickling or flattering the cares of the hearers, with feigned and cloaked speech to swerver or go aside from the truth,  
Thus end the tragical histories of M. john Hus, and M. Hierom of prague, faithfully gathered and collected by a certain Bohemian, being a present witness and beholder of the same, written and compiled first in Latin, & so seen by the said Bohemian into his country of Boheme: and again translated out of the Latin with like fidelity, into our English tongue.  
In the mean time while Master Jerome was in this trouble, and before the Council, the nobles and Lords of Boheme and of Moravia (but not a little aggrieved thereat) directed their letters unto this barbarous Council of popish murderers, in tenor and form of words as followeth.  
¶ The letter of the 54. Nobles of Moravia written unto the Council of constance in the defence of Master john Hus, and Jerome of prague.  
☞ To the right reverend Fathers and Lords in Christ, the Lords, Cardinals, patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, Ambassadors, Doctors, & Masters, and to the whole Council constance. We the Nobles, Lords, Knights and Esquyres, of the famous Marquesdome of Moravia, wish the desire of all goodness, and the observation of the commandments of our Lord jesus Christ.  
FOrsomuch as every man both by the law of nature, and also by God's law, is commanded to do that unto an other man, which he would have done unto himself, and is forbidden to do that thing unto an other, which he would not have done unto himself, as our Saviour saith: all things whatsoever you will that men should do unto you, 
Math. 7.  the same do you unto them, for this is the law and the Prophets, yea the law is fulfilled in this one point: thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself: 
Rom. 13.  We therefore (God being our author) having respect as much as in us lieth unto the said law of God: & the love of our neighbour, before did send our letters unto constance for our dearly beloved friend of good memory Master john Husse Bachelor of divinity and Preacher of the Gospel. Whom of late in the Council of constance (we know not with what spirit being led) you have condemned as an obstinate heretic: neither having confessed any thing, neither being lawfully convict as were expediét: having no errors or heresies declared or laid against him, but only at the sinister, false and importune accusations, suggestions and instigations of his mortal enemies, and the traitors of our kingdom and Marquesdome of Moravia. And being thus unmercifully condemned, you have slain him with most shameful and cruel death: to the perpetual shame and infamy of our most christian kingdom of Boheme, and the famous Marquesdome of Moravia (as we have written unto Constance, unto the most noble Prince and Lord, the Lord Sigismond king of Romans, and of Hungary, the Heir and Successor of our kingdom) the which was also read and published in your congregations, 
The cause of I. Hus cleared by the testimony of the nobles of Bohemia.  which we will here also have enroled: and have burned him, as it is reported, in the reproach and contempt of us.  
Wherefore we have thought good, even now to direct our letters patents to your reverences now present, in the behalf of Master john Hus, openly professing and protesting both with hart and mouth, that he the said Master john Hus, was a just, good and Catholic man, and a long season worthily commended and allowed in our kingdom, for his life and conversation. He also preached and taught us and our subjects the law of the Gospel, and of the holy Prophets, and the books of the old and new Testament, according to the exposition of the holy Doctors approved by the church, & left many Monuments in writing, most constantly detesting and abhorring all errors and and heresy, continually admonishing both us and all faithful christians to do the like, diligently exhorting all men as much as in him lay by his words, writings and travel, unto quietness and concord: so that using all the diligence that we might, we never heard or could understand, that Master john Hus had preached, taught or by any means affirmed any error or heresy in his Sermons, or that by any manner of means he had offended us or our subjects, either by word of deed, 
All that will live godly in Christ. 2. Tim. 3.  but that he always led a quiet and a godly life in Christ, exhorting all men diligently, both by his word and works, as much as he might, to observe and keep the law of the Gospel, and the institutions of the holy fathers, after the preaching of our holy mother the church, & to the edifying of men's souls. Neither did these premises, which you had so perpetrated to the reproach both of us and our kingdom and Marquesdom, suffice & content you, but that also without all mercy and piety, you have apprehended, imprisoned, and condemned, and even now peradventure, like as you did Master john Hus, you have most cruelly murdered the worshipful man, Master Jerome of prague, a man abounding in eloquence, 
Defence of M. Jerome of prague.  Master of the seven liberal arts, and a famous Philosopher, not being seen, heard, examined, neither convict: but only at the sinister and false accusation of his and our accusers and betrayers.  
Furthermore, it is come to our knowledge and understanding (which we do not without great grief rehearse) as we may also evidently gather by your writings, how that certain detractors, audible both to God and men, privy enuyers and betrayers, have wickedly and grievously, albeit falsely and traitorously, accused us, our kingdom, and Marquesdome aforesaid, before you in your council, that in the said kingdom of Boheme and Marquescome of Moravia, divers errors are sprung up, which have grievously and manifoldely infected both our hearts, and also the hearts of many faithful men: in so much, that without a speedy stop or stay of correction, the said kingdom and Marquesdome together with the faithful Christians therein, should incur an irrecuperable loss and ruin of their souls.  
These cruel and pernicious injuries which are laid unto us, and to our said kingdom and Marquesdome, 
He meaneth the long schism spoken of before where three pope's were striving one against an other.  albeit most falsely & slanderously, how may we suffer? for so much as through the grace of God (when in a manner all other kingdoms of the world have oftentimes wavered, making Schisms and Antipapes) our most Christian kingdom of Boheme, and most noble Marquesdome of Moravia, since the time they did receive the Catholic faith of our Lord jesus Christ, as a most perfect 
* A quadrant being four square proverbially signifieth a man that is constant and immutable. Rom. 12.  quadrant have always without reproof stuck unto the Church of Rome, and have sincerely done their true obedience. Also with how great costs and charges and great travel, with what worship and due reverence they have reverenced the holy mother the church and her pastors, by their princes and faithfully subjects, it is more manifest than the day light unto the whole world: and yourselves, if you will confess the truth, can witness the same also.  
Wherefore that we, according to the mind of the Apostle, may procure honest and good things, not only before God but before men also, and least by neglecting the famous renown of the kingdom and Marquesdom, we be found cruel towards our neighbours: having a steadfast hope, a pure and sincere conscience and intent, and a certain true faith in Christ jesus our Lord, by the tenor of these we signify and declare unto your fatherhoods, & to all faithful Christians, openly professing both with hart and mouth, that whatsoever man, of what estate, pre-eminence, dignity, condition, degree, or religion so ever he be, which hath said or affirmed, either doth say or affirm, that in the said kingdom of Boheme and Marquesdome of Moravia, heresies have sprung up which have infected us and other faithful Christians, as is aforesaid (the only person of our most noble prince and Lord, Sigismond king of Romans and of Hungary. etc. our Lord and heir successor, being set apart, whom we trust and believe, not to be guilty in the premises) all and every such man (as is aforesaid) doth lie falsely upon his head, as a wicked and naughty traitor & betrayer of the said kingdom and Marquesdome, and most traitorous unto us, 
john 8. Deut. 38. Psal. 30.  & most pernicious heretic, the son of all malice and wickedness, yea and of the devil himself, who is a liar and the father of all lies.  
Notwithstanding, we for this present committing the foresaid injuries unto God, unto whom vengeance pertaineth, who will also abundantly reward workers of iniquity, will prosecute them more amply before him whom God shall appoint in the Apostolic sea, to govern his holy Church as the only and undoubted Pastor. Unto whom God willing, we exhibiting our due reverence & obedience as faithful children, in those things which are lawful, 
These noble men offered their obedience to the Pope, no further than was lawful, honest and agreeable to reason and the law of God. Mark this and learn you noble men.  honest, and agreeable to reason and the law of God, will make our request and petition, that speedy remedy may be provided for us, our said kingdom and Marquesdome, upon the premises, according to the law of our Lord jesus Christ, and the institutions of the holy fathers. The premises notwithstanding we setting apart all fear and men's ordinances provided to the contrary, will maintain and defend the law of our Lord jesus Christ, and the devout, humble and constant preachers thereof, even to the shedding of our blood.  
Dated at Sternberg, in the year of our Lord. 1415. upon S. Wenceslaus day, Martyr of our Lord jesus Christ.  
Round about the said letters there were 54. Seals, hanging and their names subscribed, whose Seals they were. The names of which noble men, I thought it good here to annexed with all, partly for the more credit of that hath been said, partly also for examples sake, to the intent that our noble men and gentlemen in this our Realm of England, now living in this clear light of the Gospel, may by their example understand, that if they join themselves with the Gospel of jesus, zealously and as they should do, yet are they neither the first, nor the most that so have done before them: if not, yet the truth may here remain in the story to their shame, or else to their instruction, seeing so many noble and worthy gentlemen, within the small kingdom of Bohemia, to be so forward in those so dark days and among so many enemies 200. years ago, to take part with Christ: And yet our Gentlemen here in such long continuance of time, being so diligently taught, are neither in number nor in zeal to them to be compared, but will still take part, contrary both to Christ, and to the example of these nobles whose names they may see & read here following.  
1 Alssokabat de Wiscowitz. 2 Vlricus de Lhota. 2 joan, de Ksimicz. 4 jossko de sczitowicz 5 Paerdus Zwiranowicz. 6 joan. de Ziwla. 7 joan. de Reychemberg. 8 Wildo Skitzyny. 9 Drliko de Biela. 10 Kos de Doloylatz. 11 joan de Simusin. 12 Dobessim' de Tissa. 13 Drazko de Aradeck 14 Steph. de Hmodorkat. 15 joan Dern de Gabonecx. 16 Barso dictus Hloder de Zeinicz. 17 joan Hmrsdorfar. 18 Psateska de Wilklek 19 Petrus Mg de Sczitowicy. 20 N. Studenica. 21 N. Brischell. 22 N. de Cromassona 23 Arannisick Donant de Poloniae. 24 joan. Donant de Poloniae. 25 joan. de Cziczow. 26 Wenceslaus de N. 27 N. de N. 28 N.N. 29 josseck de N. 30 Henricus de N. 31 Waczlals de kuck.  This noble man did accompany Hus, and with certain horsemen conduct him to Constance. 32 Henr. de. Zrenowicz 33 Baczko de Convald. 34 Petr. dictus Nienick de zaltoroldeck. 35 Czenko de Mossnow. 36 N. 37 Zibilutz de Clezan. 38 joan. de Peterswald. 39 Parsifal de Namyescz. 40 Zodoni de Zwietzick. 41 Raczeck Zawskalp. 42 jon de Tossawicz. 43 Diwa de Spissnia 44 Steffko de Draczdw. 45 Issko de Draczdw, 46 Odich de Hlud. 47 Wosfart de Paulowicz. 48 Pirebbor de Tire zenicz. 49 Rynard de Tyrczewicz. 50 Bohunko de Wratisdow. 51 Vlricus de Racdraw 52 Deslaw de Nali. 53 Bonesb de Frabenicz. 54 Eybl de Roissowan.  
After these things thus declared and discoursed concerning the history of john Hus, and Jerome of prague, the order of place and country next would require, consequently to infer and comprehend the great troubles & perturbations, which happened after & upon the death of these men in the country of Boheme: but the order of time calleth me back, first to other matters here of our own country, which passed in the mean time with us in England. Which things being taken by the way and finished, we will (christ willing) afterward return to the tractation hereof, to prosecute the troubles and conflicts of the Bohemians, with other things beside pertaining to the latter end of the council of constance, and choosing of Pope Martin, as the order of years and time shall require.  

Vid supra. pag. 588. Henry Chichesley Archb. of Cant.  Ye heard before pag. 588. how after the death of Thomas Arundel Archb. of Caunt. succeeded Henry Chichesley. an. 1414. and sat 25. years. In whose time was much trouble and great affliction of good men here in England: of whom many were compelled to abjure, some we burned, divers were driven to exile. Whereof partly now to entreat, as we find them in registers & histories recorded, we will first begin with john Claydon Currier of London, & Richard Turming, whom Rob. Fabian, doth falsely affirm to be burned in the year where in Sir Roger Acton and M. Browne suffered: who in deed suffered not before the second year of Henry Chichesley being Archb. of Caunt. which was an. 1413. The history of which john Claydon, in the Registers is thus declared.  

The story of john Claydon Currier, and of R. Turming Baker.  
THe 17. of August 1415. did personally appear I. Claydon Currier of London (arrested by the Mayor of the said City for the suspicion of heresy) before Henry Archbishop of Caunterbury, in Saint Paul's Church: which john (being objected to him by the Archbishop, that in the City of London & other places of the province of Canterbury, 
The history of I. Claidō●●nner of London, & of Robert Turming Baker.  he was suspected by divers godly and learned men for heresy, and to be contrary to the catholic faith, and determination of the church) did openly confess and denied not, but that he had been for the space of xx. years, suspected both about the City of London, & also in the province of Caunt. and specially of the common sort for Lollardy and heresy, 
Ex regist. Cant. I. Claidon examined. I. Claydon ●●st imprisoned by R. Braybroke Bishop of London.  & to be contrary to the catholic faith and determination of the church of Rome, and defamed of the same all the time aforesaid.  
In so much that in the time of M. Robert Braybrooke B. of London deceased, he was for the space of two years commanded to the prison of Conwey, for the foresaid defamation and suspicion, and for the same cause also he was in prison in the fleet for 3. years. Out of which prison he (in the reign of King Henry the 4.) was brought before Lord john Scarle then Chancellor to the king, 
1. Claidon before abjured.  & there did abjure all heresy and error. And the said john Claydon being asked of the said Archbishop whither he did abjure the heresy of which he was suspect before any other: did confess that in a Convocation at London in Paul's Church before Thomas Arundel late Archbishop deceased, he did abjure all such doctrine which they called heresy and error contrary to the Catholic faith and determination of the Church, and that he had not only left such articles and opinions, wherein he was defamed, but also did abstain from all company that were suspected of such opinions so that he should neither give aid, help, council, nor favour unto them.  
And moreover, the said john was asked by the said Archbishop, 
English books.  whether he ever had in his house since his abjuration, in his keeping, any books written in English. Whereunto he confessed that he would not deny, but that he had in his house, and in his keeping many english books: for he was arrested by the Mayor of the city of London, for such books as he had, which books (as he thought) were in the Mayor's keeping. 
The judgement of the Mayor of London.  Upon the which, the Mayor did openly confess that he had such books in his keeping, which in his judgement were the worst and the most perverse that ever he did read or see, and one book that was well bound in red leather of parchment, written in a good english hand: and among the other books found with the said john Claydon, the Mayor gave up the said book afore the Archbishop. Whereupon the said john Claydon being asked of the Archbishop if he knew that book, 
Claidon bestowed much money upon English books.  did openly confess that he knew it very well, because he caused it to be written of his own costs and charges, for he spent much money thereupon since his abjuration. Then was he asked who wrote it. He did answer, one called john Grime.  
And further being required what the said john Grime was, he answered, he could not tell. Again, being demanded whether he did ever read the same book, he did confess that he could not read, 
john Claydon could not read.  but he had heard the fourth part thereof red of one john Fullar. And being asked whether he thought the contents of that book to be Catholic, profitable, good and true, he answered that many things which he had heard in the same book, were both profitable, good and healthful to his soul: and as he said, he had great affection to the said book, for a Sermon preached at Horsaldowne, that was written in the said book. And being further asked, whether, since the time of his said abjuration, he did commune with one Richard Baker of the City aforesaid, he did answer yea: for the said Richard Baker did come often unto his house to have communication with him. 
Richard Turming Baker.  And being asked, whether he knew the said Richard to be suspected, and defamed of heresy: he did answer again that he knew well that the said Richard was suspected & defamed of many men and women in the City of London, 
This Turming belike, was then in prison.  as one whom they thought to be an heretic.  
Which confession being made, did cause the said books to be delivered to master Robert Gilbert, 
William Lindewood doctor of both laws.  Doctor of divinity: to William Lindewood Doctor of both laws, and other Clerks, to be examined, and in the mean time David Beard, Alexander Philip, and Balthasar Mero, were taken for witnesses against him, and were committed to be examined, to Master john Escourt general examiner of Canterbury. This done, the Archbishop continued his Session till Monday next in the same place. Which Monday being come, which was the xx. of the said month, the said Master Escourt openly and publicly exhibited the witnesses, being openly read before the Archbishop and other Bishops: which being read, then after that were read divers tractations, found in the house of the said john Claydon: out of the which, being examined, divers points were gathered and noted for heresies and errors, 
An English book entitled: The Lantern of light.  and specially out of the book aforesaid: which book the said john Claydon confessed by his own costs to be written and bound, which book was entitled, the Lantern of light. In the which and in the other examined, were these Articles under written contained.  
1. First, upon the text of the Gospel, how the enemy did sow the tars, there is said thus: that wicked Antichrist the Pope hath sowed among the laws of Christ, his popish and corrupt decrees, which are of no authority, strength, nor valour.  
2. That the Archbishops and Bishops, speaking indifferently, are the seats of the beast Antichrist, when he sitteth in them and reigneth above other people in the dark caves of errors and heresies.  
3. That the Bishop's licence for a man to preach the word of God, is the true character of the beast. i. Antichrist, & therefore simple and faithful Priests may preach when they will against the prohibition of that Antichrist, and without licence.  
4. That the court of Rome is the chief head of Antichrist and the Bishops be the body: 
The head & tail of Antichrist.  & the new sects, that is, the monks, canons, and friars, brought in not by Christ, but damnably by the pope, be the venomous & pestiferous tail of Antichrist.  
5. That no reprobate is a member of the Church but only such as be elected and predestinate to salvation: 
This is true speaking of the invisible Church.  seeing the church is no other thing but the congregation of faithful souls, which do and will keep their faith constantly, as well in deed as in word.  
6. That christ did never plant private religions in the church, but whilst he lived in this world he did root them out. By which it appeareth that private religions be unprofitable branches in the church and to be rooted out.  
7. That the material churches should not be decked with gold silver & precious stone sumptuously, but the followers of the humility of jesus Christ, aught to worship their Lord God humbly in mean & simple houses, & not in great buildings, as the churches be now a days.  
8. That there be ij. chief causes of the persecution of the christians: 
Two causes of persecution noted.  one is the priests unlawful keeping of temporal and superfluous goods, the other is the unsatiable begging of the friars with their high buildings.  
9 That alms is not given virtuously nor lawfully except it be given with these 4. conditions: 
Four conditions in giving alms  first unless it be given to the honour of God. 2. unless it be given of goods justly gotten. 3. unless it be given to such a person as the giver thereof knoweth to be in charity. And 4. unless it be given to such as have need and do not dissemble.  
10. That the often singing in the church is not founded in the scripture, and therefore it is not lawful for priests to occupy themselves with singing in the Church, but with the study of the law of Christ, and preaching his word.  
11. That judas did receive the body of Christ in bread, 
That bread remaineth in the Sacrament.  & his blood in wine In the which it doth plainly appear that after consecration of bread and wine made, the same bread and wine that was before, doth truly remain on the altar.  
12. That all ecclesiastical suffrages do profit all virtuous and godly persons indifferently.  
13. That the Popes and the Bishop's indulgences be unprofitable, neither can they profit them, to whom they be given by any means.  
14. That the laity is not bound to obey the prelate's what so ever they command, unless the prelates do watch to give God a just account of the souls of them.  
15. That Images are not to be sought to by pilgrimages, neither is it lawful for Christians, to bow their knees to them, neither to kiss them, nor to give them any manner of reverence. For the which Articles the Archbishop with other Bishops, and divers learned commoning together, first condemned the books as heretical and burned them in fire: 
The books of I. Claidon burned.  and then because they thought the said john Claydon to be forsworn and fallen into heresy, the Archbishop did proceed to his definitive sentence against the said john personally appearing before him in judgement (his confessions being read and deposed against him) after this manner.  

The sentence & condemnation of john Claidom.  IN the name of God. Amen. We Henry by the grace of GOD Archbishop of Caunterbury, primate of all England, and Legate of the Apostolic sea, in a certain cause of heretical pravity & of relapse into the same, whereupon I. Claidon lay man of the province of Caunterbury, was detected, accused and denounced, & in the said our province of Caunterbury publicly defamed (as by public fame and common report notoriously to us hath been known) first, sitting in judgement seat & observing all things lawfully required in this behalf, do proceed to the pronouncing of the sentence definitive in form as followeth. The name of Christ being invocated & only set before our eyes, forasmuch as by the acts and things enacted, producted, exhibited and confessed before us, also by divers signs & evidences we have found the said john Claydon to have been and to be publicly and notoriously relapsed again into his former heresy, heretofore by him abjured: according to the merits and deserts of the said cause, being of us diligently searched, weighed and pondered before, to the intent that the said I. Claidon shall not infect other with his scab, by the consent and assent of our reverend brethren Richard Bishop of London, john Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, 
john Claidon committed to the secular power.  & Steven Bishop of S. David's, and of other Doctors as well of divinity as of both laws, and also of other discreet and learned men assisting us in this behalf, do judge, pronounce, and declare the said I. Claydon, to be relapsed again into his heresy, which he before did abjure, finally and definitively appointing him to be left unto the secular judgement, and so do leave him by these presents.   
Thus john Claidon receiving his judgement & condemnation of the Archbishop, 
The law de comburendo, insufficient.  was committed to the secular power, and by them unjustly & unlawfully was committed to the fire, for that the temporal magistrate had no such law sufficient for them to burn any such man for religion condemned of the prelates, as is above sufficiently proved & declared pag. 523. But to be short, 
The death and martyrdom of john Claidon.  Quo iurè quaque iniuria, john Cleydon notwithstanding by the temporal magystrats, not long a●ter, was had to smithfield, where meekly he was made a burnt offering unto the Lord. an. 1415.  
The burning of john Claydon, and Richard Turming.  
Robert Fabian, and other Chronologers which follow him, 
I. Claidon, Richard Turming, martus.  add also that Richard Turming Baker, of whom mention is made before in the examination of john Claydon, was likewise the same time burned with him in smithfield. Albeit in the Register I find no sentence of condemnation given against the said Turming, neither yet in the story of S. Albon is there any such metion of his burning made, but only of the burning of john Claydon aforesaid: wherefore the judgement hereof I leave free to the reader. Notwithstanding, concerning the said Turming this is certain that he was accused unto the bishops, & no doubt was in their hands, & bands. What afterward was done with him, I refer it unto the authors.  
The next year after the burning of these two aforesaid and also of john Hus being burnt at constance, which was an. 1416. the Prelates of England seeing the daily increase of the Gospel, 
Anno 1416.  and fearing the ruin of their papal kingdom, were busily occupied with all their counsel and diligence, to maintain the same. Wherefore to make their state and kingdom sure, by statutes, laws, constitutions, and terror of punishment, as Thomas Arundel and other Prelates had done before, so the forenamed henry Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury, in his convocation holden at London, maketh another constitution (as though there had not enough been made before) against the poor Lollards: the copy and tenor whereof he sendeth abroad, to the bishop of London, and to other his suffragans by them to be put in strait execution, containing in words as followeth.  
HEnry by the grace of God Archbishop of Canterbury, 
Ex Regist. Chichesley. 217.  Primate of all England, and Legate of the chiefest seat: to our reverend brother in the Lord Richard, by the grace of God bishop of London, health, & brotherly love, with continual increase. Lately in our last convocation in saint Paul's Church in London, being kept by you and other our brethren and clergy of our province, we do remember to have made this order underwritten by your consents, When as among many other our cares this aught to be chief, that by some means we take those heretics, which like foxes lurk & hide themselves in the lords vineyard: 
You should be better occupied to shake of the dust from your du●y pulpits. Twice every year to inquire for Lollards.  & that the dust of negligence may be utterly shaken from our feet and from the feet of our fellow brethren: In this the said convocation of the Prelates and clergy, we have ordained, and that our fellow brethren, our suffragans and Archdeacon's of our province of Canterbury by themselves, their Officials or Commissaries in all their jurisdictions, & every of their charges in their country, twice every year at the least, do diligently inquire of such persons as are suspect of heresy: And that in every such their Archdeaconries in every parish, wherein is reported any heretics to inhabit, they cause three or more of the honestest men and best reported of, 
Against privy conventicles. To differ from the common sort in life and manners, against the pope's law. Against English books.  to take their oath upon the holy Evangelist, that if they shall know or understand any frequenting either in privy conventicles, or else deferring in life or manners from the common conversation of other Catholic men, or else that hold any, either heresies or errors, or else that have any suspected books in the English tongue, or that do receive any such persons suspect of heresies and errors into their houses, or that be favourers of them that are inhabitants in any such place, or conversant with them, or else have any recourse unto them: they make certificates of those persons in writing: with all the circumstances wherewith they are suspect, unto the said our suffragans or Archdeacon's, or to their Commissaries, so soon, & with as much speed as possibly they can: And that the said Archdeacon and every of their Commissaries aforesaid: do declare the names of all such persons denounced together with all the circumstances of them, the diocese, & places, & secretly under their seals do send over unto us the same: And that the same diocessans effectually direct forth lawful process against them, as the quality of the cause requireth, & that with all diligence they discern, define and execute the same.  
And if perhaps they leave not such persons convict unto the secular court, yet notwithstanding let them commit them unto the perpetual or temporal prisons, as the quality of the cause shall require, until the next convocation of the prelate's and Clergy of our province of Canterbury, there personally to remain: and that in the same prisons they cause them to be kept according as the law requireth: And that of all and singular the things aforesaid, that is, what iniquisition they have made, and what they have found, and how in the process they have behaved themselves, and what persons so convict they have caused to be put in safe keeping, with what diligence or negligence of the Commissaries aforesaid, with all and all manner of other circumstances premised, and thereunto in any wise appertaining, and specially of the abiurations, if in the mean time they shall chance to abjure any heresies: that then in the next convocation of the Prelates and Clergy under the form aforesaid, they cause the same distinctly and apertly to be certified to us and our successors: And that they deliver effectually to the Official of our Court, the same process to remain with them, or else in the register of one court of Canterbury, so that every one, to whom ●●th things appertaineth for the further execution of the same process, may have recourse unto the same official, with all effect.  
We therefore command, that as touching the constitution brought unto your City & Diocesan, you cause the same in convenient place and time to be published, and that in all points you both observe the same yourselves and cause it also of others to be diligently observed: Commanding furthermore, all and singular our fellow brethren and suffragans, that they in likewise cause the same to be published throughout all their Cities and Diocese, & both diligently observe the same themselves, and also cause all others to do the same: and what thing soever you shall do in the premises, that you certify us betwixt this and the feast of S. Peter ad vincula, next coming, that you duly certify us of these things, by your letters patents, containing the same effect, sealed with your seals. Dated at our house in London, the first day of july. an. 1416.  

The trouble of I. Barton, and Robert Chapel in cause of religion. This Philip seemeth to be Philippe Repington afore mentioned in the story of Wicklieffe.  During the time of this convocation, in the year above said, two priests were presented & brought before the bishops, noted and defamed for heretics: one named john Barton, unto whom it was objected by Philip Bishop of Lincoln, that he had been excommunicated about 6. or 7. years before, upon Articles concerning religion, and yet neither would appear being cited, nor would seek to be reconciled again unto the Church. Which things being so proved against him, he was committed to the custody of the foresaid Philip Bishop of Lincoln, and so to be holden in prison, till he should hear further what should be done.  
The other was Robert Chapel, otherwise named Holbech, Chaplain sometime to the Lord Cobham: unto whom likewise it was objected, that he being under the sentence of excommunication about three or four years, yet notwithstanding to the contempt of the keys, did continue saying Mass, and preaching, & sought not to be reconciled, Chapel denying that he did know any such excommunication given out against him. Then was the copy of his excommunication first made by the bishop of Roff. afterward denounced by the Bishop of London at Paul's cross brought and read before him: & so that done, that Session broke up for that time, which was about the latter end of May. an. 1416.  
The xij. day of the month of july next following, the said Chapel appeared again before the Archbishop and the Prelates. To whom when it was objected as before, how he had preached without the Bishop's licence, in divers places, 
R. chapel ●●●ureth.  as at Cobham, at Cowling, and at shorn, ac length he confessing and submitting himself, desired pardon. Which although it was not at the first granted unto him, yet at the last the Bishop of Roff. putting in his hands the decree of the canon law. 1. q. 7. cap. Quoties. etc. and causing him to read the same, made him to aviure all his former articles & opinions as heretical and schismatical, never to hold the same again, according to the contents of the foresaid Canon. Whereupon the said Robert being absolved by the authority of the Archb. (save only that he should not intermeddle with saying Mass, before he had been dispensed from the Pope himself for his irregularity) was enjoined by the Archb. himself for his penance, standing at Paul's to publish these articles following unto the people, in stead of his confession given him to be read.  

Articles obtruded to R. Chapel to confess.  In primis, I confess that Bishops, Priests, and other Ecclesiastical persons, having no other profession to the contrary, may lawfully have, receive, and retain lands and possessions temporal, to dispense and dispose the same and the rents thereof, to the behoof of themselves or of their Church where they dwell, according as seemeth good to them.  
2. Item, I confess that it were very unlawful, yea rather unjust, that temporal men upon any occasion, whatsoever it be, should take away temporal lands and possessions from the church either universal or particular, to whom they are given, the consideration of the abuse of mortal prelate's, priest, or other ministers in the Church conversant (which are mixed together good with bad) abusing the same to the contrary notwithstanding.  
3. Item, I confess that peregrinations to the relics of saints and to holy places, 
Mark well this catholic doctrine of the Pope's Church, concerning remission of sins. Mark how this doctrine joineth with God's commandment. & with his word.  are not prohibited, nor to be contemned of any Catholic, but are available to remission of sins, and approved of holy fathers, and worthy to be commended.  
4. Item, I confess that to worship the images of Christ or of any other saints being set up in the church, or in any other place is not forbidden: neither is any cause inductive of Idolatry, being so used as the holy fathers do will them to be worshipped: But rather such images do profit much to the health of Christians, because they do put us in remembrance of the merits of those saints, whom they represent and the sight of them doth moon and stir up the people to prayers and devotion.  
5. Item, 
Ergo, by this doctrine the just man liveth not by his faith, but by his confession auricular. How can these priests be servants of Christ, which be makers of Christ.  I confess that auricular confession used in the Church is necessary for a sinner to the salvation of his soul, and necessary to be done of such a priest, as is ordained by the Church, to hear the confession of the sinner, & to enjoin him penance for the same: without which confession (if it may be had) there is no remission of sins to him that is in sin mortal.  
6. Item, I confess and firmly do hold, that although the Priest be in mortal sin, yet may he make the body of Christ, and minister other Sacraments and Sacramentals: which nevertheless are profitable to all the faithful, whosoever receiveth them in faith and in devotion of the Church.  
7. Item, I confess that bishops in their own diocese, may forbid, decree, & ordain upon reasonable causes, that priests should not preach without their special licence, the word of God, and that those that do against the same, should suffer the ecclesiastical censures.  
8. Item, 
Private religions profitable, if ye could tell wherefore.  I confess that private religions as well of monks canons and other, as also of the begging Friars, being allowed by the church of Rome, are profitable to the universal church, and in no means contrary to God's law, but rather founded and authorised thereon.  
9 Item, I promise and swear upon these holy evangelies, which I hold here in my hands, that I will henceforth never hold, affirm, nor by any means teach any thing contrary unto the premises either openly or privately.  
After the setting out of the constitution aforesaid in the days of the above named Henry Chichesley Arbishop of Caunterbury great inquisition hereupon followed in England, and many good men whose hearts began to be won to the Gospel, were brought to much vexation and caused outwardly to abjure.  
Thus, 
Strait inquisition in England. Christ had the hearts of men: they had their bodies A brief sum of such as abjured, under Hen. Chichesley. I. Tailor W. James. I. Dweiffe.  while Christ had the inward hearts of men: yet the Catholic Antichrist would needs possess their outward bodies, and make them sing after his song. In the number of whom, being compelled to abjure, besides the other aforesaid was also I. Tailor of the parish of Saint michael's at Duerne. William james master of Art and Physician, who had long remained in prison, and at length after abjuration, was licensed with his keeper, to practise his Physic.  
Also joh. Dwerf, so named for his low stature, which was sent by the Duke of Bedford to the foresaid Chichesly and other bishops to be examined before them in the convocation: there he at length revolting from his doctrine recanted and did penance.  
In like manner john jourdelay of Lincolnshire, 
john jourdelay.  well commended in the registers for his learning, accused by the priests of Lincoln for a certain book, which he contrary to the former decree of the bishops did conceal & did not exhibit unto them, 
I. jourdelay abiureth.  was therefore enforced to abjure. After whom was brought likewise before the Bishops, one Katharin Dertford a Spinster, who being accused and examined upon these 3. articles concerning the Sacrament of the pope's altar, adoration of Images, and of pilgrimage, answered that she was not able, being unlearned, to answer to such high matters, neither had she any further skill, but only her Creed and x. commandments: and so was she committed to the vicar general of the B. of Wint. (for that she was of the same diocese) to be kept and further to be examined of the same. Ex Regist. Hen. Chichesley.  
At the same sitting was also brought before the said Archb. 
Rob. person of Heggeley examined.  and his fellow bishops, by the lieutenant of the Tower, the person of Heggely in Lincolneshyre, named M. Robert, who being long kept in the tower, at length by the kings writ was brought and examined the same time upon the like articles, to wit: touching the sacrament of their altar, peregrination, adoration of images, & whether it was lawful for spiritual men to enjoy temporal Lordships. etc. To the which articles he answered (saith the Register) doublely and mockingly, save only in the sacrament he seemed something more conformable, albeit not yet fully to their contentation. Wherefore being committed to the custody and examination of Richard Bishop of Lincoln, where in the end he was also induced to submit himself.  

W. Henry of Tenterdon examined.  The same likewise did W. Henry of Tenterden being suspected and arrested for company keeping with them, whom the Bishops called Lollards, and for having suspected books.  

A book of the new laW. I. Gall. R. Monk. Bart. Co●mōger N. Hoper. Tho. Granter troubled for their doctrine.  Besides these, divers other there were also which in the same convocation were convented, and revoked their opinions, as john Gall a Priest of London, for having a book in English entitled: A book of the new law. Item, Richard Monk, vicar of Chesham in Lincolnshyre, who submitted himself likewise. In this race and number followed moreover, Bartholomew Cormnonger, Nic, Hoper servant to the Lord Cobham. Tho. Granter, with other more, mentioned in the foresaid register.  
Among the rest which were at this time troubled for their faith, was one Radulph Mungin priest, who for the same doctrine was arrested and sent up by the L. Chancellor of England, to the foresaid Arch. and by him committed to David Price, vicar general to the B. of London: Where after he had endured 4. months in prison, he was by the said David presented to the convocation, against whom divers articles were objected.  
But for the better explaining of the matter, first here is to be noted, that during the time of this convocation provincial, Pope Martin had sent down to the clergy of England, 
A subsidy ge●thered by the pope to fight against the faithful of Bohemia.  for a subsidy to be gathered of the Church, to maintain the Pope's war against the Lolards (so the Papists did term them) of Bohemia. Also an other subsidy was demanded to persecute one Peter Clerke master of art of Oxford, who flying out of England, was at the council of basil, disputing on the Bohemians side. And thirdly, an other subsidy was also required to persecute W. russel, Warden of the Grey Friars in London, who the same time was fled from England to Rome, to maintain his opinion before the Pope, and there escaped out of prison. etc. of whom more largely hereafter (Christ willing) we shall entreat. 
romish sleights to get the English money.  In the mean time mark here the preey shifts of the Pope to hook in the English money by all manner of pretences possible.  
Thus Ralph Mungyn, the foresaid examinate appearing before the bishops in the convocation, it was articulated against him, 
Articles objected against Ralph Mungin.  first that he should affirm and hold, not to be lawful for any Christian to fight and make war against the heretics of Bohemia.  
Item, it was to him objected, that he did hold & say, not to be lawful for any man to have propriety of goods, but the same to be common, which he expressly denied that ever he so said or affirmed. Whereby we have to observe, how the crafty malice of these adversaries useth falsely to collect and surmise of men, what they never spoke, whereby to oppress them wrongfully, whom by plain truth they cannot expugn.  
Moreover, they objected against him, that he should keep company with Master Clarke aforesaid, and also that he dispersed in the City of London, certain books of john Wickliff and of Peter Clarke, namely, the book Trialogus and the Gospels of john Wickleffe. 
Trialogus. The Gospels translated by john Wickliff.  etc. He was charged moreover to have spoken against the Pope's indulgences, for that the Pope had no more power to give indulgences, than he had.  
Upon these and other such Articles objected, the said Mungyn being asked if he would revoke, answered that it seemed to him not just or meet so to do, which did not know himself guilty of any heresy. Thus he being respited for that time, was committed to prison till the next sitting, who then being called divers and sundry times afterward before the Bishops, after long inquisition and strait examination made, 
Radulph Mungin condemned to perpetual prison.  also depositions brought in against him so much as they could search out, he notwithstanding still denied as before, to recant. Wherefore the foresaid Henry the Archbishop, proceeding to his sentence definitive, condemned him to perpetual prison.  
After whose condemnation, the sunday next following, the recantation of Tho. Granter, 
Tho. Granter. Richard Monk.  and of Richard Monk Priests above mentioned, were openly read at Paul's cross, the Bishop of Rochester the same time preached at the said cross. The tenor of whose recantation, with his Articles in the same expressed, here under followeth.  

The recantation of Tho. Granter. Note the doctrine & opinions in those days, where the Gospel took place.  IN the name of God. Before you my Lord of Canterbury, and all you my Lords here being present, & afore you all here gathered at this time, I Thomas Granter priest unworthy, dwelling in this City of London, feeling & understanding, that afore this time I affirmed open errors and heresies, saying, believing, and affirming within this City, that he that Christian men callen Pope, is not very Pope, ner God's vicary in earth, but I said he was Antichrist. Also I said, believed, and affirmed, that after the sacramental words said by a Priest in the Mass, there remaineth material bread and wine, and is not turned into Christ's body and his blood. Also I said and affirmed that it was not for to do in no wise, to go on pilgrimage, but it was better I said to abide at home and beat the stools with their heels, for it was, I said, but tree & stone that they sosughten. Also I said and affirmed that I held no Scripture catholic ner holy, but only that is contained in the Bible. For the Legends and lives of Saints, I held 'em nought, and the miracles written of 'em I held untrue. Because of which errors and heresies I was tofore M. Davy Price, vicar general of my Lord of London, and since tofore you my Lord of Caunterbury & your brethren in your council provincial, & by you fully informed, which so said, mine affirming, believing & teaching, been open errors and heresies, and contrarious to the determination of the church of Rome. Wherefore I willing to follow and sew the doctrine of holy church, and departed fro all manner errors and heresy, and turn with good will & hart to the onehead of the church, considering that holy church shitteth ner closeth not her bosom to him that will turn again, 
One head, that is, the unity of the Church.  ne God will not the death of a sinner, but rather he been turned & live: With a pure hart I confess, detest, & despise my said errors and heresies, and the said opinions I confess as heresies and errors, to the faith of the church of Rome, & to all universally holy church repugnant. And therefore these said opinions in special, and all other errors and heresies, doctrines and opinions, eyes the faith of the Church and the determination of the Church of Rome, I abjure and forswear, here tofore you all, and swear by these holy Gospels by me bodily touched, that from henceforth I shall never hold teach, ne preach error errors, heresy, ne heresies, nor false doctrine against the faith of holy church, 
Men tied to the Church of Rome.  & determination of the church of Rome ner none such thing I shall obstinately defend, ne any man holding or teaching such manner things by me or an other person, openly or privily I shall defend. I shall never after this time be receitor, fautor, councillor, or defender of heretics, or of any person suspect of heresy, ner I shall trow to him: ner wittingly fellaship with him, ner give him counsel, favour, gifts, ne comfort. And if I know any heretics, or of heresy, or of such false opinions, any person suspect, or any man or woman making or holding privy conventicles, or assemblies, or any divers or singular opinions from the common doctrine of the Church of Rome, or if I may know any of their fautors, comforters, councelours, or defensers, or any that have suspect books or quires of such errors and heresies: I shall let you my Lord of Canterbury, or your officers in your absence, or the Diocesans and Ordinaries of such men, have soon and ready knowing, so help me God and holydeme, and these holy evangelies by me bodily touched.  
¶ After this recantation at the Cross thus published, and his submission made, ' the said Granter than was by the advise of the Prelates, put to 7. years prisonment, under the custody and charge of the bishop of London.  
After this, followed in like manner the recantation of Richard Monk. Also of Edmund Frith, which was before Butler so sir john Oldcastle.  
Beside these above remembered, 
The affliction and trouble in Kent, under Chichesley.  many and divers there be in the said register recorded, who likewise for their faith and religion were greatly vexed and troubled, especially in the Diocese of Kent, in the towns of Romney, Tenterden, Wodcherche, Cranbroke, Staphelherst, Beninden, Halden, Roluenyden and others, where as whole households, both man and wife, were driven to forsake their houses and towns for danger of persecution: as sufficiently appeareth in the process of the Archb. Chichesley against the said persons, and in the certificate of Burbath his official, 
Persons persecuted in Ke●t.  wherein are named these persons following.  

1. W. White Priest.  
2. Tho. Grenested. Priest.  
3. Bartho. Cronmonger.  
4. john Wadnon.  
5. joan his wife.  
6. Tho. Euerden.  
7. William Euerden.  
8. Steven Robin.  
9 W. Chiveling.  
10. john Tame.  
11. john Fowlin.  
12. Will. Summer.  
13. Marion his wife.  
14. john Abraham.  
15. Rob. Munden  
16. Laurence Coke.   
These being cited up together by the bishop would not appear. Whereupon great inquisition being made for them by his officers, they were constrained to fly their houses & towns, & shift for themselves as covertly as they might. When Burbath and other officers had sent word to the Archbishop that they could not be found, than he directed down order that Citations should be set up for them on every Church door through all towns where they did inhabit: appointing them a day & term when to appear. But not withstanding, when as they yet could not be taken, neither would appear, the Archbishop sitting in his tribunal seat, proceedeth to the sentence of excommunication against them. What afterward happened to them, in the register doth not appear: but like it is, at length they were forced to submit themselves.  
Concerning sir john Oldcastle the Lord Cobham, and of his first apprehension, 
The second apprehension of the Lord Cobham.  with his whole story & life, sufficiently hath been expressed before, pag. 575. how he being committed to the Tower, and condemned falsely of heresy, escaped afterward out of the Tower, and was in Wales about the space of four years. In the which mean time, a great sum of money was proclaimed by the King, to him that could take the said sir john Oldcastle, either quick or dead. About the end of which four years being expired, 
The Lord Powes playeth judas.  the Lord Powes, whether for love and greediness of the money, or whether for hatred of true and sincere doctrine of Christ, seeking all manner of ways how to play the part of judas, at length obtained his bloody purpose, and brought the Lord Cobham bound up, to London: which was about the year of our Lord. 1417. and about the month of December. At which time, there was a Parliament assembled at London, for the relief of money the same time to be sent to the King, whom the Bishops had sent out (as ye heard before) to fight in France. The records of which Parliament do thus say: that on Twesday the xiv. day of December, and the xxix. day of the said Parliament, Sir john Oldcastle of Cowling, in the County of Kent, Knight, being outlawed (as is afore minded) in the King's bench, and excommunicated before by the Archbishop of Canterbury for heresy, was brought before the Lords, and having heard his said convictions, answered not thereto in his excuse. Upon which record and process, it was adjudged, that he should be taken as a traitor to the King and the Realm: that he should be carried to the Tower of London, and from thence drawn through London unto the new gallows in S. Gyles without Temple bar, and there to be hanged, and burned hanging.  
¶ The description of the cruel martyrdom of Sir john Oldcastle, Lord Cobham.  

Treason falsely surmised.  As touching the pretenced treason of this Lord Cobham falsely ascribed unto him in his indictment, rising upon wrong suggestion and false surmise, and aggravated by rigour of words, rather than upon any ground of due probation, sufficiently hath been discoursed before in my defence of the said Lord Cobham, 
Vide supra. pag. 575.  against Alanus Copus, page. 575. where again is to be noted, as I said before, how by this appeareth, that the Lord Cobham was never executed by force of the indictment or outlawry, because, if he had, he should then have been brought to the bar in the King's bench, and there the judges should have demanded of him, what he could have said, why he should not have died: and then not showing sufficient cause for the discharge or delay of execution, the judges should have awarded and given the judgement of treason: which being not so, it is clear he was not executed upon the Indictment. Besides, to prove that he was not executed upon the Indictment, and the outlawry, the manner of the execution proveth it, because it was neither the execution of a Traitor, nor was the whole punishment thereof pronounced by the judge, as by due order of law was requisite.  
Finally, as I said before, here I repeat again, that albeit the said Lord Cobham was attained of treason by the Act, and that the King, the Lords, and the commons assented to the Act: yet all that bindeth not in such sort (as if in deed he were no traitor) that any man may not by search of the truth, utter and set forth sincerely and justly, the very true and certain cause, whereupon his execution did follow. Which seemeth by all circumstances and firm arguments, to rise principally of his Religion, which first brought him in hatred of the Bishops: the Bishops brought him in hatred of the King: the hatred of the King brought him to his death and martyrdom. And thus much for the death and execution of this worthy servant of Christ Lord Cobham.  
Moreover, in the records above mentioned it followeth, how in the said Parliament, after the martyrdom of this valiant Knight, 
judas feeleth for his reward.  motion than was made, that the Lord Powes might be thanked and rewarded, according to the Proclamation made, for his great travail taken in the apprehension of Sir john Oldcastle Knight, heretic. Thus stand the words of the record. Where two things are to be noted: First, how Sir john here in the record is called not traitor, but heretic only. Secondly, mark how this brother of judas here craveth his reward for betraying the innocent blood. Wherein it is not to be doubted, but that his light fee, and quid vultis mihi dare in this world, will have an heavy reward hereafter in the world to come, unless he repented. etc.  

An. 5. Henr. 5 act. 17.  Furthermore, in the said Parliament, Act. 17. it was enacted, that the Church and all estates should enjoy all their liberties, which were not repealed, or repealeable by the common law: meaning belike, the excluding of the jurisdiction of the Pope's foreign power, which hath always by the common law been excluded out of this Realm.  

An. 5. Hennr. 5. act. 17.  In the same Parliament also a grievous complaint was made (by the Bishops no doubt) against insurrections. In the end, they suspected that they were the Lollards, heretics, and traitors, with a request that commissions might at all times be granted to inquire of them. Whereunto answer was made, that the statutes therefore made, 
All the blame laid to the Lollards.  should be executed, etc. Thus the Clergy Tanquam leones rugientes, ceased not to roar after Christian blood: And whosoever was else in fault, still the Clergy cried: crucify Christ, and deliver us Barrabas: For then all horrible facts and mischiefs, if any were done, were imputed to the poor Lollards.  
And now from our English matters, to return again to the story of the Bohemians, from whence we have a little digressed, when as the news of the barbarous cruelty exercised at Constance against john Hus, & Jerome of prague, were noised in Boheme, the nobles and gentlemen of Moravia and Boheme, such as favoured the cause of john Hus, gathering themselves together in the zeal of Christ: first sent their letter unto the Council, expostulating with them, for the injury done to those godly men, as is before expressed, page. 602. for the which letter they were all cited up to the Council. Unto this letter Sigismond the Emperor maketh answer again in the name of the whole Council: first, excusing himself of Husses death, which he said was against his safeconduict, and against his will: Insomuch that he rose in anger from the Council, and departed out of Constance, as is before remembered. Secondly, he requireth them to be quiet, and to conform themselves peaceably unto the order of the Catholic Church of Rome, etc.  
Also the Council hearing or fearing some stir to rise among the Bohemians, did make laws and Articles whereby to bridle them, to the number of xxiv.  

Articles decreed in the Council of Constance agoinst the Bohemians.  FIrst, that the King of Bohemia shall be sworn to give obedience, and to defend the liberties of the Church of Rome.  
That all Masters, Doctors and Priests, shall be sworn to abjure the doctrine of Wickleffe, and hus, in that Council condemned.  
That all they which being cited, would not appear, should also be sworn to abjure: and they which would not appear, contemning the censure of the keys, should have process against them, and be punished.  
That all such lay men as had defended the causes of john Wickleffe and john hus, should swear to defend them no more, and to approve the doings of that Council, and the condemnation of john Husse.  
That all such seculare men as had spoiled the Clergy, should be sworn to restitution.  
That Priests being expelled from their benefices, should be restored again.  
That all profaners of Churches should be punished after the Canonical sanctions.  
That such as had been promoters in the Council against john Husse, should be permitted safely to return into Boheme again, and to enjoy their benefices.  
That the relics and treasure taken out of the Church of prague, should be restored fully again.  
That the university of prague should be restored again and reform, and that they which had been the disturbers thereof, should be really punished.  
That the principal heretics and doctors of that sect, should be sent up to the sea apostolic, namely, jonnes jessenetz, 
The favores, of I. Hus in Boheme.  jacobellus de Misna, Simon de Tysna, Simon de Rochinzano, Christiannus de Brachatitz, joannes Cardinalis, Zdenko de loben, The provost of Alhalowes, Zaislaus de Suiertitz, and Michael de Czisko.  
That all secular men which communicated under both kinds, should abjure that heresy, and swear to stop the same hereafter.  

This suffragan was a good man and held with john Hus.  That they which were ordained Priests by the suffragan of the Archbishop of prague, taken by the Lord Zenko, should not be dispensed with, but sent up to the Sea Apostolic.  
That the treatises of john Wickliff, 
Wicklieffes books translated by I. Hus and jacobellus, into the Bohemian speech.  translated into the Bohemian tongue by john hus, and jacobellus, should be brought to the Ordinary.  
That the treatises of john Husse condemned in the Council, should also be brought to the Ordinary.  
That all the tractations of jacobellus De utraque specie, de Antichristo (wherein he ralleth the Pope Antichrist) Et de remanentia panis post consecrationem, should likewise be brought and burned.  
That all songs and balates made to the prejudice of the Council, and of the Catholic persons of both states, should be forbid to be song in Cities, towns and villages, under great and extreme punishment.  
That none should preach the word without the licence of the Ordinary, or of the parson of that place.  
That Ordinaries and Prelates, having jurisdiction, should not be stopped in their jurisdiction, by the secular power, under pain of excommunication.  
That all and singular parsons shall be commanded to obedience, under pain of excommunication: and that whosoever knoweth any person to favour any Wiclevistes or their doctrine, or that keepeth company with suspect persons, he shall present the same to his Diocesans or his officials.  
That the confederacy of the seculars made between themselves, or any of the spirituality, to the prejudice of the foresaid Council, and of the Apostolic sea & Church of Rome, in the favour of john Hus, Jerome of prague, and other in the said Council condemned, shallbe dissolved.  
That the rites and ceremonies of Christian Religion, touching God's service, 
Concilium malignantium.  Images, and worshipping of relics, shall be observed, and transgressors of the same be punished.  
That all and singular, either spiritual or secular that shall preach, teach, hold, or maintain the opinions and Articles of john Wickliff, john Hus, and Jerome, in this Council condemned, and convict of the same, shall be holden for heretics, and falling in relapse, shall be burned.  
That all secular persons being monished and charged by the Ordinaries, shall be bound to give their aid and furtherance unto them, touching the premises.  
The Bohemians, notwithstanding these cruel Articles, contemning the vain devices of these Prelates and fathers of the Council, ceased not to proceed in their league and purpose begon, joining themselves more strongly together.  
In this mean time it happened, that during this Council of Constance, 
Deposing of Pope john 23.  after the deposing of Pope john, and spoiling of his goods, which came to 75. thousand pounds of gold and silver, as is reported in the story of Saint Albans, 
Ex hist, Albani.  Pope Martin upon the day of S. Martin, was elected. Concerning whose election, great preparation was made before of the Council, so that beside the Cardinals, five other Bishops of every nation should enter into the conclave, who there together should be kept with thin diet, till they had founded a Pope. At last, when they were together, 
The election of Pope Martin. The Emperor kisseth the pope's feet.  they agreed upon this man, and not tarrying for opening of the door, like mad men, for haste, braced open an hole in the wall, crying out, habemus papam, Martinum, we have a Martin Pope. The Emperor hearing thereof, with the like haste, came apace, and falling down, kissed the new Pope's feet. Then went they all to the Church together, and sang, Te Deum.  
The next day following, 
Pope Martind.  this Martin was made priest (which before was but a Cardinal Deacon) and the next day after was consecrate Bishop, and sang his first mass, whereat was present 140. mitted Bishops. After this, the next morrow, the new holy Pope ordained a general procession, where a certain Clerk was appointed to stand with flax and fire, who setting the flax on fire, thus said: Ecce pater sancte, sic transit gloria mundi. i. behold holy father, thus vadeth the transitory glory of this world. Which done, 
The coronation of pope Martin.  the same day the holy father was brought up unto an high scaffold (saith the story) I will not say to an high mountain, where was offered to him all the glory of the world, etc. there to be crowned for a triple King. This done, the same day, after dinner, the new crowned Pope was with great triumph brought through the midst of the City of Constance, where all the Bishops and Abbots followed with their mitres. 
Meretrix c● quitans super bessiam Apocalip.  The Pope's horse was all trapped with red scarlet down to the ground. The Cardinal's horses were all in white silk, the Emperor on the right side, and prince elector on the left, playing both the Pope's footmen, went on foot, leading the Pope's horse by the bridle.  

The pope 〈◊〉 horseback, the Emperor ●● foot. Why then doth the ●apek●epe ●●●l the old Jews ceremonies, if all things be made new. Anno. 14●7.  As this Pageant thus with the great giant proceeded, and came to the market place, there the jews (according to the manner) offered to him their law and ceremonies. Which the Pope receiving, cast behind him, saying: Recedant vetera, nova sunt omnia. i. Let old things pass, all things be made new, etc. Ex hist. S. Alb. ex paralip. Vrsperg. This was an. 1417.  
Thus the Pope being now confirmed in his kingdom, first beginneth to write his letters to the Bohemians, wherein partly he moveth them to Catholic obedience, partly he dissembleth with them, feigning, that if it were not for the emperors request, he would enter process against them. Thirdly and finally he threateneth to attempt the uttermost against them, and with all force to invade them, as well with the Apostolical, as also with the secular arm, if they did still persist, as they begonn.  
Albeit these new threats of the new Bishop, did nothing move the constant hearts of the Bohemians, whom the inward zeal of Christ's word had before inflamed.  
Although it had been to be wished, such bloodshed and wars not to have followed: yet to say the truth, how could these Rabines greatly blame them herein, whom their bloody tyranny had before provoked so injustly, if now with their glozing letters they could not so easily appease them again.  
Wherefore these foresaid Bohemians, partly for the love of john Hus and Jerome their countrymen, 
A yearly memorial of john Hus & Jerome ●●pt among 〈◊〉 Bohemia●ns.  partly for the hatred of their malignant Papistry, assembling together, first agreed to celebrate a solemn memorial of the death of john Husse and Jerome, decreeing the same to be holden & celebrate yearly. And afterward, by means of their friends, they obtained certain Churches of the King, wherein they might freely preach and minister the Sacraments unto the congregation. This done, they suppressed divers monasteries, pharisaical temples, and idolatrous phanes, beginning first with the great monastery of the black Friars, eight miles from prague, and driving away the wicked and vicious Priests & Monks out of them, or compelling them unto a better order. And thus their number more and more increasing under the conduct of a certain noble man named Nicholas, they went again unto the King, requiring to have more and ampler Churches granted unto them. The King seemed at the first willingly and gently to give care unto the said Nicholas entreating for the people, and commanded them to come again the next day.  
When the people were departed, the king turning himself to that noble man Nicholas, 
K. Wenceslaus, threateneth Nicholas.  which tarried still behind, said: Thou hast begun a web to put me out of my kingdom, but I will make a rope of it, wherewithal I will hang thee. Whereupon he immediately departed out of the King's presence, and the King himself went into the Castle of Uissegrad: within a while after, into a new Castle, which he himself had builded five stones cast from thence, sending Ambassadors to his brother to require aid.  
These Protestants being assembled in the Town of Pra●e, holding their conventions: the king sent forth his Chamberlain with CCC. horsemen, to run upon them: but he having respect unto his life, fled. When news thereof was brought unto the king, 
The death of King Wenceslaus.  all that were about him being amazed, utterly detested the fact: but the King's cupbearer standing by, said: I knew before that these things would thus come to pass. 
The marvelous work of God's judgement to be noted, in defending his people.  Whom the king in a rage taking hold of, threw him down before his feet, and with his dagger would have slain him: but being letted by such as were about him, with much ado, he pardoned him his life. Immediately the king being taken with a palsy, fell sick, and within 18. days after, when he had marked the names of such, whom he had appointed to put to death, incessantly calling for aid of his brother, and other his friends, he departed this life before the Princes which he had sent unto, were come with aid, when he had reigned 55. years, and was about the age of 57 years.   

The story of Zisca.  

Out of Even as silvius.  Immediately after the death of Wenceslaus, there was a certain noble man named Zisca, borne at Trosnovia, which from his youth upward, was brought up in the kings court, and had lost one of his eyes in a battle, where as he had valiantly borne himself. This man being sore grieved for the death of I. Hus, and Jerome of prague, minding to revenge the injuries which the Council had done, greatly to the dishonour of the kingdom of Boheme, upon their complices and adherents: he gathered together a number of men of war, and subverted the Monasteries and idolatrous temples, pulling down, and breaking in pieces the images and idols, driving away the Priests and Monks, which he said were kept up in their Cloisters, like swine in their sties to be fatted. After this, his army being increased, having gathered together about forty thousand men, he attempted to take the Castle of Uissegrade, which was but slenderly warded. From thence the said Zisca under the conduct of Coranda, went speedily unto Pelzina, 
Zischa getteth Pelzina.  whereas he knew he had many friends of his faction, and took the town into his power, fortifying the same very strongly, and those which tarried behind, took the Castle of Uissegrade.  
Then the Queen Sophia being very careful, 
The queen sendeth for Sigismond the Empeerour.  sent letters and messengers unto the Emperor Sigismond, and other nobles adjoining unto her, requiring aid and help: but the Emperor made preparation against the Turk, which had then lately won certain Castles of him. Whereupon the Queen seeing all aid so far off, together with Zenko Warrenberge, gathered an host with the king's treasure, and fortified the Castle of prague, and the lesser City which joineth unto the Castle, making gates and Towers of wood upon the bridge, over the River Multane, to stop that the Protestants should have no passage that way. Then it happened that at the isle of S. Benedict, one Peter Steremberge fought an equal or indifferent battle with them.  
In the mean time the number of the Protestants being increased in prague, they fought for the bridge. In which battle many were slain on both parts, but at the length the Hussites wan the bridge, and the neither part of lesser prague, the Queen's part fleeing into the upper part thereof: whereas they turning again fiercely, renewed the battle, and fought continually day and night by the space of five days. Many were slain on both parts, goodly buildings were razed, and the council house, which was in a low place, was utterly defaced and burned.  
During the time of this troublous estate, 
The emperors Ambassadors agree with the citizens of prague  the Ambassadors of the Emperor Sigismond were come: which taking upon them the rule and governance of the Realm, made a truce or league with the City of prague under this condition, that the Castle of Uissegrad being rendered, it should be lawful for them to send Ambassadors to the Emperor Sigismond to entreat as touching their estate, and that Zisca should render Pelzina & Piesta, with the other forts which he had taken. These conditions thus agreed upon and received, all the foreign Protestants departed out of the City, and the Senate of the City began to govern again according to their accustomed manner, and all things were quieted. Howbeit, the Papists which were gone out of the Town, durst not return again: but still looked for the Emperor, by whose presence they thought they should have been safe. But this their hope was frustrate by means of certain letters which were sent from the Emperor, wherein it was written that he would shortly come and rule the kingdom, even after the same order and manner as his father Charles had done before him. Whereby the Protestants understood that their sect and Religion should be utterly banished, which was not begun during the reign of the said Charles.  
About Christmas, the Emperor Sigismond came to Brunna a City of Moravia, and there he pardoned the Citizens of prague, under condition that they would let down the chains and bars of the City, and receive his rulers and magistrates. Whereunto the whole city obeyed, and the Magistrates thereof lifting up their hands unto heaven, rejoiced at the coming of the new king. But the Emperor turned another way, and went unto Uratislavia, the head city of Slesia, where as a little before, the communality of the City had slain in an insurrection, the magistrates, which his brother Wenceslaus had set in authority: the principals whereof he beheaded. 
The city of prague fell from the Emperor.  The news whereof when they were reported at prague, the Citizens being seared by the example of the Vratislavians, distrusting their pardon, rebelled out of hand, and having obtained Cencho on their part, which had the governance of the Castle of prague, they sent letters into all the Realm, that no man should suffer the Emperor to enter, which was an enemy unto Boheme, and sought nothing else, but to destroy the kingdom: 
The complaint of the city of prague against Sigismond.  which also bond the ancient city of the Prutenitants, unto order by pledges, and put the Marquis of Brandenburge from the Bohemian crown: and had not only suffered john Hus & Jerome of prague to be burned at the Council of Constance, but also procured the same, & with all his endeavour did impugn the doctrine & faith which they taught and followed. Whilst these things we thus done. Zisca having given over Pelzina by composition, was twice assaulted by his enemies, but through policy he was always victor. The places where they sought, were rough and unknown, his enemies were on horseback, and all his soldiers on foot, neither could there be any battle fought, but on foot. Whereupon, when his enemies were alighted from their horses. Zisca commanded the women which customably followed the host, 
The policy of Zisca.  to cast their kerchieffes upon the ground, wherein the horsemen being entangled by their spurs, were slain before they could unlose their feet.  
After this, he went unto Ausca, a town situate upon the River Lusinitius, out of which town Procopius and Ulricius, two brethren Papists, had castout many Protestants. This Town Zisca took by force of arms the first night of Lent, razed it, and set it on fire. He also took the Castle of Litius, which was a mile off, whether as Ulricius was fled, and put Ulricius and all his family to the sword, saving one only.  
Then, forsomuch as he had no walled or fenced town to inhabit, he chose out a certain place upon the same river, which was fenced by nature, about eight miles from the City of Ausca. 
The city of Thabor builded.  This place he compassed in with walls, and commanded every man to build them houses, where they had pitched their tents, and named this City Thabor, and the inhabitants his companions Thaborites, because their City, by all like, was builded upon the top of some hill or mount. This City, albeit that it was sensed with high rocks and cleaves, yet was it compassed with a wall and vainnure, and the river Lusinitius fenceth a great part of the town, the rest is compassed in with a great brook, the which running strait into the river Lusinitius, is stopped by a great rock, and driven back towards the right hand, all the length of the City, and at the further end it joineth with the great river. The way unto it by land is scarce thirty foot broad, for it is almost an Island. In this place there was a deep ditch cast, and a triple wall made, of such thickness, that it could not be broken with any engine. The wall was full of towers & sorts set in their convenient & meet places. Zisca was the first that builded the Castle, and those that came after him, fortified it, every man according to his own devise. At that time the Thaborites had no horsemen amongst them, until such time as Nicholas, master of the mint (whom the Emperor had sent into Bohemia with a M. horsemen to set things in order, & to withstand the Thaborites lodging all night in a village named Uogize) was surprised by Zisca coming upon him suddenly in the night, taking away all his horse and armour, & setting fire upon the village. Then Zisca taught his soldiers to mount on horseback, to leap, to run, to turn, to cast in a ring, so that after this hevener led army without his wings of horsemen.  

Si●●smund get 〈◊〉 the castle ●● prague.  In this mean time Sigismundus the Emperor gathering together, the nobles of Slesia, entered into Boheme, and went unto Grecium, and from thence with a great army unto Cuthna, alluring Cencho with many great and large promises, to render up the Castle of prague unto him, and there placed himself to annoy the town. Thus Cencho infamed with double treason, returned home. The Citizens of prague sent for Zisca, who speding himself thither with the Thaborites, received the city under his governance. 
Zisca getteth the city of prague.  In the Bohemians host there was but only two Barons, Hilco Crussina of Liturburge, and Hilco of Waldestene, with a few other nobles. All the residue were of the common people. They went about first to subdue the Castle, which was by nature very strongly fenced, and could not be won by no other means then with famine: whereupon all the passages were stopped, that no victuals should be carried in. But the Emperor opened the passages by dint of sword, & when he had given unto them which were besieged, all things necessary, having sent for aid out of the Empire, he determined shortly after to besiege the City. There was in the emperors camp the Dukes of Saxon, 
Prage besieged of Sigismond.  the Marquesses of Brandenburge, and his son in law Albert of Ostrich. The City was assaulted by the space of vi. weeks. The Emperor Sigismond was crowned in the Metropolitan house in the Castle, Conradus the Archbishop solemnising the ceremonies of the coronation. The city was straightly besieged. In the mean time the Captains Rosenses & Chragery, which had taken the tents of the Thaborites, being overcome in battle by Nicholas hus, whom Zisca had sent with part of his power for that purpose, were driven out of their tents, and Gretium the Queens City was also taken.  
There is also above the Town of prague a high hill, which is called Uidechon. 
The Marquis of Misnia overcome in the skirmish.  On this hill had Zisca strongly planted a garrison, that his enemies should not possess it, with whom the Marquis of Misnia skirmishing, lost a great part of his soldiers. For when as the Misnians had gotten the top of the hill, being driven back into a corner, which was broken & steep, and fiercely set upon, when as they could no longer withstand the violent force of their enemies, some of them were slain, and some falling headlong from the hill, 
Sigismond the Emperor raiseth his siege.  were destroyed. Whereupon the Emperor Sigismond raising his siege, departed unto Cuthua and Zisca with his company departed unto Thabor, and subdued many places: amongst which he subverted a town pertaining to the captain of Uisgrade. During this time the Castle of Uisgrade was strongly besieged, whereas, when other victuals wanted, they were compelled to eat horse flesh. Last of all, except the Emperor did aid them by a certain day, they promised to yield it up, but under this condition, that if the Emperor did come, they within the Castle should be no more molested.  
The Emperor was present before the day, 
The Emperor fight against Zisca, had the overthrow.  but being ignorant of the truce taken, entering into a strait underneath the Castle, was suddenly set upon by the soldiers of prague, where he had a great overthrow, and so leaving his purpose unperformed, returned back again. There were slain in that conflict xiv. noble men of the moravians, and of the Hungarians, & other a great number. The Castle was delivered up unto them. Whilst these things were in doing, Zisca took Boslaus a captain, which was surnamed Cigneus, by force, in a very strong town of his, and brought him unto his religion. Who a few years after, leading the protestants host in Austria, was wounded before Rhetium, and died. 
The Abbeys of Pelsina subverted.  There were in the territory of Pelsina many monasteries, of the which Zisca subverted and burned five. And forsomuch as the monastery of Saint Clare was the strongest, there he pitched himself.  
Thither also came the Emperor with his army: 
Zisca putteth the Emperor to flight.  but when Zisca brought forth his power against him, he most cowardly fled, and not long after, he departed and left Boheme. Then Zisca went with his army unto Pelzina: but forsomuch as he saw the City so fenced, that he was in doubt of winning the same, he went from thence to Commitavia a famous City, the which he took by force, burning all the Priests therein.  
Afterward, 
Zisca loseth his other eye in battle Zisca, albeit he lost his eyes, yet would not forsake his army. Zisca taketh divers towns.  when as he lay before the town of Raby, and strongly besieged the same, he was stricken with a shaft in the eye, having but that one before to see withal. From thence, he was carried to Prage to Physicians, whereas he being cured of his wound, and his life saved, yet he lost his sight, and for all that, he would not forsake his army, but still took the charge of them.  
After this, the garrisons of prague went unto Uarona, where as there was a great garrison of the Emperors, & took it by force, many being slain of either part. They also took the town of Broda in Germany, and slew the garrison, and afterward took Cuthna and many other cities by composition. Further, when as they led their army unto a town called Pons, 
The Saxons retire.  which is inhabited by the Misnians, the Saxons meeting them by the way, because they durst not join battle, they returned back. After all this, the Emperor appointed the Prince's electors a day, 
The Emperor with his power entereth again into Boheme.  that at Bartilmewtide, they should with their army invade the West part of Boheme, and he with an host of Hungarians would enter on the East part. There came unto his aid the Archbishop of Mentz, the county Palatine of Rhine, the Dukes of Saxon, the Marquis of Brandenburge, & many other Bishops out of Almain: all the rest sent their aids. They encamped before the town of Sozius, a strong & well fenced place, which they could by no means subdue. The country was spoiled & wasted round about, and the siege continued until the feast of S. Gall. Then it was broken up because the Emperor was not come at his day appointed, but he having gathered together a great army of the Hungarians, and West moravians, about Christmas entered into Boheme, and took certain towns by force, and Cuthna was yielded unto him. 
The Emperor afraid of Zisca, flieth.  But when Zisca (although he was blind) came towards him) and set upon him, he being afcard, & many of his nobles slain, fled. But first he burned Cuthna, which the Thaborites, by means of the silver mines, called the powch of Antichrist. 
The powch of Antichrist.  Zisca pursuing the Emperor a days journey, got great & rich spoil, and taking the town of Broda by force, set it on fire: the which afterward almost by the space of xiv. years, remained disinhabited. The Emperor passed by a bridge over the river of Iglaria. 
A noble victory of Zisca.  And Piso a Florentine, which had brought xv. M. horsemen out of Hungary to these wars, passed over the Ice, the which by the multitude & number of his horsemen being broke, devoured & destroyed a great number. Zisca having obtained this victory, 
Zisca destroyeth images and idols in Churches  would not suffer any image or idol to be in the Churches, neither thought it to be borne withal, that Priests should minister with copes or vestments: for the which cause he was much the more envied amongst the states of Boheme. 
joanes Premostratensis  And the Consuls of prague being aggrieved at the insolency of john Premonstratensis, called him and nine other of his adherents, whom they supposed to be the principals of this faction, into the Council house, as though they would confer with them as touching the common wealth: 
The martyrdom of certain godly Bohemians falsely circumvented and killed with sword. Privy murder at length cometh out.  and when they were come in, they slew them, and afterward departed home every man to his own house, thinking the City had been quiet, as though nothing had been done: But their servants being not circumspect enough, washing down the court or yard, washed out also the blood of those that were slain, through the sinks or cannels: the which being once seen, the people understood what was done. By and by there was a great tumult: the Council house was straightway overthrown, and eleven of the principal Citizens, which were thought to be the authors thereof, were slain, and divers houses spoiled.  
About the same time, the Castle of Purgell, wherein the Emperor had left a small garrison (whether as also many Papists with their wives and children were fled) was through negligence burned, and those which escaped out of the fire, went unto Pelsina. After this, divers of the Bohemian Captains, and the Senate of prague, sent Ambassadors to Uitolde Duke of Lituania, and made him their king. This did Zisca and his adherentes gainsay. This Untold sent Sigismond Coributus, with two thousand horsemen into Boheme, who was honourably received of the inhabitants of prague. At his coming they determined to lay siege unto a Castle situate upon a hill, which was called Charles stone.  
here Sigismundus had left for a garrison four Centurions of soldiers. The tents were pitched in two. places. The siege continued vi. months, and the assault never ceased day and night. Five great flings threw continually great stones over the walls, and about two thousand vessels, tubbs, or baskets, filled with dead carcases and other excrements, were cast in amongst those which were besieged: which thing did so infect them with stench, that their teeth did either fall out or were all lose. 
Stench very hurtful for 〈◊〉 teeth.  Notwithstanding they bore it out with stout courage, & continued their fight until the Winter, having privily received medicine out of prague, to fasten their teeth again.  
In the mean time Fridericke the elder, prince of Brandenburg entering into Boheme with a great power, caused them of prague to raise the siege. And Uitoldus at the request of Uladislaus king of Pole, which had talked with the Emperor in the borders of Hungary, called Coributus his uncle with his whole army out of Boheme. Whereupon the Emperor supposed that the protestāns being destitute of foreign aid, would the sooner do his commandment: but he was far deceived therein, for they leading their armies out of Boheme, subdued the borderers thereupon adjoining. It is also reported that Zisca went into Ostrich, and when as the husbandinem of the country had carried away a great number of their cattle by water into an Isly of the river called Danubius, and by chance had left certain values and swine in their Uillages behind them: Zisca drove them unto the river side, 
another warlike policy of Zischa. Straetagema.  and kept them there so long, beating them, and causing them to roar out and cry, until that the cattle feeding in the Island, hearing the lowing and grunting of the cattle on the otherside the water, for the desire of their like, did swim over the river: by the means where of, he got and drove away a great booty.  
About the same time the Emperor Sigismundus gave unto his son in law Albert Duke of Ostrich, the country of Moravia, because it should not want a ruler. At the same time also Ericius king of Denmark, & Peter Instant, brother to the king of Portugal and father of james, Cardinal of S. Eustachius, came unto the Emperor, being both very expert men in the affairs of war: which did augment the Emperors host with their aid and power. Whereupon, they straightway pitched their camp before Lutemperge, a town of Moravia, and continued the siege by the space of two. months. There was at that time a certain Knight at prague surnamed Aqua, which was very rich and of great authority. This man, forsomuch as he had no child of his own, adopted unto him his sister's son, named Procopius: whom when he was of mean stature and age, he carried with him into France, Spain, and Italy, and unto jerusalem, and at his return caused him to be made Priest. This man when the Gospel began to flourish in Boheme, took part with Zisca, and for somuch as he was strong and valiant, and also painful, he was greatly esteemed.  

Procopius Magnus.  This Procopius for his valiant acts, was afterward called Procopius Magnus, and had committed unto him the whole charge of the province of Moravia, and the defence of the Lutemperges: who receiving a great power by force (maugre all the whole power which lay in the siege) carried victuals into the town which was besieged, and so did frustrate the emperors siege. The Emperor before this had delivered unto the Marquesses of Misnia the bridge and town of Ausca, 
The valiant courage of Procopius.  upon the river of Albis, that they should fortify them with their garrisons. Whereupon Zisca besieged Ausca, and Fridericke the marquess of Misnia, with his brother the Lantzgrave of Turing, gathering together a great army out of Saxonia, Turing, Misnia, and both the Lusaces, determined to rescue and aid those which were besieged.  
There was a great battle fought before the City, and the victory depended long uncertain, but at last it fell on the Protestants part. 
The victory of the protestants.  There were slain in that battle, the Burgraves of Misnia or Chyrpogenses, the Barons of Glychen, and many other nobles, beside ix. thousand common soldiers, and the Town of Ausca was taken and utterly razed.  
At the last, dissension rising between Zisca and them of prague, they of prague prepared an army against him, where with he perceiving himself overmatched, fled unto the River of Albis and was almost taken, but that he had passage through the town of Poggiebras, but they of prague pursuing the tail of the battle, slew many of his Thaborites. At the length they came unto certain hills 
The battle between the city of prague & Zisca.  whereas Zisca going into the valley, knowing the straits of the place, that his enemies could not spread their army, he commanded his standard to stand still, and exhorting and encouraging his soldiers, he gave them battle.  
This battle was very fierce and cruel: but Zisca having the upper hand, slew 3000. of them of prague, 
The noble victory of Zisca.  and put the rest to flight, and straightways took the City of Cuthna by force (which they of prague had repaired) and set it on fire: then withal speed he went with his army to besiege prague, and encamped within a bow shoot of the town. 
Zisca besiegeth prague.  There were many both in the City, and also in his host which grudged sore at the siege: some accusing Zisca, othersome them of prague. There was great tumults in the camp, the soldiers saying that it was not reasonable, that the City should be suppressed, which was both the head of the kingdom, and did not dissent from them in opinion: saying that the Bohemians power would soon decay, if their enemies should know that they were divided within themselves: also that they had sufficient wars against the Emperor, and that it was but a foolish devise to move wars amongst themselves. This talk came unto the ear of Zisca, who calling together his army, standing upon a place to be heard, spoke these words.  
BRethren be ye not aggrieved against me, 
A notable oration of Zisca to his soldiers.  neither accuse him which hath sought your health and safeguard. The victories which ye have obtained under my conduct, are yet fresh in memory, neither have I brought you at any time unto any place, from whence you have not come victors. You are become famous and rich, and I for your sake have lost my sight, and dwell in darkness Nothing have I gotten by all these fortunate battles, but only a vain name. For you have I fought, and for you have I vanquished, neither do I repent me of my travails, neither is my blindness grievous unto me, but only that I can not provide for you, according to my accustomed manner: Neither do I persecute them of prague for mine own cause, for it is your blood that they thirst and seek for, and not mine. It were but small pleasure for them to destroy me being now an old man and blind: it is your valiantness and stout stomachs which they fear. Either must you or they perish: who whilst they seem to lie in wait for me, do seek after your lives. You must rather fear civil wars then foreign, and civil sedition ought first to be avoided. We will subdue prague, and banish the seditious Citizens, before the Emperor shall have any news of this sedition. And then having but a few of his faction left, we may with the less fear look for it: better than if these doubtful Citizens of prague were still in our camp. But because ye shall accuse me no more, I give you free liberty to do what you will. If it please you to suffer them of prague to live in quietness, I will not be against it, so that there be no treason wrought. If you determine to have war, I am also ready. Look which part you will decline unto, Zisca will be your aid and helper.  
When he had spoken these words, 
The hearts of the soldiers altered by the oration of Zisca.  the soldiers minds were changed, and wholly determined to make wars, so that they ran by and by to take up their armour and weapon, to run unto the walls to provoke their enemies to fight for the gates of the city. Zisca in the mean time prepared all things ready for the assault. There is a little from Pelsina ascertain village named Rochezana. In this place, there was a child borne of poor and base parentage, whose name was john: he came unto prague, and got his living there by begging, and learned Grammar & Logic. When he came to man's state, he became the Schoolmaster of a noble man's child, and for so much as he was of an excellent wit and ready tongue, he was received into the College of the poor, and last of all being made Priest, he began to preach the word of God to the Citizens of prague, and was named johannes de Rochezana, 
Peace between Zisca and prague by the means of john de Rochezana.  by the name of the Town where he was borne. This man grew to be of great name and authority in the town of prague. Whereupon when as Zisca besieged prague, he by the consent of the Citizens went out into the camp, and reconciled Zisca again unto the City.  
When as the Emperor perceived that all things came to pass according unto Zisca his will and mind, and that upon him alone the whole state of Boheme did depend, he sought privy means to reconcile and get Zisca into his favour, promising him the governance of the whole kingdom, the guiding of all his hosts & armies, 
The Emperor glad to be reconciled with Zisca.  and great yearly revenues, if he would proclaim him King, and cause the Cities to be sworn unto him. Upon which conditions, when as Zisca for the performance of the covenants went unto the Emperor being on his journey at the Castle of Priscovia, he was stricken with sickness and died.  
It is reported, that when he was demanded being sick, 
The death of Zisca.  in what place he would be buried, he commanded the skin to be pulled off from his dead carcase, and the flesh to be cast unto the fowls and beasts, and that a drum should be made of his skin, which they should use in their battles, affirming, that as soon as their enemies should hear the sound of that drum, they would not abide, 
The words of Zisca at his death.  but take their flight. The Thaborites despising all other Images, yet set up the Picture of Zisca over the gates of the City.  

¶ The epitaph of john Zisca, the valiant Captain of the Bohemians.  
I john Zisca, not inferior to any Emperor or Captain in warlike policy, 
The epitaph of Zisca.  a severe punisher of the pride and avarice of the Clergy, and a defender of my country, do lie here. That which Appius Claudius by giving good counsel, and M. Furius Camillus by valiantness did for the Romans: the same I being blind, have done for my Bohemians. I never slacked opportunity of battle, neither did fortune at any time fail me. I being blind, did foresee all opportunity of well ordering or doing my business. Eleven times in joining battle, 
Zisca eleven times, victor in th●●●●elde.  I went victor out of the field. I seemed to have worthily defended the cause of the miserable and hungry, against the delicate, fat, and gluttonous Priests, and for that cause to have received help at the hand of God. If their envy had not let it, without doubt I had deserved to be numbered amongst the most famous men. Notwithstanding my bones lie here in this hallowed place, even in despite of the Pope.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ¶ john Zisca a Bohemian, enemy to all wicked and covetous Priests, but with a godly zeal.   
And thus have you the acts and doings of this worthy Zisca, and other Bohemians, which for the more credit we have drawn out of Aeneas Silvius, only his railing terms excepted, which we have here suppressed.  
All this while the Emperor with the whole power of the Germans, were not so busy on the one side, but Martin the Pope was as much occupied on the other side: who about the same time directed down a terrible Bull, full of all poison to all Bishops and Archbyshops, against all such as took any part or side with Wickleffe, john Hus, Jerome, or with their doctrine and opinions. The copy of which Bull, which I found in an old written monument, I wish the reader thoroughly to peruse, wherein he shall see the Pope to pour out at once all his poison.  

The Bull of Pope Martin directed forth against the followers of john Wickliff of England, of john Husse of Boheme, and Jerome of prague.  

Pope Martin's bloody bull, to all Bishops and Archbishops.  Martin Bishop, the servant of God's servants, to our reverend brethren the Archbishops of Salzeburgen, Gueznen, and Pragen, & to the Bishops of Dlumcen, Luthomuslen, Bambergen, Misnen, Patavien, Uratislavien, Ratisponen. Cra. ovien, Poznamen, and Nitrien, & also to our beloved children the inquisitors appointed of the Prelates above recited, or where else soever, unto whom these present letters shall come, greeting, and Apostolical benediction. Amongst all other pastoral cares where with we are oppressed, this chiefly and specially doth enforce us, that heretics with their false doctrine and errors, being utterly expulsed from amongst the company of Christian men, and rooted out (so far forth as God will make us able to do) the right and Catholic faith may remain sound and undefiled: and that all Christian people, immovable and iviolate, may stand and abide in the sincerity of the same faith, the whole veil of obscurity being removed. But lately in divers places of the world, but especially in Bohemia, and the Dukedom of Moravia, and in the straits adjoining thereunto, certain Archheretickes have risen and sprung up, not against one only, but against divers & sundry documents of the Catholic faith, being landlopers schismatics, and seditious persons, fraught with devilish pride & Wolvish madness, 
All these errors and heresies be, for that they speak against the pride of prelate's and their excessive dignities.  deceived by the subtlety of Satan, and from one evil vanity brought to a worse. Who although they rose up & sprang in divers parts of the world, yet agreed they all in one, having their tails as it were knit together: to wit, john Wickliff of England, I. Hus of Bohemia, & Jerome of prague of dammable memory, who drew with them no small number to miserable ruin and infidelity. For when as those & such like pestiferous persons did in the beginning of their poisoned doctrine, obstinately sow and spread abroad perverse & false opinions, the prelate's who had the regiment & execution of the judicial power, like dumb dogs, not able to bark, neither yet revenging speedily with the Apostle, all such disobedience, nor regarding corporally to cast out of the lords house (as they were enjoined by the canons) those subtle and pestilent Archheretickes, and their Wolvish fury and cruelty, with all expedition, but suffering their false and pernicious doctrine negligently, by their overlong delays, to grow and wax strong: a great multitude of people in stead of true doctrine received those things, which they did long falsely, perniciously and damnably sow among them, and giving credit unto them, fell from the right faith, and are entangled (the more pity) in the foul errors of Paganism.  
In so much, that those Archheretickes, and such as spring of them, 
All be Pagans with the Pope, that like not his superstitious and idolatrous traditions.  have infected the Catholic flock of Christ in divers climates of the world and parts bordering upon the same, and have caused them to putrify in the filthy dunghill of their lies. Wherefore the general Synod of Constance, was compelled with Saint Augustine to exclaim against so great and ruinous a plague of faithful men, and of the sound and true faith itself, saying: what shall the Sovereign medicine of the Church do, with motherly love seeking the health of her sheep, chase as it were, amongst a company of men frantic, and having the disease of the Lethargy? What? shall she desist and leave off her good purpose? No not so. But rather let her, if there be no remedy, be sharp to both these sorts, which are the grievous enemies of her womb. For the Physician is sharp unto the man bestraught and raging in his frenzy, 
A great difference between a roving mother and the fratike whore of Babylon.  and yet is he a father to his own rude and unmannerly son, in binding the one, in beating the other, by showing therein his great love unto them both. But if they be negligent, and suffer them to perish (saith Augustine) this mansuetude is rather to be supposed false cruelty.  
And therefore the foresaid Synod, to the glory of almighty God, and preservation of his catholic faith, and augmenting of Christian religion, and for the salvation of men's souls: hath corporally rejected and cast forth of the household of God, the foresaid I. Wicklieffe, I. Hus, and Jerome: who amongst other things, did believe, preach, teach, and maintain of the Sacrament of the altar, and other sacraments of the church & articles of the faith, contrary to that the holy Church of Rome believeth, holdeth, preacheth and teacheth, & have presumed obstinately to preach, teach, hold, and believe many other more, to the damnation of themselves and of others: and the said Synod hath separated the same, as obstinate and malapert heretics from the Communion of the faithful people, and have declared them to be spiritually thrown forth: and many other things both wholesome & profitable hath the same Council as touching the premises, established and decreed, whereby they, which by the means of those Arch-heretikes, and by their false doctrine, have spiritually departed from the Lords house, may by the canonical rules be reduced to the strait path of truth and verity.  
And moreover (as we to our great grief do hear) not only in the kingdom of Bohemia, and Dukedom of Moravia and other places above recited, but also in certain parts and provinces near adjoining and bordering upon the same, there be many other of the secretaries and followers of the foresaid Archheritickes and heretical opinions casting behind their backs as well the fear of God, as the shame of the world, neither receiving fruit of conversion & repentance by the miserable destruction of the foresaid john Hus and Jerome, but as men drowned in the dungeon of their sins, 
We fools thought their life to be madness, and their end without honour. Sapiens. 5.  cease not to blaspheme the Lord God taking his name in vain (whose minds the father of lies hath damnably blinded) and do read and study the foresaid books or works, containing heresies & errors, being lately by the foresaid Synod condemned to be burned: also to the peril of themselves and many other simple men, & against the statutes, decrees, and ordinances in the Synod aforesaid, and the Canonical sanctions, do presume to preach & teach the same, to the great peril of souls, the derogation of the Catholic faith, and slander of many other besides. We therefore considering that error, when it is not relisted, seemeth to be allowed and liked, and having a desire to resist such evil and pernicious errors, and utterly root them out from amongst the company of faithful christians, especially from the afore recited places of Bohemia, Moravia, and other straits and islands joining and bordering upon the same, lest they should stretch out & enlarge their ●●●ites: we will and command your discretions by our letters Apostolical, the holy Council of Constance approving and allowing the same, that you that are Archbishops, Bishops, and other of the clergy, and every one of you by himself or by an other or others, being grave and fit persons to have spiritual jurisdiction: do see that all and singular persons, of what dignity, office, pre-eminence state, or condition so ever they be, and by what name soever they are known, 
Et os eius sicut os Le●nis. 1. And his mouth is like the mouth of a lion. Apoc. 13.  which shall presume otherwise to teach preach, or observe, touching the most high and excellent, the most wholesome and superadmirable Sacrament of the blood of our Lord jesus Christ, or else of the Sacrament of Baptism, confession of sins, penance for sins and extreme unction, or else of any other Sacraments of the Church, & articles of the faith, then that, which the right holy & universal church of Rome doth hold, teach, preach, & observe: or else that shall presume obstinately by any ways or means, privily, or apertly, to hold, believe, and teach the Articles, books, or doctrine of the foresaid Archhereticks john Wickleffe, john Hus, & Hieronimus of prague, being by the foresaid Synod of constance with their authors (as is said) damned and condemned, or dare presume publicly or privily to allow or commend in any wise the death and end of the said archheretiks, or of any other their receivers, aiders and favourers, in the favour or supportation of the foresaid errors, as also their believers and adherentes: that then as before, you see and cause them and every of them to be most severely punished, & that you judge and give sentence upon them as heretics, and that as arrant heretics you leave them to the secular court or power. Let the receivers also, 
Draconis lex saguine scripta.  and favourers and defenders of such most pestiferous persons, notwithstanding they neither believe, favour, nor have devotion, towards their errors but happily shall receive or entertain such pestiferous persons, because of carnal affection, 
The pope's religion hath left all sense of humanit●e.  or friendly love, besides the punishmene due unto them by both laws, over and above the same punishment, by competent judges be so afflicted, & for so heinous acts of theirs, with so severe pain & punishment excruciated, that the same may be to other in like case offending, an example of terror: that at the least, those whom the fear of God by no means may revoke from such evil doing, yet the severity of this our discipline may force and constrain.  
As touching the third sort, which shallbe any manner of ways infected with this damnable sect, and shall after competent admonition repent and amend themselves of such errors and sects aforesaid, and will return again into the lap and unity of our holy mother the Church, & fully acknowledge and confess the Catholic faith: towards them let the severity of justice, as the quality of the fact shall require, be somewhat tempered with a taste of mercy.  

* Et vidi & bestiam & ●●ges terrae & excercitus corum pugnantes cum illo qui ●eceoat in equo, & exercitu eius. Apoc. 13. Et data est illi potestas in omnem t●ibum, et populum et linguam, & gentem.  And furthermore, we will and command, that by this our authority Apostolical, ye exhort and admonish all the professors of the catholic faith, as Emperors, kings, Dukes, Princes, Marquesses, Earls, Barons, Knights and other Magistrates, Rectors, Consuls, Proconsul's, Shires, Countries and Universities of the kingdoms, Provinces, Cities, otwnes, Castles, villages, their lands & other places, & all other executing temporal jurisdiction according to the form & exigence of the law, that they expel out of their kingdoms, provinces, Cities, towns, castles, villages & lands, & other places, all & all manner of such heretics, according to the effect and tenor of the Council of Laterane, beginning, Sicut ait ecclesia. etc. that those whom publicly and manifestly by the evidence of their deeds, 
1. And power is given him once all tribes, and people and tongues, and nations, etc. Apoc. 13.  shall be known to be such as like sick and scabed sheep infect the Lords flock, they expel and banish till such time as from us or you or else other ecclesiastical judges or inquisitors holding the faith and communion of the holy church of Rome, they shall receive other order and countermand: and that they suffer no such within their shires and circuits, to preach or to keep either house or family either yet to use any handicraft or occupations or other trades of merchandise, or else to solace themselves any ways, or frequent the company of Christian men.  
And furthermore if such public and known heretics shall chance to die (although not so denounced by the Church) yet in this so great a crime, let him and them want Christian burial, and let no offerings or oblations be made for them nor received. His goods and substance also from the time of his death, according to the Canonical sanctions being confiscate, let no such enjoy them to whom they appertain, till that by the ecclesiastical judges having power and authority in this behalf, sentence upon that his or their crime of heresy, be declared, and promulgate, & let such owners as be found suspect or noted with any such suspicion of heresy, before a competent and ecclesiastical judge, according to the consideration and exigence of that suspicion, and according to the quality of the person, by the arbitrement of such a judge: show and declare his proper & own innocency with devotion as beseemeth in that behalf, And if in his purgation, being Canonically interdicted, he do fail, or be not able Canonically to make his purgation, or that he refuse to take his oath by damnable obstinacy, to make such purgation: then let him be condemned as an heretic. But such as through negligence or through slothfulness, shall omit to show their said innocency and to make such purgation, let them be excommunicate, and so long put out from the company of Christian men, till that they shall make condign satisfaction: so that if by the space of one whole year they shall remain in such excommunication, then let them as heretics be condemned. 
Note the tenderness of this loving mother the Church of Rome.   
And further, if any shallbe found culpable in any point of the foresaid pestiferous doctrine of the Archheretickes aforesaid, or in any Article thereof, whether it be by the report of the seditious, or else well disposed: let them yet be punished, according to the Canons. If only through infamy and suspicion of the foresaid Articles or any of them, any man shallbe found suspect, & in his purgation Canonical for this thing being interdicted, shall fail: let him be accounted as a man convict, & as a convict person by the Canons let him be punished.  
And furthermore we innovating and putting in execution the Canon of our predecessor of happy memory pope Boniface the 8. which beginneth thus: 
Et facies omnes pun●●●s, et ●●●g●●, & dinites, et ●auperes, et ic●uos, accipere characterern in manu sua dextra. 1. And he shall make both little and great, rich and poor, free & bond to take his character in their right hand etc. Apoc. 13.  Vt inquisitionis negocium. etc. In exhorting wise require and also command all temporal potentates, Lords & judges afore recited, by whatsoever dignities, offices, and names they are known: that as they desire to be had, esteemed, & counted for the faithful members and children of the Church, and do rejoice in the name of Christ: so in likewise for the defence of the same faith, they will obey, intent, give their aid, and favourable help, to you that are Archbishops, Bishops, and Ecclesiastical men, inquisitors of all heretical pravity, and other judges and Ecclesiastical persons by you hereunto, as aforesaid, appointed (holding the faith and communion of our holy mother the church) for the searching out, taking, & safe custody, of all the foresaid heretics, their believers, their favourers, their receivers, and their defenders, when so ever they shallbe thereunto of them required.  
And that they bring and cause to be brought (all delay set apart) the foresaid pestiferous persons so seeking to destroy others with them, into such safe keeping and prisons, as by you the Archbyshops, Bishops, Clergy, and Inquisitors aforesaid, are to be appointed, or else unto such other place or places, as either you or they shall command within any of their dominions, governments, and rectories, where they by catholic men, that is, by you the Archbishops, bishops, the Clergy, and inquisitors, or any other that shallbe by you appointed, or are already appointed by any of you, may be holden and kept in safe keeping, putting them in fetters, 
Satan ratteleth his chains.  shackles, bolts, and manacles of iron under most strait custody for escaping away, till such time as all that business which belongeth unto them, be by the judgement of the church finished and determined, and that of such heresy, by a competent ecclesiastical judge (which firmly holdeth the faith and communion of the said holy church of Rome) they be condemned.  
The residue, let the foresaid temporal Lords, Rectours, judges, or other their officers and Pursinauntes, take amongst them, with condign deaths without any delay to punish. But fearing least to the prejudice & slander of the foresaid catholic faith and religion, through the pretext of ignorance, any man herein should be circumvented, or that any subtle and crafty men should under the veil of frivolous excuse, cloak and dissemble in this matter, and that as touching the convincing or apprehending of the foresaid heretics, their receivers & defenders, favourers, believers and adherentes, and also of such as are suspect of heresy, and with such like perverse doctrine many wise spotted, we might give more perfect instruction: Therefore as well to the kingdom of Bohemia & parts near adjoining to the same as all other where this superstitious doctrine first began to spread, we have thought it good to send the articles here under written concerning the sect of those Archheretickes, for the better direction of the foresaid Catholic faith.  
Touching which articles, by virtue of holy obedience we charge and command you and all other Archbishops and Bishops, all manner of commissaries and inquisitors that every of them within the Diocese and limits of their jurisdiction, & also in the foresaid kingdom & dukedom and places near adjoining, although the same places be beyond the same their jurisdiction: in the favour of the catholic faith, do give most diligent and vigilant care about the extirpation and correction of those errors, archheresies, and most pestiferous sect aforesaid: and also that they compel all defamed persons and suspect of so pestiferous a contagion, whether it be under the penalty of the crime confessed, ●● of excommunication, suspension or interdict, or any other formidable pain canonical or legal, when and wheresoever it shall seem good to them, and as the quality of the fact requireth, by an oath corporally taken either upon the holy Evangelists, or upon the relics of Saints, 
The old manner of the popish oath.  or upon the image of the crucifix, according to the observants of certain places, and according to the interrogatories, to make convenient answer to every article within written. For we intent against all and singular archbishops, Bishops, Ecclesiastical persons, or inquisitors, which shall show themselves negligent and remiss in the extirpation of the leaven of this heretical pravity, and purging their territories, dioceses, and places to them appointed, of such evil and wicked men: to proceed and to cause to be proceeded, unto the depravation and deposition of their pontifical dignities, and shall substitute such other in their places, which can and may be able to confounded the said heretical pravity, and proceed to further pains against such by the law limited, and unto other yet more grievous (if need require) we ourselves will proceed and cause to be proceeded, according as the party his fact, and filthiness of his crime committed, shall deserve The tenor of those articles whereof we have made mention in this our own writing are in words as follow.  

The articles of john Hus to be inquired upon.  
1, THere is one only universal Church, which is the university of the predestinate, as shall after be declared.  
3. The universal Church is only one: as there is one university of those that are predestinate.  
3. Paul was never a member of the Devil, although he did certain acts like unto the acts of the Church malignant.  
4. The reprobate are not parts of the Church, for that no part of the same finally falleth from her, 
Speaking of the invisible church the article is true.  because that the charity of predestination, which bindeth the same Church together, never faileth.  
5. The two natures (that is) the Divinity, and the humanity, be one Christ.  
6. The reprobate, although he be sometime in grace, according to present justice, yet is he never a part of the holy Church: 
This article seemeth to be wrested out of the words of Jerome of prague.  and the predestination is ever a member of the Church, although sometime he fall from grace adventitia, but not from grace of predestination: ever taking the church for the convocation of the predestinate whether they be in grace or not according to present justice. And after this sort the church is an article of our belief.  
7. Peter is not, nor never was the head of the holy catholic Church.  
8. Priests, living viciously, do defile the authority of priesthood, and so, as unfaithful Children do unfaithfully believe of the seven sacraments, of the keys of the Church of offices, of Censures, of ceremonies, of the worshipping of relics: indulgences, orders, and other holy things of the Church.  
9 The papill dignity came and grew from the Emperor and his government and institution, 
The papa●● dignit●● touched.  sprang from the emperors government.  
10. No man can reasonably affirm either of himself or other that he is the head of any particular Church, or that the bishop of Rome, is the head of the Church of Rome.  
11. A man ought not to believe, that he which is bishop of Rome is the head of every particular Church, unless god have predestinate him.  
12. None is the vicar of Christ, or else of Peter, unless he follow him in manners and conditions, seeing that there is no other following more pertinent, nor otherwise apt to receive of God this power procuratory. For unto the office of a vicegerent of Christ is required, the conformity of manners and the authority of the institutor.  
13. The pope is not the manifest and true successor of Peter the Prince of the Apostles, if he live in manners contrary to Peter: and if he hunt after avarice, then is he the vicar of judas Iscarioth. And likewise the Cardinals be not the true and manifest successors of the College of the other Apostles of Christ, unless they live according to the manner of the Apostles, keeping the commandments & counsels of our Lord jesus Christ.  
14. The Doctors alleging, that if a man, which will not be amended by the Ecclesiastical censures, is to be delivered to the secular powers: do follow in this point, the bishops, Scribes and Phariseis, that delivered Christ to the secular power (saying it is not lawful for us to kill any man) because he would not obey them in all things, and that such be greater homicides than Pilate.  
15. The ecclesiastical obedience is such an obedience as the Priests of the church have found out, besides the express authority of the scripture. The immediate division of humane works, is that they be either virtuous or vicious, & if a man be vicious, and doth any thing, then doth he it viciously, & if he be virtuous, and doth any thing, them doth he it virtuously. For like as vice which is called a great offer or mortal sin, doth stain all the doings of a vicious man: so virtue doth quicken all the doings of a virtuous man.  
16. A priest of God living after his law, and having the knowledge of the scripture, and a desire to edify the people ought to preach, notwithstanding any excommunication, pretended of the pope, And further, if the pope, or any other magistrate doth forbid a priest so disposed to preach, he ought not to be obedient unto hi●. For every one that taketh upon him the order of priesthood, receiveth in charge the office of a preacher: and of that burden ought he well to discharge himself, any excommunication against him pretended in any wise notwithstanding.  
17. By the Censures ecclesiastical, as of excommunication, suspending, and interdict, the clergy to their own advancement cause the lay people to aid them: they multiply their avarice, they defend their malice, and prepare the way to Antichrist. And it is an evident sign that such censures proceed from Antichrist, which in their process they call Fulminationes, that is, their thunderbolts where with the clergy principally proceedeth against those that declare the wickedness of Antichrist, who so greatly for his own commodity hath abused them.  
18. If the pope be evil, especially if he be a reprob●●●, them is he with judas a very devil, a thief and the son of perdition, and is not the head of the holy Church militant nor any member of the same.  
19 The grace of predestination is the band, wherewith the body of the church and every member of the same is indissolubly joined to their head Christ.  
20. The pope or Prelate that is evil and a reprobate, is a Pastor in name, and not in deed, yea he is a thief and a robber in very deed.  
21. The P. ought not to be called the most holy one for his office sake, 
john Hus expoundeth this article with this distinct. non ratione meriti, sed ratione officii.  for than ought a king to be called by his office the most holy one: and hangmen with other such officers also were to be called holy, yea the devil himself ought to be called holy, for as much as he is God's officer.  
22. If the pope live contrary unto Christ, although he climb up by the right and lawful election according to the common custom of men: 
john Hus declareth his mind touching this article sufficiently before.  yet notwithstanding should be otherwise climb then by Christ, yea though we admit that he should enter by the election principally made by God. For judas Iscarioth was lawfully elect of GOD Christ jesus to his bishopric, and yet came not he the same way he ought to do unto the sheepfold.  
23 The condemnation of 45. articles of john Wickleffe by the doctors made, is unreasonable, wicked and nought, & the cause by them alleged is sayned that is, that none of them are Catholic, but every on of them heretical, erroneous, or slanderous.  
14. Not for that the electors, or the most part of them have consented together with lively voice according to the custom of men upon the person of any, therefore, that person is lawfully elect, 
Election maketh not the successor of Pet. but imitation.  or therefore is the true and manifest successors & vicar of Peter the Apostle, or of any other the Apostles in the ecclesiastical office. Wherefore, whether the electors have either well or evil made their election, it behoveth us to believe the same, by the works of him that is elected. For in that that every one that worketh more meritoriously to the profit of the Church, he hath so much the more greater authority from God.  
25. 
One head of the universal church beside Christ hath no foundation in all scripture.  There is not so much as one spark of appearance that there ought to be one head, ruling and governing the church in spiritual causes, which should always be conversant in the church military For Christ without any such monstrous heads, by his ●●ue disciples sparsed through the whole world could better a great deal rule his church.  
26. The Apostles and faithful priests of God, have right worthily in all things necessary to salvation governed the church before the pope's office took place, and so might they do again, by like possibility until Christ came to judgement, if the pope's office should fail.  
Let every one that is suspected in the foresaid articles, or else otherwise found with assertion of them, Be examined in manner and form as followeth.  

The form and manner of the pope's inquisition.  IN primis, whether he knew john Wicleffe of England, john Hus of Bohemia, and Jerome of prague, or any of them, and how he came by the knowledge of them, whither that during the lives of them or any of them, they had either been conversant with them, or found any friendship at their hands.  
2. Item, whether he knowing them or any of them to be excommunicate, did willingly participate with them: esteeming & affirming the same their participation to be no sin.  
3. 
Heresy to p●ay for l. Wickliff or ●●●lus. etc.  Item, whither that after their deaths, he ever prayed for them or any of them, openly or privily, doing any work of mercy for them, affirming them to be either saints, or else to be saved.  
4. Item, whether he thought them or any of them to be Saints, or whether that ever he spoke such words, and whether ever he did exhibit any worship unto them as unto saints.  
5. Item, whether he believe, hold, and affirm, that every general council, as also the Council of Constance, doth represent the universal Church.  
6. Item, 
Heresy not to believe the council of Constance  whether he doth believe that that which the holy Council of Constance: representing the universal church hath and doth allow in the favour of the faith, and salvation of souls, is to be approved and allowed of all the faithful Christians: and that whatsoever the same Council hath condemned, and doth condemn to be contrary both to the faith and to all good men, is to believed, holden, and affirmed for condemned or not.  
7. Item, whether he believeth that the condemnations of john Hus, john Wickleffe, and Jerome of prague, made as well upon their persons, as their books and doctrine by the holy general Councelll of Constance, be rightly & justly made, and of every good Catholic man, are so to be holden and affirmed, or not.  
8. Item, whether he believe, hold, and affirm, that john Wickleffe of England, john Hus of Bohemia, and Jerome of prague, were heretics or not, and for heretics to be nominated & preached, yea or not, and whether their books and doctrines were and be perverse or not, for the which together with their pertinacy, they were condemned by the holy sacred Council of constance for heretics.  
9 Iten, whether he have in his custody any treatises, small works, Epistles, or other writings in what language or tongue soever, set forth and translated by any of these heretics john Wickleffe, john Hus, and Jerome or any other of their false Disciples and followers, that he may deliver them to the ordinaries of that place, or his commissary, or to the inquisitors, upon his oath. And if he say that he hath no such writing about him, but that they are in some other place: that then you swear him to bring the same before his Ordinary or other aforenamed, within a certain time to him prefixed.  
10. Item, whether he knoweth any that hath the treatises, works, Epistles, or any other writings of the aforesaid john Wickleffe, john Hus, and Jerome, in whatsoever tongue they are made or translated, and that he detect & manifest the same, for the purgation of their faith and execution of justice.  
11. Item, especially let the learned be examined, whether he believeth that the sentence of the holy Council of Constance upon the 45. articles of john Wickleffe, and the 30. Articles of john Hus be not Catholic: which saith that some of them are notorious heretical, some erroneous, other some blasphemous, some slanderous, some rash and seditious, some offensive to godly ears.  
12. Item, whether he believeth and affirmeth, that in no case it is lawful for a man to swear.  
13. Item, whether he believeth, that at the commandment of a judge or any other, it is lawful to take an oath to tell the truth in any convenient cause, although it be but purging of an infamy or not.  
14. Item, whether he believeth that perjury wittingly committed, upon what cause soever, whether it be for the safeguard of his own life, or of any other man's life, (yea, although it be in the cause and defence of the faith) be a sin or not.  
14. Item, whether a man contemning purposedly the rites of the Church, and the ceremonies of exorcism of catechism, and the consecration of the water of Baptism, be deadly sin or not.  
16, Item, whether he believe, that after the consecration of the priest in the sacrament of the altar under the figure of bread and wine, be no material bread and wine: but in all points, the same very Christ which was crucified upon the Cross, and sitteth upon the right hand of the father.  
17. Item, whether he believe, that after the consecration made by the priest under the only form of bread and besides the form of wine, be the very flesh of Christ and his blood, his soul and his deity, and so whole Christ as he is, and in likewise, under the form of wine without the form of bread, be the very flesh of Christ and his very blood, his soul, and deity, and so whole Christ, & the same body absolutely under every one of those kinds singularly.  
18. Item, whether he doth believe, that the custom of houseling of the lay people under the form of bread only, 
Heresy to ●●●ster in both kinds.  observed of the universal Church, and allowed by the only Council of Constance, be to be used, and not without the authority of the Church, at men's pleasures to be altered, and that they that obstinately affirm the contrary to this, are to be punished as heretics, or not.  
19 Item, whether he believe that those which contemn the receiving of the sacraments of confirmation, or extreme unction, or else the solemnisation of matrimony, commit deadly sin or not.  
20. Item, whether he believe, that a Christian man, over and besides the contrition of hart, being licenced of a convenient priest, is bound to confess himself only to a priest and not to any lay man, be he never so devout or good, upon the necessity of salvation.  
21. Item, whether he believe, that in the cases before put, a priest may absolve a sinner confessing himself, and being contrite, from all sins and enjoin him penance for the same.  
22. Item, whether he believeth, that an evil Priest, with due manner and form, and with the intention of doing, doth verily consecrate, doth verily absolve, doth verily baptise and doth verily dispose all other sacraments even as the Church doth.  
23. Item, whether he believe that Saint Peter was the vicar of Christ, having power to bind and to lose upon the earth.  
24. Item, whether he believe that the Pope being canonically elect, which for the time shall be, by that name expressly be the successor of Peter or not, having supreme authority in the Church of God.  
25. Item, whether he believe that the authority of jurisdiction of the Pope, an archbishop or a Bishop in binding & losing, be more than the authority of a simple priest or not although he have charge of souls.  
26. Item, whether he believe, that the pope may upon a just and good cause, give indulgences and remission of sins to all Christian men, being verily contrite and confessed, especially to those that go on pilgrimage to holy places and good deeds.  
27, Item, 
Heresy to deny the Pope's indulgences.  whether he believe, that by such grant the pilgrims that visit those Churches, and give them any thing may obtain remission of sins or not.  
28. Item, whether he believe that all Bishops may grant unto their subjects according as the holy Canons do limit, such indulgences or not.  
29. Item, whether he believe and affirm, that it is lawful for faithful Christians to worship Images and the relics of saints or not.  
30. Item, 
Heresy not to worship images  whether, he believe that those religions, which the Church hath allowed, were lawfully and reasonably brought in of the holy fathers or not.  
31. Item, whether he believeth that the pope or any other Prelate for the time being, or their vicar's may excommunicate their subject Ecclesiastical or secular for disobedience or contumacy, so that such a one is to be holden and taken for excommunicate or not.  
32. Item, whether ye believe that for the disobedience and contumacy of persons excommunicate, increasing: the prelate's or their vicars in spiritual things have power to aggravate and to reagravate, to put upon men the interdict and to call for the secular arm: and that the same secular arm or power ought to be obedient to the censures, by their inferiors called for.  
33. Item, whether he believe that the pope and other prelate's or else their vicars, have power in spiritual things to excommunicate priests and lay men that are stubborn and disobedient, from their office, benefice or entrance into the church, and from the administration of the sacraments of the Church, also to suspend them.  
34. Item, whether he believe, that it is lawful for ecclesiastical persons without committing sin, to have any possessions & temporal goods: and whether he believe, that it is not lawful for lay men to take away the same from them by their authority: 
These Popes will be sure to lose nothing.  but rather that such takers away & incrochers upon ecclesiastical goods, are to be punished as committers of sacrilege, yea although such Ecclesiastical persons live naughtily that have such goods.  
35. 
Wealthy wickedness maintained.  Item, whether any such taking away or encroaching upon any priest rashly or violently made, although the priest be an evil liver, be sacrilege or not.  
36. Item, whether he believe that it is lawful for lay men of whether sex soever: that is men and women, to preach the word of God or not.  
37. 
The pope neither preacheth himself, nor yet will suffer other good priests to preach  Item, whether he believe that it is lawful to all priests freely to preach the word of God wheresoever, whensoever, and to whom soever it shall please them, although they be not sent at all.  
38. Item, whether he believe that all mortal sins, and especial such as be manifest and public, are to be corrected and to be extirpate or not.   
Furthermore, we will command, and decree, that if any by secret information by you or any other to be received, shall be found either enfamed or suspected of any kind of the pestiferous sect, heresy & doctrine of the most pestilence men I. Wickleffe, I. Hus and Jerome of prague the archheretickes aforesaid, or of favouring, receiving or defending the foresaid damned men whilst they lived on the earth, their false followers and disciples, or any that believeth their errors, or any that after their death pray for them or any of them, or that nominateth them to be amongst the number of catholic men, or that defendeth them to be placed amongst the number of the saints, either by their preaching worshipping, or otherways wherein they deserve to be suspected: that then they by you or some of you, may be cited personally to appear before you or some of you, without either Proctor or Doctor to answer for them, an oath being openly taken by them as is aforesaid, to speak the plain & mere verity of the articles above written and every of them, or other opportune, as case and circumstance shall require, according to your discretion, as you or any of you shall see expedient to proceed against them, or any of them according to these presents or otherwise canonically, as you shall think good.  
Also that you do publish solemnly & cause to be published, these present letters, omitting the articles & interrogatories herein contained, in the cities & other places of your diocese, where conveniently you may, under our authority, & there to denounce and cause to be denounced all & singular such heretics, with their abetters & favourers of their heresies & errors, of what sex or kind soever, that do hold, & defend the said errors, or do participate any manner of way with heretics, privily or apertly, of what state, dignity, or condition soever he or they be, patriarch, Archbishop, king, Queen, Duke or of what other dignity either Ecclesiastical or seculare he be: also with their advocates and procurators whosoever, which are believers, followers, favourers defenders, or receivers of such heretics, 
Papa spirat minas & caedes.  or suspected to be believers, followers, fautors, defenders or receivers of them, to be excommunicate, every sunday and festival day, in the presence of the people.  
Furthermore, that you diligently do to be inquired by the said our authority, upon all and singular such persons both men and women, that maintain, approve, defend, & teach such errors, or that be favourers, receivers and defenders of them, whether exempt or not exempt, of what dignity, state, pre-eminence, degree, order, or condition soever. And such as you shall find in the said your inquisition, either by their own confession, or by any other mean to be defamed, or otherwise infected with the spot of such heresy or error, you, through the sentence of excommunication, suspension, interdict, and privation of their dignities, personages, offices, or other benefices of the Church, and fees, which they hold of any church, monastery and other Ecclesiastical places, also of honours and secular dignities and degrees of sciences or other faculties, as also by other pains and censures of the Church, or by ways and means whatsoever else shall seem to you expedient, by taking and imprisoning of their bodies, and other corporal punishments wherewith heretics are punished, or are wont, and are commanded by canonical sanctions to be used: and if they be clerks, by degradation, do correct and punish, and cause them to be corrected and punished with all diligence.  
Furthermore, that you do rise up stoutly and courageously against such heretics, 
See here the Dragon casting out whole floods to swallow up the Sainted.  and the goods as well of them, as of the lay men, according to the canonical sanction made against heretics, and their followers, under the which we will and command them and their partakers to be subject. And also such persons, as shall be infamed of the heresies or errors aforesaid, or any of the premises, shall be bound to purge themselves, at your arbitrement: but the other which either be witnesses, or by their own confessions, or other allegations or probations, shallbe convicted of the foresaid heresies, or articles, or of any the premises, they shallbe compelled to revoke and abjure publicly and solemnly the said articles and errors, and to suffer condign penance and punishment, yea even to perpetual imprisonment, (if need be) for the same.  
And to the intent that they shall not nourish any kind of heresies hereafter, either in word, deed, or gesture, or shall induce other, either in word or deed, privily or apertly, directly or indirectly to believe the same, they shallbe forced to put in sufficient surety. Who, if it so chance that they will not publicly and solemnly renounce and abjure their articles and errors, and take at your hands condign penance, though it be to perpetual, or temporal punishment, according to your discretion, neither will be contented to put in sufficient surety that they will not hereafter hold nor nourish those errors and heresies, neither will induce other by word or deed, privily or apertly, directly or indirecly, or by any other manner of colour, to believe the same: that then you shall proceed against them, according to the qualty of their errors and demerits, yea and if you see it so expedient, as against heretics, & as infected with heresy by our authority, according to the canonical sanctions summarily and simply and plainly, sine strepitu & figura judicij, & of office, all appellation or appellations whatsoever ceasing and that you punish the same, according to the sanctions & traditions canonical, yea if need be, in leaving and committing them to the secular power: and agayinst such as be superiors or learned doctors, laying the censures of ecclesiastical excommunication, all appellation set aside, also innocating, if need shall require, aid of the secular arm: The constitution as well of our predecessor P. Boniface 8. of blessed memory, wherein is decreed that no man without his City or diocese (except in certain cases) or in places being one days iornye distant from thence where he inhabiteth, 
Pope Martin 5. contrary to Pope Boniface 8.  shallbe called into judgement, & that no man do presume to depute judges from the sea Apostolic, without the city & diocese where they are deputed, to proceed against any: or do presume to commit their authority to any other person or people or to fetch & remove any man beyond one days journey from out his Diocese where he dwelleth, or at most two days journey, if it be in a general council: 
Pope Martin undoth the a●is and edicts of all other pope's.  as also all other constitutions of any bishop of Rome, touching as well, judges delegate, as persons not to be called to judgement beyond a certain number: or else any other edict indulce, privilege, or exemption general or special granted from the apostolic sea, for any person or persons not to be interdicted, suspended, or excommunicated, or cited up to judgement without the compass of certain limits: or else what soever thing otherwise may hinder, stop, or impeach your jurisdiction, power, and free proceeding herein by any means to the contrary notwithstanding. Dat Constant. the first year of our popedom.   
¶ This bloody and abominable commission of pope Martin, which I have copied out of a certain old monument remaining in the hands of Master Hackluyt, student in the Temple, seemeth to be directed and given out to the public destruction of all faithful Christian men, about the latter end & breaking up of the council of Constance, an. 1418. By the which the prudent reader hath this to note and consider, what labour, what policy, what counsel, & what laws have been set, 
Note how Antichrist rageth and ryleth against christ  what ways have been taken, what severity hath been showed, how men's power, wit, and authority of the whole world have conspired together from time to time, continually by all manner means to subvert and supplant the word, and way of the Lord: And yet notwithstanding man hath not prevailed, but all his force & devised policies have been overthrown, dispatched and with the council of Achitophel and Ammon, have been brought to nought, and contrary to the fury of the world, the gospel of Christ hath still increased. Neither yet for all this, will the Pope cease to spurn and rebel still against the kingdom of Christ, 
Man's power and counsel too weak against christ  and of his Gospel against which, neither he, nor yet the gates of hell shall ever prevail. The Lord of hosts be merciful to his poor persecuted flock. Amen.  
Against this pestilent Bull and Inquisition of Pope Martin the great antichrist, I thought good here to adjoin and annex an other contrary writing of the Bohemians, bearing the name and subscription of Procopius, Conradus, and other Captains of the Bohemians, which seemeth not long after the death of Zisca, to be written against the pestiferous sea of Rome, the tenor whereof here followrth.  

A fruitful and Christian exhortation of the Bohemianes to kings and princes, to stir them up to the zeal of the Gospel.  

An exhortation of the Bohemians.  THe almighty God the father, by his well-beloved son jesus Christ, may in his holy spirit open the understanding both of you and of all Christians, & lighten your hearts with the light of his doctrine of righteousness, and may make you to continue therein, surely established to the end. This we desire of you for your salvation, all ye honourable, wise, & honest noble men, & all the Commonalty, ye rich and poor, hear and consider with diligent heed, the words of this present letter, which is sent unto you from the Country of the Bohemianes. It is manifest and well known to you and many other cities, 
The Pope and prelate's by their letters stirred them to flight.  Kings, princes, and Lords, that now a certain number of years, there hath been great discord betwixt us and you, and there have been some which have moved you by letters, and provoked you to make war against us, and to destroy us. And as well on your part as on ours: many men, as well noble as unnoble, have foolishly lost their lives. Yet never hitherto have ye in any part understood our faith by our own confession, neither whether we be able to prove the same out of the scriptures, yea or no: and yet in the mean time, kings, Princes, Lords, and Cities, have sustained great damage. And hereof we greatly marvel, that ye do so much trust and believe the pope and his priests, which give you drink full of poison, and such comfort as no man can understand, 
Fair words do make fools feign.  in that they say that they will give you forgiveness of all your sins, and great grace & pardon, to this end, that you should war upon us & destroy us: whereas their graces and pardons are none other then great lies, and a great seducing of the body and soul of all them that believe them: and put their trust in them. This we would prove unto them, 
The Pope seduceth the world with vain promises of things, which he cannot give  & overcome them by the holy scripture, and we would suffer: that whosoever is desirous to hear the same, should hear it. For the Pope and all his priests, herein deal with you as the devil would have done with our Lord jesus Christ. Of whom Luke writeth in his 4. chap. that be brought him upon an high hill, & showed unto him in the twinkling of an eye, all the kingdoms that are in the compass of the earth, & said unto him: I will give thee etc. So the devil deceiveth the pope, and all the priests with the riches of the world, and worldly power: And they think they can give grace and pardon when they will, and they themselves shall never find favour before almighty God, except they repent and make amends, because of their great deceiving of Christendom. And how can they give that to others, which they themselves have not? So did the Devil, who was rich in promising, and poor in giving. And like as the Devil is not ashamed to tell a lie, 
The devil & the Pope ●iche in promising and poor in ge●●ng.  so all they are not ashamed to speak that which shall never be found true, nor be proved by the holy scriptures, because for no cause, they stir up kings, Princes, Lords, and Cities, to make war against us, not to the end that the Christian faith should thereby be defended, but because they fear that their secret vices and heresies shallbe disclosed and made manifest. For if they had a true cause, & a godly love to the Christian faith they would then take the books of the holy scripture, and would come unto us, and overcome us with the weapons of God's word, and that is our chief desire. For so did the apostles of our Lord jesus Christ, who came to the Pagans and jews, and brought them from their infidelity to the true faith of our Lord jesus Christ, and this they did in the spirit of meckenes, as the Apostle Paul writeth in the 6. chap. to the Galat. 
Galat. 6.  Brethren if any man be aggrieved. etc. So ought they also to do, if they perceived that they were just, and we unjust. And if we would not abide instruction: then they might take to them kings, Princes, 
False pretences, of the papists.  Lords, and imperial cities, and resist us according to the commandments of the holy scripture. But this is the subtle defence of all the Bishops and Priests that they say that master Hus and Jerome which were burnt at Constance, were overcome of the holy father the Pope, 
M. Hus & Hierom by wrongful violence put to death.  and of the whole Council: For ye must understand that they were not overcome by the holy Ghost, but unjustly, with wrongful violence, which God may yet hereafter grievously punish in all them that gave their counsel and aid thereto: and they say it ought not to be suffered, that we should be heard in confessing our faith. How may that be proved by the holy scripture, since christ heard the devilt as it is written in the fourth chap. of matthew? And they'll are not better than Christ, 
Christ heard the devil: b● the pope will not hear men confess their faith. 2. Esdras 3. john 14. john 8.  nor we worse than the Devil. If they be just and have the truth with them (as they say they have) and we be unrighteous, why do they fear, since the truth ought not to be afeard of falsehood, as Esdras writeth in his second book, the third chapter. zorobabel declared that truth is of all things the most mighty, and overcometh all things. For Christ is the truth. john 14. I am the way, the truth. etc. And the devil is the father of lies. john. 8. He is a lyerfrom the beginning, and never abode in the truth, & there is no truth in him. Therefore if the pope and his priests have the truth, let them overcome us with the word of God. But if they have lies, than they cannot long abide in all their presumption. Wherefore, we exhort and beseech all the imperial Cities, all king's Princes, noble men, rich and poor, for God's sake, and for his righteousness, that one of them write hereof to an other, and that there may be some means made how we may common with you safely and friendly, at some such place as shall be fit both for you and us, and bring with you your Bishops and teachers, 
A just and lie requests Bohemian  and let them & our teachers fight together with the word of God, and let us hear them, and and let not one overcome the other by violence or false subtlety, but only by the word of God. And if your Bishops and teachers have better proofs of their faith out of the holy scripture, than we, and our faith be found untrue, we will receive penance and satisfaction: according to Gospel. But if your Bishops and teachers be overcome of ours by the holy Scripture, then do ye repent and hearken to us, and hold with us. And if your Bishops & teachers will cease from their spiritual pride, and repent and make satisfaction: then will we help you according to our power, and will compel them, either to join with us, or else we will expel them out of Christendom. And if your Bishops and teachers will say, that it is not lawful for lay men to hear such reasoning, or to be present at it: that may you understand to tend to no other end, but that they fear they should be overcome and put to shame in the sight of you: 
Wherefore the pope's clergy will abide no conference with the laity.  For if they knew that they should overcome therein, out of doubt, they would desire that every man should hear it, & thereby, their glory should become the greater, & their fame and praises should be increased upon the earth. And if your Bishops and teachers counsel you to come to no hearing with us, them do it whether they will or no, & suffer not yourselves at any time to be so foolishly seduced with their foolish pardons, but tarry at home in your houses with your wives and children. And let the pope of Rome come to us with all his Cardinals and bishops, and with all his priests, with his own person & power to war with us, & let themselves deserve the absolution of sins, grace, and pardon, which they preach to you (for they have great need of forgiveness of sins, grace, & pardon) & by the grace of god we will give them pardon enough as they shall need. But their subtle excuse is this: they say that it belongeth not to priests to fight with bodily weapons & true it is that belongeth not to them: 
The Pope's pretenced excuse detected.  but it belongeth as little to them to stir up, to counsel, & to fortify others thereto: For Paul saith in the the 1. to the Rom. & in the fift to the Galath. that all that do such things are worthy of everlasting death. 
Rom. 1.   
And if yewill not determine to do any other thing then to fight against us, then will we take the Lord to our help and his truth, & we will defend it to the death, & we will not be afraid for the excommunication or curse of the Pope, or his cardinals, or of the bishops, because we know that the Pope is not god as he maketh himself, that he can curse and excommunicate when he will, or bless when he will: who hath now these many years cursed and excommunited us, 
Experience of God's blessing where the pope hath cursed. Objection.  & yet notwithstanding, God and his gracious blessing hath been our help. But peradventure ye will say, that though we see that bishops and priests be evil & wicked, yet we cannot lack them: for who should baptise our children, who should hear confessions, & minister the holy sacraments? and then also we should be within the excommunication of the pope & of his bishops. 
Answer.  Well-beloved, ye need to take no care for these matters. The excommunicating of the Pope hurteth you nothing. Fear ye the excommunicating of God, and the Lord will provide for those things well enough. If ye would banish evil bishops and priests, ye should have good priests which should baptise your children, hear confessions, and minister the holy mysteries, because when the devil is banished, than place is made for the holy ghost: So when ill bishops and priests shall be banished, than place shall be made for good priests & bishops Also, your bishops and priests say, that we are miscreants and heretics, & that we believe not on purgatory, upon the virgin Mary, nor upon the saints: wherein they say ill for we will prove by the holy scripture, that we know better by God's grace how we ought to believe upon Purgatory, & upon Mary the mother of our Lord, & upon his well-beloved saints, them they can tell us. Also they say, that we will not be obedient unto the P. Truly when he shallbe come holy and just, than we know well that we ought to be obedient to him in all things and not before. They say also that we destroy Gods holy service, in that we destroy monasteries, banishing thence the wicked Monks and Nuns. 
The pope's false accusation answered.  Truly we did it, thinking once that they were holy, that they did the reverend service of god, but after that we well perceived and considered their life & works, than we perceived that they were false lowly hypocrites, and wicked builders on high, and sellers of pardons and masses for the dead, and such as devoured in themselves the sins of the people. And where as they said that they rise at midnight when other men sl●epe, and pray for the sins of the people: forasmuch as their selling of their prayers and masses for the dead for gifts, is no better than hypocrisy and heresy: therefore if we do speak against them and destroy their monasteries, we do not therein destroy the service of God, but rather the service of the devil, and the schools of heretics. And if ye knew them as we know them, ye would as diligently destroy them as we do. For Christ our Lord did not ordayn anysuch order, & therefore it must needs come to pass that shortly it shall be destroyed as our lord saith in the Gospel of S. Matthew the 15. chapter. 
Math. 15.  Every plant which my father hath not planted, shallbe rooted up. We desire you also that ye would diligently consider the article● here written, wherein your bishops and priests are guilty.  
The 1. article is, that when your bishops will ordain priests, 
The abuse of popish religion in making priests Cardiac ls etc.  they do it not, except he that is to be made priest have sufficient living, either inheritance left him of his parents or of benefices: whereas notwithstanding, Christ would that priests should be poor, forasmuch as it is enough for the scholar to be as his master is, and for the servant to be as his Lord is: and the bishops will that they should be rich v upon earth, which is unjust before the Lord.  
The 2. article is, that bishops take money of such as are to be ordained, 
Acts. 8.  but S. Peter did therefore sharply rebuke Simon Magus, when he would have given him money, as it is written in the 8. of the acts.  
The 3. article is, that they that come to be priests enter into priesthood, not for gods service sake, because they mean to preach and increase it among the Christian people, so as the people may be edified and made better: 
The abuse of popish religion, in taking orders.  but rather for an idle life, and that they may eat well and drink well and that they may be honoured and reverenced upon earth For every one waiteth upon his priest as a thief and a robber, as john writeth in his x. thap.  
The 4. article is of excommunication, which the Pope and all his priests take to themselves, and therewith fetter & bind all Christian people as they will, and they think that whosoever they excommunicate or curse, 
Popish excommunication abused.  he is accursed and excommunicate before God: And we will prove by the holy Scripture, that they themselves are excommunicate & accursed before God, because they keep not the commandment of the love of God, 
1. Cor. 16.  whereof the Apostle writeth in that 1. to the Cor. the 16. chap. If any man loveth not our Lord jesus Christ, he is excommunicate in the day of the coming of the Lord. For they cannot excommunicate you, who are already bound and excommunicate before God & his saints: and therefore why fear ye their excommunication?  
The 5, Article is, that they take gifts for to pray for the dead, and to say mass for their souls. This is a wickedness and heresy before the Lord, & all they that contribute to them to this end, 
The pope● church poisoned with buying and selling their praying and singing, and all their doing for money.  do wickedly, for that hereby priests become merchants of prayers and of masses: and herewith is all the church of Rome poisoned and defiled. For if they would pray for the dead and say mass for their souls, yet no man ought to hire them thereto, forasmuch as they ought to take no gifts, neither little nor great. And every one that taketh rewards to this end, to redeem souls out of purgatory, do therewithal cast their own souls down into hell. And they that give any thing to that end, do altogether lose the which they give. And with such devilish subtlety, the Pope with all his priests hath deceived, spoiled and disherited kings, princes, Lords and knights, & good householders and many other, of their lawful inheritances, because their ancestors & progenitors gave it to Colleges, monasteries & churches, that they might make memorials of them & to sing or say prayers or masses for their souls, 
Fear of purgatory hath rob almost all the whole world.  that they might be redeemed out of purgatory. And with such goods, Bishops, Canons, and Monasteries have made themselves so rich, that now they fall at variance with cities, & princes: & whereas they should procure peace betwixt cities and rulers, there they are the first that begin war: and as long as they have such goods, they will never cease to be at strife with Lords and cities, 
So long as priests be rich, they will never be true teachers.  neither will they begin to teach you the true foundation of the truth: For they do as a dog, which as long as he holdeth a bone in his mouth and knaweth it: so long he holdeth his peace & cannot bark. Even so, as long as they have this bone of pleasant riches, it will never be well in the world. Wherefore all kings, princes and imperial Cities should do a great work of godliness and mercy, if by them they were compelled to do this, as the dog is when the bone is taken from him.  
And therefore ye noble men, Kings, princes, Lords, imperial Cities, 
The subtlety of the devil in making the church rich. Eccle. 19  and all the commonalty, both rich and poor, if ye have been a sleep yet now awake and open your eyes and behold the subtlety of the devil, how he hath blinded the Church of Rome, and take again that is yours, and not theirs. And if you will make a good memorial for your souls, then do as the wise man saith, Eccle. 19: Lay up alms. etc.  
The 6. article is, that they are full of pride and of high mind, 
Popish priests with their long & sumtuous gowns more like to the Pharises than Christ. 1. Tim. 3.  which is manifestly known by their long, costly and superfluous garments, wherein they walk very unlike to Christ our Lord, who had a garment without a seam and to the well-beloved john Baptist, who had a garment of Camels hear, and they will be honoured and worshipped, and they preach and say that Priesthood ought to be honoured, and so it ought in deed to be, but there is none that do so much slander and abase it, as they themselves, with their evil works, gay apparel, and with their evil words wherein they pass all other men. 
Honour in well governing.  Paul saith the i. to Tim. the 3. chapter. Let the Elders that govern well, be honoured with double honour, chief they that labour in the word and doctrine of the Lord. Consider, that he saith they that govern well.  
The 7. article is, that they are covetous from the highest to the lowest, 
The pope's church poisoned with covetousness. Tim. 1.  and for covetousness they preach many foolish deeds & manifest lies, & sell the holy sacraments, which is a great heresy: for God commanded that they should give freely. Paul writeth in the first to Timothy: Covetousness is the root of all mischief, whereunto many have been given, and therefore they are separated from the faith and have denied the truth. 
The pope's church poisoned much with who●e doom.   
The viii. article is, that they commonly are called notorious whoremongers. This is manifestly seen in their concubines and children, which walk openly in all men's sight, and make many men's wives whores, or corrupt their daughters being virgins, and make them priests harlots and ribalds. 
The Pope's church and monasteries commonly poisoned with devilish envy.   
The ix. Article is, that they are full of devilish envy, and especially in all Monasteries they have great envy and hatred amongst themselves, because when any thing is given or disposed to one Monastery or College, than there are others, that hate it, and envy at it, and would more gladly have it themselves: Like as among dogs when any thing is given to the one and not to the other, which the other seeing, envieth his fellow, & the other likewise will rather devour all himself then give any part to his fellow. Wherefore it were well that they were brought from that great sin of envy in giving nothing unto them: And it were better that their possessions were taken from them, and that they should do that which the Lord spoke to his disciples saying: Go ye and preach the Gospel to all men.  
The x. article is, that they are idle, and chief the Bishops, Canons, and other Prelates, which will not labour diligently in the holy Scripture, wherewith they might cure the miseries of Christendom, whereto they have bound themselves, 
The pope's church poisoned with idleness and belly cheer.  and they eat the bread thereof in idleness, because when other men watch and labour to maintain themselves and their little ones, them are they with their lemons or else they walk in some City, carrying hawks on their fists, or else they sit at the good wine with their Concubines. and there they sing and play the Lucian's, & eat of the best and therefore all that willingly bring and give to them, shall be made partners of that curse which is given them of God, because they eat their bread unjustly, whereof Paul writeth in the 2. to the Thess. the 3. chapter: He that laboureth not, let him not eat.  

The Pope's church infamous with notorious lies.  The 11. article is, that they are notorious liars, because to the end that they may please men, they tell many tales & lies, which in the holy Scripture have no foundation nor proof. Of such writeth john in the Apoca. 21.  
The 12. article is, that they do not rightly give or minister to the people the body of our Lord jesus Christ, 
The Pope's church erreth in diminishing one part of the Sacrament.  and they give it not as God hath instituted it and commanded. This is a great & a devilish sin and to great malapertness. Herein we would overcome them, with the testimonies of the Evangelists: I say we would overcome the Pope, and all his Priests, with the authorities of Mark, Luke and Paul. Rom. 13. and we would suffer, that Kings, Princes, Lords and all that are willing to hear, should hear it.  
The 13. Article is, that they sit in spiritual judgement, and then many times they judge according to favour, 
The Pope's church charged with partiality.  and not according to the righteousness of God, and they take bribes giving sentence for him, which in God's sight hath the wrongful cause. Woe be to such sentences, as it is written in isaiah 5. Woe be to ye that. etc.  
The 14. Article is, that they sit hearing confessions, and when there come to them usurers, raveners, and thieves, they take bribes of them of their ill gotten goods, to spare them: and they willingly suffer them in cities and towns. And likewise of adulterers, and other notorious whoremongers and whores, and they never let or stay them in their great sins, to the end that the scripture may be fulfilled in them, which sayeth: Gifts and the love of money do draw to hell, and do blind the eyes of judges.  

He meaneth of claiming tithes by mere necessity of the old law: and not by the positive law of princes.  The 15. Article is, that they receive tithes of men, and will of right have them, and preach and say that men are bound to give them tithes, and therein they say falsely: For they can not prove by the new Testament, that our Lord jesus Christ commanded it, and his disciples warned no man to do so, neither did themselves receive them. But although in the old Testament, it were commanded to give tithes, yet it can not thereby be proved, that christian men are bound thereto: For this precept of the old Testament had an end in the first year of our Lord jesus Christ, like as the precept of Circuncision. Wherefore well-beloved, consider and see, how your bishops seduce you and shut your eyes with things that have no proof. Christ sayeth in the 11. of Luke. give alms of those things that remain, but he said not, give the tenth of the goods, which ye possess, but give alms. But when they hear the word, they may say as the lawyer said to Christ: Master when thou sayest so, thou givest offence. Luke 11.  

The Pope's church charged with usury.  The 16. Article is, that they in many places lend money or goods to have treasure or usury, and they have in cities and towns, yearly payments and perpetual revenues, as great Princes and Lords. Wherein they do against the Gospel, which saith, do not ye possess gold nor silver. And whereas they lend for gain and usury, against that speaketh the Lord, Deu. 24. Lend not to usury to thy brother. etc. Ye honest discrete and well beloved Lords, all the foresaid Articles we will prove against the Pope, and all his priests, with many testimonies of the holy Scripture, which for brevities sake, we have not here mentioned. But note ye chief these 4. Articles, for which we strive, and desire to defend them to the death.  
The first Article is, that all public, and customably mortal sins ought to be forbidden and prohibited to all Priests and lay men, according to the commandment of the holy Scripture.  

He meaneth the immoderate riches & tempo all possessions.  The second Article is, that richesses ought to be taken from the Pope and all his Priests, from the highest to the lowest, and they ought to be made poor, as the Disciples of our Lord jesus Christ were: who had nothing of their own, neither possessions in this world, neither worldly power.  

Men appointed to preach may preach t●oagh the Pope forbidden them.  The third Article is, that the word of God ought to be free for every man appointed and ordained thereto, to preach and read in all places, whether they shall come, without resistance of any man or without any inhibition of either spiritual or earthly power openly or manifestly.  
The fourth article is, that the body of our Lord jesus Christ ought to be delivered to every christian as our lord hath ordained it, 
When the Pope holdeth his council, let men look to their wives & daughters where the council is kept.  and as the holy Evangelists have written. We have also understood that there shallbe a Council in Basile: Wherefore let no man be exalted, but let them diligently keep their wives, their daughters and their virgins from Bishops, Priests, and Monks. And do not think that there is made any holy assembly of Bishops and Priests for the common commodity and profit of Christendom, but only to this end that they may hide their secret vices and heresies, with the cloak of hypocrisy, and let and hinder the righteousness of God, which is much contrary to them: and for this cause consider ye diligently, that they will not make an holy assembly, but the congregation of Satan. And take ye heed that it be not done as some did at Constance, who took money of Bishops and Prelates, & suffered them to sleep with their wives. Ye well-beloved and honest Lords, if ye find any thing in these aforesaid Articles or words written somewhat sharply, we did it not to offend or contemn you, but to the end that ye should diligently consider and devise how Christendom is so ill kept and led by the Priests of this present age. Our Lord jesus Christ keep you both in body and soul. Amen. In the year of our Lord. 
Ex vetustissimo codice manuscripto.  1430.  
Preropus, Smahors, Conradus, Samssmolich, Captains of Bohemia.   
Now to prosecute the wars of the Bohemians again, after Zisca was dead, 
Great lamentation for Zisca.  whereof we did entreat before, there was great fear, sorrow, and lamentation in the army, the soldiers accusing fortune which gave over such an invincible captain to be overcome with death. Immediately there was a division in the host, the one part choosing Procopius Magnus to be their captain, the other part saying, that there was none could be found worthy to succeed Zisca: whereupon they choosing out certain to serve the wars, 
The army of Zisca divided.  named themselves Orphans.  
Thus the Thaborites being divided into two armies, the one part retained their old and accustomed name, and the other by means of the death of their captain, named themselves Orphans. And all be it, that oftentimes there was dissension between them, yet when soever any foreign power came towards them, they joined their powers together in one camp, and defended themselves. They seldom went unto any fenced towns except it were to buy necessaries, but lived with their wives and children in their camp & tents. They had amongst them many carts, the which they used as a Bulwark: For when so ever they went unto battle, they made two wings of them, which closed in the footmen. The wings of the horse men were on the out side, and when as they saw their time for to join battle, the waggon men which led the wings, going forth unto the Emperor's standard, and compassing in such part of their enemies as they would, did close themselves in together, whereby the enemies being enclosed, so that they could not be rescued, they were partly by the footmen, & partly by the men that were in the cars with their darts slain. 
The order and polycie that the army of Zisca used in war after his decease.  The horsemen fought without the fortification: and if it happened that they were oppressed or put to flight, by and by the cars opening themselves, received them as it were into a fenced City: and by this means they got many victories, for so much as their enemies were ignorant of their policies.  
These 2. armies went forth, the one into Slesia, and the other into Moravia, and returned again with great prey, before their enemies knew of their coming. After this they besieged the town of Swetley in Ostrich, where as the Thaborites and the Orphans, two nights continually assaulted the walls without ceasing, but Albert Duke of Ostrich coming with his host to aid the Citizens, they fought by the space almost of four hours, the valiantest warriors being slain on both parts. At the length the battle was broken of, and the Thaborits lost their cars, and Albert was put out of his camp & tents. Within a while after, 
Procopius Magnus.  Procopius Magnus came again and enclosed the city of Rhetium in Austria with a notable siege. They of prague were in his army, and Boslaus Cygneus, of whom we spoke before, was slain there with a dart, & the city of Rhetium was taken by force, sacked and burnt. The Burgrave of Malderburge Lord of the town, was also taken and carried unto prague, where also he died in prison.  
These things thus done, the Emperor sent for the nobles of Boheme, which went unto him unto a town of Hungary, called Posonium in the borders of Austria, upon the banks of the river of Danubius: but they would not enter into the town, but remained without the town in their tents, whether as the Emperor going out unto them, communing much with them as touching his right & title, 
Sigismond the Emperor which burned Hus and Hierom before, now is fain to entreat for his kingdom.  and the recovering of his father's kingdom, promising if there were any cause, which did alienate the Bohemians minds from him, that he would take away all the occasion thereof. They made answer, that he had made war upon them without cause, and that he had suffered their country men contrary to his promise, to be burnt at Constance not being heard, and the kingdom to be contumeliously interdicted, and the Nobles of Boheme to be condemned by the church of Rome as heretics: 
The death of I. Hus & Jerome revenged.  and that he should think the force and power of the Bohemians not to be so small, but that they would provide for their own honour. Whereunto the Emperor answered very gently, & offered them a general council, wherein they might declare their innocency, if they would submit themselves to the judgement of the universal Church: but the Bohemians which were now become valiant victors in arms, would not now be overcome with words, and so nothing being finally concluded, the Emperor returned home.  

The Cardinal of Winchester sent into Germany to raise war against the Bohemians.  Then pope Martin perceiving the Gospel to increase daily more and more, sent the Cardinal of Winchester an Englishman, borne of a noble house, into Germany to move them unto war against the Bohemians. Whereunto the Emperor also did assist him.  
There were three armies provided. In the first army were the Dukes of Saxony, and the lower cities.  
The 2. army, which was gathered of the Franconians, was under the conduct of the Marquis of Brandenburge. 
Three armies set against the Bohemians.   
The 3. army was led by Otho the archbishop of trevers, whom the Rhenenses, the bavarians, and the Imperial cities of Swevia followed. These armies entering into Boheme, in 3. several parts, after they were passed the wood, 
God rescueth his people newly converted.  they joined together & pitched before Misna. This town a certain learned and eloquent protestant, named Prichicho, the night before, had won from the Papists: wherefore the army was determined first to recover that city, before they would go any further. But when as news came unto the host, how the Protestants had gathered an army, 
The pope's army flieth.  and came withal speed towards them: they fled before they saw their enemies, and went unto Thaconia, leaving behind them their warlike engines with a great prey. The Cardinal was not yet come into the camp, but meeting them in their flight at Thacovia, 
Like captain, like soldier.  he marveled at the cowardly flight of so many Noble and valiant men, desiring them that they would turn again unto their enemies, which he said, were far weaker than they. Which thing when he had long travailed about in vain, he was feign to be a companion with them in their flight. They were scarcely entered the wood, when as the Bohemians coming upon them, set upon their rearward. Then was their flight much more disordered and fearful then before, neither did they leave flying before the Bohemians left following. Then all impediment or let being taken away, they vanquished Thacovia: and having obtained great store of warlike engines, they destroyed Misna. And when they would have returned home by Franconia, they had great sums of money sent unto them that they should not waste or destroy the Countries of Bramberge and Noremberge: whereby the host of the Bohemians was greatly enriched.  
Sigismundus the Emperor having news of these things, 
Anno. 1421.  went straight unto Noremburge, and gathered there new aid and help. Also Pope Martin sent julian the cardinal of S. Angel into Germany with his ambassade, to make war against the Bohemians, 
The Pope raiseth war the second time against the Bohemians.  and that he should in the Counsel of basil, which doth now shortly draw on, be precedent in the pope's name. He entering into Germany, went strait to Norenberge to the Emperor, whereas many of the nobles of Germany were assembled.  
There was a new expedition decreed against the Bohemians, against the 8. kalends of july, 
A new war raised by the pope against the Bohemians.  and Frederick Marquis of Brandenburge appointed general of that war, which should follow the Cardinal. He entered into Boheme by the way that leadeth unto Thopa, and Albertus' prince of Ostrich was appointed to bring his army through Moravia.  
In this expedition was Albert & Christopher of Banaria, and Friderike Dukes of Saxony, john and Albert princes of Brandenburge, with their father, which was general of those wars. Also the bishops of Hyperbolis, Bamberge, and Eisten. Also the company of the swevians, which they called the company of S. George, and the Magistrates of the imperial cities, the bishops of Mentz, trevers and Colen sent their aides, and with them the chieftains of their provinces. 
The number of the pope's army against the Bohemians.  It is said that the number of their horsemen were above 40000. But their footmen were not full so many, for the Germans for the most part do use to fight their battles on horseback.  
Also Rhenatus prince of Lorraine promised to come to these wars, but being letted by his civil wars, for somuch as he went about to vanquish the Earl of Vandome, whereby he could not keep his promise, neither the County Palatine of Rhine, which did aid and secure the Earl of Vandome, could not go against the Bohemians. The Cardinal staying for them, deferred his journey until the Kalends of August. In the mean time, Albert leading his army out of Austria, understanding that the Cardinal was not present at the day appointed, and seeing himself unable to encounter with the Bohemian power, he returned back again. After this the Cardinal entered into Boheme with an huge army, 
Cardinal julian with a main host entereth Boheme. The cruel slaughter done by the Cardinal.  & destroyed many of the protestants towns, killing men, women, and children, sparing neither old nor young: notwithstanding, this his tyranny was exercised in the uttermost borders of Boheme, for his captains feared to enter far into the land. The Bohemians assoon as they that heard tel that their enemy was come, made ready, & gathered their host with all speed, and laid siege to a tower called Stiltiverge, and brought it under subjection.  
In the mean season there fell such a marvelous sudden fear amongs all the papists throughout the whole camp, 
God striketh a fear in the pope's army.  that they begun most shamefully to run away before any enemy appearing in sight. The cardinal julianus marveling at this most sudden fear, and what should moon so great an army to fly, went about unto the captains, exhorting them to put on armour, to order their battles, & courageously to abide their enemies, saying: they did not fight for the glory of their kingdom, or for the possession of lands, but for their lives, and the honour & 
* Rather for the religion of Antichrist This Cardinal belike loved to preach rather in the camp them the church.  religion of Christ, and for the salvation of souls. How ignominious a thing is it (saith he) for the Germans to fly in battle, whose courage and valiantness all the world doth extol? It were much better for to die, then to give place to any enemies, before they were seen: for they can by no means live in safety within the walls, which give place unto their enemy in the field, for it is the weapon that defendeth a man and not the walls, and except they would even presently defend their liberty with the sword, they should shortly be in greater bondage, more miserable than any death. But this exhortation was all in vain, for fear had put away all boldness: for the ensigns were snatched up, and as though there had been no captain in the host, every man ran headlong away. No man regarded any commandment, neither once took his leave of his captain, but casting away their armour with speedy flight they ran away, as though their enemy had been at their backs. 
The Cardinal's army ran away for fear.  The Cardinal also, although it were against his will, was forced to do the like.  
Thus the protestants by the fear of their enemies made the more bold and courageous, pursued them thorough the woods, and had a great prey & spoil of them. Notwithstanding, Albertus, when he heard tell that the Cardinal was entered into Boheme, with all speed came again out of Ostrich with his army, & besieged the strong town of Prezorabia: but when he understood how the Cardinal was fled, 
Great slaughter in Boheme by Duke Albert.  he left of his purpose, and returned through Moravia, which was not yet subject unto him, and destroyed above 50. towns with fire and sword, took many of their cities by force, and spoiled them, committing great murder and slaughter, and so afflicted them, that they took upon them his yoke, and promised to be subject and obedient to him under this condition, that as touching religion he would be bound to do that which the Council of Basil should determine.  
Then was there an ambassade sent out of Boheme unto Basil, 
The council of basil.  where as Sigismond held the Council, who during the time of wars, 
A letter of the Emperor to the Bohemians.  had kept himself at Noremberge. When as he should take his journey unto Rome to be crowned Emperor, he wrote letters unto the nobles of Boheme, wherein was contained, how that he was a Bohemian borne, and how he was not more affectioned to any nation, then to his own, and that he went to Rome for none other cause, but to be crowned, the which his honour should also be a renown to the Bohemians, whom to advance it hath been always his special care.  
Also, how that through his endeavour the Council was begun at basil, exhorting all such as were desirous to be heard as touching religion, that they should come thither, and that they would not maintain any quarrel contrary to the holy mother church, that the Council would lovingly and gently hear their reasons: that they should only endeavour themselves to agree with the Synod as touching religion, and reserve and keep a quiet and peaceable kingdom for him, against his return: Neither should the Bohemians think to refuse his regiment, whose brother, father, and uncle, had reigned over them, and that he would reign over them after no other mean or sort, than other Christian kings used to do.  
The council of Basil also wrote their letter to the Bohemians, that they should send their Ambassadors which should show a reason of their faith, 
The Bohemians sent for by the Council. Safeconduct given to the Bohemians to come to the council A doubt among the Bohemians, whether to go to the council of basil or no. This Maynardus was after a great backfriend to the faithful Bohemians. 300. horsemen of the Bohemians sent Ambas. to the council. This english man was Peter Pain The receiving of the Bohemians at basil. Procopius famous among the germans.  promising safeconduct to go & come, and free liberty to speak what they would. The Bohemians in this point were of 2. opinions, for the Protestants & almost all the common people, said, it was not good to go, alleging the examples of john Hus and Jerome of prague, which going unto Constance under the safeconduct of the Emperor, were there openly burned. But the nobility following the mind of Maynardus, prince of the new house, said, that they ought to go unto the Council, and that they are not to be suffered which had invented those new and strange opinions of faith, & new kind of religion, except they would render account of their doings and sayings before the universal church, & defend those things, which they had openly taught, before learned men. This opinion took place, and an ambassade of 300. horse was sent unto Basil. The chief whereof were William Cosca a valiant knight, & Procopius surnamed Magnus, a man of worthy fame for his manifold victories. joh. Rochezana preacher of prague. Nicolas Galecus, minister of the Thaborites, and one Peter an Englishman, of excellent prompt and pregnant wit. The people came in great number out of the town, and many out of the synod and council, attending before the gates to see the coming of this valiant and famous people: other some gathered together in great number into the streets where as they should pass through. The matrons, maids and children, filled the windows and houses to behold and se●, and to marvel at their strange kind of apparel, and stout courageous countenances, saying that it was not untrue which was reported of them: notwithstanding all men beheld Procopius, saying, this is he which hath overthrown the papists in so many battles, which hath subverted so many towns, and slain so many men, whom both his enemies and also his own soldiers, do fear and reverence: also, that he was a bold, valiant and invincible captain, which could not be overcome with no terror, labour or travail.  
These Bohemian Ambassadors were gently received. The next day after, 
The oration of Cardinal julian.  Cardinal julianus sending for them unto the council house, made a gentle, long, and eloquent Oration unto them, exhorting them to unity and peace, saying, that the church was the spouse of our saviour Christ, and the mother of all faithful, that it hath the keys of binding and losing, and also that it is white and fair, without spot or wrinkle, and can not err in those points which are necessary to salvation, and that he which doth contemn the same church, is to be counted as a profane, Ethnic, & publican, neither can this church be represented better by any means then in this council. He exhorteth them also to receive the decrees of the council, and to give no less credit unto the council then unto the Gospel, by whose authority, the scriptures themselves are received & allowed. Also that the Bohemians which call themselves, the children of the church, aught to hear the voice of their mother, which is never unmindful of her children, how that now of late they have lived apart from their mother, albeit (said he) that is no new or strange thing, for there have been many in times past, which have forsaken their mother, and yet seeking after salvation have returned to her again: That in the time of noah's flood, as many as were without the ark perished: That the Lords passover was to be eaten in one house: that there is no salvation to be sought for out of the church, and that this is the garden & famous fountain of water, whereof whosoever shall drink, shall not thirst everlastingly: That the Bohemians have done as they ought, in that they have sought the fountains of this water at the council, and have determined now at length to give care unto their mother. Now all hatred ought to cease, all armour and weapon is to be laid apart, & all occasion of war utterly to be rejected: For the fathers would lovingly and gently hear whatsoever there they would say in their own cause or quarrel, requiring only that they would willingly receive and embrace the good counsels and determinations of the sacred synod: whereunto not only the Bohemians, but also all other faithful Christians, aught to consent and agree, if they will be partakers of eternal life.  
This Oration of the Cardinal, was heard & very well allowed of the fathers. Whereunto the Bohemians answered in few words, 
The Bohemians answer to the Cardinal's oration.  that they neither had contemned the Church nor the counsels: that the sentence given at Constance against those which were unheard, doth diminish nothing of the Christian religion: that the authority of the fathers hath always remained amongst them inviolate, and whatsoever thing the Bohemians had taught, to be confirmed by the scriptures and Gospel, and that they are now come to manifest their innocency before the whole Church, and to require open audience, where as the laity may also be present. The request was granted them: and being further demanded in what points they did disagree from the church of Rome, they propounded 4. Articles.  
First, they affirmed, that all such as would be saved, ought of necessity to receive the Communion of the last supper under both kinds of bread and wine.  
The second Article, 
The articles wherein the Bohemians dissented from the church of Rome  they affirmed a●l civil rule and dominion to be forbidden unto the Clergy by the law of God.  
The third Article, that the preaching of the word of God is free for all men, and in all places.  
The fourth Article, as touching open crimes and offences which are in no wise to be suffered for the ●●oiding of greater evil.  
These were the only propositions which they propounded before the Council in the name of the whole realm. Then another ambassador affirmed that he had hard of the Bohemians divers and sundry things offensive to Christian ears, amongst the which this was one point, that they should preach that the invention of the order of begging Friars was diabolical.  
Then Procopius rising up, said, neither is it untrue, for if neither Moses, neither before him the patriarchs, neither after him the Prophets, neither in the new law Christ and his Apostles did institute the order of begging friars, who doth doubt but that it was an invention of the devil, and a work of darkness?  
This answer of Procopius was derided of them all: And Cardinal julianus went about to prove that not only the decrees of the patriarchs and Prophets, 
Certain appointed by the Bohemians and the council to dispute.  and those things which Christ and his Apostles had instituted to be only of God, but also all such decrees as the church should ordain, being guided through the holy ghost, be the works of God. All be it as he said, the order of begging Friars, might seem to be taken out of some part of the gospel. The Bohemians chose out 4. divines which should declare their Articles to be taken out of the Scriptures. Likewise on the contrary part there was 4. appointed by the council. This disputation continued 50. days, where many things were alleged on either part, whereof, as place shall serve, more hereafter (by the grace of Christ) shall be said, when we come to the time of that Council.  
In the mean season, while the Bohemians were thus in long conflicts with Sigismond the Emperor and the Pope, fight for their religion, unto whom, notwithstanding all the fullness of the Pope's power was bend against them, 
The death of K. Henry 5. called prince of priests for favouring the pope.  God of his goodness had given such noble victories, as is above expressed, and ever did prosper them so long as they could agree among themselves: as these things (I say) were doing in Boheme: King Henry the 5. fight likewise in France, albeit for no like matters of religion, fell sick at Boys, and died after he had reigned 9 years 5. months 3. weeks and odd days from his coronation. This king in his life and in all his doings was so devout & serviceable to the Pope and his chapleins, that he was called of many the Prince of priests: who left behind him a son being yet an infant 9 months and 15. days of age, whom he had by Queen Katherine daughter to the French king, married to him about 2. or 3. years before. The name of which Prince succeeding after his father, was Henry 6. left under the government and protection of his uncle named Humphrey Duke of Gloucester.  

¶ The names of the Archbishops of Canterbury in this fift Book contained.  54 Simon Islepe. 17 56 Simon Langham. 2 57 William Witlesey. 5 58 Simon Sudbery. 6 59 William Courtney. 15 60 Thomas Arundel. 18 61 Henry Chichesly. 29    

THE sixth PART OR SECTION, pertaining to the last 300. years.  

A preface to the reader.  
ACcording to the five sundry diversities and alterations of the Church, so have I divided hitherto the order of this present Church story into five principal parts, every part containing 300. years. So that now coming to the last 300. years, that is, to the last times of the Church, counting from the time of Wickleffe: For as much as in the compass of the said last 300 years, are contained great troubles and perturbations of the Church, with the marvelous reformation of the same through the wondrous operation of the almighty, all which things cannot be comprehended in one book, I have therefore disposed the said latter 30. years, into divers books, beginning now with the sixth book, at the reign of king Henry the vj. In which book, beside the grievous and sundry persecutions raised up by Antichrist, to be noted, here in is also to be observed, that where as it hath of long time been received and thought of the common people, that this religion now generally used, hath sprung up and risen but of late, even by the space (as many do think) of 20. or 30. years, it may now manifestly appear, not only by the Acts and Monuments heretofore passed, but also by the histories here after following, how this profession of Christ's religion hath been spread abroad in England of old and ancient time, not only from the space of these 200. late years, from the time of Wyckleffe, but hath continually from time to time sparkled abroad, although the flames thereof have never so perfectly burst out, as they have done within these hundred years and more: As by these histories here collected & gathered out of Registers, especially of the Diocese of Norwich, shall manifestly appear: wherein may be seen what men, and how many both men and women within the said Diocese of Norwich, have been, which have defended the same cause of doctrine, which now is received by us in the Church. Which persons although then they were not so strongly armed in their cause and quarrel, as of late years they have been, yet were they warriors in Christ's church, and fought for their power, in the same cause. And although they gave back through tyranny, yet judge thou the best good Reader, and refer the cause thereof to God, who revealeth all things according to his determined will and appointed time.   


King Henry 6.  THis young prince being under the age of one year, after the death of his father, 
Anno. 1422.  succeeded in his reign and kingdom of England, Anno 1422. and in the 8. year was crowned at Westminster: and the 2. year after was crowned also at Paris, Henry bishop of Winchester, Cardinal being present at them both, 
Ex Scala mundi.  & reigned 38. years, and then was deposed by Edward the 4. as here after (Christ willing) shall be declared in his time. 
Ex Regist. Cant.  In the first year of his reign was burned the constant witness bearer and testis of Christ's doctrine, William Tailor, a Priest under Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury. Of this William Tailor I read, 
William tailor the first time apprehended. W. tailor again appeareth before the Archbishop.  that in the days of Thomas Arundel, he was first apprehended, and abjured. afterward in the days of Henry Chichesley, about the year of our Lord 1421. which was a year before his burning, the said William Tailor appeared again in the convocation before the Archbishop being brought by the Bishop of Worcester, being complained of to have taught at Bristol these Articles following.  

Three articles first objected to W. tailor.  First, that whosoever, hangeth any scripture about his neck, taketh away the honour due only to God, & giveth it to the Devil.  
Secondly, that no humane person is to be worshipped, but only God is to be adored.  
Thirdly, that the Saints are not to be worshipped nor invocated.  
Upon these Articles the said William Tailor being examined, denied that he did preach or hold them in way of defending them, but only did commune and talk upon the same, especially upon the second and third article, only in way of reasoning, and for argument sake. And to justify his opinion to be true in that which he did hold, he brought out of his bosom a paper or libel written, wherein were contained certain Articles, with the testimonies of the Doctors alleged, and exhibited the same unto the archbishop. Who then being bid to stand aside, the Archbishop consulting together with the bishops and other prelate's, what was to be done in the matter, delivered the writings unto M. john Castle, and john Rikinghale, the two vicechauncelors of Oxford and Cambridge, and to john Langdon monk of Canterbury. Who advising with themselves, and with other divines, about the Articles and allegations, on the monday following, presented the said Articles of William Tailor, to the Archbishop and Prelates, as erroneous and heretical. Whereupon William Tailor being called before them, in conclusion was contented to revoke the same, and for his penance was by them condemned to perpetual prison.  
Notwithstanding, through favour they were contented, that he should be released from his carceral endurance, in case he would put in sufficient surety in the kings Chancerye, and swear that he shall never hold or favour any such opinions hereafter. And thus the said William Tailor appointed to appear the next Wednesday at Lambeth before the Archbishop, to take his absolution from his long excommunication during the time from Thomas Arundel, appeared again before him, where he laying a side his Arunlousa, that is: his cloak, his cap, and stripped unto his doublet, kneeled at the feet of the Archbishop. Who then standing up, and having a rod in his hand, began the Psalm Misere. etc. his chaplains answering the second verse. 
The form of canonical absolution in the church used against th● that were excommunicate.  After that was said, the Collect, Deus cui proprium. etc. with certain other prayers. And so taking an oath of him, the Archbishop committed him to the custody of the Bishop of Worcester, to whom power and authority was permitted to release him, upon the conditions aforesaid. And thus was William Tailor, for that time absolved, being enjoined notwithstanding to appear at the next convocation whensoever it should be, before the said Archbishop or his successor that should follow him.  
In the mean time, while William Tailor was thus in the custody of the Bishop of Worcester, there passed certain writings between him, and one Thomas Smith priest at Bristol, in the which writings William Tailor replied against the said Thomas, concerning the question of worshipping Saints. Upon the occasion of which reply, being brought to the hands of the bishop of Worcester, William Tailor began a new to be troubled, & was brought again before the public convocation of the clergy, by the said bishop of Worcester, to answer unto his writings. This was an. 1422. the 11. day of February. Unto the which convocation the said William being presented, his writings were read to him, which he would not, nor could not deny to be of his own hand writing.  
The tenor and effect of whose writing only tended to prove, 
The opinion of Wil tailor concerning worshipping of saints.  that every petition and prayer for any supernatural gift, aught to be directed to God alone, & to no creature. All be it in this his writing he did not utterly deny, that it was not lawful in no respect to pray to saints, (and bringeth for the same Thomas Aquine) but only in respect of that worship, which is called Cultus latriae: And further so prosecuteth his mind herein, 
Cultus latriae, that is, worship which is only due to God.  that he seemeth little or nothing to differ from the superstition of the papists: as most plainly appeareth by his own words, saying: Nunquam tamen negavi, aut negare intendo, merita aut sanctorum suffragia tam beatorum, quam viantium, tam vivis, quam mortuis ad hoc dispositis, quantum possunt, suffragari, vel proficere, quia hoc est elicibile ex Scriptura, quae non fallit, & ex consona ratione. etc. And moreover he inferreth the example of Moses, who prayed unto God, alleging the merits of Abraham, Isaac, and jacob, which were dead. etc. And furthermore passing from the testimony of Jerome, and alleging the example of Steven, sayeth: Quod nunc magis exauditur pro veneratoribus suis, quam tunc exauditus est pro lapidatoribus. 
Ang. super. Psal. 21.  And at length he cometh to this conclusion, proving by S. Austen, in this manner: Ne igitur cum impijs & idolatris in veteri testamento, in circuitu ambulemus, nunquam deveniendo ad centrum, sanum est quod faciamus secundum consilium Apostoli sic dicentis: Accedamus cum fiducia ad thronum gratiae eius, ut misericordiam consequamur & gratiam inveniamus in auxilio oportuno. etc. That is. And therefore lest we run about in circles with the wicked, and with the idolaters of the old Testament, and never come to the centre, therefore it is wholesome & good counsel, 
4. articles by the 4. orders of Friars laid against W. tailor.  that we follow the mind of the Apostle, saying: Let us resort with boldness unto the throne of his grace, that we may obtain mercy, and find grace in time or opportune help. etc.  
Thus much out of the foresaid writing of W. Tailor I have excerped, to the intent that the indifferent reader, using his judgement herein, may see how little matter was in this, wherefore he should be condemned by the Papists. And yet notwithstanding the same writing being delivered by the archbishop, to the four orders of Friars of London to be examined, was found erroneous and heretical in these points.  

1. First, that every prayer, which is a petition of some supernatural gift or free gift, is to be directed only to God.  
2. Item, that prayer is to be directed to God alone.  
3. Item, to pray to any creature is to commit idolatry.  
4. Also, an other opinion there was much like to the other, to make up the fourth, so that although all these opinions agreed in one, yet to make up a number every order of the four sorts of Friars, thought to find out some matter to offer up to the Archb. against him, lest one order should seem more cunning or pregnant in finding out more, than could an other: or else perchance lest any of them should seem to favour the party, in bringing nothing against him, as the rest had done.   
The burning of William Tailor, Priest.  
When the Saturday was come, which was the 20. day of February, upon the which day the 4. orders were appointed to declare their censure upon the Articles in the chapter houses of Paul's, first appeareth Friar Till, for the Black Friars, than Friar Winchelsey: then Friar Low: After Friar Ashwel, each Friar for his order severally bringing his heresy, as is above specified.  
Thus the verdict of these 4. orders being given up to the Archb. and severally, each order coming in with his heresy, which was the 20. day of February. hereupon cometh down a wryt from the king, directed to the lord Maior and Sheriffs of London. De heretico comburendo, dated the 1. day of March. Anno 1. of his reign. The copic whereof remaineth in the records of the Tower, beginning thus, Rex Maiori & vicecomitibus. Whereupon the said William Tailor condemned as a relapse, 
W. tailor disgraded. W. tailor Martyr, burned in Smithfield.  first was disgraded, and after to be burned, and so was committed to the seculare power, who their being had to Smithfield, the 1. day of March, with Christian constancy, after long imprisonment, there did consummate his Martyrdom. 1422.  
The manner of his disgrading was all one with the disgrading of john Hus before: for the Papists use but one form for all men. First disgrading them from priesthood, by taking from them the chalice and patine. From deaconship, by taking from them the gospel book and tunicle. From Subdeaconship, by taking from them the Epistle book and Tunicle. 
The pope's manner of degradation.  From Accoluteship, by taking from them the Cruet and Candlestick. From an Exorcisie, by taking away the book of Exorcisms or Gradual. From the Sextonship, by taking away the churchdoore key and surplis. And likewise from Benet, in taking away the surplis, and first tonsure. etc. All which they orderly accomplished upon this godly Martyr, before his burning.   

john Florence a Turner.  
IDon Florence a Turner, 
john Florence● a Turner.  dwelling in Shelton, in the Diocese of Norwich, was attached for that he held and taught these heresies here under written (as they called them) contrary to the determination of the Church of Rome.  
In primis, that the pope and Cardinals have no power to make or constitute any laws.  
Item, that there is no day to be kept holy, but only the Sunday which God hath hallowed.  
Item, that men ought to fast no other time, but of the Quatuor temporum.  
Item, that Images are not to be worshipped, neither that the people ought to set up any lights before them in the Churches, neither to go on pilgrimage, neither to offer for the dead, or with women that are purified.  
Item, 
He meanet●they should claim such ●●thes by any exaction.  that Curates should not take the tithes of their parishioners, but that such tithes should be divided amongst the poor parishioners.  
Item, that all such as swear by their life or power, shall be damned, except they repent.  
The displing of john Florence.  
Upon wednesday, being the second day of August in the year of our Lord 1424. the said john Florence personally appeared before William Bernam, 
Anno. 1424.  Chancellor to William bishop of Norwich, whereas he proceeding against him, objected the first article touching the power of the Pope and Cardinals: to which Article the said john Florence answered in this manner. If the pope lived uprightly as Peter lived, he hath power to make laws: otherwise, I believe he hath no power. But being afterward threatened by the judge, he acknowledged thathe had erred, and submitted himself to the correction of the church, and was abjured, taking an oath that from that time forward he should not hold, teach, preach, or willingly defend any error or heresy contrary to the determination of the church of Rome, neither maintain, help, or aid any that shall teach or hold any such errors or heresies, either privily or apertly, and for his offence in this behalf done, he was enjoined this penance following.  
Three Sundays in a solemn procession in the cathedral Church of Norwich, 
The manner of this displing was withawhite rod, thrice laid upon the head of the penitenciary.  he should be displed before all the people. The like also should be done about his parish church of Shelton, three other several Sundays, he being bore headed, bare footed & bare n●cked, after the manner of a public penitentiary, his body being covered with a canues' shirt, and canues breeches, carrying in his hand a taper of a pound weight, and that done he was dismissed.   

Richard Belward of Erisam in the Diocese of Norwich.  
RIchard Belward of Erisam, in the Diocese of Norwiche, was accused for holding and teaching these errors and opinions here under written, contrary to the determination of the church of Rome.  


He meaneth the wicked bishops of that time, whose curses God did bless.  
This proveth Sir I. Oldecastle to be no traitor.   In primis, that Ecclesiastical ministers and Ordinaries have no power to excommunicate, neither can excommunicate: And all be it that a Bishop do excommunicate any man, God doth absolve him.  
Item, that he held the erroneous opinions and conclusions, that Sir john Oldcastle held when he was in prison, & affirmed that Sir john Oldcastle was a true Catholic man, and falsely condemned and put to death without any reasonable cause.  
Item, that such as go on pilgrimage, offering to images made of wood and stone, are excommunicate because they ought to offer to the quick, and not to the dead: and that the Ecclesiastical Ministers, that is to say the curates do sell God upon Easter day, when as they receive offerings of such as should communicate before they do minister the Sacrament unto them.  
Item, that he counseled divers women, the they should not offer in the Church for the dead, neither with women that were purified.  
Item, that he blamed divers of his neighbours that refused his doctrine, 
The words of ha Register.  saying unto them: truly ye are fools that deny to learn the doctrine of my sect, for your neighbours which are of my sect, are able to confound and vauquish all other that are of your sect.  
Item, that the Saints which are in heaven, aught in no case to be prayed unto, but only God.  
Item, that the said Richard keepeth schools of lolardy in the English tongue, in the town of Dychingham, and a certain Parchment maker bringeth him all the books containing that doctrine from London.  
The 5. day of July 1424. the said Richard Belward was brought before john, Bishop of Norwich sitting in place of judgement, whereas the foresaid Articles were objected against the said Richard, which he there denied: whereupon the bishop appointed him an other day to purge himself, the monday next after the feast of S. Margot: upon which day being the 24. of july, in the year aforesaid, he appeared again before the Bishop, and brought with him 9 of his neighbours to purge him upon those articles, and there did solemnly purge himself. And afterward, for somuch as the said Bishop suspected the said Richard Belward greatly of lolardie, he commanded him there presently to swear upon the Evangelists, that from that day forward he should not wittingly preach, teach, or defend any error or heresy, contrary to the church of Rome, neither aid, assist, favour or maintain, privily or apertly, any manner of person or persons, that should hold or maintain the said errors or heresies. In the presence of M. William Bernam, john Wadden, Robert Serle & john Berne Esquire, and other of his neighbours which came unto his purgation.  
In like manner john Goddesel of Dichingham parchmentmaker, was detected and accused upon the same articles, and thereupon brought before the bishop: 
john Goddesell of Dichingham.  whereas he denying them, purged himself by his neighbours, as Richard Belward before had done, being sworn also in like manner, as he was, and so was dismissed and set at liberty, until the year of our Lord 1428. When as he was again apprehended, accused and abjured, as shallbe more at large declared in the history when we come to that year. Sir Hugh Pie also, chaplain of Ludney in the diocese of Norwich, was likewise accused and brought before the bishop of Norwich the 5. day of july. 
Sir Hugh pie Priest.  An. 1424. for holding of these opinions following.  
That the people ought not to go on pilgrimage.  
Item, that the people ought not to give alms, but only unto such as beg at their doors.  
Item, 
Image of the cross not to be worshipped  that the image of the cross and other images are not to be worshipped. And that the said Hugh, had cast the cross of Bromeholde into the fire to be burned, which he took from one john welgate of Ludney. Which articles as is aforesaid, being objected against him, he utterly denied: Whereupon he had a day appointed to purge himself by the witness of 3. lay men and 3. priests. That so done, he was sworn as the other before, and so dismissed.  
After this, in the year of our Lord 1428. king Henry the 6. sent down most cruel letters of commission unto I. Exetor and jacolet German, keeper of the castle of Colchester, for the apprehending of Sir William White Priest, and others suspected of heresies, the tenor whereof, hereafter ensueth.  
¶ The copy of the king's letters directed to john Exeter, and jacolet German, keeper of the castle of Colchester, for the apprehending of Sir William White priest and other, (as they called them) lollards.  
HEnry by the grace of God king of England and of France, 
A letter of the king.  Lord of Ireland, to his well beloved john Exetor, and jacolet German, keeper of the castle of Colchester health.  
Ye shall understand that we fully trusting unto your fidelity and circumspections, have appointed you jointly and severally to take and arrest William White priest, and Thomas, late chaplain of Settling, in the county of Norfolk, and William Northampton priest, and all other whatsoever they be that are suspect of heresy or lollardy, wheresoever they may be found within the liberties or without, and strait way being so taken, to send the unto our next gail or prison, unto such time, as we shall have taken other order for their delivery: And therefore we straightly command you, that ye diligently attend about the premises, and fulfil the same in form aforesaid. Also we charge and command all and singular justices of peace, Majors, Shrives', Bailiffs, Constables, and all other our faithful officers, by the tenor of these presents, that they do assist, aid, and counsel you & every of you, in the execution of the premises, as it shall be comely for them. In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters patents to be made.  
Witness myself at Westminster, the 6. of july, the 6. year of our reign.  
By virtue of which commission we find in old Monuments, that within short space after. john Exeter, which was appointed one of the commissioners, attached 6. persons in the town of Bungay in the diocese of Norwich, and committed them to William Day, and William Roe, Constables of the town of Bungay, to be sent within 10. days following under safe custody, unto the castle of Norwich. Whose names, through the antiquity of the monument were so defaced that we could not attain to the perfect knowledge of them all: only 3. names partly remained in the book to be read, which were these.  
¶ john Waddon of Tenterdon, in the county of kent, Bartlemewe, Monk of Ersham, in the county of Norfolk, Corneleader, a martyed man. William Skuts.  
These 3. were in the custody of the Duke of Northfolk, at his castle of Framingham.  
Besides these, we also find in the said old monuments within the diocese of Norfolk and Suffolk, specially in the towns of Beckels, Ersham, and Ludney, a great number both of men and women to have been vexed and ca●●e in prison, & after their abjuration, brought to open shame in churches and markets by the bishop of the said diocese called William, and his Chancellor William Bernham, john Exeter being the Register therein, so that within the space of 3. or 4. years, 
William Bishop of Norwich, William Bernhan his Chancellor.  that is from the year 1428. unto the year 1431. about the number of 120. men and women are examined and sustained great vexation for the profession of the Christian faith: of whom some were only taken upon suspicion only for eating of meats prohibited upon vigil days, who of their purgation made, escaped more easily away and with less punishment, whose names here follow subscribed.  

The names of them that were taken and examined upon suspicion of heresy.  

A catalogue of good men and women troubled for suspicion of heresy.  RObert Skiruing of Harlstone.  
william Skiruing.  
john Terry of Ersham.  
john Abtre of Ersham.  
john Middleton of Haluergate.  
john Weighed of Ersham.  
Rich. Clerk of Sething.  
Tho. White of Bedingham.  
M. Rob. Beete of Berry.  
Rich. Page of Clipsly.   
The other were more cruelly handled, and some of them were put to death and burned, of whom we do specially find mention made of these three.  

Father Abraham of Colchester.  
William white Priest.  
john Waddon priest.   
The residue, for a great number of good men and women, were forced to abjure, sustaining such cruel penance as pleased then the said Bishop and his Chancellor to lay upon them. The names of which both men and wonnen here follow together in this brief Catalogue to be seen.  

IOhn Beverley.  
john Wardon.  
john Baker. john Midleton.  
john Kynget.  
Margery Backster.  
john Skilley.  
john Godhold.  
Thomas Albecke. john Pierce.  
Nicholas Canon of Eye.  
Thomas Pye.  
john Mendham.  
john Middleton.  
Thomas Chatris.  
Thomas Wade.  
William Taylor.  
john Copper, vicar of Tunstall.  
Sir Hugh pie Priest.  
Bartholomew Tatcher.  
Thomas James.  
john Fouling.  
Bertram Cornmonger.  
Thomas Swerdin.  
Alanus Andrew.  
William Wright.  
William Euerden.  
William Taylor.  
avis the wi●e of Thomas Moon and her daughter.  
Richard Fletcher of Beckles.  
Nicholas Belward.  
Thomas Grenemere.  
john Clarke. William Bate.  
William Scherming.  
William Osburne.  
john Rene of Beckles.  
Baldwine Cooper of Beckles.  
john Pert. M Moans servant.  
Rob. Brigs, john Finch.  
john Wropham. Thomas Moon.  
Isabella Chaplain of Martham.  
William Mass of Ersham.  
john Goodwin of Ersham.  
Henry Latchcold of Ersham.  
Henry Boode of Ersham.  
Rich Horn of Ersham.  
john Belward signior of Ersham.  
john Belward junior of Ersham.  
john Spire of Bungay.  
Rob. Colle of Turning.  
The heard of Shepemedow  
Isabella Davy of Costs.  
Sibyl wife of john Godefell of Dicham.  
john Pyry of Bartham.  
john Baker. Margery Wright.  
Thomas Burrell and his wife.  
john Pert. Edm. Archer.  
The Clerk of Ludney.  
Rich Clerk of Sething.  
Katherine the wife of William Wright, William Colin of Southcreke.  
Rich King of Windeham.  
though Ploughman. john Fellis.  
Tho. Love of Rokeland.  
Rich Knobbing of Beckles.  
Rich. Grace of Beckles.  
john Eldon of Beckles.  
William Hardy, Wil Bate.  
john Weston.  
Katherine Hobs.  
john Daw.  
Rob. Grigs of Martham.  
Wil Calis Priest.  
Tho. Pert. Priest.  
Katherine Davy.  
jacob Bodhome, & Margaret his wife.  
john Manning of Marton.  
john Culling of Beemster.  
Rich Fletcher of Beckles and Matild his wife.  
john Eldon of Beckles.  
Rob. Canel Priest.  
Nich. Drey.  
Wil Hardy of Mundham.  
john Poleyne.   
These forenamed persons and soldiers of Christ, being much beaten with the cares and troubles of those days although they were constrained to relent and abjure, that is to protest otherwise with their tongues, than their hearts did think, partly through correction and partly through infirmity (being as yet but new trained Soldiers in God's field) yet for their good will they bore unto the truth, although with their tongues they durst not express it, we have thought good that their names should not be suppressed, as well for other sundry causes, as especially for this: either to stop the mouths of malignant adversaries, or to answer to their ignorance: Who following rather blind affection than the true knowledge of times and antiquities, for lack of knowledge, blame that they know not, accusing the true doctrine of the word of God, for newelty and carping, the teachers thereof for new broached brethren. Who, if they did as well foresee times passed, as they be unwilling to follow times now present, they should understand as well by these stories as other before, how this doctrine of the grace of God lacking no antiquity, hath from time to time continually sought to burst out, and in some places hath prevailed, although in most places through tyranny and the malice of men, Christ's procedings have been suppressed and kept under from rising, so much as man's power and strength joined with craft and subtlery, could labour to keep down the same: as here by these good men of Norfolk and Southfolke, may well appear. For if the knowledge and the good towardness of those good men, had had the like liberty of time, with the help of like authority as we have now, 
Bonermight see the church here in this age, more than xl. years before he was borne.  and had not been restrained through the iniquity of time and tyranny of Prelates: it had well appeared how old this doctrine would have been, which now they contemn and reject for the newness thereof: neither needed Boner to have asked of Tho. hawks, and such other, where their Church was for xl. years ago, in as much as for xl. years ago, and more, within the country of Norfolk and Suffolk, was then sound such plenty of the same profession & like doctrine which we now profess. And thus much for the number of the names of thesepeople.  
Now touching their Articles which they did mayneteine and defend: first this is to be considered, as I find it in the registers, such society and agreement of doctrine to be amongst them, that almost in their assertions and articles there was no difference. The doctrine of the one was the doctrine of all the other, what their articles were, partly it is showed in the lease before: and partly here followeth to be declared more at large.  
Although it is to be thought concerning these Articles that many of them either were falsely objected against them, or not truly reported of the notaries, according as the common manner is of these adversaries, where the matter is good, there to make heresy, and of a little occasion, to stir up great matter of slander, as they did before by the articles of john Wickliff and john Hus, and others more: So in like manner it seemeth they did in the Articles of these men, either mistaking that which they said, or misunderstanding that which they meant, especially in these two articles concerning baptism and paying of tithes. For where as they speaking against the ceremonicall and superfluous traditions then used in baptism, as salt, oil, spittle, taper, light crisomes, exorcising of the water, with such other, accounted them as no material thing in the holy institution of Baptism, the notaries slanderously depraving this their assertion, to make it more odious to the ears of the people, 
These men are falsely slandered about Baptism.  so gave out the article as though they should hold that the sacrament of Baptism used in the church by water, is but a light matter and of small effect.  
Again, in speaking against the Christening the midwives use in private houses, against the opinion of such as think such children to be damned, which depart before they come to their Baptism, they are falsely reported as though they should say, that Christian people be sustiently baptized in the blood of Christ, and needeth no water, and that infants be sufficiently baptized, if their parents be baptized before them. Which thing is so contrary to the manifest word, that it is not to be thought any to be so ignorant of the gospel, that ever would or did affirm the same.  
Moreover, they thought or said peradventure that in certain cases, tithes might be withholden from wicked priests sometime, and be conferred to better uses, to the be hoof of the poor: Therefore they are falsely slandered, as saying and affirming that no tithes were to be given to the ministers and curates of the churches.  

The papists are but quarrel pickers.  And likewise for matrimony, wherein they are reported to hold and affirm as though it consisted only in the mutual consent betwixt the man & woman, needing no other solemnising in the public church and all because (as it is like) they denied it to be a Sacrament. Other articles were objected against them as these which hereafter follow.  

Articles.  That auricular confession is not to be made unto a priest but unto God only, because no priest hath any power to absolve a sinner from his sin.  
Item, that no Priest hath power to make the body of Christ in the sacrament of the altar, but that after the sacramental words, there remaineth pure material bread as before.  
Item that every true christian man is a priest to God.  
Item, that no man is bound under pain of damnation unto Lent or any other days prohibited by the Church of Rome.  
Item, that the Pope is Antichrist, and his Prelates the Disciples of Antichrist, and the Pope hath no power to bind and lose upon earth.  

* In case of necessity, urgent they mean.  Item, that it is lawful for every Christian to do any bodily work (sin only except) upon holy days.  
Item that it is lawful for priests to have wives.  
Item, that the excommunications and ecclesiastical censures given out by the Prelates are not to be regarded.  
Item, it is not lawful to swear in private cases.  
Item, that men ought not to go on pilgrimage.  
Item that there is no honour to be given to the Images of the crucifix, of our Lady, or any other saint.  
Item, that the holy water hallowed in the church by the priest, is not holier or of more virtue than other running or well water, because the Lord blessed all waters in their first creation.  

The death of Thomas Becket.  Item, that the death of Thomas Becket, was neither holy neither meritorious.  
Item, that relics as dead men's bones, ought not to be worshipped or digged out of their graves, or set up in Shrines.  
Item, that prayers made in all places are acceptable unto God.  
Item, that men ought not to pray to any saint but only to God.  
Item that the vels and ringing in the church was ordained for no other purpose then to fill the priests purses.  
Item, that it is no sin to withstand the ecclesiastical precepts.  
Item, that the catholic church is only the congregation of the elect.  

In this article is meant that the wicked be in the church but not of the Church.  These were the Articles, which were generally objected against them all, wherein they did so agree in one uniform saith, that whatsoever one did hold, all the other did maintain & hold the same. By the which their consent & doctrine it appeareth that they all received it of some one instructor, who was William White: which being a scholar and follower of I. Wickliff, resorted afterward into this country of Norfolk and there instructed these men in the light of the gospel. And now as we have declared the names and Articles of these good men, so it remaineth somewhat to speak of their troubles how they were handled, beginning first with William White.   

¶ William White Priest.  

W. White, Martyr. Anno. 1428. ●● Waldeno.  THis William White being a follower of john Wickliff and a priest not after the common sort of priests, but rather to be reputed amongst the number of them, of whom the wise man speaketh: 
* Eccle. 50. 〈◊〉  He was as the morning star in the midst of a cloud, etc. This man was well learned, upright & a well spoken priest. He gave over his priesthood & benefice, & took unto him a godly young woman to his wife named joane: notwithstanding he did not therefore cease or leave from his former office & duty, but continually laboured to the glory and praise of his spouse Christ, by reading, writing & preaching. The principal points of his doctrine were these, which he was forced to recant at Canterbury.  
That men should seek for the forgiveness of their sins only at the hands of God.  
That the wicked living of the Pope and his holiness, is nothing else but a devilish estate and heavy yoke of Antichrist, and therefore he is an enemy unto Christ's truth.  
That men ought not to worship Images or other Idolatrous paintings.  
That men ought not to worship the holy men which are dead.  
That the Romish church is the fig tree which the Lord Christ hath accussed, 
The Romi●● church ap●● resembled to the cu●sed fig●uce.  because it hath brought forth no fruit of the true belief.  
That such as wear cowls, or be anointed or shorn are the lanceknightes and soldiers of Lucifer: & that they all, because their lamps are not burning, shall be shut out, when as the Lord Christ shall come.  
Upon which articles he being attached at Cant. under the Archb. Henry Chichesley in the year of our Lord 1424. there for a certain space stoutly and manly witnessed the truth which he had preached: but like as there he lost his courage and strength, so afterward he became again much more stouter and stronger in jesus Christ and confessed his own error & offence. For after this he going into Norfolk with his said wife joane, & there occupying himself busily in teaching & converting the people unto the true doctrine of Christ, at the last by means of the kings letters sent down for that intent and purpose, he was apprehended & taken & brought before Wil bishop of Norwich, by whom he was convict & condemned of 30. articles & there was burned in Norwich, in the month of September. an. 1424.  
¶ The burning of William White.  
This William White and his wife had his most abode with one Tho. Moon of Ludney. This man was of so devout and holy life, that all the people had him in great reverence, and desired him to pray for them: in so much that one Margaret Wright confessed, that if any saints were to be prayed to, she would rather pray to him then to any other. When he was come unto the stake thinking to open his mouth to speak unto the people, 
The bishop's man smit●th him on the mouth, exhorting the people.  to exhort & confirm them in the verity, one of the bishop's servants struck him on the mouth, thereby to force him to keep silence. And thus this good man receiving the crown of martyrdom, ended this mortal life to the great dolour & grief of all the good men of Norfolk. Whose said wife joane, following her husband's footsteps according to her power, teaching and sowing abroad the same doctrine, confirmed many men in God's truth: wherefore the suffered much trouble and punishment the same year at the hands of the said bishop.  
About the same time also was burned father Abraham of Colchester, 
Father Abraham, john Waddon priest, martyrs and burned.  and job. Waddom priest, for the like articles.  
Concerning them, which abjured, how & by whom they were examined, What depositions came in against them, and what was the order & manner of the penance enjoined them, here it might be set out at large: but for avoiding of prolixity, it shall be sufficient briefly to touch certain of the principals, whereby the better understanding may be given to the Reader, after what manner & order all the other were entreated.  
First amongst them which were arrested and caused to abjure in this year afore specified. 1428. was Thom. pie, and john Mendham of Aldborough, who being convict upon divers of the Articles before mentioned, were enjoined penance to be done in their own parish Church, as by the bishop's letter directed to the Dean of Rhodenhall, & that parish priest of Aldborough, doth more at large appear, the tenor whereof here ensueth.  
The copy of the Bishop of Norwich his letter.  

A letter of the bishop of Norwich.  WIlliam by the sufferance of God Bishop of Norwich to our well-beloved sons in Christ the Dean of Rodéhal of our Diocese, and to the parish priest of the parish Church of Aldborough of the same our diocese, health, grace and benediction.  
For so much as we, according to our office lawfully proceeding to the correction and amendment of the souls of Thomas pie and john Mendham of Aldborough of the diocese aforesaid, because they have holden, believed and affirmed, divers and many errors and heresies, contrary to the determination of the holy Church of Rome, and the universal church and catholic faith, have enjoined the said Thomas and john appearing before us personally and confessing before us judicially that they have holden, believed and affirmed, divers and many errors and heresies, this penance hereunder written for their offences to be done and fulfilled in manner, form and time hereunder written, according as justice doth require, that is to say, six fustigations or displinges about the parish church of Alborough aforesaid, before a solemn procession, six several sundays and three displinges about the market place of Herelston of our said Diocese, three principal market days, bore necked, head legs and feet, their bodies being covered only with their shirts and breeches either of them carrying a taper in his hand of a pound weight, as well round about the Church, as about the market place, in every of the foresaid appointed days, 
The manner at the pope's penance.  which tapers the last sunday after their penance finished, we will that the said john & Thomas do humbly and devoutly offer unto the high altar of the parish church of Alborough at the time of the offertory of the high Mass the 
The description of the penance of Tho. pie, and john Mendham.  same day, and that either of them going about the market place aforesaid: shall make four several pauses or stays, and at every of those same pauses, humbly and devoutly receive at your hands three displinges: Therefore we straightly charge and command you and either of you, jointly and severally by virtue of your obedience, that every sunday and market day, after the receipt of our present commandment, you do effectually admonish and bring forth the said Thomas pie and john Mendam to begin and accomplish their said penance, and so successively to finish the same in manner and form afore appointed But if they will not obey your monitions or rather our commandments in this behalf, and begin and finish their said penance effectually, you or one of you shall cite them peremptoryly that they or either of them appear before us or our Commissary, in the chapel of our palace at Norwich, the 12. day after the citation so made if it be a court day, or else the next court day following, to declare if they or any of them have any cause why they should not be excommunicate for their manifest offence in this behalf committed, according to the form and order of law, and further to receive such punishment, as justice shall provide in that behalf. And what you have done in the premises, whether the said Thomas and john have obeyed your admonitions, and performed the said penance or no: we will that you or one of you which have received our said commandment, for the execution thereof, do distinctly certify us between this & the last day of November next coming.  
Dated at our palace of Norwich under our Commissaries seal, the 8. day of October. an. 1428.  
This (gentle Reader) was for the most part, the order of their whole penance: howbeit, some were oftentimes more cruelly handled, & after their penance they were banished out of the diocese, and other some more straightly used by longer imprisoment, whereof we will briefly rehearse one or two for example.   

john Beverley alias Battild,  
IOhn Beverley alias Battild a labourer was attached by the Vicar of Sowthereke, 
john Beverley.  the parish priest of Waterden and a lawyer, and so delivered unto Master Wil Bernan the bishops Commissary, who sent him to the Castle of Norwich there to be kept in irons: whereas afterward he being brought before the commissary, and having nothing proved against him, he took an oath, that every year afterward he should confess his sins once a year to his curate and receive the Sacrament at Easter, as other Christians did: and for his offence was enjoined that the Friday and Saturday next after he should fast bread and water, and upon the Saturday to be 
* alias sustigated.  whipped from the palace of Norwich, going round about by Tomelands, & by S. Michael's Church by Cottle rue, and about the market, having in his hand a wax candle of two pennies, to offer to the image of the Trinity after he had done his penance. And for so much as he confessed that he had eaten flesh upon Easter day and was not shriven in all lent, nor received upon Easter day, the judge enjoined him that he should fast Tuesday, Wednesday and Friday in Whitsonweke, having but one mealt a day of fish and other whit meats, and after his penance so done, he should departed out of the diocese, & never come there any more.   

john Skilley of Flixton Miller.  
IOhn Skilley of Flixton Miller being apprehended and brought before the bishop of Norwich the 14 day of March 1428. 
john Skilley. The penance of john Skilley.  for holding & maintaining the Articles above written, was thereupon convict and forced to abjure: and after his abjuration solemnly made (which here to annoyed tediousness we omit) he had a most sharp sentence of penance pronounced against him, the effect whereof being briefly collected, was this: That forsomuch as the said Skilley was convict by his own confession, for holding and maintaining the Articles before written, and for receiving certain good and godly men into his house, as sir Wil White priest, and john Wadden, whom they called famous, notorious, and damnable heretics, and had now abjured the same, being first absolved from the sentence of excommunication which he had incurred by means of his opinions, he was enjoined for penance 7. years imprisonment in the monastery of Langley, in the diocese of Norwiche. And forsomuch as in times past, he used upon the Fridays to eat flesh, he was enjoined to fast bread & water every Friday, by the space of that 7. years to come, and that by the space of 2. years next immediately after the 7. years expired, every wednesday in the beginning of Lent, & every Maundy thursday, he should appear before the bishop or his successor, or commissary for the time being, in the cathedral church of Norwich together with the other penitentiaryes, to do open penance for his offences.  
Besides these there were divers other of the same company which the same year were forced to like abjuration & penance, And so to proceed to the next year following, which was 1429. there ensueth a great number in the same register, which were examined and did penance in like sort to the number of 16. or 17. In the number of whom was john Baker otherwise called Usher Tunstall, who for having a book with the Pater noster, the ●ue and Creed in English, and for certain other articles of fasting, confession and invocation contrary to the determination of the Romish Church after much vexation for the same, was caused to abjure and sustain such penance, as the other before him had done.   

The story of Margery Backster.  

Margery Backster.  ANother was Margery Backster, wife of Wil Backster Wright in Marthan, the same year accused: against whom one joane wife of Cliffelande was brought in by the bishop, and compelled to depose, and was made to bring in, in form following.  

A woman brought in for witness in the pope's court. The Bee will sting.  First, that the said Margerye Backster did inform this deponent, that she should in no case swear, saying to her in english, dame beware of the Bee, for every Bee will sting, and therefore take heed you swear not, neither by God, neither by our Lady, neither by none other saint: & if ye do contrary, the Bee will sting your tongue and venom your soul.  
Iten, this deponent being demanded by the said Margery, what she did every day at church, she answered that the kneeled down & said 5. Pater nosters, in worship of the crucifix, & as many ave Maries in worship of our Lady, whom Margery rebuked saying: you do evil to kneel or pray to such Images in the churches, for God dwelleth not in such churches, neither shall come down out of heaven, & will give you no more reward for such prayer, than a candle lighted & let under the cover of the font, 
Against Images  will give light by night to those which are in the church: saying moreover in english, lewd write, of stocks hue and form such crosses and Images, and after that, lewd painters glere them with colours. And if you desire so much to see the true cross of Christ, I will show it you at home in your own house. Which this deponent being desirous to see, the said Margery stretching out her arms abroad, said to this deponent this is the true cross of Christ, & this cross thou oughtest and mayst every day behold and worship in thine own house, and therefore it is but vain to run to the Church to worship dead crosses and Images.  
Item this deponent being demanded by the said Margery how she believed touching the sacrament of the altar, said that the believed the Sacrament of the altar after the consecration, to be the very body of Christ in form of bread. To whom Margery said: your belief is nought. For if every such Sacrament were God, & the very body of christ there should be an infinite number of Gods, because that a thousand priests and more do every day make a thousand such Gods, and afterward eat them, and void them out again by their hinder parts filthily stinking under the hedges, whereas you may find a great many such Gods, if you will seek for them. 
The sacrament is not God.  And therefore know for a certainty, that by the grace of God it shall never be my God, because it is falsely and deceitfully ordained by the priests in the church, to induce the simple people to idolatry, for it is only material bread.  
Moreover the said Margery said to this deponent, that Thomas of Canterbury, 
Tho. Becket a traitor.  whom the people called S. Thomas, was a false traitor and damned in hell, because he injuriously endowed the churches with possessions, and raised up many heresies in the church, 
Thomas Becket slain, not before the altar, but in his flying.  which seduce the simple people, and therefore if God be blessed, the said Thomas is accursed, and those false priests that say that he suffered his death patiently before the altar, do lie: For as a false cowardly traitor he was slain in the church door as he was flying away.  
Moreover, this deponent saith, that the said Margery told her that the cursed Pope, Cardinals, Archbishops, and bishops, & specially the bishop of Norwich & others that support and maintain heresies and Idolatry, reigning & ruling over the people, shall shortly have the very same or worse mischief fall upon them, than that cursed man Thomas of Canterbury had. For they falsely and cursedly deceive the people with their false mammetries & laws, to extort money of the simple folk to sustain their pride, riot and idleness: And know assuredly that the vengeance of God will speedily come upon them, which have most cruelly slain the children of God, 
Father Abraham, W. White, I. Wadden.  Father Abraham, & William White, a true preacher of the law of God, and john Wadden, with many other godly men: which vengeance had come upon the said Cayphas, the Bishop of Norwich & his ministers, which are members of the devil, before this time, if the Pope had not sent over those false pardons unto these parties, which the said Cayphas had falsely obtained to induce the people to make procession for the state of them and of the church. Which pardons brought the simple people to cursed idolatry.  
Item the said Margery said to this deponent, that every faithful man or woman is not bound to fast in Lent, or other days appointed for fasting by the church, & that every man may lawfully eat flesh and all other meats upon the said days and times: 
Against the pope's fasting days.  and that it were better to eat the fragments left upon Thursday at night on the fasting days, them to go to the market to bring themselves in debt to buy fish: and that Pope Silvester made the Lent.  
Item, the said Margery said to this deponent, that W. White was falsely condemned for an heretic, & that he was a good and holy man, and that he willed her to follow him to the place of execution, 
W. white willing to speak at the stake, was strooken on the mouth.  Whereas she saw that when he would have opened his mouth to speak unto the people to instruct them, a devil one of bishop Cayphas servants strake him on the lips, and stopped his mouth, that he could in no case declare the will of God.  
Item, this deponent saith that the said Margery taught her that she should not go on pilgrimage, neither to our Lady of Walsingame, nor to any other saint or place.  
Also this deponent saith, that the said Margery desired her that she & joane her maid would come secretly in the night to her chamber, & there she should hear her husband read the law of Christ unto them, which law is written in a book that her husband was wont to read to her by night, and that her husband is well learned in the Christian verity.  
Also that the same Margery had talked with a woman named jone West, and that the said woman is in a good way of salvation.  
Also that the said Margery said to this deponent: jone, it appeareth by your countenance, that you intent to disclose this that I have said unto you: and this deponent swore that she would never disclose it, without the said Margery gave her occasion. Then said Margery unto this deponent if thou do accuse me unto the Bishop, I will do unto thee, as I did once unto a certain Friar a Carmelite of Varmouth which was the best learned Friar in all the country. Then this deponent desired to know what she had done to the friar. Unto whom Margery answered that she had talked with the said Friar, rebuking him because he did beg, saying that it was no alms to give him any good thing, except he would leave his habit, and go to the plough, and so he should please God more, then following the life of some of those Friars. Then the Friar required of the said Margery whether she could teach him or tell him any thing else. Then the said Margery (as she affirmed to this deponent) declared to this Friar the gospels in enlish, and then the Friar departed from her. After this the same Friar accused the said Margery of heresy, and she understanding that the Friar had accused her: accused the Friar again, that he would have known her carrally, and because she would not consent unto him, the Friar had accused her of heresy. And moreover she said that her husband would have killed the Friar therefore: and so the Friar for fear held his peace, and went his way for shame.  
This Margery also said that she had oftentimes been feignedly confessed to the Dean of the fields, 
Against auricular confession.  because he should think her to be a woman of good life, and therefore he gave the said Margery oftentimes money. Then this deponent asked her whether she had confessed her sins to a priest or not. And she answered that she had never offended any priest, & therefore she would never confess herself to any priest, neither obey him because they have no power to absolve any man from their sins, for that they offend daily more grievously than other men, and therefore that men ought to confess themselves only unto God and to no priest.  
Item, the said Margery said to this deponent, that the people did worship devils which fell from heaven with Lucifer, which devils in their fall to the earth, entered into the Images which stand in the Churches, 
Against Image worship.  and have long lurked & dwelled in them, so that the people worshipping those Images, commit Idolatry.  
Item, she said more to this deponent that holy bread & holy water were but tri●es of no effect or force, & that the bells are to be cast out of the Church, and that they are excommunicate which first ordained them.  
Moreover that she should not be burned, although she were convict of Lollardy, for that she had a charter of salvation in her body.  
Also the said deponent saith, that Agnes Bethem her servant being sent to the house of the said Margery the Saturday after Ashwensday, the said Margery not being within, found a brass pot standing over the fire with a piece of baken and Otemeate sething in it, as it is said Agnes reported to this deponent.  
There were also besides this deponent, divers other (worn and examined upon the said Margery, as john Brunley and Agnes Berthen, servants to William Clistand, which altogether confirmed the former depositions.  
Thus much we have thought good to note as concerning Margery Backster, which we have gathered out of the old monuments and registers. But what became of her after this her accusation, because we find no mention made in the said registers, we are not able to declare.  
The same year also, were the like depositions made by one William Wright against divers good men, as here followeth.  

john Piry. john Bungay john Vsher.  First, this deponent saith that William Tailor, told john Piry of Ludney, in the house of john Bungay of Beghton, in the presence of I. Bungay, Robert Brigges wright of Martham, and john Usher, that all the good men of Martham which were favourers & helpers to that good man William White are evil troubled now a days, and that the said William White, was a good & holy doctor: and that the best doctor after him was William Euerden, which wrought with the said William tailor, 
William Euerden.  of Ludney by the space of one month, and that the first Sunday of the same month, the said William Euerden did sit all day upon the table at work, saying to the said William Taylor, that he would not go to Church to show himself a Scribe or Pharisy: and the second sunday he put on Gentle man's apparel, and went to Norwiche to hearken how the Bishop and his ministers used the poor Christians there in prison.  

W. Tailor of Ludney.  Also the said William Wright, deposed that William Tailor of Ludney was one of the sect, & went to London with Sir Hue pie, and had conversation oftentimes with Sir William White, having often conference upon the Lollardes' doctrine.  
Item, that Advice, wife of Thomas Moon, is of the same sect and favoured them, 
The wife & daughter of Tho. Moon  and receiveth them often, and also the daughter of Thomas Moon is partly of the same sect, and can read English.  

Rich. Fletcher.  Item, that Richard Fletcher of Beckils, is a most perfect doctor in that sect, and can very well and perfectly expound the holy Scriptures, & hath a book of the new law in English, which was Sir Hugh Pies first.  

Nicho. Belware.  Iten, that Nicolas Belward, son of john Belward dwelling in the parish of Southelham, is one of the same sect, and hath a new Testament which he bought at London for 4. 
A new testament than cost 4. marks and ●● pence Tho. Grem ●●r.  marks and 40. pence, and taught the said William Wright and Margery his wife, and wrought with them continually by the space of one year, and studied diligently upon the said new Testament.  
Iten, that Thomas Bremner Turner of Dychingame is perfect in that sect and law.  

I. Clarke.  john Clarke the younger of Bergh, had the beddinge and apparel of William Euerden in his custody, after the return of William White from Bergh, and is of the same sect.  

W. Bate.  Item, William Bate, tailor of Sething, and his wife and his son, which can read English very well, are of the same sect.  

W. Skiruing  Item, William Skiruing of Sething, received joane the wife of W. White into his house, being brought thither by William Euerden, after their departure from Martham.  

W Osberne john Rene. Bawdwin Cooper. john Pert.  Item, William Osborne of Sething, I. reave glover, and Bawdwin Cooper of Beckels are of the same sect.  
Item, john Pert late servant of Thomas Moon, is of the same sect, and can read well, & did read in the presence of William White, and was the first that brought Sir Hugh Pie into the company of the Lollards, which assembled oftentimes together, at the house of the said Tho. Moon, and there conferred upon their doctrine.  

Sir Hugh Pie Priest.  Item, Sir Hugh pie bequeathed to Alice, servant to William White, a new Testament, which they then called the book of the new law, & was in the custody of Oswald Godfrey of Colchester.  

I. Perker.  john Perker Mercer of a village by Ipswitch, is a famous Doctor of that sect. Also he said that father Abraham of Colchester is a good man.  
Item, the said William Wright deposeth that it is read in the Prophecies amongs the Lollards, that the sect of Lollards shallbe in a manner destroyed: 
A prophesi.  Notwithstanding at the length the Lollards shall prevail and have the victory against all their enemies.  
Also, he said that Tuck knoweth all of that Sect in Suffolk, Norfolk and Essex.  
Besides these, there were many other ●he same year troubled, 
Ex Regist. Norw  whose names being before expressed in the table of Norfolk men, here for brevities sake we omit further to untreat of, passing over to the next year following, which was 1430. Ex Regist. Norw.  
IOhn Burrell servant to Thomas Moon of Ludney, in the Diocese of Norwiche, 
john Burrell.  was apprehended and arrested for heresy, the 9 day of December, in this year of our Lord 1430. and examined by Master William Bernam the Bishops commissary, upon the articles before mentioned, and divers others hereafter following, objected against him.  
In primis, that the Catholic Church is the soul of every good Christian man.  
Item, 
Lent fast, fish days.  that no man is bound to fast the Lent or other fasting days appointed by the Church, for they were not appointed by God, but ordained by the priests: and that every man may eat flesh or fish upon the same days indifferently, according to his own will, & every friday is a free day to eat both flesh and fish indifferently.  
Item, 
Pilgrimage to the poor.  that pilgrimage ought not to be made but only unto the poor.  
Item, that it is not lawful to swear, but in case of life and death.  
Item, 
Masses for the dead unprofitable.  that Masses and prayers for the dead, are but vain, for the souls of the dead are either in heaven or hell: and there is none other place of purgatory but this world. Upon the which Articles he being convict, was forced to objure and suffered like penance as the other before had done.  
THomas Moon of Ludney, 
Tho. Moon of Ludney.  was apprehended and attached for suspicion of heresy, against whom were objected by the Bishop, the articles before written, but specially this article, that he had familiarity & communication with divers heretics, and had received, comforted, supported, and maintained divers of them, 
William White. Hugh Pye. Thomas Pert. W. Calais, priests persecuted.  as sir William White, sir Hugh pie, Thomas Pert, and William Calais Priests, with many other more: upon the which articles, he being convict before the bishop, was forced to abjure, and received the like penance, in like manner as before.  
In like manner Robert Brigges of Martham was brought before the Bishop the 17. 
Robert Grigges of Martham.  day of February, in the year aforesaid, for holding and affirming the foresaid articles, but especially these hereafter following.  
That the sacrament of confirmation ministered by the Bishop, 
Articles.  did avail nothing to salvation.  
That it was no sin to withstand the ordinances of the Church of Rome.  
That holy bread and holy water were but trifles, and that the bread and the water were the worse for the conturations & characters which the priests made over them.  
Upon which Articles he being convict, was forced to abjure, and received penance in manner and form as the other had done before him.  
The like also (albeit somewhat more sharp) happened unto john Finch of Colchester, 
john Finch of Colchester.  the 20. day of September, who albeit he was of the diocese of London, being suspect of heresy, was attached in Ipswich in the diocese of Norwich, & brought before the bishop there, before whom he being convict of the like articles: as all the other before him, was enjoined penance, three displings in solemn procession about the Cathedral Church of Norwich, three several Sundays, & three displinges about the market place of Norwich three principal market days, his head, neck and feet being bare, & his body covered only with a short shirt or vesture, having in his hands a taper of wax of a pound weight, 
Popish penance.  which the next Sunday after his penance, he should offer to the Trinity: and that for the space of 3. years after, every Ash-wednesday & Maundy Thursday he should appear in the Cathedral Church of Norwich, before the Bishop or his Vicegerent, to do open penance amongst the other penitentiaries, for his offences.  
There were besides these men which we have here rehearsed, divers and many other, who, both for the concordance of the matter, and also for that their Articles & punishments were all one, we have thought good at this time to pass over, especially forsomuch as their names be before recited in the Catalogue.  
The burning of Rich, Hoveden.   

Nicholas Canon of Eye.  

Nicholas Canon of Eye. Anno. 1431.  NOw to proceed in our story of Norfolk and Suffolk in following the order of years, we find that in the year of our Lord. 1431. One Nich. Canon of Eye was brought before the Bishop of Norwich for suspicion of heresy, with certain witnesses sworn to depose against him touching his manners and conversation, which witnesses appointing one William Christopher to speak in the name of them all, he deposed in manner and form following.  
First that on Easter day when all the parishners went about the church of Eye solemnly in procession as the manner was, the said Nicholas Canon as it were mocking & deciding the other parishioners, went about the Church the contrary way, and met the procession.  

Depositions.  This article he confessed and affirmed that he thought he did well in so doing.  
Item, the said Nicholas asked of master john Colman of Eye, this question. Master Colman, what think you of the Sacrament of the altar? To whom the said Colman answered: Nicholas, I think that the Sacrament of the altar is very God and very man, the very flesh and very blood of our Lord jesus Christ under form of bread and wine. Unto whom Nicholas in decision said: Truly if the Sacrament of the altar be very God & very man, and the very body & blood of our Lord jesus Christ: then may very God and very man be put in a small room: as when it is in the priest's mouth, that receiveth it at mass. And why may not we simple men, as well eat flesh upon Fridays and all other prohibited days, 
If the Sacrament be very flesh, than the priests eat flesh on Friday.  as the priest to eat the flesh and the blood of our Lord every day indifferently: The which article, the said Nicholas denied that he spoke unto Master Colman, but unto a Monk of Hockesney, And furthermore, he thought he had spoken well in that behalf.  
Item that on Corpus Christi day at the elevation of high mass, when all the parishioners & other strangers kneeled down holding up their hands, and doing reverence unto the sacrament, the said Nicholas went behind a pillar of the church, and turning his face from the high altar, mocked them that did reverence unto the sacrament.  
This article he also acknowledging, affirmed that he believed himself to do well in so doing.  
Item, when his mother would have the said Nicholas to lift up his right hand, and to cross himself from the crafts and assaults of the devil, forsomuch as he deferred the doing thereof, his mother took up his right hand & crossed him saying: In nomine patris filii, & spiritus sacti. Amen. Which so ended, the said Nicholas immediately deciding his mother's blessing, took up his right hand of his own accord, and blessed him otherwise, as his adversaries report of him. This Article the said Nicholas acknowledged to be true.  
Item, that upon Alhallowen day in the time of elevation of high mass, when as many of the parishioners of E●e lighted many torches and carried them up to the high altar kneeling down there in reverence and honour of the Sacrament, the said Nicholas carrying a torch, went up hard to the high altar, and standing behind the priests back saying mass, 
Nicholas Canon turned his back to the sacrament.  at the time of the elevation he stood upright upon his feet, turning his back to the priest, and his face toward the people, and would do no reverence unto the sacrament. This article he acknowledged, affirming that he thought he had done well in that behalf. All which Articles the bishops commissary caused to be copied out word for word, & to be sent unto M. William Worsted, Prior of the cathedral church of Norwich, and to other doctors of divinity of the order of begging Friars, that they might deliberate upon them, and show their minds between that and Thursday next following. Upon which Thursday being the last of November, the year aforesaid, the said Nicholas was again examined before M. Barnam and divers other upon two other articles which he had confessed unto I. Exetor notary, 
another examination of Nicholas Canon.  & Tho. Bernsten bachelor of divinity and others. Whereof the first Article was this: that the said Nicholas Canon being of perfect mind and remembrance, confessed that he doubled whether in the Sacrament of the altar, were the very body of Christ or no. This article he confessed before the Commissary to be true.  
Item, 
Articles objected.  that he being of perfect mind and remembrance, believed that a man ought not to confess his sins to a Priest. This Article he also confessed that he doubted upon.  
Now remaineth to declare what these doctors aforesaid concluded upon the articles: whose answer unto the same was this.  
First of all as touching the first article, 
The judgement of the Prior and doctors upon his articles.  they said that the article in the same terms as it was propounded, is not simply an heresy but an error.  
Item, as touching the second article, the doctors agree as in the first.  
Item, as touching the third Article, they affirm that it is an heresy.  
Unto the fourth Article they answered as unto the first and second.  
Item, 
An heresy to doubt whether the sacrament be the perfect body of Christ or no. Nicholas Canon declared an heretic.  the doctors affirm the 5. article to be an heresy.  
Item, as touching the 6. Article, the doctors conclude that if the said Nicholas being of perfect mind and remembrance, did doubt whether the sacrament of the altar were the very perfect body of Christ or no, than that Article is simply an heresy.  
Whereupon the said Commissary declared & pronounced the said Nicholas Canon upon the determination of the foresaid doctors, to be an heretic: and thereupon forced the said Nicholas to abjure all the said Articles. That done, he enjoined the said Nicholas penance for his offences, three displinges about the cloister of the Cathedral Church of Norwich, before a solemn procession, bare headed & barefoot, carrying a Taper of half a pound in his hand, going after the manner aforesaid, 
Penance enjoined to Nicholas Canon.  like a mere penitentiary: the which his penance, the judge commanded should be respited until the coming of the Bishop into his diocese, and that in the mean time he should be kept in prison, to the end that he should not infect the flock with his venune and poison of errors and heresies.  
Thus have we briefly discoursed unto you, the great troubles and afflictions, which happened in Norfolk and Suffolk by the space of those 4. years before mentioned, having drawn out briefly for every year, certain notable examples, sufficient for the declaration of all the rest, for so much as their opinions being nothing different, their penance and punishment did also nothing differ, otherwise then by those particular examples may be plainly seen.   

Thomas Bagley Priest.  
ANd now to proceed as we have begun, 
Tho. Bageley priest, Martyr.  with our former stories generally, we find in Fabians Chronicles that in the same year of our Lord. 1431. Thomas Bagley a priest Vicar of Monenden beside Malden, being a valiant disciple and adherent of wickliff, was condemned by the Bishops of heresy at London about the midst of Lent, was disgraded and burned in Smithfield.   

¶ Paul Craw a Bohemian.  

Paul Craw marti●. Ex Hector. Boer●o.  THe same year also was Paul Crawe a Bohemian taken at S. Andrew's by the Bishop Henry, and delivered over to the secular power to be burnt, for holding contrary opinions unto the Church of Rome touching the sacrament of the Lords supper, the worshipping of Sainets. auricular confession, with other of Wicklesses' opinions.   

The story of Thomas Rhedon, a French man, and a Carmelite friar, burnt in Italy for the profession of Christ.  

Tho. Rhedonensis, Martyr. Ex Antonin. 3. part host. fol. 165.  WE have declared before, how this cruel storm of persecution which first began with us in England, after it had long raged here against many good and godly men, it broke out & passed into Boheme, and after within a short time, the fire of this persecution increasing by little and little, invaded Scotland, and from thence now with greater force and violence, this furious devouring flame hath entered Italy, and suffereth not any part of the world to be free from the murder and slaughter of most good & godly men. It happened about this time, that one Thomas Rhedon, 
Tho. Rhedoneasis cometh into Italy.  a Friar of that sect, which taketh his name of the mount Carmelus, by chance came with the Venetian Ausbassadours into Italy. This man, although he was of that fort and sect, which in stead of Christians, are called Carmelites, yet was he of a far other religion, & understood the word of God, judging that God ought not to be worshipped, neither in that mount, nor at jerusalem only, but in spirit & truth. This man being a true Carmelite, ● favouring with his whole hart that new sweet must of jesus Christ, with earnest study & desire seeking after a Christian integrity of life, prepared himself first to go into ●●ly, trusting that he should find there, or else in no place, son by whole good life and living he might be editied and instructed. For where aught more abundance of verme & good living to be, then in that place, which is counted to be the fort and fountain of all religion? And how could it otherwise be, but that whereas so great holiness is professed whereupon all men's eyes are bend, as upon a stage, underas S. Peter's seat is, and is thought to be the ruler & governor of all the Church, all things should flourish and abesid worthy of so great expectation in that place? This holy man having these things before his eyes, and considering the same with himself, forsook his own country & City, & went unto Rome, conceiving a firm & sure hope that by the example of so many notable and worthy me, he should greatly profile in godliness & learning: but the success of the matter did utterly frustrate his hope, for all things were clean contrary. Whatsoever he saw, was nothing else but mere dissimulation and hypocrisy. 
The golden city of Rome.  In stead of gold, he found nothing but coals: and for to say the truth, he found nothing else there but gold and silver. In stead of heavenly gifts, there reigned amongst them the pomp and pride of the world. In place of godliness, riot. In stead of learning and study, 
All things corrupt at Rome.  douthfulnes and superstition. Tyranny and haughtiness of mind had possessed the place of Apostolic simplicity: that now there remained no more any place or liberty for a man to learn that which he knew not, or to teach that which he perfectly understood.  
Finally, all things were turned artic versie, all things happened unto him contrary to his expectation wheresoever he went. But nothing so much offended this good mass mind, 
The wickedness & pride that reigneth at Rome  as the intolerable ambition, and pompous pride in them, whom example of humility should especially commend and praise to the whole world. And albeit that he saw here nothing, which did accord & agree with the rule of the Apostles: yet these things did so much pass all measure and patience, that he could by no means resraine his long in so great abuse and corruption of the Church, seeing such ambition's pride in their buildings, apparel, in their places, in their dainty fare, in their great trains of servants, in their horse and armour, & finally in all things pertaining unto them. Which things, how much they did vary from the prescript rule of the Gospel, so much the more was this good man forced to speak. Albeit he did well understand how little he should prevail by speaking: for if admonition would profit any thing at all, the books of Wicklesse and divers other were not wanting. The famous testimonies of john Hus, & of Dierome of prague, and their blood shed for the same, was yet present before their eyes: 
The corruption of Rome will admit no reformation.  at whose most effectual exhortations, they were so little correct and amended, that they seemed twice more cruel than they were before. Yet all this could not fear this good man, but that in so necessary and wholesome an office, he would spend his life if need should be. So by this means, he which came to be a scholar unto others, was now forced to be their teacher. And he which determined to follow other men's lives and manners, had now contratrywise set before them his life to be marked and followed. For he lived so amongst them, that his life might be a rule unto them all, and so taught, as he might also be their schoolmaster. For even as Paul had foreshowed unto such as desired to live godly in Christ, that they should suffer persecution: such like reward happened unto this man. He gave unto them the fruit of godliness, 
Pictie rewarded with persecution.  which they should follow: they again set upon his head the diadem of martyrdom. He showeth them the way to salvation, and they for the benefit of life rewarded him death: and whereas no rewards had been worthy for his great labours and travails, they with most extreme ignominy persecuted him even unto the fire. For when as by continual preaching he had gotten great enuic and hatred, the rulers began to consist together, by what means they might circumvent this man's life. here they had reconcle to their accustomed remedies: for it is a peculiar and continual custom amongst the prelate's of the Church, that if any man did displease them, or that his talk be not according to their mind, or by any means hurtful, or a hindrance to their lucre and gain, by and by they frame out Articles of some heresy, which they charge him withal. And like as every living thing hath his peculiar and proper weapon to defend himself from harm, 
Heresy made, where none ●s.  as nature hath armed the Boar with his tusks, the Hedgebogge with his prickles, the Lion is feared for his claws, the Dog for his biting, the Bull fighteth with his horns, neither doth the A●e lack his hooves to strike withal: even so this is the only armour of the Bishops, 
Popery armed with policy and defended with tyranny.  to strangle a man with heresy, if he once go about to mutter against their will and ambition: which thing may be easily perceived and seen in this most holy man, beside a great number of other. Who, when as now he began to wax grievous unto them, and could no longer be suffered: what did they? straightways flee unto their old policies, and as they had done with Hus, and Hicrome of prague, even so went they about to practise against this man. They overwhelm him with suspicion, they seek to entangle him with questions, they examine him in judgement, they compile Articles against him, and lay heresy unto his charge, they condemn him as an heretic, and being so condemned, they destroy and kill him. This was their godliness: this was the peaceable order of those Carmelites. Whose religion was to wear no sword nor shield, notwithstanding they did bear in their hearts, malice, rancour, vengeace, poison, craft and deceit, sharper than any sword. With how great care and policy is it provided by law, that none of these Clergy men should fight with sword in the streets? When as in judgement and accusations (where as it is not lawful for a man to oppress his brother) there is no murderer which hath more ready vengeance, or that both more vilely esteem his brother's soul than they. They shed no blood themselves, they strike not, nor kill, but they deliver them over unto others to be slain. What difference is there I pray you, but that they are the authors, and the other are but the ministers of the cruel fact? they kill no man as murderers do. How then? Although not after the same sort, yet they do it by another mean.  
The Articles which they falsely gathered against this man, 
His articles.  are affirmed by some to be these.  
That the Church lacketh reformation, and that it shall be punished and reform.  
That Infidels, jews, Turks, and moors shall be conue●ted unto Christ in the later days.  
That abominations are used at Rome.  
That the unjust excommunication of the Pope, is not to be feared: and those which do not observe the same, do not sin or offend.  
But yet there lacked a minister for these articles: 
Ex Antonin. 3. part. hist fol 165 W. Cardinalis Rhotomagensis. his pe●●ecat●ur. Tho. Rhe●onensis brought before Pope Eugenius.  albeit he could not long be wanting at Rome, where all things are to be sold, even men's souls. For this office and ministry, there was no man thought more meet, than William of Rowne, Cardinal of Saicet Martin's in the Mount, Uicechancelour of the Court of Rome. Eugenius at that time was Pope, who had a little before succeeded Pope Martin above mentioned. Before the which Eugenius, this godly Rhedonensis the Frenchman, was brought, and from thence sent unto prison. And again after his imprisonment, and divers and sundry greeveus' torments, he was brought before the judges. The Wolf S●ate in judgement: the Lamb was accused. Why? because he had troubled the spring. But here need not many malice of these mighty potentates, had offended enough, and was easily convict and condemned to be burned: but in such sort, as first of all he should be deprived of all such degrees as he had taken to priesthood: For it is counted an unlawful thing, that a Priest should be punished with profane punishment, when as notwithstanding it is lawful enough for Priests to put any lay man to death, be he never so guiltless.  

Thomas degraded.  How religiously and earnestly do they foresee, that the majesty of Priestly dignity should not in any case be hurt? But how little care have they, that their consciences be not hurt with false judgements, and oppressing the guiltless? Wherefore, before that he should come unto punishment, this good man must be disgraded. The order and manner of this Popish degrading is partly before touched in the story of William Taylor, fol. 517.  

Tho. Rhedonensis a French man burned at Rome.  After that it had pleased the Bishops to disgrade this man from the degrees wherewith before they had consecrated him, and thought not that sufficient, by and by after they deprived him of his life also, & burned him four years after that he came to Rome. In the year of our Lord. 1436.  
The burning of Tho. Rhedonensis.  
And thus through the cruelty of these most tyrannous Prelates, this blessed Martyr died. Albeit it is not to be thought that he died, but made a loss of this body, for a greater gain of salvation, before the just judgement of God: Neither is it to be doubted, but that he liveth eternally under the altar, with them whose blood the Lord will revenge, peradventure too soon for some of them, whom the earth hath here so long holden unpunished.  
As this Thomas abovesaid suffered at Rome: so were divers other in other places about Germany executed near about the same time, 
Henry Grunfelder priest, Henry Radtgeber priest, joh. Draendorfe priest, Pet. Thoraw, Mat. Hager, Martyrs.  after the burning of john Hus: as Henry Grunfelder, Priest of Ratispone, an. 1420. also Henry Radtgeber Priest, in the same City, an. 1423. john Draendorfe of noble birth, and a Priest, was burned at Worms. an. 1424. Peter Thoraw, at Spire, an. 1426. Math. Hager, also suffered at Berline in Germany, not long after. Ex Balei Centur. sept.  
After the death of Pope Martin, who reigned fourteen years, 
Pope Eugenius. 4.  succeeded Eugenius, the fourth of that name, about the year of our Lord 1431. Of whom Antoninus thus writeth, that he was much given to wars, as may well declare his conflicts and fight with the Romans: also the battles between the Venetians and the Florentians.  
This Pope began first to celebrate the Council of basil, which Council Martin his predecessor had before intended, according to the institution of the Council of Constance. Notwithstanding the said Eugenius perceiving afterward this Council of basil not to favour him and his doings, and fearing some detriment to come to him by the same, afterward laboured by all subtle practice to dissolve and interrupt the said Council, and from basil to translate it first to Ferraria, then to Florentia, more near to his own sea of Rome. Concerning the which Council of basil, forsomuch as we have begun here to make mention, it shall be no great digression out of the way, to discourse something thereof (the Lord so permitting) more at large, so much as for the most principal matters thereof shall seem sufficient or necessary to be known.   

¶ here followeth the order and manner of the Council of basil, touching the principal matters concluded therein, briefly collected and abridged here in this present book: The rest whereof we have referred unto our former edition, wherein the full discourse of the whole disputation is to be seen more at large, for such as have list and leisure to see more thereof.  
IN the 39 session of the Council of Constance (as is before mentioned, 
The Council of Basil.  page. 594.) it was decreed and provided concerning the order and tunes of such general Counsels as should hereafter follow: The first that should next ensue, 
Ex Aenea Syluio. Ex Cocleo in Hist. Husut Et ex paralipom. Abbot. Vrsperg.  to be kept the fift year after the said Council of Constance: the second to be holden the seventh year after that, and so orderly all other to follow successively from ten year to ten year. Wherefore, according to this decree, followed a general Council, five years after the Council of Constance, celebrate and holden at Sene, under Pope Martin, an. 1424. but it soon broke up. After the which Council, the term of seven years being expired, another Council was holden at basil, in the year of our Lord 1431. The which Council is noted to have been the most troublesome, and to have endured longer than any other Council beforetime celebrate and holden in the Church. This Council continued almost the space of seventeen years: wherein it was concluded, as before in the Council of Constance, that the general Counsels were above the Pope, and both of these two Counsels did attribute the chief authority in decreeing and determining unto the general Council: which is the cause that the contrary part doth derogate so much from the authority of this present Council.  
When as Pope Martin the first had appointed julian, Cardinal and Deacon of S. Angel, his Legate, to celebrate and hold a general Council at basil for the reformation of the Church, and rooting out of heresies, within short space after Pope Martin died, in whose seat Eugenius the fourth succeeded, 
The death of P. Martin  who confirmed unto the said Cardinal julian, the same authority which his predecessor before had given him. 
Pope Eugenius. 4.  Unto this Council of basil being begun, came the Emperor Sigismond, who during his life time, with his presence and authority, did protect and defend the said Synod. After the emperors death, Pope Eugenius altering his former mind & purpose, would transport the Council unto Bononie, and thereby hindered the success of the Council of basil. And first he held a contrary Council at Ferraria, and afterward at Florence: For after the death of the Emperor Sigismond, there was no Princes or noble men, that had any care or regard of the Council. Eugenius the Pope pretended causes, as touching the Greeks, which should come unto the Council, 
Pope Eugenius, seeketh to dissolve the council of basil.  and the uniting of their Church unto the West Church, the which greeks would in no wise pass the Alpes: Also as touching his own incommodity, that he could not come unto basil being so long a journey, and that all his men might have easy access unto Bononia, and that amongst the Germans (which in their own country are so intractable) nothing can be attempted for their reformation: whereupon he cited Cardinal julian and the fathers of the Council unto Bononia, under great penalty. 
Dissension between the council of basil, and Pope Eugenius.  under great penalty. They again cited the Pope, that either he should come himself unto the Council, or send Ambassadors under the like penalty. For this cause the Ambassadors of Albert King of the Romans, and of the other Princes of Germany, assembled together first at Norenberge, and when as they could determine nothing there, they assembled again at Frankford, to appease the dissension between the Council and the Pope: for it was thought, that the Electors of the Empire might best assemble and meet in that place. In the mean time, the emperors Ambassadors, and the Ambassadors of the Electors, went unto basil, and having conference with the Ambassadors of the other Princes which were there, they did earnestly exhort the fathers of the Council, that they would embrace and receive the unity, which they would offer. 
The prelates of the council refused the Pope's request.  The request of the Princes was, that the fathers would transport the Council, and go unto another place: the which only thing Pope Eugenius seemed always to seek and desire, that thereby he might either divide the fathers of the Council, or take away their liberty.  
Notwithstanding this sacred Synod thought good neither to deny the prince's request, nor to grant that, which Pope Eugenius required. During this doubt, the emperors Ambassadors, the Bishops of Patavia and Augusta (being much required and stirred thereunto) appointed a noble and valiant Baron called Conrad Weinsperge, by the King's commandment, to be Protector and defender of the Council, and the fathers. Whereby as the enemies perceived the emperors mind to be alienate from the Pope, so the Fathers of the Council understood his good will towards them: forsomuch as he would not have sent them a protector, if he had not judged it a lawful Council: neither again would he have judged it a Council in basil, if he had given credit to Pope Eugenius. But by means of a great pestilence which began to grow, the assembly that should have been holden at Frankford, was transported unto Mentz. The Ambassadors of the princes also thought good to go thither, if they might find any means of unity, whereby they might unite and knit the Pope again unto the Council.  
The assembly was very famous, for there were present the Archbishops of Mentz, 
The princes assembled at Mentz, to make unity between the council & the pope.  Colen & Trevers, electors of the sacred Empire, and all the Ambassadors of the other electors. Notwithstanding, the Archbishop of Colen was the chief favourer of the Council in this assembly, who with all his labour and diligence went about to bring the matter unto a good end. Rabanus the Archbishop of trevers showed himself somewhat more rough. The sacred Synod also thought good to send thither their Ambassadors, and appointed out the Patriarch of Aquileia, the Bishop of Uicene, and the Bishop of Argen divines, john Segovius, and Thomas de Corcellis, with divers others. There was no man there present which would name himself the Ambassador of Eugenius: Albeit there were many of his favourers and friends come thither, both from the Council, and also out of Florence, the which, albeit they had sworn to the contrary, yet favoured they more Eugenius then the Council. But the chief Hercules of all the Eugenians, was Nicholas Cusanus, a man singularly well learned, and of great experience. After divers consultations had, the electors of the Empire, and the Ambassadors of the other Princes of Germany, thought good to give out commandment throughout their whole nation and country, that the Decrees of the Council of basil should be received and observed.  
Whilst these things were thus debated at Mentz, there sprang a certain very doubtful question amongst the Divines, which remained at basil, whether Eugenius might be called an heretic, which had so rebelliously contemned the commandments of the Church. Hereupon they gathered themselves together, disputing long amongst themselves, some affirming, and othersome holding the negative part. 
Three opinion. touching the Pope.  Upon this their disputation, there arose three several opinions, some affirming that he was an heretic, othersome, not only an Heretic, but also a relapse. The third sort would neither grant him to be an heretic nor a relapse. Amongst these divines, the chief and principal both in learning and authority, was the Bishop of Ebriun, Ambassador of the king of Castle, and a certain Scottish Abbot: which, as two most valiant Champions, subdued all their enemies, so that all the rest did either consent unto their arguments, or gave place unto them, and so their determination took place, and Eugenius was pronounced both an heretic and relapse. Eight conclusions were there determined and allowed amongst the Divines, which they called verities: the copy whereof they did divulgate throughout all Christendom.  
When the Ambassadors of the Council were returned from Mentz, 
The Ambassadors return from Mentz.  and that certain report was made of the allowing of their decrees, the fathers of the Council thought good to discuss the conclusions of the divines more at large. Whereupon, by the commandment of the deputies, all the Masters and Doctors & Clergy, 
The Pope's heresy discussed.  were called together, with all the residue of the Prelates, into the Chapterhouse of the great Church, there openly to dispute and discuss Eugenius heresy. The which thing sore grieved the Bishop of Milan, fearing lest this disputation would work the deprivation of Eugenius, 
The bishop of Milan taketh Eugenius part for fear of a schism.  the which, as he said, he had always letted for fear of schism: Wherefore he ceased not by all manner of ways to labour, to stop & trouble the matter, exhorting them that were absent by his letters, and encouraging those that were present by his words, to the defence of Eugenius. But at the last, there was a great assembly in the Chapter house, some coming thither to dispute, and other some to hear. This disputation continued six days, both forenoon and afternoon, amongst whom Cardinal Lodovicus Archbishop Arelatensis, was appointed as judge and Arbiter of the whole disputation: who beside many other notable virtues, was both valiant & constant. Nicolas Amici, which was also a Proctor of the faith, a famous man amongst the Divines of Paris demanded of every man what their opinion was. john Deinlefist, public Notary, wrote every man's sentence and judgement. 
Conclusions of the disputation.  The conclusions of the Divines, which were the ground and foundation of their disputation, were these here following.  

1. It is a verity of the Catholic faith, that the sacred general Council, hath power over the Pope, or any other Prelate.  
2. The Pope cannot by his own authority, either dissolve transport or prorogue, the general Council being law fully congregate, without the whole consent of the Council: and this is of like verity.  
3. He which doth obstinately resist these verities, is to be counted an heretic.  
4. Pope Eugenius the fourth hath resisted these verities, when as at the first, by the fullness of his Apostolic power, he attempted to dissolve or to transport the Council of basil.  
5. Eugenius being admonished by the sacred Council, did recant the errors repugnant to these verities.  
6. The dissolution or translation of the Council attempted the second time by Eugenius, is against the foresaid verities, and containeth an inexcusable error touching the faith.  
7. Eugenius in going about to dissolve and transport the Council again, is fallen into his before revoked errors.  
8. Eugenius being warned by the Synod, that he should revoke the dissolution or translation the second time attempted: after that his contumacy was declared, persevering in his rebellion and erecting a Council at Ferraria, showed himself thereby obstinate.   
These were the conclusions which were read in the Chapter house before the fathers of the Council. Upon the which, when they were desired to speak their minds, they all, in a manner, confirmed & allowed them. Notwithstanding Panormitane Archbishop, disputed much against them. Like wise did the Bishop of Burgen the king of Arrogons' Almoner. Yet did they not gainsay the 3. first conclusions, but only those wherein pope Eugenius was touched. 
Panormitane speaketh again for the Pope.  This Panormitane as he was subtle, so did he subtly dispute against the last conclusions, endeavouring himself to declare that Eugenius was not relapsed, & had great contention with the Bishop of Argens, john Segovius, & Frances de Fuxe, 
Articles of faith divided into 3. sorts.  divines. He divided the Articles of the faith into three sorts: straightly: as in the Creed: largely, as in the declarations made by the Church, most largely of all, as in those things which rise of the premises, affirming that Eugenius did by no means violate his faith in his first dissolution that he made, because it is not contained in the Creed, neither yet in the determinations of the Church, that the Pope cannot dissolve the Counsels: & that it seemeth not unto him to rise of the determination before made, but rather of the decrees of the Council of Constance: And further, that this, as a case omitted, is reserved for the Pope to be discussed, for somuch as in the chapter beginning Frequens, it appeareth that the place where the Council should be kept, aught to be chosen by the Pope, the Council allowing the same, and nothing is thereof at all spoken. And if peradventure Eugenius had offended in the first dissolution, notwithstanding he ought to be held excused, because he did it by the Council of the Cardinals, 
Panormitane preferreth the judgement of the Cardinals of Rome, before all the world.  representing the Church of Rome: whose authority he said to be such, that the judgement thereof should be preferred before all the world. Neither had there been any sacred Council found to have proceeded against Eugenius as an heretic, & that is an evident sign, that the Council hath not thought him to have swerved from the faith, neither to have any occasion, that he should be called heretic for his errors revoked, & that he himself hath read the whole text, that the Pope did not revoke the dissolution as contrary unto the faith, but as breeding offence: Also that the last dissolution hath no such cause in it: for somuch as likewise he had done it by the counsel of the Cardinals, 
The pope pretendeth the uniting of the Greeks, when he meaneth an other thing.  and for the uniting of the Greeks, that he might not be compelled in a criminal cause, to answer by his procurator, when as he being letted by sickness, could not come personally. So, for as much as in the first dissolution Eugenius hath fallen into no error of faith, he cannot be persuaded that he can be called a relapse, for so much as he neither in the first, neither yet in the second dissolution did violate his faith.  

The pope no relapse, but prolaps.  This Oration of Panormitane was more praised then allowed of all men. notwithstanding this effect it wrought, that afterward this word relapse was taken out of the conclusions, & in stead thereof this word prolapse put in. Neither durst Panormitane himself, altogether excuse Eugenius of heresy, but defended more the first dissolution, than the second: yet departed he not without answer: for john Segovius an expert Divine, 
john Segovius answereth to Panormitane.  rising up, answered him reveretly as was comely for such a Prelate. He said he granted that which Panormitane had spoken touching the division of the Articles of the faith into three points, for because it made for his purpose. For if those things are to be holden for Articles of faith, said he, which may be gathered of the determinations of the Church, it were manifest that the conclusions whereupon we now contend, redound and come of the determinations of the Church: that is to say, of the Council of Constance: for, if therein the Pope be made subject unto the general Council, who is it that will say that the Pope hath power over the council which is above him? or that Eugenius ought to remain Pope, because he could not dissolve the Council which is above him, without the consent thereof? The which Article undoubtedly, he hath violate and broken. And if any man will say that in the first dissolution this Article was not violate, because there was no declaration made thereof, let him which so thinketh, thus understand: that the Bishop of Rome ought not only to know the plain and manifest, but also the secret and hidden things of the faith, for he being the vicar of Christ, and the head of all other, aught to instruct and teach all men. But if so be he will not, than he shall be convicted for being head, because he continued long in the dissolution after the declaration of the council, neither did consent unto the determination of the church, & therefore, if peradventure he did not err in the faith, 
The pope neglecting to do good, is a member, not of christ, but of the devil.  as it manifestly appeareth by the saying of Clement oftentimes alleged by Panormitan, wherein it is said, the he which liveth rebelliously & neglecteth to do good, is rather a member of the devil than of Christ, and rather an infidel than a true believer: so that Eugenius by disobeieng the Church, may worthily be called an infidel. Neither is it true that the Pope hath not offended in the faith: For somuch, as well in that answer which beginneth Cogitanti, as also in the answer which beginneth Sperant, made unto the Pope's Ambassadors, these words are manifest: this Article concerneth faith, and we had rather die then through cowardliness to give place. By the which saying it is evident, the Synod to have sufficiently admonished the Pope that he did against the faith, and therefore it seemed that afterward when as Eugenius revoked the dissolution, he also revoked the error of faith contained in the same. There are also divers offences sprung and risen through the error of faith: for some say that the Pope is under the Council, othersome deny it, and this diversity of doctrine bringeth offence. Also it is expressly against the authority of the Council, that the Pope did revoke the assertions made in their name.  
And albeit in such revocations, the stile & order of judgements is not observed, notwithstanding it doth suffice in such case, when as the Council doth proceed against the Pope: 
Counsels bound to no positive law.  in which case only the truth is to be observed, neither is the Council subject unto any positive law, that it ought to observe any terms or judicial orders. Also he said that he utterly contemned that singular gloze which did prefer the Pope before all the world, so that it might well be called singular, which decreed so foolish and fond things and unworthy to be followed of any man: and that he did much marvel of Panormitane, and other Doctors of those days, which whilst they went about to extol the authority of the gloss, do abase the same by adding a singularity thereto: for that gloze is singular which is alone. But who would not more esteem a gloze constantly written and agreeable in all places, then that which in any one place teacheth any thing which may seem to be an error: and that as touching the verity & truth. S. Jerome a grave and ancient Doctor is contrary to this gloze, who doubteth nothing at all, but that the world, as touching authority, is above the City itself, that is to say, Rome.  
Segonius, could fearsely finish this his Oration without interruption: for Panormitane oftentimes enterrupting him, went about to confute now this, and now that reason. Whereupon the Bishop of Argen rising up, a man not only eloquent, but also of a stout courage, troubled Panormitane in his reasons and arguments, and put him from his purpose: yet they proceeded so far, that they passed the manner of disputation, and did not abstain from opprobrious taunts.  
When the Bishop of Argen chanced to say that the Bishop of Rome ought to be the minister of the Church, 
Panormita● appointeth the Pope Lord of the Church.  Panormitane could not suffer that: in so much that he so forgot himself that day, and his knowledge (which otherwise was great) did so fail him, that he was not ashamed to say and affirm, that the Pope was Lord over the Church. Whom Segovius answered: Mark (saith he) O Panormitane, what thou sayest: for this is the most honourable title of the Bishop of Rome, wherein he calleth himself the servant of the servants of God. Which is gathered upon this point, when as Christ said unto his disciples, when they demanded of him which of them was the greatest, you know he answered them: The Princes of the people have rule and dominion over them, 
The Pope & the clergy desire dominion contrary to the scriptures.  but amongst you it is not so, etc. Wherein he doth utterly prohibit Lordship and dominion. And Peter which was the first vicar of Christ, saith, feed the flock of Christ which is committed unto you, providing for them not by compulsion, but willingly. And immediately alter he said, not as Lords over the Clergy. For it Christ the son of God, came not to be ministered unto, but to minister & to serve, how then can his vicar have any dominion, or be called Lord, as you Panormitane will affirm: forsomuch as the disciple is not above his master, nor the servant above his Lord. And the Lord himself saith: be ye not called masters, for so much as your only master is Christ, and he which is the greatest among you, shall be your servant. Panormitane being somewhat disquieted with this answer, the council broke up and departed.  
The next day, 
The French kings Ambassador.  there was a general congregation, and they returned all again unto the chapter house after dinner, whereas the Archbishop of Lions, the King's Orator being required to speak his mind, after he had by divers and sundry reasons proved Eugenius to be an heretic, he bitterly complained, detesting the negligence and ignavie, of those that had proffered such a man unto the papacy, and so moved all their hearts which were present, that they altogether with him did bewail the calamities of the universal Church.  
Then the Bishop of Burgen, 
The Bishop of Burgen.  the Ambassador of Spain, divided the conclusions into two parts, some he called general, & othersome personal, disputing very excellently as touching the three first conclusions, affirming the he did in no point doubt of them, but only that the addition which made mention of the faith, seemed to be doubtful unto him. But upon this point, he stayed much, to prove that the Council was above the Pope. The which, after he had sufficiently proved both by God's law and man's law, he taught it also by Physical reason, alleging Aristotle for witness. 
The council above the Pope.  He said that in every well ordered kingdom, it ought specially to be desired, that the whole realm should be of more authority than the King, which if it happened contrary, it were not to be called a kingdom, but a tyranny: so likewise doth he think of the Church, that it ought to be of more authority, than the Prince thereof, that is to say, the Pope. The which his Oration he uttered so eloquently, learnedly, and truly, that all men depended upon him, and desired rather to have him continue his Oration, then to have an end thereof.  
But when as he entered into the other conclusions, 
The force of truth which appeared also in Aeneas himself the writer hereof, although afterward when he was pope, he denied the same. Note what it is, a man to labour against his knowledge.  he seemed to have forgotten himself, & to be no more the same man that he was: for neither was there the same eloquence in his words, neither gravity in Oration, or cheerfulness of countenance, so that if he could have seen himself, he would peradventure greatly have marveled at himself. Every man might well see & perceive them the power & force of the truth, which ministered copy of matter unto him, so long as he spoke in the defence thereof. But when as he begun once to speak against her, she took away even his natural eloquence from him. Notwithstanding Panormitane, and the Bishop of Burgen, showed this example of modesty, that albeit they would not confess or grant the last conclusions to be verities of faith: yet they would not that any man should follow or lean unto their opinion, which were but mean divines, but rather unto the opinions of the Divines. But the king of Aragon's Amner, being a subtle & crafty man, did not directly dispute upon the conclusions: but picking out here and there certain arguments, sought to let and hinder the Council. Against whom an Abbot of Scotland, a man of an excellent wit disputed very much: and Thomas de Corcellis a famous Divine, alleged much against him out of the Decrees of the sacred Council, and with a certain modest shamefastness, always beholding the ground, did very largely dispute in the defence of the conclusions.  
But now to avoid tediousness, I will only proceed to declare arguments, whereby the conclusions were ratified and confirmed: 
The conclusions of the disputation. The first conclusion.  not minding to entreat of th' v. last conclusions, which concern the person of Eugenius, but only upon the three first, whereunto I will adjoin certain probable arguments gathered out of the disputation of the fathers. In the first conclusion is the greatest force, and first to be discussed: touching the which, two things are to be required, & examined. The one whether the general Council have authority over the Pope. The other, whether the Catholic faith commandeth it to be believed. As touching that the Pope is subject to the general Council, it is excellently well proved by the reason before alleged, by the Bishop of Burgen. For the Pope is in the Church, as a king in his kingdom: and for a king to be of more authority than his kingdom, it were too absurd: Ergo, neither aught the pope to be above the Church. 
A king is not of more authority than is his kingdom.  For like as oftentimes, Kings which do wickedly govern the common wealth, & exercise cruelty, are deprived of their kingdom, even so it is not to be doubted, but that the Bishops of Rome may be deposed by the Church, that is to say, by the general Counsels.  
Neither do I here in allow them, which attribute so ample and large authority unto kings, that they will not have them bound under any laws: For such as so do say, be but flatterers, 
These kind of flatterers came now in our days.  which do talk otherwise than they think. For albeit that they do say that the moderation of the law is always in the Prince's power: that do I thus understand, that when as reason shall persuade, he ought to digress from the rigour of the law: for he is called a King, which careth and provideth for the common wealth: taketh pleasure in the commodity and profit of the subjects, and in all his doings hath respect to the commodity of those, over whom he ruleth: which, if he do not, he is not to be counted a King, 
What a king is.  but a tyrant, whose property it is only to seek his own profit: for in this point a King differeth from a tyrant, that the one seeketh the commodity and profit of those whom he ruleth, and the other only his own. The which to make more manifest, the cause is also to be alleged, wherefore Kings were ordained.  
At the beginning (as Cicero in his Offices saith) it is certain, that there was a certain time when as the people lived without kings. But afterward when lands and possessions began to be divided according to the custom of every nation, than were kings ordained for no other cause, but only to exercise justice. 
The institute of kings.  For when as at the beginning, the common people were oppressed by rich & mighty men, they ran by and by to some good and virtuous man, which should defend the poor from injury, & ordain laws, whereby the rich and poor might dwell together. But when as yet under the rule of Kings, the poor were oftentimes oppressed, laws were ordained and instituted, the which should judge neither for hatred nor favour, and give like ear unto the poor as unto the rich: whereby we do understand and know, not only the people, but also the King to be subject to the laws. For if we do see a King to contemn and despise the laws, violently rob and spoil his subjects, deflower virgins, dishonest matrons, and do all things licentiously and temerariously: do not the nobles of the kingdom assemble together, deposing him from his kingdom, set up another in his place, which shall swear to rule and govern uprightly, and be obedient unto the laws? Verily as reason doth persuade, even so doth the use thereof also teach us. It seemeth also agreeable unto reason, that the same should be done in the Church, that is to say, in the Council, which is done in any kingdom. And so is this sufficiently apparent which we have before said, that the Pope is subject unto the Council.  

The pope ought to be subject unto the council  But now to pass unto the arguments of Divinity, the foundation of the matter which we do entreat upon, are the words of our Saviour jesus Christ in divers places, but specially where as he speaketh unto Peter: Tu es Petrus, & super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam, & portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus eam. i. 
This place Tu es Petrus etc. expounded.  Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. Upon which words it seemeth good to begin this disputation, forsomuch as some were wont to allege these words, to extol the authority of the Bishop of Rome. But (as it shall by and by appear) the words of Christ had another sense and meaning then divers of them do think, for he saith: & the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. Verily this is a great promise, 
Sins are the gates of hell.  and these words of the Lord are of great importance. For what greater word could there have been spoken, then that the gates of hell should not prevail against the church? These gates of hell, as S. Jerome saith, do signify sins. Wherefore if sins can not prevail against the Church, neither can any malign spirits prevail against the same, which have no power at all over mankind, but only through sin. And for that cause, where as it is said in job, that there is no power upon the earth that may be compared unto the power of the malign spirit, whereby it followeth that the power of the Church is above all other power.  
We may also upon the same saying, 
Against the papittes opinion that the pope can not err.  reason after an other sort: for somuch as the gates of hell: that is to say, sins can not prevail against the Church, the Church thereby is declared to be without sin: the which can not be spoke of the pope which is a mortal man, for somuch as it is written, seven times in the day the just man doth offend: If the Church be without spot because it can not be defiled with sin, who is it that will prefer a sinful man: before an undefiled Church? Neither let us give ear unto those which will not refer these words of Christ unto the Church, 
The interpretation of this place, Oravi pro te Petre. is meant of the Church.  where as he saith: Oravi pro te Petre, ut non deficiat fides tua. That is to say, Peter I have prayed for thee, that thy faith should not fail thee. For as S. Augustine saith in the exposition of the Psalms, certain things are spoken as though they seemed properly to pertain unto the Apostle Peter, notwithstanding, they have no evident sense but when they are referred unto the Church, the person whereof he is understanded figuratively to represent. Whereupon in an other place in the questions of the new & old Testament, upon the words: Rogavi pro te Petre, I have prayed for thee Peter: What is doubted? Did he pray for Peter, & did he not pray for james and john, beside the rest? It is manifest that under the name of Peter, all other are contained. For in an other place of S. john he saith: I pray for them, whom thou hast given me, & I will that wheresoever I am, they shall be also with me. Whereupon we do oftentimes by the name of Peter understand the Church, which we do nothing at all doubt to be done in this place: otherwise the truth could not consist, for somuch as within a while after, the faith of Peter, failed for a time by the denial of Christ, but the faith of the Church, whose person Peter did represent, did always persevere inviolate.  
As touching the Bishops of Rome, 
Bishops of Rome are heretics.  if time would suffer us, we could rehearse many cramples, how that they either have been heretics, or replenished with other vices. Neither are we ignorant how that Marcellinus at the emperors commandment, 
He meaneth Silvester the second.  did sacrifice unto Idols, & that an other (which is more horrible) did attain unto the Papacy by a devilish fraud & deceit. notwithstanding the testimony of Paul unto the hebrews shall suffice us at this time, who saith every Bishop to be compassed in with infirmity: that is to say, with wickedness and sin. Also the testimonies of Christ himself do approve, that the Church remaineth always without sin: for in Matthew he saith, 
The church is without sin & the pope is a sinner.  I am with you even unto the end of the world. The which words were not only spoken unto the Apostles (for they continued not unto the end of the world) but also unto their successors: neither would Christ then signify that he was God, dispersed throughout all the world, as he is also perceived to be amongst sinners, but would declare a certain gift of grace, through his assistance, whereby he would preserve the holy Church consisting amongst his Apostles and their successors, always immaculate and undefiled.  
And again in an other place I (saith he) will pray, & he shall give you an other comforter, that he may remain with you for ever, even the spirit of truth whom the world cannot receive, because the world seethe him not, neither knoweth him, but you shall know him, because he shall remain with you. The which words being spoken unto the Disciples of jesus, are also understanded to be spoken unto their successors, & so consequently unto the Church. And if the spirit of truth be continually in the Church, no man can deny, but that the Church ought to continue undefiled. By the same authority also that Christ is called the spouse of the Church, who seethe not, but that the Church is undefiled? For the husband & the wise (as the Apostle saith) are two in one flesh, 
The church one flesh with christ  & (as he doth also add) no man hateth his own flesh: thereby it cometh to pass, that Christ can not hate the Church, for somuch as she is his spouse, and one flesh with him, & no man can hate himself: Ergo, the Church doth not sin: for if it did sin, it should be hated, for sinners the Lord doth hate. 
The Church is without spot or sin, is to be understand not by nature, but only by imputation.  The which authorities being gathered together we ought with the Apostle to confess that the Church of God hath neither spot nor wrinkle. Also he writing unto Timothe affirmeth the Church to be the pillar & foundation of the truth: whereupon in this song of the spouse it is said: My friend thou art altogether fair & beautiful neither is there any spot in thee.  
These words peradventure may abash some, that I do go about to prove the Church to be without sin. For when as the Church doth contain all men which are called Christians, which also do agree & come together in one belief of faith, and participation of the Sacraments, I do fear least some men will think, that I do affirm all men to be without sin: which is so far from my meaning, that I do verily think the contrary to be most true. For I suppose, that there is no man in the Church being clothed in this mortal flesh, 
The church with out sin how to be understand.  without sin. Neither do these things vary or dissent among themselves: For the Church hath this gift, that albeit every part and member thereof may sin, yet the whole body can not sin. For there be always good men in the Church, the which, albeit that they be subject unto humane fragility, notwithstanding they have so perfect a gift of sincere and pure virtue, that subduing all carnal desires and affections, they keep themselves a pleasant and acceptable sacrifice unto God. Neither do I consent or agree unto the opinion of divers, which affirm that the Virgin Mary only persevered in faith at the lords passion. 
The error of those which say that only the virgin Mary did persever constant at the time of ●hristes passion.  Whereupon divers have not been ashamed to say that the faith might be so debilitate and weakened, that it should return to one only old woman. Whose opinion or rather madness, Saint Paul seemeth openly to reject, writing thus unto the Romans: do ye not know (saith he) what the Scripture writeth of Helias, how incessantly he called upon God against the children of Israel (saying) O Lord, they have slain thy Prophets, and digged down thine altars, and I alone am left, and they seek after my soul? But what answer received he of God? I have left unto myself yet seven. M. men, which have not bowed their knees unto Baal. What other thing doth this answer of God declare, then that it is a foolish opinion of them which think the Church of God to be brought unto so small & number? We ought to believe the words of Christ, which are altogether repugnant unto those men who affirm the the Virgin only did persevere in faith. For jesus said unto his Father, O holy father save them in thy name, whom thou hast given me, that they may be one as we are one. When I was with them, I kept them in thy name: I have kept them that thou gavest unto me, and none of them perished, but only the son of perdition. And I do not desire that thou shouldest take them out of the world, but that thou shouldest preserve them from evil.  
Behold, Christ prayeth that his disciples should not fall, but should be preserved from evil, and he so praying, without doubt is heard: for he saith in another place, I know the thou hearest me. But how is he heard, if all those for whom he prayeth, swarned at the time of his passion? As for example: By what means did Christ hanging upon the Cross, commend his dearly beloved mother unto john, if so be he were either then swerved, or should by and by after have swerved from the faith: Moreover, did not the Centurion by and by cry out and say: truly this is the son of God? The jews also which at that time were far distant from jerusalem, might both be called faithful, and also saved by their faith: seeing that (as the Apostle saith) men are bound unto the Gospel, after it is once known and revealed unto them. But let us leave these men, and speak of that which is more likely, and let us judge that there hath been and is a great number of good men in the Church, and by them as by the more worthy part, let us name the Church holy and immaculate, 
The Church comprehendeth both the evil and good.  the which doth comprehend as well the evil as the good. For the Church is compared unto a net, which is cast into the sea, and gathereth together all kind of fishes.  
And again it is compared unto a King, which made a marriage for his son, 
Math. 20.  and sent forth his servants to call those which were bidden, unto the wedding, and they gathered together good & evil, as many as they could find. Wherefore, their opinion is erroneus, which affirm, that only good men be comprehended in the Church: the which, if it were true, it would confound all things, neither could we understand or know where the Church were. 
This saying of Ecclesiastes is not translated & also serveth to other sense than is here meant.  But for so much as the Scripture saith: no man knoweth whether he be worthy of love or hatred, their opinion is more to be allowed & truer, which include all the faithful in the Church: of whom, although a great part be given to voluptuousness and avarice, yet some notwithstanding are clean from deadly sin. The which part, as it is the most worthy, it giveth the name unto the church, to be called most holy: which is so often done, that we are commanded to sing in our Creed, unam sanctam Catholicam & Apostolicam Ecclesiam, that is to say, one holy Catholic & Apostolic Church: the which Article the Synod of Constantinople, added unto the rest: Wherefore if the Church be holy, it is also without sin. But to return to our former purpose, this word Sanctum, which signifieth holy (as Macrobius alleging Trebatius, affirmeth) is sometimes taken for religious, and sometimes for clean and uncorrupt. And after the same manner, we call the Church holy, as the Apostle Peter calleth it immaculate, as we read in the famous Epistle of Clement.  
To this end also tendeth that which is spoken by S. Paul, that Christ is the head of the Church: For if the Church should wholly sin, she should not agree with her head Christ, who is in no point defiled. This also Christ himself would signify unto us in Matthew, when he commendeth the house which was builded upon the strong rock, 
Christ is the rock whereupon the Church is builded.  against the which, neither the winds, neither the storms could prevail. In the house of God (saith the Apostle) which is the Church builded upon the strong rock, which rock (as the said Apostle declareth) is Christ. Who then is so unshamefast that he will affirm the Church, which is founded upon Christ, to be subject to sin? & will not rather cry out with the Prophet and say: Domine, dilexi decorem domus tuae. That is to say. O Lord, I have loved the beauty of thy house. Hereupon wrote john chrysostom this golden sentence: The Church never ceaseth to be assaulted, never ceaseth to be lain in wait for: but in the name of Christ it hath always the upper hand & overcame. And albeit that other do lie in wait for it, or that the floods do beat against it: yet the foundation which is laid upon the rock, is not shaken. S. hilary also saith, that it is the property of the Church to vanquish, when it is hurt, to understand when it is reproved, to be in safety when it is forsaken, & to obtain victory, when as it seemeth almost overcome. Thus by many reasons & testimonies, it is proved that the Church doth not err: which is not spoken or affirmed of the Bishops of Rome, so that this reason doth make the Pope subject unto the Church, for it is convenient, that the less perfect be subject unto the more perfect. There be also many other testimonies & reasons, whereof we will now somewhat more entreat.  
If authority be sought for, 
He proveth by authority the pope to be under the council.  saith S. Jerome (for I willingly occupy myself in his sentences, as in a most fertile field) the world is greater than a City. What then I pray you Jerome? Is the Pope mighty because he is head of the Church of Rome? His authority is great, notwithstanding the universal Church is greater, which doth not only comprehend one City, but also the whole world. Hereupon it followeth, that if the Church be the mother of all faithful, than she hath the Bishop of Rome for her son. Otherwise as S. Augustine saith, 
If the Church be the mother, the Pope must be her son.  he can never have God for his father, which will not acknowledge the Church for his mother. The which thing Anacletus understanding, called the universal Church his mother, as the writers of the Canons do know. And Calixtus saith: as a son he came to do the will of his father, so we do the will of our mother, which is the Church. Whereby it appeareth, that how much the son is inferior to the mother: so much the Church is superior or above the Bishop of Rome.  
Also we have said before, 
The church being the spouse, the pope can not be the head thereof, but he must also be the head of Christ, forsomuch as Christ & his spouse be both one  that the Church was the spouse of Christ, & the Pope we know to be a Vicar: but no man doth so ordain a Vicar, that he maketh his spouse subject unto him, but that the spouse is always thought to be of more authority, than the Vicar, for somuch as she is one body with her husband, but the Vicar is not so. Neither will I here pass over the words of S. Paul unto the Romans: Let every soul (saith he) be subject unto the higher powers: Neither doth he herein except the pope: For albeit that he be above all other men, yet it seemeth necessary the he should be subject to the Church. Neither let him think himself hereby exempt, because it was said unto Peter by Christ, whatsoever thou bindest. etc. In this place, as we will hereafter declare, he represented the person of the Church, 
The exposition of this place, quodcunque ligaveris. The church may depose the pope, if he abuse the keys.  for we find it spoken afterward unto them: Quaecunque ligaveritis super terram, ligata erunt in coelis. i. Whatsoever ye shall bind upon earth, shall be also bound in heaven. And furthermore, if all power be given of Christ, as the Apostle writeth unto the Corinthians, it is given for the edifying of the Church, & not for the destruction thereof: why then may not the Church correct the Pope, if he abuse the keys, and bring all things unto ruin?  
Add hereunto also an other argument. A man in this life is lesser than the angels, for we read in Matthew of john Baptist, that he which is least in the kingdom of heaven, is greater than he. Notwithstanding Christ saith in an other place, that amongst the children of women there was not a greater than john Baptist. But to proceed: men are forced by the example of Zacharias to give credit unto angels, lest through their misbelief they be stricken blind as he was. What more? The Bishop of Rome is a man: Ergo, he is less than the angels, and is bound to give credit to the angels. But the angels learn of the Church, and do reverently accord unto her doctrine, as the Apostle writeth unto the Ephesians: Ergo, the pope is bound to do the same, who is less than the angels, and less than the Church, 
The church and not the pope compared to the Sun.  whose authority is such, that worthily it is compared by S. Augustine unto the Sun: that like as the Sun by his light doth surmount all other lights, so the church is above all other authority and power. Whereupon S. Augustine writeth thus: I would not believe the Gospel saith he, if the authority of the church did not more me thereunto: the which is not in any place sound to be spoken of the bishop of Rome, who representing the Church, and being minister thereof, is not to be thought greater or equal to his Lord and master. notwithstanding, the words of our Saviour Christ do specially prove the Bishop of Rome to be subject to the church, as we will hereafter declare: For he sending Peter to preach unto the church said, go, and say unto the Church. To the confirmation of whole authority, these words do also pertain: he that heareth you heareth me. The which words are not only spoken unto the Apostles, but also unto their succesaurs and unto the whole Church.  
Whereupon it followeth, 
The pope if he do not hearken to the church is an Ethnic and Publican. It is to be feared lest the church hath had many such Popes.  that if the Pope do not hearken & give ear unto the Church, he doth not give ear unto Christ, & consequently he is to be counted as an Ethnic & Publican. For as S. Augustine affirmeth, when as the Church doth excommunicate, he which is so excommunicate is bound in heaven, and when the Church looseth, he is loosed. Likewise if he be an heretic, which taketh away the supremacy of the Church of Rome, as the Decrees of the council of Coustance doth determine, how much more is he to be counted an heretic, which taketh away the authority from the universal Church, wherein the Church of Rome and all other are contained? Wherefore it is now evident, that it is the opinion of all men before our days (if it may be called an opinion, which is confirmed by grave authors) the the Pope is subject unto the universal church. But this is called into question, 
Whether the pope is to be judged by the general council, etc.  whether he ought also to be judged of the general Council. For there are some, which (whether it be for desire of vain glory, or that through their flattery they look for some great reward) have begun to teach new and strange doctrines, and to exempt the bishop of Rome from the jurisdiction of the general Council. Ambition hath blinded them, whereof not only this present Schism, but also all other Schisms even unto this day have had their original. For as in times past the greedy desire & ambition of the papacy, 
These are the Canons and the school divines, and begging friars.  brought in that pesriferous beast, which through Arrius than first crept into the church: even so they do specially nourish and maintain this present heresy, which are not ashamed to beg. Of the which number, some cry out & say, the works of the subjects ought to be judged by the Pope, but the Pope to be reserved only unto the judgement of God. Others said that no man ought to judge the high and principal Seat, 
Diversity of judgements touching the B. of Rome.  and that it can not be judged either by the Emperor, either by the Clergy, either by any king or people. Other affirm, that the Lord hath reserved unto himself the depositions of the chief Bishop. Others are not ashamed to affirm, that the Bishop of Rome although he carry souls in never so great number unto hell, yet he is not subject unto any correction or rebuke.  
And because these their words are easily resolved, they run strait ways unto the Gospel, and interpret the words of Christ, not according to the sense and meaning of the holy Ghost, but according to their own will and disposition. They do greatly esteem and regard this which was spoken unto Peter: Tu vocaberis Cephas i. Thou shalt be called Cephas: by the which word, they make him the head of the Church. Also I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth, etc. I have prayed for thee Peter, that thy Faith would not fail. 
How foolishly the church of Rome doth wrest the the scriptures neglecting the expositions of the fathers.  And again, feed my sheep: Last thy net into the deep: Be not afraid, for from thenceforth thou shalt be a fisher of men: Also that Christ commanded Peter as the Prince of the Apostles, to pay tolle for them both: and that Peter drew the net unto the land, full of great fishes: & that only Peter drew his sword for the defence of Christ. Al which places these men do greatly extol, altogether neglecting the expositions of the fathers: the which if (as reason were) they would consider, they should manifestly perceive by the authorities aforesaid, that the Pope is not above them when they are gathered together in Council, but when they are separate and divided.  
But these things being passed over, for somuch as answer shall appear by that which hereafter shall follow we will now declare what was reasoned of by the learned men upon this question. But first we would have it known, the all men which are of any name or estimation, do agree, that the Pope is subject to the Council, and for the proof thereof they repeat (in a manner) all those things which were before spoken of the church: for they suppose all that, which is spoken of the Church, to serve for the general Council: And first of all, they allege this saying of the Gospel, Dic Ecclesiae, tell it unto the Church. In the which place it is convenient to understand, that Christ spoke unto Peter, 
Those things which were spoken of the church serve also for the general council.  instructing him what he should do as touching the correction of his brother. He saith, if thy brother offend or sin against thee, rebuke him between thee and him alone. If he give care unto thee, thou hast won thy brother: but if he do not give ear unto thee, take in thee one or two, that in the mouth of two or thee witnesses all truth may stand: if then he will not give ear unto thee, Dic Ecclesiae, tell it unto the Church.  
What shall we understand by the church in that place? shall we say that it is the multitude of the faithful dispersed throughout the whole world? My yoke is pleasant saith the Lord, & my burden is light. But how is it light, if Christ command us to do that which is impossible to be done? For how could Peter speak unto the Church which was dispersed, or to seek out every Christian scattered in every Town or City? But the meaning of these words, is far otherwise, and they must be otherwise interpreted: for which cause it is necessary that we remember the double person, 
Peter representeth the double person.  which Peter represented, as the person of the high bishop, and a private man. The sense and meaning of his words are evident and plain enough of themselves, that they need no supplement or alteration. We must first mark and see, 
Christ nameth the Church b●● twice in the Gospel.  what this word Ecclesia signifieth, the which we do find but only to be twice spoken of by Christ: once in this place, and again when as he said unto Peter: Tu es Petrus, & super hanc Petram edificabo Ecclesiam meam, That is: Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my Church. 
What the Church is.  Wherefore the Church signifieth the connocation or congregation of the multitude. Dic Ecclesiae, tell it unto the church. That is to say, tell it unto the Congregation of the faithful: the which forsomuch as they are not accustomed to come together, 
The interpretation of this place, dic ecclesiae.  but in a general Council, this interpretation shall seem very good, Dic Ecclesiae, tell it unto the Church, that is to say, Dic generali Concilio, tell it unto the general Council.  
In this case I would gladly hear if there be any man, which doth think th●se words to be more properly expressed in any Prelate, then in the council, when as they must put one man for the multitude: which if it be admitted in the scriptures, we shall from henceforth find no firm or stable thing therein. But if any man do marvel at this interpretation, let him search the old writers, and he shall find that this is no new or strange interpretation, but the interpretation of the holy fathers and old Doctors, which have first given light unto the Church, as Pope Gregory witnesseth (a man worthy of remembrance, both for the holiness of his life, and his singular learning) whose words are these, written in his Register unto the bishop of Constantinople: And we (said he) against whom so great an offence is committed through temeratious boldness, do observe and keep that which the truth doth command us, saying, Si peccaverit in te frater, that is: If thy brother do offend against thee, etc. And afterward he addeth more, if my rebukes and corrections be despised, it remaineth that I do seek help of the church. 
The church taken for the general council.  The which words do manifestly declare the Church here to be taken for the general Council. Neither did Gregory say, that he would seek help of the Church that is dispersed abroad in every place, but of that which is gathered together, that is to say, the general Council, for that which is dispersed abroad, cannot be had, except it be gathered together. Also Pope Nicholas reproving Lotharius the king for adultery, said: if thou dost not amend the same, take heed that we tell it not unto the holy Church.  
In the which saying, Pope Nicholas did not say, that he would go throughout the world to certify every one, man by man: but that he would call the Church together, that is to say the general council, and there would publish and declare the offence of Lotharius, the he which, had contemned the Pope's commandments, should fear the reverence of the general council. I could recite an infinite number of witnesses for that purpose, the which all tend unto one end: but this one testimony of the Council of Constance shall suffice for them all, wherein it is said that not only the Pope in the correction of his brother is remitted unto the Council, 

The council of Constance decreeth the Pope to be under the Council.  
The acts of the Apostles, The cauncell of Nice.   when as he can not correct him of himself: but also when as any thing is done as touching the correction of the Pope himself, the matter ought to be referred to the council. Whereby it appeareth our interpretation to be most true, which doth expound the Church to be in the general Council. Hereupon the Acts of the Apostles, the Congregations which were then holden, were called the Church. Also in the council of Nice and in other Counsels, when as any man should be excommunicated, always, in a manner, this sentence was adjoined: Hunc excommunicat Catholica & Apostolica Ecclesia. The Catholic and Apostolic Church doth excommunicate this man. And heereuppon that title is given unto the Councils, 
The title of the Counsels.  whereby we do say, that the general Council doth represent the universal Church. Wherefore the laws and decrees of the Council are called the laws of the Church, for that the Church doth not set forth any laws in any other place, 
The constitutions of the B. of Rome are not the laws of the church.  then in the general council: except we will call the Pope's constitutions the laws of the church, which can not be properly said but of the Council: whereas, albeit all those which are of the church do not assemble and come together, yet the most part of them are accustomed to be there present, and in those which come, the whole power of the Church doth consist: Whereupon we read in the Acts of the Apostles: It pleased the Apostles and Elders with all the Church. For albeit that all the faithful were not there present (because a great number of them remained at Antioch) yet notwithstanding it was called the whole Church, because the whole power of the Church consisted in the council. Thus for this present it is sufficient that we understand by the Church the general Council.  
And now to return unto our purpose, 
By the church the council is understand.  let us hear what our Saviour sayeth unto Peter: If thy brother do offend against thee, unto this text following, tell it unto the church: and let us understand the Council by the Church. Who is greater in this place, he which is sent unto the Council, or the Council whereunto Peter was sent? The vevity doth remit the Bishop of Rome unto the general Council. And why so? verily because the bishops of Rome should not disdain to acknowledge some power in earth, to be above them, the which they should consult withal in matters of importance, and agree unto the determinations thereof. 
Simons obedience necessary in the Bishops of Rome.  Whereupon Peter is also called by an other name Simon, the which, as Rabanus in his Homilies writeth, is interpreted in the Hebrew tongue, obedience, that all men might understand obedience to be necessary, even in the Bishop of Rome.  
The authority of the Council of Constance might suffice us in this point, 
The favourers and maintainers of the pope go about to maintain & prefer the pleasure & profit of one before a common commodity.  but we think it good to stay a little upon this matter, & to leave no place open for our adversaries: which, whilst they go about to maintain the unsatiable wilfulness of one man, preferring a private wealth before a common commodity, is it incredible how great errors they do stir up. Against the which, besides many other, Zacharias bishop of Chalcedon, a man both famous and eloquent, did earnestly strine: who in the great and sacred Synod of Chaleedon, when as the sentence of the B. of Rome was objected unto him, that the Canon of Pope Nicholas and other patriarchs was above the Council, he replied against it. And Zosimus the Pope saith thus as touching the decrees of the general Council: the authority of this seat cannot make or alter any thing contrary to the decrees of the fathers. Neither doth he hear speak of the decrees of the fathers, which are dispersed abroad in cities or wilderness, for they do not bind the Pope: but of them which are made and published by the fathers in the general Council. For the more manifest declaration whereof, the words of pope Leo the most eloquent of all the bishops of Rome, are here to be annexed, who wrote unto Anatholius, that the decrees of the Council of Nice are in no part to be violate and broken: thereby (as it were) excluding himself and the high Patriarch.  
The authority also of Damasus upon this sentence, is more manifest, writing unto Aurelius the Archbish. as Isidorus declareth in the book of Counsels, whose worthy saying as touching the authority of the synod is this: That they which are not compelled of necessity, but of their own will either frowardly do any thing, either presume to do any thing, or willingly consent unto those which would do any thing contrary and against the sacred Canons, they are worthily thought and judged to blaspheme the holy ghost. 
The pope can abide no general Counsels.  Of the which blasphemy, whether Gabriel which calleth himself Eugenius, be presently partaker, let them judge which have heard him say, that it is so far from his office and duty to obey the general Counsels, that he saith he doth then best merit and deserve, when as he contemneth the decrees of the Council. Damasus addeth yet moreover. For this purpose, sayeth he, the rules of the sacred canons, which are consecrated by the spirit of God and the reverence of the whole world, are faithfully to be known and understand of us, and diligently looked upon, that by no means, without a necessity which cannot be eschewed (which God forbidden) we do transgress of the decrees of the holy fathers. 
Non obstante In the Pope's Bulls.  Notwithstanding, we daily see in all the Pope's Bulls and letters, these words Non obstante, that is to say: notwithstandin: which no other necessity hath brought in, then only unsatiable desire of gathering of money. But let them take heed to these things which be the authors thereof.  
But now to return again unto Damasus, 
The council to be above the pope.  mention is made in the Epistles of Ambrose bishop of Milan of a certain Epistle which is laid to be written by Damasus, unto the judges deputed by the Council of Capua, where he declareth that it is not his office, to meddle with any matter which hath been before the Council. By the which saying he doth manifestly reprove all those which affirm and say the Bishop of Rome to be above the Council. The which if it were true, Damasus might have taken into his hands the cause of Bonosius the Bishop to determine, which was before begon by the Council: but for somuch as the Council is above the Pope, Damasus knew himself to be prohibited. Whereupon Hilarius also acknowledging the Synod to be above him, would have his decrees confirmed by the Council. Also the famous Doctor S. Augustine in his Epistle which he did write unto Glorius & Eleusius, and Felix the Grammarian, declareth the case. Cecilianus the bishop, was accused by Donatus, with others. Melchiades the pope with certain other bishops absolved Cecilian and confirmed him in his bishopric. They being moved with those doings, made a schism in the parts of Africa. S. Augustine reproveth them, which having an other remedy against the sentence of the Pope, did raise a schism, and doth mucy against them in this manner. Behold, let us think those Bishops which gave judgement at Rome, not to have been good judges: there remained yet the judgement of the universal church, where as the cause might have been pleaded even with the judges themselves, so that if they were convict not to have given just judgement, their sentence might be broken.  
Whereby it appeareth, that not only the sentence of the Pope alone, but also the Pope with his Bishops joined with him, 
The full iudgemét of the church is not to be found, but in the general Council.  might be made frustrate by the Council: for the full judgement of the universal Church is not found elsewhere, then in the general Council. Let not any man doubt, in that S. Augustine seemeth here only to speak of Bishops: for if the text of his Epistle be read over, he shall find the bishop of Rome to be comprehended amongst the other Bishops. It was also prohibited by the counsels of Africa, 
No appeals to be made from the council to the P.  that the Bishops of Rome should not receive or hear the appeals of any which did appeal from the Council: which altogether declare the superiority of the Council. And this appeareth more plainly in the Acts of the Apostles, where as Peter is rebuked by the congregation of the Apostles, 
Acts 13.  because he went in to Cornelius a Heathen man, as if it had not been lawful for him to attempt any great matter without the knowledge of the congregation: and yet it was said unto him as well as others. Ite & Baptizate etc. Go & baptise. 
Gal. 2.  But this seemeth to make more unto the purpose, which S. Paul writeth unto the Galathians, whereas he saith, he reststed Peter even unto his face, because he did not walk according to the verity of the Gospel. Which words if they be well understand, signify none other thing by the verity of the Gospel, 
Peter constrained to obey the general council.  than the Canon of the Council decreed amongst the Apostles: for the Disciples being gathered together, had so determined it. Whereupon S. Paul doth show, that Peter ought to have obeyed the general Council.  
But now to finish this disputation, 
The decree of the council of Constance.  we will here adjoin the determination of the Council of Constance, the which Council aforesaid, willing to cut off all ambiguity and doubts, and to provide a certain order of living, declared by a solemn decree that all men, of what estate or condition so ever they were, 
The pope bound under the obedience of the general Council.  yea although that they were Popes themselves, be bound under the obedience and ordinances of the sacred general Counsels. And although there be a certain restraint, where as it is said, in such things as pertain unto the faith, the extirpation of schism, and the reformation of the Church, as well in the head as in the members: notwithstanding this amplificative clause which is adjoined, is to be noted, Et in pertinentibus ad ea, that is to say, withal the appertenauntes. The which addition is so large, that it containeth all things in it, which may be imagined or thought. 
divers places rehearsed out of the Gospels and Apostles, for authority of the Church and general counsels above the Pope.  For the Lord said thus unto his Apostles, go ye forth and teach all people. He did not say in three points only, but teach them to observe and keep all things what soever I have commanded you. And in an other place he sayeth, not this or that, but whatsoever ye shall bind, etc. which altogether are alleged for the authority of the Church and general Counsels. For the preferment whereof, these things also come in place. He that heareth you, heareth me. And again: It is given unto you to know the mysteries of God. Also where 2. or 3. be gathered in my name. etc. Again, whatsoever ye shall ask. etc. O holy father, save them whom thou hast given me. etc. And I will be with them even unto the end of the world. Also out of S. Paul these places are gathered. We are helpers of God. etc. Which hath made us apt ministers of the new Testament. etc. And he appointed some Apostles and some Prophets. etc. In all which places both Christ and the Apostles spoke of the authority of many, which altogether are alleged for the authority of that universal Church.  
But for somuch as that Church being dispersed and scattered abroad, can not decree or ordain any thing: therefore of necessity it is to be said, that the chief and principal authority of the church, doth consist in the general Counsels, where as they assemble together. And therefore it was observed in the primative Church, that hard and weighty matters were not entreated upon, 
Weight is matters entreated but only in general counsels.  but only in the general counsels & congregations. The same is also found to be observed afterward. For when as the churches were divided, general counsels were holden. And in the Council of Nice, we do find the heresy of Arrius condemned. In the Council of Constantinople the heresy of Macedonius. In the Council of Ephesus, the heresy of Hestorius. In the Council of Chalcedon, 

The Pope not sufficient of himself to connince or judge heretics.  
The pope may err.   the heresies of Eutichius were also condemned: for somuch as they thought the judgement of the bishop of Rome, not to suffice to so great, & weighty matter, and also they thought, the sentence of the Council to be of greater force, than the sentence of the Pope, for somuch as he might err as a man, but the Council, wherein so many men were gathered together, being guided with the holy ghost, could not err. Also it is a very excellent saying of Martianus the Emperor, which serveth for that purpose, whose words are these: Truly he is to be counted a wicked and sacrilegious person, which after the sentence of so many good and holy men, will stick to withdraw any part of his opinion. For it is a point of mere madness, at the noon time & fair day light, to seek for a feigned light: for he which having found the truth, seeketh to discuss anything further, seeketh but after vanities and lies.  

Whether the pope may be deposed by the council or not.  Now I think it is evident enough unto all men, that the bishop of Rome is under the Council. Notwithstanding some do yet still doubt, whether he may also be deposed by the Council or not: For albeit it be proved that he is under the Council, yet for all that, will they not grant, that he may be also deposed by the Council. Wherefore, it shall be no digressing at all from our purpose, somewhat to say upon that matter: and first of all, to speak of these railers, which are yet so earnest for the defence of the Bishop of Rome: which being vanquished in one battle, still renew an other, and contend rather of obstinacy then of ignorance. They would have here recited again, that which we have before spoken, as touching the pre-eminence of the Bishop of Rome, or the patriarch. And as there are many of them more full of words then eloquent, they stay much of this point, where as Christ said unto Peter: Tibi d●bo claves regni coelorum. 
The places, Tibi dabo claves regni●exlorum. Pasce oves meas, make nothing for the pope's supremacy.  I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, & what soever thou shalt bind upon earth shallbe bound in heaven: as though by those words, he should be made head over the other. And again they do amplify it by this: Pasce oves meas: Feed my sheep, which they do not find to be spoken to any other of the apostles. And because it is said that Peter was the chief and the mouth of the Apostles, therefore they judge it well spoken, that no man shall judge the chief and principal sea: being all of this opinion with Boniface, which said the the Pope ought to be judged for no cause except he be perceived or known to swarm from the forth, although he do carry innumerable people with him, 
The Pope's supremacy confuted.  headlong into hell, there to be perpetually tormented: as though he could not open the kingdom of heaven to others, if any other could shut it against him, neither that he could feed other, if he himself lacked pasture.  
But we count these as things of no force or difficulty, For S. Augustine in the Sermon of the nativity of Peter and Paul, sayeth in this wise: Our Lord jesus Christ before his Passion, chose his disciples (as yet do know) whom he called brethren. Amongst those, Peter alone almost in every place represented the person of the Church, 
Peter representeth the person of the church, and not of the Pope. The keys given to the church and not to one man.  & therefore it was said unto him, Tibi dabo claves regni coelorum That is to say. Unto thee will I give the keys of the kingdom of heaven. These keys did he not receive as one man, but as one he received them for the Church. And in an other place, Where he writeth of the Christian agony, he saith: the keys of the kingdom of heaven were given unto the church: when as they were given unto Peter: And when as it was spoken unto him: Amas me? Pasce oves meas. That is to say. Lovest thou me? feed my sheep: it was spoken unto them all. And S. Ambrose in the beginning of his pastoral, saith which sheep and which flock, the blessed Apostle S. Peter took not charge of alone, but together with us, and we altogether with him. By which words the foundation and principal arguments of those flatterers, are utterly subverted and overthrown. For if Peter represented the person of the Church, we ought not to ascribe the force of these words unto Peter, but unto the Church. 
Pope Boniface erreth.  Neither do I see how that can stand, which Boniface doth affirm, for it is far distant from the truth, except it be understand otherwise then it is spoken.  
But it may peradventure seem a great thing unto some, that it is said, the Bishop of Rome to be the head of the Militant Church. For, as in the body of man, Philitions do never give council to cut of the head for any manner of sickness & disease, although it be never co●ul of vicers or infected: so in this mystical body of the church, the head ought always to be kept: and albeit it be never so wicked yet is it to be suffered and horn withal. But now convert this argument. 
The B. of Rome unproperly called the head of the Church.  If it were possible in the body of man, when one head is taken away, to find an other to put in his place, as we see it may be done in the Church, should not head then be oftentimes changed for divers diseases? Moreover, if we will thus reason, that the head of the church should be in respect of his body, as the head of man in respect of the body of man: then doth it necessarily follow that the head being dead the body must also die, as is manifest in the body of man: So should it grow into an absurdity to confess that the Pope being dead, the Church also should be dead: the which how far it dissenteth from the truth, it is most manifest. Therefore what soever other men say, I am not of opinion with them, which affirm the Bishop of Rome to be head of the Church, except peradventure they do make him the ministerial head: for we do read that Christ is the head of the Church and not the Pope: and that he is the true head immutable, perpetual, and everlasting, and the Church is his body, whereof the Pope himself is also a member and the vicar of Christ, not to the destruction but to the maintenance & edifying of the same body of Christ. 
The dote which say that the pope cannot be deposed for any other cause then for heresy.  Wherefore, if he be found a damnable destroyer of the Church, he may be deposed and cast out, because he doth not that he was ordained to do: and we ought, as Pope Leo sayeth, to be mindful of the commandment given us in the Gospel: that if our eye, our foot, or our right hand, do offend us, it should be cut of from the body. For the Lord sayeth in an other place: Every tree which bringeth not forth fruit, shall be cut down and cast into the fire. And in an other place also it is said unto us: take away all evil and wickedness from among you. It is very just and true, which is written in the Epistle of Clement unto james the brother of our Lord, that he which will be saved, aught to be separate from them which will not be saved.  
But for the more manifest declaration hereof, we must have recourse to that which is spoken by the Lord, in the Gospel of john: I am the true vine saith the Lord, and my father is the husbandman, and ye are the branches: every branch therefore that bringeth not forth fruit in me, my father will cut off. 
Fruitless branches are to be cut of.  These words were spoken unto the Apostles, amongst whom also Peter was present, whom the Lord would have cut off, if he brought not forth his fruit. Also S. Jerome upon these words of matthew: unsavoury salt is profitable for nothing, 
If the pope be unsavoury salt, he is to be cast away.  but to be cast forth and trodden of swine. Whereupon in the person of Peter and Paul, he saith thus: It is no easy matter to stand in the place of Peter and Paul, and to keep the chair of them which reign with Christ. This unsavoury salt, that is to say a foolish Prelate, unsavoury in preaching, and foolish in offending, is good for nothing, but to be cast forth, that is to say deposed, and to be trodden of swine, that is of wicked spirits, which have dominion over the wicked and naughty Prelates, as their own flock and herd. Behold, this testimony of Jerome is plain and evident. Let him be cast out saith he.  
He expoundeth and speaketh it of the Prelate, which usurpeth the place of Peter, 
A note for all naughty prelates.  and so consequently of the bishop of Rome, who being unsavoury in preaching, and foolish in offending, ought to be deposed (as Jerome affirmeth) from his degree and dignity. Neither as some do dream, is he to be deposed for heresy only. Isidorus in the book of Counsels, 
The words of ● Peter to Clement.  rehearseth a certain epistle of Clement the successor of Peter written unto james the Apostle, whereas the said Clement referring the words of Peter unto himself, sayeth thus: If thou be occupied with worldly cares, thou shalt both deceive thyself, & those which shall give ear unto thee: for thou canst not fully distribute unto every man, those things which pertain unto salvation: whereby it shall come to pass, that thou as a man for not teaching those things which pertain unto salvation, shalt be deposed, & thy disciples shall perish through ignorance. notwithstanding in an other place, in stead of this word deposed, it is found thou shalt be punished: which 2. words, if they be well understood, do not much differ, for deposition is oftentimes used in the place of punishment. But peradventure some will here object, that this Epistle is not to be judged Clements, because it is said to be written unto james, who as the Ecclesiastical history affirmeth, was dead before that Peter was put to death. 
The epistle of Clement to james doubted.  But Clement might think that james was alive when as he wrote: which were far distant a sunder, and messengers of the christians, came not often unto Rome. Moreover, there is mention made of this Epistle in divers places of the decrerals, as most true, and therefore it shallbe nothing from the purpose, to rehearse other sayings out of the same Epistle, where he saith, that he which liveth rebelliously, and refuseth both to learn and to do good, is rather a member of the devil, then of Christ, and doth show himself rather to be an infidel, than a faithful Christian. Upon which words, the gloze which Panormitane calleth singular, 
The pope may and aught to be both accused & punished for ill doing.  & is much allowed, sayeth, that if the crime or offence of the bishop of Rome be notorious, whereby the Church is offended, if he be incorrigible, he may be accused thereof. If then he may be accused, Ergo also he may be punished, and according to the exigent of the fault deposed: Otherwise he should be accused in vain.  

Whether the pope may be deposed by the counsel or no.  Now is there no more any place of defence left for our adversaries, but that the Pope may be deposed: Notwithstanding it is not yet evident whether he may be deposed by that council or no, which we now take in hand to discourse. And first of all, the adversaries will grant this unto us, that the Bishop of Rome may be deposed by the Church, for somuch as the Pope being the vicar of the Church, no man doubteth, 
The pope is rather to be called the vicar of the Church, then of Christ.  but that a Lord may put out his vicar at his will & pleasure, neither is to be doubted but that the Pope is more truly called the vicar of the church, then of christ. But if the church may depose the pope: Ergo the council also may do the same. Also the gloze which Panormitane in his writing doth so greatly commend, hath this sentence: that the general council is judge over the pope in all cases. Likewise the most sacred Synod of Constantinople, which is allowed of all men, doth appoint the bishops of Rome to be under the judgement of the council: and the council to judge and determine of every doubtful matter or question that doth arise, concerning the bishop of Rome. Neither let any man doubt hereof, because this word deposition is not mentioned: for it is said, of every doubtful matter or question: For if the Synod do judge of every doubt: Ergo it shall also judge, whether the pope shallbe deposed or no: for that may also come in doubt. And because we will not seek examples far of, john 23. Whom all the world did reverence, was deposed of his Papacy by the Council of Constance. Neither yet was he condemned for any heresy: but because he did offend the Church by his manifold crimes, the sacred Synod thought good to depose him: 
Pope john 23. deposed and yet for no heresy.  and ever since continually, the church hath proceeded by like example, that their opinion might cease, which affirm that the Pope cannot be deposed but only for heresy.  
But here is yet one thing not to be omitted, that certain men do affirm the general Counsels to be of no effect, except the Pope do call and appoint them, and his authority remain with them. Whereupon they said that Dioscorus did rebuke Paschasius the bishop of Cicili, and legate of Pope Leo, because that he did enterprise without the authority of the Apostolic Sea, to call a Council at Ephesus. They also allege an other testimony of the Synod of Chalcedone: whereas, when mention was made of the Council of Ephesus, all the Bishops cried out, saying: we ought not to call it a Council, 
Whether councils may be congregated without the authority of the Pope.  because it was neither gathered by the apostolic authority, neither rightly kept. By the which authorities, they which say that the Counsels cannot be holden without the consent of the Pope, do think themselves marvelously armed. Whose sentence & opinion, if it take place and prevail as they desire, it shall bring with it the great ruin and decay of the Church. For what remedy shall we find, 
They err that say the Pope ought only to appoint the councils. Mark wherefore the pope's will have no general council.  if that a wicked Pope do disturb the whole Church, destroy souls, seduce the people by his evil examples, if finally he preach contrary unto the faith and fill the people full of heresies, shall we provide no stay or stop for him? Shall we suffer all things to run to ruin and decay with him? Who would think that the bishop of Rome would congregate a council for his own correction or deposition? for as men are prone unto sin, so would they also sin without punishment. But when as I do peruse ancient histories, and the Acts of the Apostles, I do not find this order, that counsels should be gathered only at the will of the Pope: 
The first council of the apostles.  for the first Council of all, after that Mathias was substitute in the place of judas, was not congregate at the commandment of Peter, but at the commandment of Christ, who commanded the Apostles that they should not departed from jerusalem, but look for the promise of the father.  
The second Council as touching the election of the deacons, 
The 2. council of the Apostles.  Peter alone did not congregate, but the 12. Apostles: for it is written. The 12. Apostles calling together the multitude. etc.  
The third Council, 
The 3. council of the Apostles.  which was holden as touching the taking away of circumcision & other ceremonies of the law, was gathered together by a general inspiration: for it is written: The Apostles and Elders came together. etc.  
The fourth Council, 
The 4. council of the Apostles.  whereas certain things contained in the law are permitted, seemeth to be gathered by james, & so discoursing throughout all, there can nothing be found in the primative Church, whereby it should appear that the authority of congregating of Counsels should pertain only unto Bishops of Rome. Neither alterwards in the time of Constantinus Magnus, and other Emperors, was the consent of the bishops of Rome greatly required to the congregating of Counsels, and therefore it is written thus of the Synod of Chalcedon: The sacred and universal Synod gathered together at Chalcedone the chief City of the province of Berthunia, 
General councils in times past congregated by Emperors & not by pope's. If the greater part of the Church do consent, a council may be held whether the Pope will or no.  according unto the grace of God, & the sanctions of the most godly and Christian Emperors Valentinian and Martian, doth not make any mention of the Bishop of Rome, although his consent were there.  
Wherefore, if the pope would resist, and would have no Council congregate, yet if the greater part of the Church do judge it necessary to have a Council, the Council may be congregate whether the Pope will or no. The Council holden at Pisa, was not congregate by the authority and consent of any Pope, when as Gregory did condemn it, and Benedict cursed it. The same also may be said of the Council of Constance, which was assembled by the authority of Pope john, who in respect of the Spaniards was no true Pope. And if the Council of Pisa were no true Council, Pope john was no true Pope: whereupon his consent to the congregating of the Council of Constance, was of no effect. Moreover it is more than folly to affirm, that when the pope hath once given his consent, if it should be called back, that the Council should then cease, for than it is no more in his power to revoke his consent: And of necessity he must be obedient unto the Council, whereof he is a member, 
How the Pope is a schismatic  and give place unto the greater part: and if he separate himself from the consent of the greater part, and departed from the unity of the Church, he maketh himself a Schismatic.  
Now, to come unto the second conclusion, if it be true, as it is in deed, that the Pope is under the Council, how can the Pope then dissolve, altar and transport the Council, against the will of the same? For with what countenance can we say, that the inferior hath power over the superior? How can the Synod correct the Pope, 
The Pope can not dissolve a general council against the will of the same.  if the Pope may dissolve the Synod contrary to the will thereof? Admit that the Pope be libidinous, covetous, a sour of war and discord, and a most mortal enemy unto the Church, and the name of Christ, how can the Council reprove, him, if he have authority to dissolve the Council? For assoon as ever that the bishop of Rome shall understand that in the Council they do entreat or talk of his correction or punishment, straightways he will seek remedy by dissolving the Council. For as Macrobius saith: he that hath liberty to do more than is fit or necessary, 
The saying of Macrobius.  will oftentimes do more than is lawful. If so be that the Bishop of Rome may exempt himself from correction by dissolving or transporting the Council, it followeth that the Council is not above him. Therefore we must either deny that which is aforesaid, that the Pope is under the Council, or else deny that the Pope hath power to dissolve the Council, contrary to the will and determination of the Council.  
And as this first conclusion is most true, so are all other conclusions false, which seem to impugn the same. Wherefore the second conclusion of the divines is also manifest: albeit that some do admit it in certain cases, and in other some exclude it again. 
Whether the pope in certain cases may dissolve the council.  For if we do admit, that for certain causes the Pope may dissolve the Council contrary to the will and determination thereof, that is to say, to make the Pope judge of the Council, it were clean contrary unto the first conclusion.  
Now it is proved that the council is above the Pope, & can not be dissolved by the Pope without consent thereof. Now we must further see, whether it be an Article of our faith to believe it: Which matter hath respect unto the third conclusion. For there have been many, which all beit they did confess these two conclusions to be true, yet they doubted whether it were a verity of the Catholic faith or no. Therefore this second part must be confirmed. And we must see whether it be an article of faith that the Pope be under the council. Which being proved, it shall also appear to be an article of faith, that the pope can not dissolve the council without the consent thereof. Which consequent none of the contrary part hath refused. First of all therefore we must inquire what faith is, that we may thereby the better understand, what pertaineth thereunto.  

The definition of faith  Faith, as the Divines do define it, is a firm and steadfast cleaving unto things, believed by the authority of him that speaketh. If then we believe as is aforesaid, that the Pope of Rome is under the council, some authority doth move us thereunto: so is it the faith of him which believeth it: but the question is not whether it be an Article of faith only, but whether it be an Article of the Catholic faith. Wherefore we must again inquire what the Catholic faith is. This word catholic is a Greek word, and signifieth universal. 
The definition of the catholic faith.  The catholic faith, that is to say the universal faith, is not so called because that every man holdeth it, but because every man ought to believe it. For all men do not believe that God is incarnate, but every man ought so to believe. And albeit the many be against this faith, yet doth it not cease to be universal. For what writeth the Apostle unto the Romans? 
Rom. 3.  If some of them hath not believed, doth their misbelief make the faith of God vain? God forbidden. Verily God is true, but every man is a liar. Therefore to believe that the pope is under the council, 
Catholic what it is.  is a point of the Catholic faith, although some think the contrary: for we are bound to believe it, for somuch as it is taken out of the Gospel. For we are not bound only to believe those things which are noted to us in the Crede, but also all those things which are contained in the holy Scriptures, whereof we may not deny one jot. And those things which we allege for the superiority of the general Council, are gathered out of the sayings of our Saviour jesus Christ, and the Epistles of S. Paul: Ergo, we are all bound to believe it. And to prove that these things are taken out of the gospel, the council of Constance doth witness, the which groundeth his authority upon these words: Dic Ecclesiae, that is to say, tell it unto the Church. And, where 2. or 3. are gathered together in my name. etc. And, whatsoever ye shall bind etc. with other such like texts.  

The council of Constance Vid. supra. pag. 650.  Whereupon Pope Martin the 4. being yet at Constance, under the licence of the Council, sent out his bulls, which do reckon up the Articles, whereupon they ought to be examined, which had fallen into any heresy, amongst the which articles he putteth this article: Whether he do believe the sacred general Council to have power immediately from God, and that the ordinances thereof are to be received of all faithful Christians, which if any man would deny, he should be counted an heretic. Wherefore, when as the sacred Synod of Constance, doth set forth this verity, as touching the superiority of the general Council, what should let but that we also should confess the same to be a verity of the Catholic faith? For the catholic church being congregate at Constance, received that faith, that is to say, believed it by the authority of him which spoke it, that is Christ and his Saints.  

The words of the council of Chalcedon, where by he is declared an heretic that holdeth any opinion contrary to the council.  To this purpose also serveth very well the words of the synod of Chalcedon written in this manner: It is not lawful for him that is condemned by the whole Synod to nominate any Bishop. The determination pleaseth all men. This is the faith of the fathers. He that holdeth any opinion contrary unto this, is an heretic. And again it is a rule, that it is not lawful to appeal from the elect and chosen Synod.  
Mark the manifest witness of this most sacred Synod, which said that he is an heretic, which holdeth any opinion contrary unto the Council: But he is no heretic, except he refuse the Catholic faith: Ergo, it was the Catholic faith to believe that it was not lawful to appeal from the sacred Council. But how was the same any point of the Catholic faith? Verily for somuch as the sacred Synod perusing over the holy Scriptures, hath received this conclusion out of the words of Christ and other holy fathers. And like as the Synod of Chalcedon took their conclusion out of the holy scriptures, so did the Council of Constance, this which we now reason upon. And like as the one is an Article of the Catholic faith, so is the other also. And he which holdeth any opinion contrary to either of both, is an heretic.  
Furthermore, they seem unto me to dream and dote, which confessing them to be vexities, will not confess them to be verities of faith. For if they be verities, I pray you whereof are they verities? 
Panormitan is noted and very well nipped by his own supposition.  Truly not of Grammar, much less of Logic, and from Astronomy and Physic they are far distant. Neither is there any other man but a divine, that will grant this verity, whom Scripture doth force unto it of necessity, if he do believe Christ or his Apostles. Therefore this is a verity of the Catholic faith which all men ought to embrace, and he which obstinately resisteth against the same, is to be judged an heretic, as the third conclusion doth affirm. Neither let any man think it hard or cruel, that he should be called an heretic which goeth about to derogate any thing from the power of the general Council, which is confirmed by so many testimonies and authorities. Also Panormitan allegeth S. Jerome, saying: He which understandeth the scripture otherwise then the consent of the holy Ghost doth require, albeit he do not departed from the Church, may be called an heretic.  
Whereupon it followeth that he which upon the words of Christ saying unto Peter, 
Tell the church that is to say, the general council.  Dic Ecclesiae. i. Tell it unto the Church, doth not understand by the Church the general Council, understandeth it otherwise then the sense of the holy Ghost doth require, and there by may be noted as an heretic. And to prove that the sense of the holy Ghost is otherwise then he doth judge it, the council of Constance, doth declare: The which interpreting those words, Dic Ecclesiae. i. Tell it unto the church, spoken by the holy Ghost, understandeth them to be spoken of the general council. By these and many other weightier reasons, the 3. aforesaid conclusions, seemed true unto the Divines, & through them they also allowed the residue.  
Now have we suffiently said, as touching that which was before promised: neither do I think any man now to be in doubt of these 3. first conclusions. Now to return again unto our story, it is our purpose to declare those things which happened after the conclusions of the Divines: for there are many things worthy of remembrance, which also may happily be profitable unto the posterity.  
When the disputation was ended and a final conclusion of these matters even at hand, the Archbish. of Milan and Panormitane with the residue of their fellow ambassadors of the king of Arragon, and duke of Willam, armed themselves with all their power to let the matter, exhorting all men of their faction to withstand it with stout and valiant stomachs.  
And first of all, 
The Bishop of Burgen.  assoon as the congregation was assembled together, the bishop of Burgen exhorted them to defer the conclusion, & to tarry for the Ambassadors of other Princes, which would return from Mentz.  
After him Panormitane with a grave and Rhetorical Oration, 
Panormitanes oration.  spoke (in a manner) as followeth.  
I have (said he) had a commandment by the prophet, to cry without ceasing: Which prophet said: Cry out, cease not, lift up thy voice as a trumpet. If that in any matter at any time before, he ought to have cried, this matter specially which is now in hand lacketh crying and roaring out, when as the state of the universal church is entreated upon, either to be preserved, or utterly overthrown: and that he hath cried so much in this matter, that he doubted not, but the saying of David was fulfilled in him, where he sayeth: Laboravi clamans, raucae sunt factae fauces meae. I have laboured, crying out, that my jaws are become hoarse.  
notwithstanding that he would both now, 
Four things to be considered in every request.  and as often as need should require, without ceasing still cry out, and specially now in this most difficult and weighty matter: where in he required the sacred Council gently to hear both him, and the Ambassadors of other Princes: adding moreover four things to be considered in all requests made of any man. The which he also required the fathers now presently, to mark & consider. Who it is that maketh the request. What is required. Why it should be required, and what effect would come by the request either granted, or denied. As touching the first point he said: The most noble kings and excellent Princes with their prelate's to be of great power: and then reckoned up that king of Castill, the king of Arrogon, the Duke of Milan, and the Bishops of the same Princes, rehearsing also the merits & good deeds of the said kings, & also of the duke of Milan. But when as he came to make mention of the prelate's, he could not restrain himself, but began to wax somewhat hot, saying that the greatest number of Prelates were on his part. For if the Bishops and Abbots were counted, it were not to be doubted, but the greatest part of them would have this present matter deferred: and forsomuch as the whole power of the council doth consist in the Bishops, it is not to be suffered, that they being neglected and contemned, that should be concluded which pleased the greater part of the inferiors: For the keys (said he) were given to the Apostles, & to their successors which are the Bishops: also, that there are three kinds of Synods, Episcopal, Provincial, and General, and none of all these without Bishops.  
Wherefore the manner and order of the present Council seemed undecent, whereas things were not weighed according as men excel in dignity, 
Panormitane would have dignity to be considered in council & not voices.  but by most voices: Notwithstanding according to the most famous Epistle of Clement, the Bishops were the pillars and keys of heaven, and the inferiors had no determining voice, but only a consultative voice with them: wherefore there would be a great offence in this behalf, if a matter of faith should be determined without the bishops: in which matter not only the bishops, but also the secular Princes ought to be admitted. And for so much as they, in the name of their princes, desired to be admitted to the examination of this present matter, and would examine the matter more fully, he complained greatly how unworthy a thing it was that they should be contemned or despised.  
After many things spoken to this end & effect, he passed over to the second part of his Oration, declaring what it was that he required: not gold, nor silver, neither precious stones, 
Panormitane seemeth to delay the process against the pope.  neither provinces nor kingdoms, neither a thing hard to be done: but that only the delay of the sacred council was required, & that the fathers would stay in the process against the Pope, and in the conclusion and determination of matters which are now in hand. Neither should the delay be long, but only until the return of the Ambassadors from Mentz, whom he knew well would return very shortly. That this was but a small matter, and to be small entreaty, because there was no danger in it. And also it should seem injurious, not to tarry for the Ambassadors of the Princes which were then at Mentz, when as they were not absent for their own private commodity, but about the affairs of the common wealth, and the commodity of peace: neither had he forgotten, that at their departure they had desired, that during their absence, there should be nothing renewed concerning the matters of Eugenius.  
Then immediately adjoining the third part of his Oration, wherefore this delay was required, 
The 3. part of Panormitans oration.  he concluded, that it was not required for the private commodity of any one man, but for a common wealth: not to cause any trouble or unquietness, but for the better examination of the matter, that all things might pass with peace and quietness, that the matter might be somuch the more firm and stable, by how much it is ratified & allowed by the consent of many. And so he proceeded to the last part of his argument, requiring the fathers that they would consider and weigh in their minds the effect that would follow, if they should grant or deny this request. For (saith he) if ye shall deny this small petition of the Princes, they all will be aggrieved therewith, and take this repulse in ill part. They will say, they are contemned of you, neither will they be obedient unto you, or receive your decrees. In vain shall ye make laws except the Princes do execute them, and all your decrees shall be but vain: 
Persuasions of Panormitane.  yet would I think this to be borne withal, if I did not fear greater matters to ensue. What if they should join themselves with Eugenius, who not only desireth to spoil you of your livings, but also of your lives. Alas, what slaughter and murder do the eyes of my mind behold and see? Would God my opinion were but vain. But if you do grant and consent unto their petitions, they will think themselves bound unto you: they will receive and embrace your decrees, and whatsoever you shall require of them shall be obtained. They will forsake your adversary, they will speak evil of him and abhor him: but you they will commend and praise, you they will reverence: unto you they will wholly submit themselves, and then shall follow that most excellent fruit of reformation and tranquillity of the church. And thus he required the matter to be respited on all parts. At the last he said, that except the Ambassadors of the Princes were heard, he had a protestation, written, which he would command to be read before them all.  
When Panormitan had made an end of his Oration, Lodovicus the protonotary of Rome rose up, 
The praise of Lodovicus the prothonotary.  a man of such singular wit and memory, that he was thought not to be inferior unto any of the famous men afore time. In so much that he had always in memory whatsoever he had heard or red, and never forgot any thing that he had seen. This man first commending Panormitane, said that he came but the day before from the haths, & that it seemed unto him a strange thing which was now brought in question: wherein he desired to hear other men's minds, and also to be heard of others, and that those prelate's which were at Mentz should be tarried for, to be present at the discussing of this matter, in the name and behalf of their Princes, which prelate's were men of great estimation, and the Orators of most mighty Princes.  
He allowed also the saying of Panormitane touching the voices of the inferiors, 
Bishop's only to have determining voice in councils.  that it seemeth not to be against the truth, that only Bishops should have a deciding or determing voice in Counsels. And all be it that some in this disputation do think that, which is written in the 15. chapter of the Acts, to be their force or defence: notwithstanding he was nothing moved therewith, nor took it to be of any effect, albeit it was said: It seemed good unto the holy Ghost and to us, where as both the Apostles and the elders were gathered together: whereby it appeared: that the others had a deciding voice with the Apostles. For he said, that there was no argument to be gathered of the Acts of the Apostles, whose examples were more to be marveled at, then to be followed: and that it doth not appear there, that the Apostles called the Elders of duty, but that it is only declared that they were there present: whereupon nothing could be inferred. And that it seemed unto him, that the inferiors in the Council of basil, were admitted to determine with the Bishops but of grace and favour only, because the Bishops may communicate their authority unto others. He alleged for testimony, the bishop of Cancen, a man of great authority, who would not suffer any incorporation or fellowship of the meaner sort, and therefore, neither any inferior, neither himself, which as yet was not made Bishop, to have any deciding voice in the council. Wherefore, for somuch as the matter was weighty, which was now in hand, and that the Bishops spoke against it, he required the Council that they would of necessity stay and tarry for the Ambassadors of the Princes coming from Mentz.  
His Oration was so much the more grievous, 
It is no marvel why he alleged no more or better matter for of naughty Leather no man can make a good shoe. And note here how God with draweth his gifts when men dissemble & cloak the truth.  in that many were touched with his words, and specially in that point, that he said, the apostles were not to be followed: for that all men did impugn as a blasphemy. But here a man may marvel, that a man of such excellency, alleged no more or better matter. But in this point the memory of the man is to be pardoned, which did not willingly speak in this matter, and desired nothing somuch, as not to obtain that which he entreated for. After him many other spoke their minds, but all to this end that they might protract the time and defer the conclusion of these matters.  
THen Lodovicus the Cardinal Arelatensis, a man of marvelous constancy, & borne for the governance of general counsels, gathering together the words of all the orators, spoke in this wise: Most reverend fathers, this is no new or strange business, nor begon to day or yesterday. For it is now many weeks ago, since the conclusions were disputed upon amongst the divines, & sent unto Mentz, and to all other parts of the world. After this, they were disputed upon 6. days continually, and fully discussed, and after that not without great delay approved by the deputies, and as the truth seeketh no corners, 
Truth seeketh no corners.  so all things were done publicly and openly. Neither can any man pretend ignorance, neither are the Prelates or Princes contemned: For we called all that were present at basil, and exhorted all the rest for to be present. And for somuch as mention is made of the most noble King of Castle: who is it that is ignorant, that the king's Orators were there present? The bishop of Burgen and Ebrun, men of singular learning and eloquence, and you also Panormitane yourself, which here represent the person of the most famous king of Arragon, were twice present yourself in the chapter house, and disputed twice most subtly, and twice declared your mind, what you thought in that matter. What do you desire any more? Also out of the territory of that Duke of Milan, there was present the Archbish. of Milan, who albeit, he be no Ambassador, yet how famous a Prelate he is, you are not ignorant. When he had spoken these words, the Archbishop being somewhat moved, said unto him. 
The patience and answer of Arelatensis.  My Lord Cardinal, you supply the room of a precedent no better, than I do the place of a Duke's Orator, and began to taunt him with many words. But the Cardinal, (as he was a man most patient: and would not be provoked to anger by no means) said: this is it that I even now desired. For if the Archb. be an Ambassador, then hath the Duke no cause to complain, which had his Orator present at the discussing of those matters.  
I pass over other Princes, because they do not complain. notwithstanding the most Christian King of France, had there the Bishop of Lions, a grave and sober man, his Ambassador at the disputation. As for other princes, I see no cause why they should be tarried for, which knowing the council to be congregate for such matters as pertain unto faith, do not think it absurd, that the doubtful matters of faith should be declared in the Council: Whereunto, if they had been willing to come, they would have been present or this.  
Why this matter should need so much discussing, as some will have, I do not understand. For if I be well remembered, Panormitane and also Ludovicus, have oftentimes affirmed in this place, even the very same thing which the conclusions signify. And if any of them now will go about to gainsay it, it will happen unto them, as it did unto Didimus. To whom, when as on a time, he repugned against a certain history, 
Didimus reprehended that which was in his own book found.  as vain and frivolous, his own book was delivered unto him, wherein the same was written: So likewise these two men (meaning Panormitane & Ludovicus the protonotary) Although they be excellently learned, & eloquent: yet may they be confuted by their own writings. Besides this: there are synodal Epistles and decrees of this Council, 
He meaneth Panormitane, and Lodovicus the protonotary.  which are full of such conclusions. What is it then whereupon any difficulty can be raised? What is it that may be impugned? Shall we now bring that again in doubt, which hath so often been declared, affirmed, and decreed? But (say they) the princes & Ambassadors are absent which are bishops by whose presence the decrees should be of more authority. Well, they are not only absent which are gone to Mentz: but almost an infinite number of others, dispersed throughout the whole world: whom if we should tarry to look for, nothing at any time should be decreed. They are all called unto the council: they might have come if they would. To those that are present power is given, and they ought to debate these matters. If any man will say, that they which are absent, are about the affairs of the common wealth: truly we sent them not thither, but they went rather against the will of the Council, then with the consent thereof.  
And admit that they had been sent by the Council: yet were not our power so much restrained, but that we might reform the Church, for otherwise there should never any thing be done in the Council: for somuch as always some are sent out by the Council, and some are always to be looked and tarried for, and therefore we must either do nothing at all, or send out no Prelates from the Council. Where as he said that Prelates and specially Bishops are contemned, that is most far from the truth, for they have the chief and first places. They speak first, and give their voices first of all unto all things: and if so be they do speak learnedly and truly, all the inferiors without any gaynesaying, did soon follow their mind.  
Neither peradventure shall it be found untrue, that there was never any Synod: which did more amplify the power & authority of Bishops than this. For what have the bishops been in our days, but only shadows? Might they not well have been called shepherds without the sheep? What had they more than their mitre and their staff, when as they could determine nothing over their subjects verily in the primitive Church, the Bishops had the greatest power & authority: but now was it come to that point that they exceeded the common sort of priests only in their habit and revenues? But we have restored them again to their old state, 
Mark, O ye Bishops, the council of basil contendeth for you and ye will not understand it.  we have reduced the collation of benefices again unto them: we have restored unto them the confirmation of elections: we have brought again the causes of the subjects to be heard, into their hands: & have made them bishops which were none before. What cause is there then, that the Bishops should say, they are contemned of the Council? Or what injurious thing have we at any time done unto them? But Parnormitan saith, that forsomuch as most bishops are on his part, and few against him, the conclusion is not to be determined by the multitude of the inferiors, but let Panormitan remember himself, that this is no new kind of proceeding.  
This order of proceeding, the Council ordained from the beginning, neither hath it been changed at any time since. And this order Panormitan, in times past hath pleased you well enough, when as the multitude did follow your mind. But now, because they do not follow your mind, 
This was a ● true Cardinal: out of whose mouth the verity did speak, which feared not the threatenings of princes, neither sought any worldly glory or dignity.  they do displease you. But the decrees of the Counsels are not so mutable, as the wills of men. Know ye moreover, that the very same bishops which do consent with you in word and do not consent with you in mind, neither spoke the same secretly, which they now do openly. They do fear that which you told them at home in their country, that except they would follow your mind, they should displease the king. They fear the power of the Prince, & to be spoiled of their temporalties: neither have they free liberty to speak as is requisite in Counsels. Albeit if they were true Bishops, & true pastors of souls, they would not doubt to put their lives in venture for their sheep, neither be afeard to shed their blood for their mother the Church.  
But at this present (the more is the pity) it is to rare to find a Prelate in this world, 
Mark what worldly pomp, dignity and wealth had brought the prelate's to in those days.  which doth not prefer his temporalities before his spiritualties: with the love whereof, they are so withdrawn, that they study rather to please Princes then God, and confess God in corners, but Princes they will openly confess. Of whom the Lord speaketh in his Gospel. Every one saith he, that confesseth me before men. I will confess him before my father which is in heaven. 
Note here the great godliness & most christian saying of this good Bishop. Truth many times dwelleth under the ragged cloak. Steven the first martyr.  And contrariwise the Lord will not confess him before his father which is afeard to confess the Lord before men. Neither is it true which Panormitan saith, most bishops to be on his part, for here are many bishops proctor's whom he doth not reckon, because they are not of his opinion. Neither is the dignities of the fathers, to be respected in the Council, as he saith, but only reason, nor anyething more to be looked for then the truth: neither will I for my part, prefer a lie of any bishop, be he never so rich before a verity or truth of a poor priest. Neither ought a bishop to disdain, if he be rude or unlearned, that the multitude doth not follow him, or that the voice of a poor learned and eloquent priest should be preferred before his. For wisdom dwelleth oftener under a bare and ragged cloak, then in rich ornaments and apparel.  
Wherefore I pray you my Lord bishops, do not so much contemn your inferiors, for the first which died for Christ the which also opened unto all other the way of martyrdom, was no bishop but only a Levite. As for that which Ludovicus and Panormitane do allege touching the voices of Bishops, I know not where they have it. Wherefore I desire them that they would tell me, 
Note the fin●etitie ritie of this good Bishop, which stayed himself upon the examples of the primitive church, & not upon customs & pope's.  where they have found it. But if we repeat the examples of old counsels, we shall find that the inferiors were always present with the Bishops. And albeit that Ludovicus do forbidden us the examples of the apostles, I stay myself most upon their doings For what is more comely for us to follow, than the doctrine & customs of the primitive Church? It is said therefore in the 15. chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, it seemed good unto the holy ghost and to us. The which word (to us) is referred unto them which are before named, the Apostles and the Elders. Neither this word, (it seemed good) signifieth in this place consultation, but decision and determination, whereby it appeareth, that other beside that bishops had determining voices. In an other place also of the said Acts, when as the apostles should entreat upon any weighty matter, they durst not determine by themselves, but the xii. called together the multitude.  
Here Ludovicus saith, that it doth not appear that the Apostles called other of necessity: but I say unto him, how knowest thou that they did not call them of necessity? But for so much as both parts are uncertain: nothing doth prohibit us to follow the Apostles. For seeing that all things were written for our learning, it appeareth that the Apostles would give us example, that in weighty matters we should admit our inferiors. And therefore in all Counsels which were celebrate & holden afterwards, 
Athanasius being but a priest, and no Bishop, vanquished an Archb.  we find that Priests were also present: as in the Council of Nice, which of all other was most famous, Athanasius being then but only a priest, withstood the Arrians, and infringed their arguments: Albeit there were also other priests. And albeit mention be made of 322. bishops, yet is not denied, but that the inferiors were there, whom I think to be omitted for this cause, for that they were almost innumerable: for as you know well enough, the denomination for the most part, is taken of the most worthy.  
In the Synod of Chalcedon (which was counted one of the four principal Synods) it is said that there were present 600. priests: 
The name of priests or elders common both to Bishops and priests.  the which name is common both unto bishops and Priests. In other Counsels the name both of Bishops and Priests is omitted, & mention made only of Fathers, which hath the same signification the this word Elders had in the acts of the Apostles. We have also a testimony of the ecclesiastical history, 
Paul Bishop of Antioch.  how that there was a Council gathered of Rome of lx. Bishops, and as many Priests & Deacons against the Novations which called themselves Cathari. Also, when Paul the Bishop of Antioch, in the time of Galiene the Emperor, preached that Christ was a man of common nature, the Council assembled against him in Antioch: whereunto there came Bishops out of Cesaria, Capadotia, out of Pontus, Asia, and from jerusalem, and many other Bishops, Priests and Deacons: and it is said that for that cause the Council was often holden.  
And at the last, in the same place, under Aurelius the Emperor Paul was condemned of all Christian Churches which were under heaven: neither was there any man, which did more confound the said Paul, than Malchiona Priest of Antioch, which taught Rhetoric in Antioch. But to make no long digression from the matter, we have most evident testimonies, 
Paul the heretic with his godly eloquence. S. Augustine's mind upon this sentence, Tibi dabo claves regni caelorum.  for the defence of the inferiors. For the chief and principal amongst all the Divines S. Austen upon the words of Matthew, where as Christ saith unto Peter: I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, saith that by those words, the judicial power was given, not only unto Peter, but also to the other Apostles and to the whole Church the bishops and Priests. If then Priests have a judicial power in the church, what should jet that they have not also a determining voice in the counsels? The famous Doctor S. Jerome doth also agree with S. Austen, whose words are these upon the Epistle of Paul unto Titus. Before that difference was made in Religion by the instigation of the devil, or that it was spoken amongst the people, I hold of Paul, I of Apollo, & I of Cephas, the Churches were governed by the common consent and Council of the Priests: for a priest is the very same that a bishop is. Wherefore all Bishops ought to understand, 
Bishops are of greater power than priests rather by custom, than dispensation of truth.  that they are of greater power than Priests, rather by custom then by the dispensation of the truth of God and that they ought to rule the church together. And this we do also gather out of Paul unto Titus, which maketh so much concordance between bishops and priests, that oftentimes he calleth priests Bishops, whereby it doth evidently appear, that priests are not to be excluded from the conventions of bishops, and determinations of matters. And albeit as S. Hierom writeth, that bishops only by custom are preferred before Priests, it may be, that a contrary custom may take away that custom. 
Bishops and priests ought to rule the church together  For if priests ought to rule the church together with the bishops, it is evident that it also pertaineth unto them to decide and determine the doubtful matters of the Church.  
Wherefore the testimony of S. Paul is evident: for (as he writing unto the Ephesians saith:) If Christ instituted his Apostles, Prophets, Pastors, and Teachers to the work of the ministry, for the edifying of his Church until such time as we should meet him, for this purpose that there should be no doubt in the diversity of doctrine, who doubteth then, but that the governance of the Church is committed unto others together with the Apostles? Let these our champions now hold their peace, and seem to be no wiser than they ought to be. The memorial of the council of Constance, is yet fresh in memory, whereas divers of us were present, and I myself also which was neither Cardinal nor bishop, but only a Doctor, where I did see, 
Aeneas silvius.  without any manner of doubt of difficulty, the inferiors to be admitted with the bishops, to the deciding of hard & doubtful matters. Neither ought we to be ashamed to follow the example of that most sacred and great Council which also followeth the examples of the Council of Pisa and the great Council at Lateran, wherein it is not to be doubted, but that the Priests did jointly judge together with the bishops.  

Note that Abbots were not instituted by Christ. Italy surmounteth all other nations in number of Bishops.  Moreover, if Abbots, as we do see it observed in all Counsels, have a determining voice, which notwithstanding were not instituted by Christ: why should not priests have the same, whose order Christ ordained by his Apostles? Hereupon also, if one bishops should have a determining voice, nothing should be done, but what pleased that Italian nation, the which alone doth exceed all other nations, or at the least is equal with them, in number of bishops And howsoever it be, I judge it in this behalf to be a work of God, that the inferiors should be admitted to the determinations: for God hath now revealed that unto little ones which he hath hidden from the wise.  
Behold you do see the zeal, constancy, uprightness, and magnanimity of these inferiors. Where should the council now be, if only bishops and Cardinals should have their voice? Where should the authority of the Counsels be? Where should the Catholic faith be? Where should the decrees and reformation be? For all things have now a long time been under the will of Eugenius, and he had now obtained his wicked & naughty purpose, except these inferiors, whom you now contemn, had withstand him. These are they which have contemned the privation made by Eugenius. 
Note the terrible persecution of those days and the great constancy of the godly, for the truths sake.  These I say, are they which have not regarded his threatenings, spoil and persecution. These are they which being taken, imprisoned, & tormented: have not feared to defend the truth of the Council, yea even these are they, who albeit they were by Eugenius delivered over for a pray, yet would they still continue in the sacred council, and feared not to to suffer war, famine, & most cruel pestilence: and finally what thing is it, that these men have not willingly suffered for the right and equity of the council? you might have heard this inferior sort even in the midst of their tribulations, with a loud voycr cry out and say, albeit that all men become obedient unto that subverter of the Church Eugenius, and that every man do departed from the verity of the faith and constitutions of the fathers, consenting unto the commandments of Eugeneus, yet we & our brethren will be constant, 
O zeal of faith, worthy the crown of: martyrdom.  and doubt not to die for the truth and traditions of the holy fathers, the which in deed they have done. Neither could they be feared with threatenings or discouraged with any spoils, neither could any fear or hope, turn them from their most blessed purpose: and (to speak somewhat of mine own order) whether any Cardinals have done the like or no, that judge you.  
As for Bishops, whom Panormitane alone would have to determine, you see how few of them are on our part, & even they which are here present, are not able, by virtue to overcome iniquity, they fear the terrene power, and commit offence with their haste. 
Eccle. 7.  Have ye not heard how they all said: they would consent unto the kings will and pleasure? But the inferiors are they which have had truth, 
The bishops ●eare the earthly power, but not God.  righteousness, & god himself, before their eyes, & they are greatly to be commended for showing themselves such men unto the Church of God. But why do I defend that cause of these inferiors? When as some will also exclude those bishops which are but bishops by name and title, and have no possession of the Church, from our company, not understanding that whilst they go about to put back those men, they do condemn Peter, and the other Apostles, who (as it is evident) were long without any great flock, neither was Rome unto Peter, nor jerusalem unto james, at any time wholly obedient: for at that time no great number of people, but a small flock believed in Christ.  
For I pray you, what is that we should require of these bishops? They have no flock, but that is not their fault. They have no revenues, but money maketh not a bishop, and as the Lord saith Beati pauperes spiritu. i. 
The bishops of the primitive church what they were. Poor men more meet to give judgement then rich, for riches, wealth, and dignity bringeth fear: but poverty causeth liberty.  Blessed are the poor in spirit. Neither was there any rich Bishops in the primitive Church, neither did the ancient Church reject Dionysius Bishop of milan, Eusebius Bishop of Uercelles, or hilary Bishop of Pictavia, although they were never so poor, and banished without a flock. But if we will grant the truth, the poor are more apt to give judgement then the rich, because that riches bringeth fear and their poverty causeth liberty. For the poor men do not fear tyranny as our rich men do, which being given over unto all kind of vanities, idleness and sloth, will rather deny Christ, then lack their accustomed pleasures: 
* The bishops in this age of the church, what they are.  whom not their flock, but their revenues make bishops delighting so much in riches, that they judge all poor men unhappy. But, as Cicero saith: nothing can happen better unto a wise man, than mediocrity of substance. Whereupon it is written in the Gospel: It is easiar for a Camel to pass through a needle eye, then for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven.  
But now to return to a more full declaration of Panormitans words, I determine to pass over two points which he pronounced in the beginning of his Oration, that is: Qui petant, & cur petant, i. who maketh the petition, and for what cause they make their petition. We grant the they are great men, & men of power, and (as he doth affirm) the they have deserved good of the church, neither do I doubt but that they are moved thereunto, with a sincere affection. But whether it be a small matter that is required, or that the same effects would rise thereupon, which he spoke of: it is now to be inquired. A delay (saith he) is required: a delay for a few days. A small matter: a matter of no importance: a matter easy to be granted. 
In matters of faith and religion, there ought to be no delays.  Notwithstanding let Panormitane here mark well, that he requireth a delay in a matter of faith. The verities are already declared: they be already discussed and determined. If now there should be but a little delay, it would grow to a long delay: for often times the delay of one moment, is the loss of a whole year, here of we have many examples. Hannibal when he had obtained his victory at Cannas, if he had gone straight unto Rome, by all men's judgements, he had taken the city. But for so much as he did defer it until the next day, the Romans having recovered their force again: he was shut out, and deserved to hear this opprobry.  
Vincere scis Hannibal, uti victoria nescis.  
Hannibal thou knowest victory to get,  
But how to use it thou knowest not yet.  
Likewise the French men, after they had taken Rome and besieged the Capitol, whiles that they greedily sought to have great sums of money, & delayed the time in making of their truce, Camillus coming upon them, did most shamefully drive them out again. But what need I to rehearse old histories, when as our own examples are sufficient for us? Ye know yourselves how often these delays have been hurtful unto you, & how often the delay of a few days hath grown to a long tract of tyme. For now this is the 8. year that you have spent in delays: & you have seen, that always of one delay an other hath sprung and risen. Wherefore I do require that Panormitan should consider, that the conclusion being this day disturbed, 
The eight year of the council of basil. How subtly they sought delays.  we know not whether it will be brought to pass hereafter again or no. Many impediments or lets may rise. Neither doth Panormitan say, that this delay being obtained, he would afterward consent with his fellows unto the conclusions: for he denieth that he hath any commandment thereunto & (which is more to be considered) he saith that the Ambassadors at their return from Mentz, may bring such news, whereby these conclusions may be omitted: as though any thing were more excellent than the truth.  
The which thing doth manifestly declare, that they do not seek delays for the better examination of the matter but for to impugn the conclusions the more strongly. Neither do I agree with Panormitan, as touching the effects which he said should rise either of the denial, or granting of the requests: For I see no cause why the Princes should so greatly require any delay. There are no letters of any Prince come unto us as touching such request, neither is there any man lately come from them, neither is it greatly material unto them, but that the matters of faith should be determined. But this is a most pernicious conclusion which Panormitane hath made, and not to be looked for at the hands of those most godly princes, whereas he saith if we do please them, they will take our part. If contrariwise, they will decline unto Eugenius, and wholly resist & rebel against us. This is a marvelous word, & a wonderful conclusion, altogether unworthy to be spoken of such a man. 
The decrees of the council of Constance.  The decrees of the Council of Constance are, that all manner of men, of what state or condition soever they be, are bound to the ordinances and decrees of the general Counsels. But Panormitanes words do not tend to that effect, for he would not have the Prince's obedient unto the Council, but that council to be obedient unto that princes.  
Alas most reverend Fathers alas, what times & days what manners and conditions are these? 
If these things seem so untolerable what shall we say, when as they make the Pope a God?  Into what misery are we now brought? How shall we at any time bring to pass, that the Pope being Christ's Vicar (and as they say) an other Christ in earth, should be subject unto the council of Christians, if the Council itself ought to obey worldly Princes? But I pray you look for no such things at the Prince's hands. Do not believe that they will forsake their mother the Church. Do not think them so far alienate from the truth, that they would have justice suppressed.  
The conclusions whereupon the controversy is, are most true, most holy, most allowable. If the princes do refuse them, they do not resist against us, but against the holy Scriptures, yea and against Christ himself: which you ought neither to believe, neither was it comely for Panormitane so to say. Panormitan (by your licence be it spoken) you have uttered most cruel words, neither do you seem to go about any other matter, then to inculcate terror and fear into the minds of the Fathers: for you have rehearsed great perils and dangers, except we submit ourselves unto the princes.  
But you most reverend fathers, shall not be afeard of them which kill the body, the soul they cannot kill: neyshal ye forsake the truth, 
They which teach this doctrine, are heretics & schismatics but blessed are those heretics, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. A christian exhortation to constancy and martyrdom. This came so to pass 23. years after, when Christendom lost Constantinople and all the east parts unto the Turks.  although you should shed your blood for the same. Neither ought we to be any whit more slack in the quarrel of our mother the church and the Catholic faith, than those most holy Martyrs, which have established the Church with their blood. For why should it be any grievous matter unto us to suffer for Christ, which for our sakes hath suffered so cruel & grievous death? Who when he was an immortal God, void of all passions took upon him the shape of a mortal man, & feared not for our redemption to suffer torments upon the cross. Set before your eyes the Prince of the Apostles, Peter, Paul, Andrew, james, and Barthelmew, and not to speak only of Bishops) Mark what Stephen, Laurence, Sebastian & Fabian did. Some were hanged, some headed, some stoned to death, other some burned, and others tormented with most cruel and grievous torments suffered for Christ's sake. I pray you for God's sake let us follow the example of these men. If we will be bishops and succeed in honour let us not fear martyrdom. Alas what effeminate hearts have we? Alas what faint hearted people are we? They in times passed by the contempt of death, converted the whole world, which was full of gentility and idolatry: and we through our sluggishness & desire of life, do bring the Christian Religion out of the whole world into one corner, & I fear greatly, least that little also which is left, we shall lose through our cowardliness: if that by following Panormitanes mind, we do commit the whole governance & defence of the Church unto the princes. But now play the stout and valiant men in this time of tribulation, & fear not to suffer death for the Church, which Curtius feared not to do for the city of Rome: which Menchotheus for Thebes, & Codrus for Athens, willingly took upon them.  
Not only the martyrs, 
Examples of good men dying for their country  but also the Gentiles might move and stir us to cast of all the fear of death. What is to be said of Theremens' the Athemen? With how joyful hart and mind, and pleasant countenance, did he drink the poison? What say you unto the Socrates that most excellent Philosopher? did he either weep or sigh, when he supped up the poison? They hoped for that which we are most certain of. Not by dying to die, but to change this present life for a better.  
Truly we ought to be ashamed, being admonished by so many examples, instructed with so great learning, yea and redeemed with the precious blood of Christ, so greatly to fear death.  
Cato writeth not of one or two men, but of whole legions, which have cheerfully & courageously gone unto those places, from whence they knew they should not return. With like courage did the Lacedæmonians give themselves to death at Thermopilis, of whom Simonides writeth thus.  

Dic hospes Spartanos te hic vidisse iacentes,  
Dum sanctis patriae legibus obsequimur.   

Report thou stranger, the Spartaines here to lie,  
Whiles that their country laws they obeyed willingly.   
Neither judge the contrary, but that the Lacedæmonians went even of purpose unto death: unto whom their Captain Leonidas said: O ye Lacedæmonians, go forward courageously, for this day we shall sup together with the infernal Gods, 
The noble Lacedaemonians.  but I most reverend fathers, do not invite you unto the infernals as he did his Lacedæmonians, but unto the celestial and everlasting joys of Paradise, if that you can suffer death for the truths sake, and patiently abide the threatenings of these princes, if there be any threatenings at all. I call you unto that eternal glory: where as there is no alteration of state, nothing decayeth or fadeth: where all good and perpetual things do abound: whereas no man wanteth, no man envieth an other, no man stealeth from an other, no man violently taketh from an other, no man banisheth, 
The blessed state of the life to come.  no man murdereth, and finally no man dieth. Where as all men are blessed and happy, all are of one mind & one accord, all are immortal, all are of like estate, & that all men have, every man hath, & that every man hath all men have. Which things if we will consider, we shall truly answer Panormitan, as Theodorus Cyrensis is said to have answered Lismachus the king, when he threatened to hang him: who said, I pray you threaten these horrible things unto your Courtiers, as for Theodorus, it maketh no matter whether he rot above the ground or under the ground. 
The worthy answer of Theodorus Cyrenensis.  So likewise let us answer unto the princes, if there be any that do threaten us, and let us not fear their torments.  
What doth a longer life prevail to help us? No man hath lived to short a time, which hath obtained the perfect gift of virtue. And if the death which a man suffereth in the quarrel of his country, seemeth not only to be glorious amongst the Rhetoricians, but also happy & blessed, what shall we say for these deaths which are sustained for the country of all countries, the Church? Truly most reverend fathers, it is to much that our adversaries do persuade themselves of you, for they judge you fearful, sluggish and faint hearted: 
No death to be feared for christs Church.  and therefore they do object Princes unto you, because they think that you will not suffer hunger, thirst, exile in the quarrel & defence of the church. But I think you will esteem it no hard matter, for the obtaining of everlasting life, to do the same which shipmen do for the obtaining of transitory riches, to put themselves in danger of the sea & wind, and suffer most cruel storms.  
The hunters lie abroad in the nights in the snow in the hills and woods, & are tormented with cold: yet have they none other reward, but some wild beast of no value or prize. 
Example of Mariners & Hunters.  I pray you what ought you then to do, whose reward shallbe Paradise? I am ashamed of our ignavie, when as I read that women, yea even young maidens have violently obtained heaven through their martyrdom, and we are made afraid only with the name of death. This river of Rhein which runneth along by the city in times past hath carried 11. thousand virgins unto martyrdom. In India (as Cicero writeth) when any man was dead, his wives (for there they had many wives) came not into contention who should be burned with him: 
Example of the 11. thousand virgins.  and she whom he loved best, having vanquished the other, all the rest joyfully following her, was cast into the fire with the dead Carcase of her husband and burnt. The other which were overcome, departed full of heaviness and sorrow, wishing rather to have died then live.  
The which courage we now taking upon us for Christ's sake, will answer Panormitan even as the Lacedæmonians answered Philip, who when as by his letters he threatened them, that he would stop all that which they went about, they asked him whether he would also let them to die. Therefore as you are excellent men, so use your virtue, which is always free, and remaineth always invincible. For you do know that power is given you of the Lord and strength from the most highest: who will take account of your works and examine your thoughts: unto whom ye should be careful to render a good account, judging rightly and keeping the law of righteousness, and in all things walking according to the will of God. And not according to the will of men.  
And whereas the Ambassadors of Eugenius, do openly preach and declare a new doctrine, extolling the bishop of Rome above the universal church: to the end that ignorant souls be not snared, ye shall not cease or leave to publish the three first conclusions, following the example of the Apostle Paul, which would in no point give place unto Peter when he walked not according to the Gospel. As for the other matters, which do respect the only person of Eugenius (because Panormitan and the other Ambassadors of the princes, shall not say that we do pass our bonds) ye shall defer them for this present.  
When as Cardinal Arelatensis had made an end of his Oration, there was a great noise crying, out & brawling every where. The Precedents commandments were not regarded, neither was the accustmed order observed: for sometimes they spoke unto Panormitan, sometime unto Lodovicus: no man was suffered to speak but in haste the bishops brawled with bishops, and the inferiors with their fellows. 
Jews Patriarch of Aquileia Duke of Deck in ●weuia.  All was full of contention & debate: which when as Lodovicus the patriarch of Aquileia perceived a man of no less courage and stomach, then of nobility and birth, being also a Duke, for the zeal which he bore unto the universal church, turning himself unto Panormita● & Lodovicus the protonotary, said: Do not think the matter shall so pass, you know not yet the manners of the germans, for if you go forward on this fashion, it will not be lawful for you to departed out of this country with whole heads: With which words Panormitan, Lodovicus, and the Archbishop of Milan, being stricken (as it were with lightning from heaven, rose up, & said: Is our liberty thus taken from us? What meaneth it that the patriarch doth threaten us, 
The Earl of Diersten.  that our heads should be broken? And turning themselves unto john Earl of Dierstene, which then supplied the protector's place, they demanded of him whether he would defend the Council and preserve all men in their liberty, 
The praise of the citizens of basil.  or no.  
The Citizens also and Senators were present to provide and foresee that no offence should rise, for the Citizens observed always this order, that they would be present in all affairs, which they supposed would breed dissension, foreseeing specially that no tumults should rise, otherwise then with words. They used always such a marvelous foresight & providence, that no man unto this day, could have any cause against them, to complain for violating their promise. Wherefore if at any time, any citizens have deserved well at the hands of the church, surely this praise is to be given unto the Basilians. These men together with john Earl of Dierstene, being present in the assembly of the fathers, gave a sign of preservation of their liberty. The Earl (albeit he was moved at the strangeness of the matter, for he would not have thought so great contentions could have risen amongst wise men) answered by his interpreter, the they all should be of good cheer. For the Emperors safe conduct should be observed and kept even to the uttermost, neither should the patriarch, nor any other once violate the liberty, or take away the assurance granted by the Emperor. Notwithstanding he desired the patriarch that he would call back his words again, & not to speak any more in such sort. But that famous father, being nothing at all moved, or troubled, committed his whole mind unto john de Bacheistein, auditor of the chamber, a man both grave and eloquent, to be declared. Who affirmed that the patriarchs mind was not to threaten any man, or disturb the liberty of the council, but to move the fathers unto Constancy, that they should be mindful of the reformation, which they had promised unto the whole world, and not so say one thing to day, & an other to morrow: for if they would so do, it were to be feared, least the lay tie seeing themselves deluded, and despairing of reformation should rise against the Clergy.  
Therefore he monisheth the fathers to foresee and provide for the peril, that they should not departed from the Council, nothing being determined or done: and finally he desired pardon, if in his words he had offended either against the Council, Panormitan, or any other man. Whereby he declared it to be true which is commonly said, 
Humility sister to nobility.  that Humility is the sister of nobility: both which did very excellently appear in this man. Yet for all this, could not the humility of the patriarch stop or stay their noise or cries: For as often as mention was made of reading the Concor datum, great noise and rumours were still made, for to stop the same. 
Amodeus Archbishop of Lions. Anno. 1438.  Then Amodeus archbishop of Lions, and primate of all France, a man of great reverence and authority, being touched with the zeal of faith, which he saw there to be stopped and suppressed, said: Most reverend fathers, I have now a great occasion for to speak: for it is now 7. years or more, that I have been amongst you, yet have I never seen the matter at that point which it is now at, most like unto a miracle, for even presently I do behold most wonderful signs of miracles, for it is no small matter that the lame do walk, the dumb do speak, and that poor men preach the Gospel. Whereupon I pray you cometh this sudden change? 
Bishops that he at home, have tongue here to speak for the Pope.  How happeneth it that those which lie lurking at home, are now suddenly start up, Who hath given hearing to the deaf, and speech to the dumb? Who hath taught the poor men to preach the gospel? I do see here a new sort of prelate's come in, which unto this present have kept silence, and now begin to speak. Is not this like to a miracle? I would to God they came to defend the truth, and not to impugn justice.  
But this is more to be marveled at then any miracle, that I do see the best learned men of all, 
Mark how they are turned back which sometime favoured the truth & are now become liars & flatterers. Constancy lacked in divers of this council.  impugn our conclusions which are most certain and true: And they which now reprove them, in times past allowed them. You are not ignorant how that Lodovicus the Prothonotarye preached these verities at Louvain and at colen, & brought them from thence, confirmed with the authority of the Universities. Wherefore, albeit that he be now changed, yet is the truth in no point altered. And therefore I desire you & beseech you all, that ye will not give ear unto these men, which albeit they are most excellently learned, yet have they no constancy in them: which doth adorn all other virtues.  
When he had ended his Oration, Lodovicus the protonotary rising up, said: It is most true that I brought those verities, but you do call them verities of faith, which addition seemeth very doubtful unto me. When he had spoken these words, Cardinal Arelatensis requred that the Concordatum of the twelve men should be read, and many whispered him in the care, that he should go forward, and not altar his purpose.  
Then Panormitan, 
Panormitane speaketh like himself.  as soon as the Concordatum began to be read, rising up with his companions and other Arragon's, cried out with a loud voice, saying: You fathers do contemn our requests, you contemn kings & Princes, and despise Prelates, but take heed lest whilst that ye despise all men, you be not despised of all men. You would conclude, but it is not your part for to conclude. We are the greater part of Prelates, we make the Council, & it is our part to conclude, and I in the name of all other prelate's do conclude, that it is to be deferred & delayed. With this word, there sprang such a noise and rumour in the Council as is accustomed to be in battle with the sound of Trumpets and noise of horsemen, when as two armies join. Some cursing that which Panormitan went about other some allowing the same: So that diversity of minds made divers contentions.  
Then Nicholas Amici, 
Nicholas Amici, a divine of Paris.  a Divine of Paris, according unto his office, said. Panormitan I appeal from this your conclusion, to the judgement of the council here present, neither do I affirm any thing to be ratified which you have done, as I am ready to prove, if it shall seem good. The contrary part seemed now to be in the better place, for they had already concluded. The other part had neither concluded, neither was it seen how they could conclude amongst so great cries and uproars. Notwithstanding amongst all this troublous noise, john Segovius, a singular Divine of the university of Salamantine lacked not audience: for the whole council was desirous for to hear him: wherefore all men as soon as he rose up kept silence, & he perceiving that they were desirous to hear him speak, begun in this sort.  
Most reverend fathers, 
The oration of Segovius  the zeal and love of the house of God forceth me now to speak: and I would to God that I had been either blind this day, not to have seen those things which have happened, or that I had been deaf, that I should not have heard those words, which have been spoken. Who is it that is so stony or hard hearted, which can abstain from tears, when as the authority of the church is so spoiled, liberty taken away both from us and the council, & that there is no place give unto the verity. O sweet jesus, why hast thou forsaken thy spouse? Behold and look upon thy people, and help us if our requests are just. We come hither to provide for the necessity of the Church we require nothing for ourselves, ●our desire is only that truth might appear. We trusted now to have concluded upon the verities which were sometimes allowed in the sacred deputations. The Orators of the Princes are present, & require the conclusions to be deferred. 
Ambros. ad Valentinianum.  But we be not unmindful of those things which Ambrose wrote unto Valentinian the Emperor in this manner: if we shall entreat upon the order of the holy. Scripture and ancient times passed: who is it that will deny but that in case of faith (I say in case of faith) the bishops ought to judge upon Christian Emperors, 
How far & wherein Bishops ought to judge upon Emperors.  and not Emperors upon Bishops. Neither do we admit their petition but upon most urgent causes: Notwithstanding we heard them patiently and willingly, whiles that they did speak even so long as they would.  
But now if any of our part would speak, by and by he is interrupted, troubled and letted. What honesty is this? What modesty or gravity? is it lawful so to do in the councell● Where is the decree of the Council of Tholose now become (where are our decrees, which do not only prohibitie tumults, 
He excuseth the Patriarch.  but also all small babblings & talk) They say, it is because we contemn them: but they are they, which not only conteme the Council: but also resist the same. The patriarch spoke but one small word against them, & that of no evil intent or purpose, and by and by they complained the their liberty was broken, but they, when as they do enforce the council, when as they forbidden the Precedent to speak, and will not suffer the ordinances to be read, do not judge that they do any thing contrary to the liberty of the Council. They say, they are the Council themselves and yet they entreat the Council. These things do not I understand: for if they be the Council, why do they entreat themselves? If they be not the Council, why do they not suffer the Council for to speak? Why do they not look for an answer of him to whom they make their petitions?  
Truly this is to much violence, and certes our paence is also to much, to suffer such excess even in the face of the Church. But this doth most of all grieve me, and this do I most marvel at, 
Hemeaneth Panormitan which did conclude without the examination of the 12. men.  But this doth most of all grieve me, and this do I most marvel at, that Panormitan a man of singular wit and doctrine did conclude without any discussing or deciding of the deputies, and without the examination of the 12. men, or any rite or order. The which, except mine eyes had behold & seen, I would scarcely believe, if any other man should report it unto me, of him: Neither do I yet know, whether I may sufficiently credit myself, the matter seemeth so horrible: for I do not see by what authority his conclusion doth stand, except it be by the authority of his king whom he saith will have it to. But you most reverend fathers take heed that ye bring in no such custom: for so it shall come to pass, that in all matters, a few froward prelate's shall have me to conclude for them.  
And albeit Parnormitan hath proved (as he thinketh) by strong reasons that the verity ought to be deferred, yet notwithstanding I do require you most reverend fathers to follow the example of the Apostle, 
Paul would give to Peter no respite when he swarned awry.  who (as Arelatensis hath very well declared) would not give one hours respite unto Peter, when he swerved from the truth of the Gospel. The saith is speedily to be relieved & helped, neither doth any thing sustain more danger by delays, than faith doth. For heresies, except they be rooted out at the first, when they are once grown, are hardly taken away. Wherefore I desire you speedily to help and aid. Hoist up your sails, & launch out your oars. What should we tarry looking for either the Prelates or the princes? You are now in conflict: I only desire that you would hasten unto the victory. Regard not the threatenings of those Princes, neither the opprobries of those contumelious persons, for you are blessed saith the Lord, when as men curse you & persecute you, speaking all evil against you, making lies and slanders upon you for my sake: rejoice and be glad, for great is your reward in heaven. What is it I pray you that the princes do so much object against us? Is not our Lord God able to take us out of the furnace of hot burning fire, and deliver us out of the hands of those princes? I beseech you most reverend fathers and loving brethren, have no less hope in jesus Christ, than Sidrach, Misach, and Abednago had, which feared not that old king Nabuchodovosor: 
Mark the great Constancy and Christian zeal of this man.  and let the princes know, that the most high ruleth over the kingdoms of men, and giveth them unto whom he pleaseth. God beholdeth all things from above (he is I say) in the midst amongst us, wherefore are ye then afraid? Be of good courage, and show yourselves as a strong wall for the church of God: suffer not the saith to perish under your hands. The almighty God is present with you. He is present that will defend you. 
An exortation to constancy.  Fear not them which seek only to kill the body. Do justice and equity, and be assured that he will not deliver you over into the hands of the bachiter and slanderer. Again I say unto you, show yourselves valiant and stout: Defend your mother the Church. And unto thee, O thou precedent I say, that thou oughtest rather to please God then man, for if thou depart thence without a final conclusion, know assuredly that thou shalt render account in the strait judgement of God, 
The Bishop of Burgen seeketh concord.  and thus without any more words, he sat down in his place.  
In the mean time, many grave and ancient men had exhorted Panormitan that he should give over his conclusion. The bishop of Burgen was very instant and earnest with him, that he should make vanity and concord amongst the fathers, and went about to make an vuitie with all men. But neither the fathers of the Council were determined to departed without a conclusion, neither Panormitan was minded to altar his intent and purpose. All things were disturbed, neither did the prelate's sit in their seats, as they were accustomed, but as every man's affection led him. Some went to the Cardinal Arelateusis, some unto Panormitan and exhorted them, as if they had been princes or rulers of armies. Then Arelatensis knowing the matter to be in danger, and that there was no ready way to make a conclusion, thought to use some policy, to appease the tumult.  
Most reverend fathers said he, 
How men be ready to hea●● news.  we have received now letters out of France, which declare unto me marvelous things: that there are incredible news syrong up there which if you will give me willing audience, I will declare unto you. 
Note the godly policy of the Cardinal.  By this means there was a sudden silence throughout the whole Council, & by this marvelous policy he made all men attentive to hear. When as he saw he had free liberty to speak, without either fable or history of any letters sent, he opened the whole order of the matter, & as it is requisite in an Orator, came by little and little to the principal point, saying, that Eugenius his messengers filled all France, preaching a new doctrine, and extolling the, authority of the bishop of Rome, above the general Counsels: against whom, except speedy remedy were found, it would come to pass, the man would give credit unto them, and therefore the sacred Council ought of necessity, to provide remedy, 
The conclusion of the council.  and of necessity to conclude upon the vereties which were examined, that thereby the temerity of the Eugenians might be repressed, which verities, albeit they were 8. in number, yet was it not the Father's intent to conclude upon them all, but only the three first: even as I also (saith he) here do conclude, in the name of the Father, the son, and the holy Ghost.  
When he had finished his Oration, with a cheerful and merry countenance rising up, he departed. Some of them kissed him, and some of them kissed the skirts of his garments. A great number followed him, and greatly commended his wisdom, that being a French man borne, had that day vanquished the Italians, which were men of great policy. Howbeit this was all men's opinion, that it was done rather by the operation of the holy Ghost, then by the Cardinals own power. 
The holy Ghost working against the Pope.  The other of the contrary faction, as men bereft of their minds, hanging down their heads, departed every man to his lodging. They were not together, neither saluted one an other: so that their countenances declared unto every man that they were overcome. Something more also is reported of Panormitane, 
The sorrow of Panormitane for impugning the truth.  that when he came to his lodging, & was gone unto his chamber, he complained with himself upon his king, which had compelled him to strive against the truth, and put both his soul and good name in danger of losing, and that in the midst of his tears and complaints he fell a sleep, and did eat not meat, until late in the evening for very sorrow for that he had neither ignorantly, neither unwillingly impugned the truth.  
After this, there was great consultation amongst the Eugenians, 
The Bishop of Lions & Bargé.  what were best to be done in this matter, Some thought good to departed and leave the Council, other some thought it meeter to tarry, and with at endeavour to resist that nothing should further be done against the Eugenians: & this opinion remained amongst them. The next day after, being the 15. day of April, the Archbishop of Lions and the bishop of Burgen, calling together the prelate's into the Chapter house of the great church began many things as touching peace. 
The just answer of the Council.  The Bishop of Burgen persuaded that there should be deputations appointed that day, unto whom the Archbishop of Lions should give power to make an agreement. Unto whom answer was made, as they thought, very roughly, but as other judged, gently, but not withstanding justly and truly: For, they said there could be no unity or concord made, before the adversaries confessed their fault and asked pardon therefore.  
The day following, the said Bishop of Burgen, with the other Lombard's and Cathelans, went unto the Germans, and from thence unto the Senate of the city, speaking much as touching the prohibiting of Schisms. The germans referred themselves to those things which the deputation should determine. 
The answer of them both.  The Senate of the City (as they were great men of wisdom, which would do nothing without diligent advise and deliberation) answered, that the martyr pertained not unto them, but unto the Coun●or, The fathers whereof were most wise men, and were not ignorant what pertained unto the Christian faith, and if there were any danger toward, it should be declared unto the Council and not to the Senate: For they believe that the Elders of the Council, if they were premonished, would foresee that there should no hurt happen: as for the Senate of the City, it was there duty only to defend the fathers and to preserve the promise of the city, with this answer the bishop of Burgen departed.  

The form of the decree is written and approved.  In the mean time the fathers of the council had drawn out a form of a decree upon the former conclusions, and had approned the same in the sacred deputations. By this time the Prince's Orators were returned from the assembly at Mentz, & holding a Council among themselves they had determined to let the decree: The 9 day of May there was a general convocation held, whereunto all men resorted, either part putting forth himself unto the conflict.  
The Prince's Ambassadors were called by the bishop of Lubeck and Conrade de Winsperg the protector into the quire, and there kept: whereas they entreated of a unity and by what means it might be had, and there they tarried longer than some thought to do: the which matter gave occasion to bring things well to pass, beyond all expectation. 
The policy of the Cardinal Arelatensis.  The only form of the decree was appointed to be concluded that day, whereupon, as soon as Cardinal Arelatensis perceived the congregation to be full, and that the twelve men had agreed, and that there was a great expectation, with sileuce, he thought good not to delay it for fear of tumult, but commanded, by and by the public concordaunces to be read, wherein this was also contained, that the Cardinal Arelatensis might appoint a Session when soever he would. Which being read, he being desired by the promoters, concluded according as the manner of custom is. The Ambassadors of princes being yet it in the Duier, as soon as they understood how the matter passed, being very much troubled & vexed, they broke of their talk, imputing all things to the bishop of Lubeck, which of purpose had kept them in the Duier and protracted the time. Whereupon they entering into the congregation, filled the church full of complaints.  
First of all, the Orator of Lubeck complained both in his own name and the name of the protector, as touching the conclusion, 
The Bishop of Tournon.  & required that the council would revoke the same. If that might be granted, he promised to entreat a peace, and to be a protector between the Council and the Ambassadors of the Princes. But the Archbishop of Turnon said, that it seemed unto him every man to have free liberty to speak against that law which should be promulgate, until the Session, when the Canons should be consecrated and receive their force: when as the bishops in their pontificalibus, after the reading of the decree in the Session, should answer that it pleased them: otherwise the demand which was made by the promoters in the Session, to be but vain, and for that the conclusious were not yet allowed in the Session, and therefore he said that he might without rebuke, speak somewhat as touching the same, and that it was a great and hard matter, and not to be knit up in such a short time, and that he had the knowledge thereof but even now: notwithstanding that he being an Archbishop ought to have known the matter, that at his return home, he might inform the king & also instruct those which were under him. And that he and his fellows before any Session should be: would both hear & be heard of others. Neither doth it seem good unto him that the Session should be held, before report were made of those things, which the Ambassadors of the Princes had done at Mentz which would, peradventure be such as might altter and change the minds of the fathers. 
The Bishop of Cócen speaketh.  Then the Bishop of Concen Ambassador of the king of Castle, which was also lately returned from Mentz, a man of great understanding, but lacking utterance, grievously complained that the prelate's were contemned. Neither had it been (said he) any great matter if they had been tarried for, which notwithout great danger and expenses, went to Mentz, not for their pleasure, but of necessity. And afterward as it were smiling, he said; how mad am I the would have the Prelates, to be tarried for, until they return from Mentz when as they are not tarried for whilst they came out or the Duier of the Church: do therefore as ye list. If there rise any offence or mischief her ●upon, neither are we the Ambassadoves of Castle to or blamed, neither can any man of right inpute any thing to one most noble king. 
Mark what the truth must suffer. O marvelous despite and contumely in a Bishop: for it Arelatensis had kept whores or concubines, he would have praised him: but to maintain learned men was a great offence. The fathers of the councils slaunde tread by Panormitane. 4. signs to know the good from the bad.   
Here were it long is reprate, with what rebukes and taimtes they invyed against the Cardinal Arelatensis: but especially the bishop of Milane railed most: tevellye upon him, saying that he fostered & maintained a table of Sopistes and Schoolmasters, & that he had concluded in matters of faith with them: calling him also another Catiline unto whom all desperate and naughty persons had refuge that he was thew Prince, & ruled the Church with them: and that he would not give care unto the Ambassadors of the most noble princes, or to the most famous Prelates in this most weighty matter. Albagensis & a man of great nobility, descended of the emperors blood, albeit he had never alienate his mind before from the Council: yet lest he should seem to dissent from other Ambassadors of the princes, made the like complaint as touching the attempt of the prelate's. After this it came unto Panormitan to speak, who as he had a greater vehemency in speaking: so also he did declare a more angry stomach and mind: for in the beginning of his Oration, he seemeth not to go about according to the precept at Orators, to get the good will of the hearers, but rather their hatred: for he said that our saviour showeth four signs in the Gospel, whereby we should know the good from the reprobate: for he which is of God (saith he) heareth the words of God, but you hear not the words of God, because ye are not of God. And again, he that doth evil hateth the light. And in an other place also, by their fruits you shall know them. And a good tree cannot bring forth evil fruit.  
All which sayings he wrested against the fathers of the Council, because they would not hear the words of God that is to say, the words of peace which the Ambassadors had spoken, because they fled from the light in the absence of the Ambassadors, privily concluding, and because in their deputation they had not holden and kept the holy day but had concluded thereupon, 
Look if it benot spoké of them in the Gospel, where mention is made of the beast which is fallen into the ditch.  also because they had the upper hand in the foresaid conclusion, not by reason, but by deceit. As touching the fruits, he said that the fathers themselves should meditate and consider how that, if their fruits were not good, they also themselves were not good: & that he did see an other Council at hand, where as he feared least these conclusions should be revoked, as the fruit of an evil tree: and therefore, they ought not so suddenly to proceed in so weighty matters: and that he would be yet more fully heard before the Session, as well in his own name because he was an archbishop, as in the name of his prince which reigned not over one kingdom alone but over many: Also he said that he heretofore by his words, 
What is it that ambition will not do.  deeds and writings, hath extolled the authority of the Council: and that he feared, least by these means, the authority thereof should be subverted. At the last he required pardon if he had offended the fathers of the Council, for so much as very sorrow and grief forced him to speak so.  
The Abbot Uergiliacensis would have made answer to those things which Panormitan had touched concerning hyiss deputation: 
Abbot Virgiliacensis.  but Arelatensis thought good that all the contrary part should speak first, amongst whom, last of all, 
Lodovicus the prothonotary in labouring to seem learned, forgot to be good. The Apostles principally gathered the Cr●de.  Ludovicus the protonotary, the Homer of Lawyers, rose up. And albeit that he spoke unwillingly, yet when he had begun, he could not refrain his words. And whiles he went about to seem learned and eloquent he utterly forgot to be good. He said that the Council ought to take heed, that they entreated no matter of faith, against the Prelates, lest any offence should follow, for that some would say it were a matter of no force or effect. For albeit that Christ chose 12. Apostles and 70. Disciples, notwithstanding in the setting forth of the Creed, only the Apostles were present, thereby (as it were) giving example, that the matters of faith did pertain only unto the Apostles & so consequently unto bishops. Neither that they ought hastily to proceed in matters of faith, which ought to be clearly distinct, for somuch as Peter affirmeth the trial of faith to be much more precious than gold, which is tried by the fire. And if the Bishops be contemned, which are called the pillars and keys of heaven, the faith cannot seem to be well proved or examined. But at length he confessed, that the inferiors might determine with the Bishops but denied that the least part of the Bishops with the most part of the inferiors might determine any thing. From thence he passing to the matter of faith, said, that those verities whereupon question was now had, are Articles of faith, if they were verities of faith. And forsomuch as every man should be bound for to believe those, therefore he would be better instructed & taught in that matter which he should believe as an Article or faith. Neither should it be comely for the Council to deny him his request, which according to the rule of the Apostle, aught to be ready, to give account unto every man which shall require it, touching the faith, which it holdeth.  
After every man had made an end of speaking, the Cardinal Arelatensis calling his spirits together, 
The oration of Cardinal Arelatensis. To the imperial Ambassadon●s.  made an Oration wherein he answered now the one, & now the other. And first of all he commended the desires of the Imperial Ambassadors, which offered to entreat a peace and unity, but neither necessity, nor honesty (he said) would suffer those things which are concluded to be revoked. He answered also that the petition of the Ambassadors of France is most just, 
To the Ambassadors of France.  in that they required to be instructed touching the faith: and that the council would grant their request, and send unto them certain divines, which should instruct them at home at their lodgings: but the matter was already concluded & could no more be brought in question: that the Session was only holden, rather to beautify the matter, 
To the Bishop of Co●cen.  then to confirm the same. And as touching that which the bishop of Concen so greatly complaineth of, he doth not much marvel: for he could not know the process of the matter, when he was absent, who being better instructed, he supposed would speak nomore any such words, forsomuch as a just man would require no unjust thing. Also that his protestation had no evil sense or meaning, in that he would not have it imputed, neither unto him, neither unto his king, if any offence should rise upon the conclusions. Notwithstanding it is not to be feared, that any evil should spring of good works. But unto the Bishop of milan he would answer nothing, because he saw him so moved and troubled, for fear of multiplying of more grievous and heinous words. As for Panormitane he reserved unto the last. 
To Lodovicus the protonotary.  But unto Ludovicus the protonotary, which desired to be instructed, he said: he willed him to be satisfied with the words which were spoken unto the Bishop of Turnon.  
Notwithstanding, he left not this untouched which ludovicus had spoken concerning the Apostles Creed. For albeit that in the setting forth of the Creed, the Apostles be only named, yet it doth not follow (saith he) that they only were present at the setting forth thereof. For it happeneth of ten times that Princes are commended and praised as chief authors and doers of things, when as notwithstanding they have other helpers, as it appeareth in battles, which although they are fought with the force of all the soldiers, yet the victory thereof is imputed but unto a few. As in these our days, they do ascribe all things which the army doth either fortunately or wisely, unto Nicolas Picenius, 
Nicolas Picenius an Italian.  that most valiant Captain which hath obtained so many famous victories: albeit that oftentimes other have been the inventors of the policy, and workers of the feat. 
Articles of the Creed not all put in by the Apostles, but some by the counsels. The Article of the holy Ghost put in by the council of Lions.  And therefore Ludovicus ought to know and understand, that they are not only articles of faith which are contained in the Creed, but all other determinations made by the Counsels, as touching the faith. Neither is he ignorant, that there be some articles of the Creed which we now use in the Church, that were not put too by the Apostles, but afterward by general Counsels: as that part wherein mention is made of the holy Ghost, which the Council of Lyous did add, in which Council also it is not be doubted, but that the inferiors did judge together with the bishops. But for so much as he had sufficiently declared that matter in the congregation before passed, he would stay no longer thereupon. But coming unto Panormitan, he rehearsed his words: Qui ex Deo est, verba Dei audit, He that is of God, heareth God's word, which is very well taken out of the Gospel, but not well applied unto the council (said he:) 
Panormitan wounded with his own darts.  for he firmly believed, that his predecessors have judged holy Ghost to be in the midst of the Counsels, and therefore the words of the Counsels to be the words of the holy Ghost: which if any man do reject, he denieth himself to be of God. Neither doth the council hate the light, which doth all things publicly and openly, whose congregations are cuident unto all men, neither doth it as the conventicles of the adversaries, admit some, and exclude other some. Moreover, the thing which is now in hand, was begun to be entreated of for two months ago, & first the conclusions were largely disputed upon in the divinity schools, and afterward sent unto Mentz and other places of the world.  
After all this, the fathers were called into the Chapter house of the great Church, to the number of 120. amongst whom Panormitan which now complaineth, was also present, and according to his manner, did learnedly and subtly dispute, and had liberty to speak what he would. Likewise in the deputations, every man spoke his mind freely, & in that deputation where Panormitan was, the matter was 3. days discussed. After this the 12. men did agree upon it, and the general congregation did conclude it. Neither hath there been at any time any thing more ripely or exactly handled both openly, & also without any fraud or deceit. And whereas the deputation did sit upon a holy 〈◊〉 ●here is no hurt in that, neither is it any new or strange thing, forasmuch as they have often holden their Session upon testinall days, when as the matter hath had haste, and specially for that the matter of faith hath no holy days. 
Arelatensis concluded not, but at the request of the proctors.  And further he said that he did not conclude craftily and deceitfully in the congregation; as Panormitane hath reported, but publicly & openly at the request of the Promoto●s. Neither hath any man any just cause to complain upon him, forsomuch as, when he was made Precedent, he was sworn that always when 4. or 3. 
These 4. deputations were 4. sorts of chosen 〈◊〉, which did dis●●●e and determine those things which the fathers did conclude upon. Verily this is no babylon Cardinal, but of the immaculate spouse jesus Christ. He speaketh to the whole council.  of the deputations did agree, he should conclude therupon. And forsomuch as he had already concluded, in divers causes touching the Pope, he saw no cause why he should not conclude in the matter of faith, for that he was a Cardinal; & did wear his red hat for this purpose, that he should shed his blood in the defence of the faith. Neither hath he done any thing now against the Pope, for that omitting the fine conclusions touching Eugenius, he had concluded but only the general conclusions: which except he had done, the fathers should have had just cause to complain against him (in that they trusting in his fidelity & faithfulness, had chose him Precedent) if by him they should now be forsaken in this most necessary cause of faith. And turning himself unto the people; he desired the fathers to be of good comfort, forsomuch as he would never forsake them, yea although he should suffer death: for he had given his faith and fidelity unto the Council, which he would be observe and keep: neither should any manues' flattery in threatenings put him from his purpose: that he would be always ready to do whatsoever the Council should command him, and never leave the commandments of the deputies by any means unperformed.  
As touching that Panormitan had extolled the authority of the Council, he said that he was greatly to be thanked. But yet he ought to understand and know the authority of the Council to be such, as cannot be augmented or increased by any man's praise or commendation, or be diminished by any opprobry or slander. These things thus premised he commanded the form of the decree to be read. Then Panormitane & those which took his part, would needs have a certain protestation to be first read. There was great contention on every side. Notwithstanding at the last. Arelatensis prevailed, and the form of the decree was read unto this word, Decernimus, that is to say, we decree. Then Panormitan rising up, would not sucter it to be heard any further: And the Bishop of Catavia cried out saying, that it was uncomely that Arelatensis, 
Every man may determine in matters of faith, having the scripture on his part.  with a few other Bishops by name, should conclude the matter. The like did also all those which favoured Panormitane. The Cardinal of Terraconia also (which until that time had holden his peace) did grievously rebuke his partakers, that as men being a sleep or in a dream, they did not read the protestation, and commanded by and by one of his familiars to read it. But like as the adversaries before did perturb the reading of the concordaunces, 
Contention in the council about reading of the protestation.  so would not the Fathers of the Council now give place to the reading of the protestation. Which when Albiganensis did consider he commanded the writing to be brought unto him, and as he began to speak, suddenly Arelatensis rose up, with a great number of the fathers to departed: which thing pleased the cardinal of Terraconia and Panormitan very well, for that they hoped that they alone with their adherentes, should remain in the Church. They exhorted Arelatensis to revoke the conclusion, and to make another.  
There was in that congregation in his place George the Prothonotarye of Bardaxina, sitting somewhat beneath his uncle, the Cardinal of Terraconia, a man but young of age, but grave in wisdom, and noble in humanity: who as soon as he saw the Cardinal Arelatensis rise, he determined also to departed, and when as his Uncle called him, commanding him to tarry, he said: God forbidden father that I should tarry in your congregation, 
How God worketh by occasion.  or do any thing contrary to the oath which I have taken. By which words he declared his excellent virtue and nobility, & admonished our men which remained, of those things which they had to do. His voice was the voice of the holy ghost, and words more necessary, then could be thought. For if he had not spoken that word, the fathers of the Council had peradventure departed, and gone their way, and the other remaining in the church, had made another conclusion which they would have affirmed to have been of force, because they would say the last conclusion was to be received. But many being warned by the words of the Prothonatary, and calling to remembrance the like chance of other Counsels before, called back again the multitude which were departing, and cried upon the Cardinal and the Patriarch to sit down again, & that they should not leave the church void and quiet for their adversaries. Whereupon, suddenly all the whole multitude sat down, and the gates were shut again. 
Albiganensis readeth the protestation, but none could hear him.  In the mean time Matheus Albiganensis a bishop, read the protestation to none else but to himself alone, for it could not be heard for noise: which being ended the lombards and the Cathelanes confirmed the protestation. When the Cardinal of Terraconia said that he did agree to that dissension, they marveled at that saying. And when some smiled & laughed at him: what said he, ye tools, do ye mock me? do not the Ambassadors of my king dissent from you? What do you marvel then if I do say I consent unto their dissension? And with these words, he and almost all the Arrgones, 
The affairs of the council are read.  lombards and Cathelanes departed, all the other tarried still. And albeit it was somewhat late (for it was passed ij. at after noon) Arelatensis seeing the congregation quiet, commanded the affairs of private persons to be read, as the manner is: which being ended, he commanded also the public affairs to be read, & willed the conclusions & the form of the decree to be red again. There remained in the congregation, the Ambassadors of the Empire and of France, talking together of their affairs. notwithstanding the bishop of Turuon heard mention made of the conclusions, & turning himself to the Bishop of Lubeck, said: lo, the matters of faith are now in hand again, let us go hence I pray you that we be not an offence unto others, 
Aeneas' Silvius being present collected this. Arelatensis concludeth here, as he did also before, not without the consent of the deputies according to the order of the Council.  or that we be not said to dissent from the other Ambassadors. To whom the Bishop of Lubeck answered: tarry father, tarry here, are not the conclusions most true? Why are you afraid to be here for the truth? these words were not heard of many, for they spoke them sottely between themselves. Notwithstanding I heard it, for I sitting at their feet, did diligently observe what they said. Arelatensis, after all things were read, which he thought necessary, at the request of the deputies concluded, and so making an end dismissed the congregation. Twice it is declared, with how great difficulty Arelatensis concluded forso much as neither the matter nor the form could be concluded without dissension: 
* Aeneas, you did not so praise this council after you were bishop yourself.  and the conclusions were miraculous, and past all men's hope, but were obtained by the industry of Arelatensis, or rather by the special gift of the holy Ghost.  
After this, it was determined between the lombards and Aragon's to abstain from the deputations for a certain time, which they did not long observe, notwithstanding the deputations were held very quietly for a certain space, neither was there any thing done worthy of remembrance until the 15. day of May, during which time, all means possible were sought to set a concord between the fathers, but it would not be. Then Nicolas Amici promoter of the faith, was called into the congregation, & briefly rehearsed those things which were done the days before, and declared how that Arelatensis might point a Session. Wherefore, forsomuch as delay in matters of faith was dangerous, he required that a session should be appointed against the morrow after, requiring the Cardinal for his dignities sake, in that he was called the principal of the church, and the other bishops, that (as they had promised in their consecration) they would not now shrink from the church in these weighty affairs, and suffer the faith to be oppressed: but the other inferiors he required upon their oath which they had taken, to show themselves faithful and constant herein. Then again there fell a great contention upon these words: for Arelatensis, as he was required, did appoint a Session, and exhorted all men to be there present in their Robes. 
The Bishop of Lubeck.  The Bishop of Lubeck rising up, made a protestation in his own name, and also in the name of his protector, that he would not consent, that there should be any Session, if it should in any part derogate from the agreement had at Mentz. Georgius Miles also, his fellow Ambassador consented to this protestation. When as the protector of the Council appointed by the Emperor, understood himself for to be named by the bishop of Lubeck, 
Conrade Winsperge a Baron.  he marveled a while what the matter should be. But being certified by an enterpreter, he answered that he would in no case consent unto the protestation of the Bishop of Lubeck, and that he did not know any thing of their doings at Mentz: also that he was sent by the Emperor to the sacred Council, and hath his charge which he doth well remember, and would be obedient thereunto. After whom the Bishop of Concense, according to his accustomed manner, made his protestation & after him also followed Panormitane. Whose words before I will repeat, I desire that no man would marvel that I make mention so often of Panormitane: for it is necessary to declare the matter in order as it was done.  
It happened in these matters even as it doth in warlike affairs: For as there, such as are most valiant and strong, 
Panormita● the Achilles of the Eugenians, and Arelatensis the Hector of the council.  and do most worthy feats, obtain most fame, as in the battle of Troy, Achilles and Hector: so in these spiritual wars and contentions, those which most excel in learning and eloquence, and do more than other, should be most renowned & named: for on that one part Panormitane was prince and Captain, on the other, Arelatensis: but his own will made not the one Captain, but only necescity, for it behoved him to obey his prince. Notwithstanding he was not ignorant of the truth and verity, neither did he resist willingly against it: for I have seen him oftentimes in his library complain of his prince, that he followed other men's Council. When as his time came to speak he said that he did not a little marvel why the protector of the faith, should require the Prelates to have a Session, which was nothing pertaining to his office, and that he ought not to usurp the Presidents place. And again he complained touching the contempt of the Prelates, for the matter did presently touch the state of the Apostolic sea, & for that cause the sea ought to be heard before any Session beholden. Neither it is to be regarded (said he) that the council of constance seemeth to have decreed, that it should now be spoken of, for so much as Pope john was not heard at constance, neither any man else, to speak for the sea, by which words he seemed both to contemnc and bring in doubt all the decrees of that most great and sacred synod of Constance: therefore there was a great tumult, 
The Papists extol that which maketh for their purpose, but the contrary they contemn, whether it be scripture or profane.  and all men cried out with one voice, saying: that the Synod of Constance is holy and the authority thereof aught to be inviolate. But he being still instant, with a stout and haughty courage, affirmed that the matter could not be finished without the Ambassadors of the Princes, and that the Princes ought to be heard in a matter of faith. And again that the Ambassadors themselves cannot consent, for so much as in the Colloqui holden at Mentz they had promised during the treaty of peace by them begun, they would receive & allow nothing that the Pope should either do against the council, or the council against the Pope: & that he doubted not, but that the th●ee first conclusions declared Eugenius an heretic, in so much that it was evident, that Eugenius did vehemently resist the two first. And therefore for so much as the Session was not yet holden, and that it was lawful for every man before that Session to speak what he will, he desired and required them most instantly, that there might be no Session as yet holden. Unto whom Arelatensis answered, 
Arelatensis answer to Panormitan This deputation of faith, was that company of chose men which did determine matters of faith.  that it was not to be doubted but that the promoter of the faith, by his office might call the prelate's to determine a matter of faith, & specially for so much as the deputation of the faith and the whole council, had so given him in commandment.  
As touching the prelate's, he saith, that albeit without all doubt bishops have chief authority: yet notwithstanding it is accustomed in Counsels, not to make any conclusion in the name of the bishops, but in the name of the whole council: and the universal Church hath decreed certain laws in this Council, which should remain inviolate. Neither let the bishops think the presence of the inferiors grievous unto them, when as oftentimes under a bare and torn coat, wisdom lieth hid, and under rich vestures & ornaments, 
Saint Jerome unto Nepotianusi de vita clericals.  folly lurketh. Bishop's ought also to be mindful of the saying of Domitius (which as S. Jerome reporteth) said: why should I esteem thee as a prince, if thou dost not regard me as a Senator? For the bishops ought to esteem Priests as Priests, if they will have reverence done unto them as Bishops. Neither ought the Princes to be looked for, 
Mark how politicly and sincerely he doth confute his adversaries.  to the deciding of this matter, for so much as the Church is not congregated in the name of the princes: but in the name of Christ, which hath not received his power from princes: but immediately from God: to the defence whereof, he should perceive the inferiors to be no less less encouraged than the bishops, for that he did well understand and know, that they would not only spend their temporal good, but also their lives for the defence thereof. As for some bishops, rather than they will lose any part of their temporalties, they will sell the liberty of the church unto the princes & make them judges and Lords over the Council. As touching the acts at Mentz, he doth not regard them, for so much as (as it is said) they accounted without their host: for he saith, he doth not understand how this can be that they had decreed neither to obey the pope, nor the council. The one or the other they must needs be obedient unto: for there is no third tribunal, whereunto any obedience is due in these matters which concern the faith and the salvation of souls: And finally that the Church would not suffer that their affairs & matters of faith should be determined by the judgement of princes: for the holy ghost is not subject unto princes, but princes unto him: and upon this conclusion he would not fear, neither the loss of his goods, neither any death or martyrdom. And whereas Panormitane doth now show himself so great a defender of Eugenius, 
No man hath heretofore more than Panormitane published the errors of Eugenius: whom he now so greatly descendeth.  he saith that he doth not a little marvel at it, for that in times past no man hath more published Eugenius his errors then he: by whose special labour & council, both a decree monitory, & also the suspension was admitted & set out against Eugenius: And now, whereupon this sudden change should come, he saith that he was utterly ignorant, forsomuch as neither Eugenius had altered his life, neither could the church continue in such a schism. Wherefore he desired Panormitane diligently to consider, whether he spoke according to his conscience or not: for (saith he) the conclusions which now shall be decreed, are most general: neither is there any mention in them of the Pope, and moreover the verity of faith is contained in them: against the which if Eugenius did contend, it were more meet that the Pope should be corrected, than the verity omitted. And thus he making an end all were warned to come the next day unto the Session. 
The Session proclaimed.  The protector also desired the sacred Council, that none should be suffered to bring any weapon to the session. For so much as he was ready to observe the safe conduct of the Emperor, and together with the Senate of the city, to prohibit all quarrelers for doing of miury.  
When the 16. day of May was come, all they whom the Session contented and pleased, assembled at the hour. The Ambassadors also of the princes were come together into the quire of the church, to attempt further what they could do, and sending the bishops of Lubeck and Concense, and the Dean of Turnon, an excellent learned man, they offered themselves to be present at the Session, if that the deposition of Eugenius might yet be deferred four months. Who, when they had received a gentle answer of Arelatensis, and the other principals, returning again unto the Ambassadors, they would only have the first conclusion decreed, and thereupon sent again unto Arelatensis: unto whom answer was made, that the chief force did consist in the two other conclusions, and that the Council would specially determine upon them. If the Ambassadors would not be present, they should understand that the concord was broken by them, which would not observe that which they had offered. With which answer they departed, & the Session begun to be celebrate. There was no Prelate of the Aragon's present at it, 
In all Italy there were scarcely two prelate's sound which sought the commodity of the universal church, in Spain there was none. Prayers made with tears.  neither out of spain: and our of Italy, only the bishop of Grosserane, and the Abbot of Dona, which for their constancy & steadfast good will toward the universal church, could not be changed from their purpose, but of doctors and other inferiors, there were a great number of Aragon's, and almost all the inferiors of Spain and Italy (for the inferiors feared not the princes, as the Bishops did) and then the worthy stoutness of the Aragones & Cathelanes appeared in the inferior sort, which would not shrink away in the necessity of the church. Of the two other nations there were only present 20. bishops. The residue lurked in their lodgings, professing the faith in their hearts but not in their mouths. Arelatensis considering afore what would come to pass, caused prayers to be made, & after their prayers made unto almighty god, with tears and lamentation, that he would send them his holy spirit to aid and assist them, they were greatly comforted and encouraged. This congregation was famous, and albeit that there were not many bishops present, yet all the seats were filled with the Bishops, Proctors, Archdeacon's, Precedents, Priors, 
Amongst 400. doctors that were present, there was not one ill word.  Priests and Doctors of both laws, which I judged to be about the number of 400. or more: amongst whom there was no noise, no chiding, no opprobrious words or contention, but one exhorted another to the profession of the faith, and there appeared a full and whole consent of them all to defend the church. The bishop of Massilia a noble mau read the decree, which was attentively hearkened unto, and not one word interrupted. When it was ended: Te Deum laudamus was sung with great joy and gladness, 
The 33. Session.  & so the Session dissolved, which was in number the xxxiii. Session, and amongst all the rest the most quiet and peaceable.  
The day following, being the xxii. of May, the Prince's Ambassadors without all men's expectation, 
The ambassadors consent to the former Session.  came unto the general congregation, by that their doing at the least, giving their assent unto the Session before passed. In celebrating whereof, if the fathers had erred, it had not been lawful for the Princes and Ambassadors, to have holden the council with those fathers. But it was thought that they were touched with remorse of conscience, and even now to detest and abhor that which they had done: as it was not hidden to the Ambassadors of the Empire and France. For the bishop of Lubeck said, that the cause of his absence was, for that he was appointed by the Emperor's commandment, to entreat a peace: Wherefore it was not comely for him to be present at any business, whereby he should be vexed or troubled, with whom the peace should be entreated. Notwithstanding he did much commend the session before held, and believed the decree therein promulgate to be most good and holy, and the verities therein contemned to be undoubted, & said that he would stick thereunto both now, and even unto the death. But the bishop of Turnon a man both learned and eloquent, speaking for him and his fellows, said that he heard how that they were evil spoken of amongst some, in that they had not honoured their king in that most sacred Session, whom it becomed specially to exalt and defend the faith: which also for that cause above all other kings was named most christian: notwithstanding he said that they had a lawful excuse, in that it was convenient that they, which were sent to entreat peace, should do nothing whereby their Ambassade should be stopped or letted. Also there are two kinds of injustice (said he) whereby either things are done that should not be done, 
Two kinds of injustice.  or things that should be done are not done. The first doth not always bind, because it is convenient to have respect of time, place, and person. But the last doth always bind, wherein he said they were not culpable. But as touching the first point, they might seem unto some to have erred, because they were not present at the Session: but yet in this point they had sufficient to answer, forsomuch as if they had been present at that Session, they should have been unmeet to have entreated any peace with Eugenius: And therefore albeit they were wanting at so holy a business, in that point they followed the example of Paul, which albeit he desired to be dissolved & to be which Christ, yet for the further profit and advancement of the church, it was deferred. So likewise he said, that they had now done, for that they were not absent because they doubted of the conclusions (which they judged to be most true and holy, & whereunto they would stick even unto the death) but because they would not be unmeet for the treaty of peace for which they came: and yet that which they had not done in their own person, they had fulfilled (said he) by their servants and household, whom altogether they commanded to reverence that Session. I would that I had been then in the place of some great prelate: surely they should not have gone unpunished, which thought to have played bo peep. 
O Aeneas, you should have used such sincerity when you were Pope. Behold, the prince's Ambassadors declare Eugenius an enemy unto the truth.  For what doth the declaration of the truth hinder the treaty of peace? Or if it do hurt, why is he not counted as great an offender, which consenteth to him that declareth the truth, as he which doth declare it? What shall we need any further testimony? for now the Ambassadors of the Princes have declared Eugenius to be an enemy unto the truth. But to pass over these things, it is sufficient that Eugenius wrote afterward unto the king of France, that he did understand the Bishop of Tournon to be become his enemy.  
After that the Bishop of Tournon had made an end, Cardinal Arelatensis gave thanks unto God, which had so defended his Church, 
Arelatensis commendeth the Ambassadors.  & after great storms and clouds, had sent fair & clear weather: & commending the good will of the Emperor and the King of France toward the Church, he also praised the bishop of Lubeck and Tournon, for that oftentimes in the Council, and also of late at Mentz, they had defended the authority of the council. But specially he commended this their present doings, 
This Council was gathered to take away the ambition of the Bishops of Rome, that they should not think they might do all things according to their own pleasure: and further so revoke them ●●o the care of temporal things unto spiritual things, which now they regarded not.  that they had openly confessed the truth, and had not sequestered themselves from the faith of the Church.  
Afterward, he entering into the declaration of the matter, said that he was at Pysis and at Constance, and never saw a more quiet or devout Session than this, affirming that this decree was most necessary, to repress the ambition of the Bishops of Rome, which exalting themselves above the universal church, thought it lawful for them to do all things after their own pleasure, and that no one man from henceforth should transport the council from one place to another, as Eugenius attempted to do, now to Bononia, now to Florentia, them again to Bononia, after to Ferraria, and after that again to Florentia, and that hereafter the Bishops should withdraw their minds from the carefulness of temporal goods, which (as he himself did see) had no mind at all on spiritual matters: & therefore by how much this Session was most holy and necessary, by so much more the assent of the Ambassadors was most laudable & acceptable to all the fathers. These words thus spoken, he rose up, and the congregation was dissolved.  
Now after that Gabriel Condulmarius was deposed from the bishopric of Rome, the principal fathers of the Council being called together in the Chapter house of the great Church consulted together, whether it were expedent that a new bishop should be created out of hand, or de●erred for a time. 
The council doth deliberate upon the pope's election.  Such as thought good that the election should be done with speed, showed how dangerous a thing it was for such a congregation to be without a head: also what a pestiferous sickness was in all the City, which not only consumed young men and children: but also men of middle age, and old men in like manner, and that this plague came first by strangers unto the poor of the City, and so infected the rich, & now was come unto the fathers of the counceel: amplifying moreover, and increasing the terror thereof, and making the thing worse than it was, as the manner is. 
I.x. days must be delayed after the sea is void.  Neither doth the decree (said they) any thing let or hinder, wherein it is provided that there should be delay of lx. days after the sea is void: for that is to be understand, when as the sea is void at such time as there is no Council holden, neither ought we to tarry or make any delay, lest the Princes being persuaded by Gabriel, should resist: Unto whom the deposition of Gabriel, and the election of some other, is to be certified all under one message. The other which thought good that there should be a delay said: 
Note the Christian zeal of taffe men, which would refuse no danger for God's cause.  that the Council did lack no head, for so much as Christ was the head thereof: neither did lack a ruler, for so much as it was governed by the Precedents & other officers: and that no mention should be made of any pestilence in such case, seeing that, unto stout & strong men, death is not to be feared, neither can any thing daunt or fear them which contend for the Christian faith. As for that pestilence which doth now increase and grow in the City, forasmuch as judgement is now given, it is to be hoped that it will assuage, which was thought to have come for the neglecting of justice. Also that in so doubtful a matter, they ought rather to use the princes against their will, then to neglect them: and that it is not be feared, but that in this case, God will help those that are stout & valiant. The matter being thus discussed amongst them, (albeit that there was as many minds, as there was men) yet it seemed unto them all, that it was most profitable to choose the Bishop by and by, but most honest to defer it.  
Hereupon john Segovius, 
john Segovius.  a man of excellent learning said: Most reverend fathers, I am diversly drawn by sundry reasons, to this side and that. But as I way the matter more deeply in my mind, this is my opinion, that to come to a speedy election, it seemeth good, to speak after man's judgement: but to delay it for two months, to speak after God's judgement, it seemeth much better. I do judge that not only the words, 
Dangerous honesty preferred before secure utility.  but also the meaning of our decree, aught to be observed. Wherefore, if ye will give any credit unto me, follow rather dangerous honesty, than secure utility: albeit that in deed, utility cannot be discerned from honesty. This opinion of delay took place among the Fathers, and they determined to stay for the space of two months.  
In the mean time, messegers were sent unto the princes to declare the deposition of Eugenius by the Synod, and publish it abroad.  
During this time, the corrupt air was nothing at all purged, but the mortality daily increasing, many died and were sick. Whereupon a sudden fear came upon the fathers. Neither were they sufficiently advised what they might do: for they thought it not to be without danger, either to departed or to tarry. Notwithstanding they thought it good to tarry, & also they caused other to tarry: that since they had overcome famine, and the assaults of their enemies on earth, they would not seem to shrink for the persecution of any plague or sickness. But forsomuch as the could not all be kept there, it was politicly provided, that the council should not seem to be dissolved for any man's departure. And for the more establishment of the matter, there were certain things read before the fathers, which they called De stabilimento, whose authority continued long time after. 
A great pestilence in Basil.  When as the Dog days were come, and that all herbs with red with heat, the pestilence daily increased more & more, that it is incredible how many died. It was to horrible to see the corpses hourly carried through the streets, when on every side there was weeping, wailing, & sighing. There was no house void of mourning: no mirth or laughter in no place, but matrons bewailing their husbands, & the husbands their wives. Men & women went through the streets, and durst not speak one unto another. Some tarried at home, and other some that went abroad, had perfumes to smell unto to preserve them against the plague.  
The common people died without number: and like as in the cold Autumn, the leaves of the trees do fall, even so did the youth of the City consume and fall away. The violence of the disease was such, that ye should have met a man merry in the street now, and within x. hours heard that he had been buried. The number of the dead corpses was such also that they lacked place to bury them in: in so much that all the Churchyards were digged up, and filled with dead corpses, & great holes made in the Parish Churches, whereas a great number of corpses being thrust in together, they covered them over with earth. For which cause the fathers were so afraid, that there appeared no blood in their faces: and specially the sudden death of Lodovicus the protonotary did make all men afraid, 
Lodovicus the protonotary died of the plague  who was a strong man & flourishing in age, & singularly learned in both laws: whom the same envious and raging sickness took away in a few hours. By and by after died Lodovicus the Patriarch of Aquileia, a man of great age, and brought up always in troubles and adversity, neither could he see the day of the Pope's election which he had long wished for: notwithstanding he took partly a consolation in that he had seen Gabriel deposed before his death. This man's death was grievous unto all the fathers, for now they said that two pillars of the Council were decayed & overthrown, meaning the protonotary and the Patriarch, whereof the one by the law: and the other with his deeds defended the verity of the Council.  
About the same time also died the king of Arragones' Amner in Switzerland, a man of excellent learning, being bishop of Ebron. The Abbot of Uergilia died at Spire & john the bishop of Lubeck, between Uienna and Buda.  
These two last rehearsed, even at the point of death, did this thing worthy of remembrance. When as they perceived the hour of their death approach, 
The exhortation of those which died.  calling unto them certain grave and wise men, said: All you that be here present, pray to God, that he will convert such as knowledge Gabriel for high Bishop, for in that state they cannot be saved: and professing themselves that they would die in the faith of the Council of basil, they departed in the Lord. In Boheme also departed the bishop of Constance, 
The Bishop of Constance dieth.  which was Ambassador for the Council. There was great fear and trembling throughout all the Council. There had been also in the Council, by a long time, the Abbot of Dona, of the Diocese of Cumana, 
The Abbot Dona, a true Abbot.  a man poor unto the world, but rich unto God, whom neither flatterings nor threatenings could turn away from his good purpose & intent, choosing rather to beg in the truth of the fathers, then to abound in riches with the false flattering adversaries.  
Whereupon, after the Lords were departed, which gave him his living, he remaining still, was stricken with the plague and died. Likewise a great number of the registers and Doctors died: and such as fell into that disease, few or none escaped. 
Aeneas' the author hereof escaped death hardly.  One amongst all the rest, Aeneas Silvius, biting strike with this disease, by Gods help escaped. This man lay 3, days even at the point of death, all men being in despair of him: notwithstanding it pleased God to grant him longer life. When as the pestilence was most fervent & hot, & that daily there died about one hundred, there was great entreaty made unto Cardinal Arelatensis, that he would go to some other town or village near hand: for these were the words of all his friends & household: What do you most reverend father? At the least void this wane of the Moon, and save yourself: who being safe, all we shall also be safe: if you die, we all perish. If the plague oppress you, unto whom shall we fly? Who shall rule us? or who shall be the guide of this most faithful flock? The infection hath already invaded your chamber. Your secretary and chamberlain are already dead, Consider the great danger and save both yourself and us. But neither the entreaty of his household, 
The invincible constancy and fortitude of the Cardinal Arelatensis.  neither that corpses of those which were dead could move him, willing rather to preserve the Council with peril of his life, then to save his life with peril of the council: for he did know that if he should departed, few would have tarried behind, and that deceit should have been wrought in his absence.  
Wherefore, like as in wars the soldiers fear no danger, when as they see their Captain in the midst of their enemies: so the fathers of the Council were ashamed to fly from this pestilence, seeing their Precedent to remain with them in the midst of all dangers. Which their doings did utterly subvert the opinion of them, which babbled abroad, that the fathers tarried in basil to seek their own profit and commodity, and not the verity of the faith: for there is no commodity upon the earth, which men would change for their lives: for that all such as do serve the world, do prefer before all other things. But these our father's showing themselves an invincible strong wall for the house of God, vanquishing all the crafty deceits which Gabriel used, and overcoming all difficulties, which this most cruel and pestiferous year brought upon them, at the length all desire of li●e also being set a part, they have overcome all dangers, and have not doubted with most constant minds to de●end the verety of the council, even unto this present.  
The time of the decree being passed, after the deposition of Gabriel, it seemed good unto the fathers, to proceed to the election of another Bishop. And first of all they nominated those that together with the Cardinals, should elect the Pope. The first & principal of the electors was the Cardinal Arelatensis a man of invincible constancy, 
The commendation of Arelatensis.  and incomparable wisdom: unto whose virtue I may justly ascribe whatsoever was done in the council: for without him, the prelates had not persevered in their purpose, neither could the shadow of any Prince have so defended them. This man came not to the election by any favour or denomination, but by his own proper right. The rest of the electors were chosen out of the Italian, French, German and Spanish nations, & their cells & chambers appointed to them by lots, without respect of dignity or person, & as the lots fell, so they were placed: Whereby it chanced a Doctor to have the highest place, and a Bishop the last. Wherein the distribution of lots was very strange, or rather a Divine dispensation, reproving the devices of man, whereas the prelate's had determined to have the best Chambers appointed for themselves, & had earnestly contended before to have their chambers appointed according to their dignity.  

The council of Marcus.  The next day after, there was a Session held, where in Marcus a famous Divine, made an Oration unto the Electors, wherein he reckoned up the manifold crimes of Gabriel, which was deposed. He endeavoured to persuade the electors to choose such a man, which should in all points, be contrary unto Gabriel, & eschew all his vices: that as he, through his manifold reproaches, was hurtful unto all men: so he which should be choose, should show himself acceptable unto all men, through justice: and as Gabriel was covetous and full of rapine, so this man should show himself continent.  
There was so great a number of people gathered together to behold this matter, that neither in the church, neither in the streets, any man could pass. Th●re was present john Earl of Diestein, who supplied the place of the emperors Protector: also the Senators of the City, with many other noble men, to behold the same, whereof you shall hear (Christ willing) more largely hereafter. The Citizens were without in armour to prohibit that there should be no uproar made. The electors received the Communion together, and afterwards, they received their oath: & the Cardinal Arelatensis opening the book of Decrees, read the form of the oath in the audience of all men, & first of all, he taking the oath himself, began in this manner.  

The godly ●he of Arelatensis.  Most reverend Fathers, I promise, swear and vow before my Lord jesus Christ (whose most blessed body I unworthy sinner have received: unto whom in the last judgement I shall give account of all my deeds) that in this business of election, whereunto now by the will of the Council we are sent: I will seek nothing else, than the only salvation of the Christian people, and the profit of the universal Church. This shall be my whole care and study, that the authority of the general Counsels be not contemned: that the Catholic faith be not impugned, and that the fathers which remain in the council, be not oppressed. This will I seek for: this shall be my care: unto this, withal my whole force and power, will I bend myself: neither will I respect any thing in this point, either for mine own cause, or for any friend, but only God and the profit of the Church. With this mind and intent, and with this hart will I take mine oath before the Council.  
His words were lively and fearful. After him all the other electors in their order, did swear and take their oath. Then they went with great solemnity unto the Conclave: where they remained 7. days. 
The other electors take their oath.  The manner of their election was in this sort. Before the Cardinal's seat was set a Desk, whereupon there stood a basin of silver: into the which basin all the Electors did cast their scheduls: which the Cardinal receiving, read one by one, and four other of the Electors wrote as he read them.  
The tenor of the Schedules was in this manner. I George Bishop of Uicene do choose such a man, or such a man, for bishop of Rome, and peradventure named one or two: every one of the electors subscribed his name unto the Schedule, that he might thereby know his own, and say nay, if it were contrary to that which was spoken: whereby all deceit was utterly excluded. The first scrutiny thus ended, it was found that there were many named to the papacy. Yet none had sufficient voices, for that day there were xvii. of divers nations nominate. Notwithstanding Amedeus duke of Savoy, a man of singular virtue, surmounted them all: 
A scrutiny is a privy election by voices. Amedeus Duke of Savoy.  for in the first scrutiny he had the voice of xvi. Electors which judged him worthy to govern the church.  
After this, there was diligent inquisition had in the Council, touching those which were named of the Electors, and as every man's opinion served him, he did either praise or discommend those which were nominate. notwithstanding there was such report made of Amedeus, that in the next Scrutiny, which was holden in the Nonas of November, the said Amedeus had 21. voices, and likewise in the 3. and 4. Scrutinye 21. voices. And for so much as there was none found in all the scrutiny to have 2. parts all the other schedules were burnt. And forsomuch as there lacked but only one voice to the election of the high bishop, they fell unto prayer, desiring God that he would vouchsafe to direct their minds to an unity and concord, 
Prayer for unity and concord.  worthily to elect and choose him which should take the charge over the flock of God. Forsomuch as Amedeus seemed to be nearer unto the papacy than all other, there was great communication had amongst them touching his life and disposition. Some said that a lay man ought not so suddenly to be chosen: for it would seem a strange thing for a secular prince to be called unto the Bishopric of Rome: which would also to much derogate from the ecclesiastical state, as though there were none therein meet or worthy for that dignity. Other some said that a man which was married and had children, was unmeet for such a charge. Other some again affirmed that the bishop of Rome ought to be a Doctor of law, and an excellent learned man.  
When these words were spoken, other some rising up, spoke far otherwise, that albeit Amedeus was no Doctor, yet was he learned and wise, for so much as all his whole youth, he had bestowed in learning & study, & had sought not the name, but even the ground of learning. Then said another, if ye be desirous to be instructed further of this prince's life, I pray you give ear unto me, which do know him thoroughly. Truly this man from his youth upward, and even from his young and tender years, hath lived more religiously then secularly, being always obedient to his parents and masters, 
Let lying Pogius be ashamed of his false invective against Amedeus.  and being always endued with the fear of God, never given to any vanity or wantonness: neither hath there at any time been any child of the house of Savoy, in whom hath appeared greater wit to towardness, whereby all those which did behold and know this man, judged and foresaw some great matter in him: neither were they deceived. For if ye desire to know his rule & governance, what and how noble it hath been: First know ye this, that this man hath reigned since his father's decease, about xl. years.  
During whose time, justice, the Lady and Queen of all other virtues, hath always flourished: For he hearing his subjects himself, would never suffer the poor to be oppressed, or the weak to be deceived. He was the defender of the fatherless, the advocate of the widows, and protector of the poor. There was no rapine or robbery in all his territory. The poor and rich lived all under one law, neither was he burdenous unto his subjects, or importune against strangers throughout all his country: there was no grievous exactions of money, throughout all his dominion. He thought himself rich enough, if the inhabitants of his dominions did abound and were rich, knowing that it was the point of a good shepherd to shear his sheep, and not to devour them. In this also was his chief study and care, that his subjects might live in peace, and such as bordered upon him, might have no occasion of grudge.  
By which policies he did not only quietly govern his Father's dominion, but also augmented the same by others, which willingly submitted themselves unto him. He never made war upon any, but resisting against such as made war upon him, he studied rather to make peace then to seek any revenge, desiring rather to overcome his enemies with benefits, then with the sword. He married only one wife, which was a noble virgin, & of singular beauty and chastity. He would have all his family to keep their hands and eyes chaste, and continent, and throughout all his house, honesty and integrity of manners was observed. When as his wife had changed her life, and that he perceived his Duchy to be established, & that it should come with out any controversy unto his posterity, he declared his mind which was always religious, & dedicate unto god, & showed what will and affection he had long borne in his hart. For he contemning the pomp and state of this world, calling unto him his dear friends, departed and went into a wilderness: where as building a goodly Abbey he addicted himself wholly to the service of God, 
Commendation of Amedeus Pope elect.  and taking his cross upon him, followed Christ. In which place he being conversant by the space of many years, showed forth great examples of holiness, wearing no other garments than such as could withstand the cold, neither using any kind of dainty fare, 
To have a wife is no let for a good man to be elected Pope.  but only to resist hunger, watching and praying the most part of the night. Wherefore this Prince is not newly come unto the Church (as some do suppose) but being a Christian borne of progenitors, a thousand years and more being Christians, doth now serve God in a monastery.  

Pope's have been married.  But as touching that, also which is spoken concerning a wife, I do not regard it: when as not only he which hath had a wife, but he also which hath a wife may be elect & chosen pope. 
Read the 5 Epistle of Ignatius and you shall see that the Apostles had wives, & Baptista Mantuanus maketh mention how that Hilarius Bishop of Pictavia had a wife.  For why do the doctor's dispute, whether a married man chosen pope, aught to perform his duty toward his wife, but only because a married man might be received and chosen? For as you know well enough, there were many Popes that had wives: and Peter also was not without a wife. But what do we stand about this? for peradventure it had been better that more priests had been married, for many should be saved through marriage, which are now damned through their single life. But hereof we will (saith he) speak in another place. But this seemeth unto me, rather to be laughed at, then worthy any answer which is objected touching his children, for what can children (specially being of great age) be impediment or let unto the father, 
Eccle. 4.  being a Bishop? Doth not the Scripture say woe be unto him that is alone, for if he fall, he hath none to help him up again? This can not be imputed unto the prince, for he hath 2. sons, both comely and wise. Whereof the one is prince of Piedmont, the other Earl of the Gebennians: these men will rule the country of Savoy in the absence of their father, & will help him, if he have need, for they have already learned to rule over that people. I pray you what hurt is it for a Bishop of Rome, to have valiant children, which may help their father against tyrants? O most reverent fathers, the more I do behold the storm of this most perverse and froward time, the more I do consider the vexations and troubles which the church is now tormented withal: I do so much the more think it profitable, yea & necessary, that this man should be chosen prince and head: I will think that God hath showed his mercy upon us, if I may see him have the governance over this boat, I pray you consider into what straits we are now driven, with what perils we are now vexed & tossed. What prince is it that is obedient unto this council? For some will not confess that the Council is here, neither receive our decrees: other some confess it in their words, but by their deeds they declare it to be at Florence. For albeit that by their words & letters, 
Schism in the Church.  they do not deny that the church is here, yet do they procure promotions at the hands of Gabriel, which is deposed. This is the state of the Church: with these storms and tempests the ship is shaken and bruised: Wicked children have risen up against their mother, which being unmindful of their mother's labours & kindness towards them, despise her, contemn her & beat her. What is to be done here in? Shall we choose a bare man, which shall rather be derided of our princes, than had in reverence? The days are not now, that men have respect only unto virtue: for (as the Satirical Poet writeth) virtue is praised, but is coldly followed. A poor man speaketh & they ask what he is? Truly virtue is good: but for our purpose, it must be marked and looked upon, whether it be in a rich man or a poor man, you must choose a governor which may rule the ship not only by Council, but by power also. The wind is great: Wherefore except the Council be good, and the power strong, the ship shall be broken, & all put in danger. The memorial is yet fresh before our eyes: that the princes do neglect the authority which is of no force or power. Is there not great valiantness showed in this point, in that you fearing no peril or danger, either of life or goods, have so long contended for the truth of Christ? But the most mighty & high God looketh down from on high, and will resist this their pride. I have often consented unto their opinion, 
Good it were that temporal dominions were divided from the Church.  which said it was expedient, that the temporal dominions should be divided from the Ecclesiastical state: for I did think that the priests should thereby be made more apt to the divine ministry, & the secular princes more obedient to the clergy: but for so much as at this present, the churches of the world are possessed, partly by Eugenius & partly by other tyrants, we must provide that we choose such a one, which may recover again the patrimony of the Church, and in whom the office of Christ's vicar may not be contemned: through the shield of whose power, their contumacy may be suppressed, which contemn both verity & reason. Whereunto no man seemeth unto me more apt or meet, than Amadeus duke of Savoy, which holdeth the one part of his possessions in Italy, and the other in France: Unto whom all christian princes are allied either by consanguinity, or joined by amity and friendship, & whose virtue, how famous it is, I have already declared. Why do we then stay or doubt to choose him? then whom Gabriel feareth no man more. Let him therefore perish with the sword where withal he hath stricken. There is no man which can more pacify the church than he. Do you require devotion in a bishop? there is no man more devout than he. Do you require prudence? Now ye understand by his former life, what manner of man he is. If ye seek for justice, his people are a witness thereof: so that whether you seek for virtue or power, all are here present before you. Whereupon do ye stay? Go to I pray you: choose this man. He will augment the faith: he will reform manners, and preserve the authority of the Church. Have ye not heard these troubles of the church to have been afore spoken of, and that the time now present should be an end of all troubles? Have ye not heard that about this time, there should a Pope be chosen, which should comfort Zion, and set all things in peace? And who I pray you should he be that could fulfil these things, except we choose this man? Believe me, these sayings must be fulfilled, & I trust that God will move your minds thereunto. Notwithstanding, do whatsoever ye shall think most good and holy.  
When he had spoken these words, the greatest number of the electors seemed to consent unto him, and his words took such effect, that in the next Scrutiny, the matter was finished and ended, and when the Scrutiny was opened, it was found that Amedius, 
Amedeus Duke of Savoy chosen Pope.  the most devout duke of Savoy according to the decree of the Council, was chosen Pope. Wherefore suddenly there was great joy & gladness amongst them, and all men highly commended their doings. Then the Cardinal Arelatensis, published unto them the name of the elect bishop. After this, all the prelates in their robes, pontificalibus, and mitres, and all the clergy of the city coming unto the conclave, the electors being likewise adorned, they brought them unto the great church, where as after great thanks given unto God, and the election again declared unto the people, a Hymn being song for joy, the congregation was dissolved.  
This Amedeus aforesaid, was a man of reverent age, of comely stature, 
Pope Felix. 5.  of grave and discreet behaviour: also before married. Who thus being elect for Pope about November, was called Felix the v. and was crowned in the city of basil, in the month of july. There were present at his coronation jews Duke of Savoy: Philip Earl Gebenens. Jews Marquis of Salutze: The Marquis of Rotelen: Conrade of Winsperghey, 
The numbs of people a● the coronation of P. Felix. The pope's two sons serving at the coronation. The valuation of the pope's crown  Chamberlain of the Empire: The Earl of Dierstein: The Ambassadors of the Cities of Strasbrough, Berne, Friburge, Solatorne, with a great multitude of other beside, to the view of 50000. persons. At this coronatiou, the Pope's two sons did serve and minister to their father. Jews Cardinal of Hostia did set on his head, the pontifical Diadem, which was esteemed at 30. thousand crowns. It were long here to recite the whole order and solemnity of the procession, or the Pope's riding about the City. First proceeded the Pope under his Canaby of cloth of gold, having on his head a triple crown, and blessing the people as he went. By him went the Marquis of Rotelen, and Conrade of Winsperge, leading his horse by the bridle. 
The Pope's dinner and service.  The procession finished, they went to dinner, which lasted four full hours, being excessively sumptuous: where the Pope's two sons were butler's to his cup. The Marquis of Salutze was the steward, etc.  
Of this Foelix, 
Volat. lib. 3.  thus writeth Uolaterane in his 3. book, that he being desired of certain of the Ambassadors, if he had any dogs or hounds to show them: 
A note for our gentlemen, & lords, to learn how to hunt, and what dogs to keep.  he willed them the next day to repair to him, and he would show unto them such as he had. When the Ambassadors, according to the appointment, were come, he showeth unto them, a great number of poor people and beggars sitting at his tables at meat, declaring, that those were his hounds, which he every day used to feed: hunting with them (he trusted) for the glory of heaven to come.  
And thus you have heard the state of this Council hitherto, which Council endured a long season, the space of 17. years. 
The death of Sigismond the Emperor. Albertus' 2. Emperor. Anno 1438. The death of Albertus 2.   
About the 6. year of the Council, Sigismond the Emperor died, leaving but one daughter to succeed him in his kingdoms: whom he had married to Albert 2. Duke of Austricke, which first succeeded in the kingdom of Hungary and Boheme, being a sore adversary to the Bohemians: and afterward was made Emperor. an. 1438. and reigned Emperor but 2. years, leaving his wife, which was Sigismond his daughter, great with child. After which Albert, succeeded his brother Frederick the third Duke of Ostrich, in the Empire, etc. whereof more (Christ willing) hereafter.  
In the mean time, Eugenius hearing of the death of Sigismond above recited, began to work the dissolution of the Council of basil, and to transfer it to Ferraria, pretending the coming of the Grecians. Notwithstanding the Council of basil, through the disposition of God, and the worthiness of Cardinal Arelatensis, constantly endured. Albeit in the said Council were many stops and practices to impeach the same, 
The plague at basil. in time of the council.  beside the sore plague of pestilence, which fell in the City, during the said Council. In the which plague time, besides the death of many worthy men, Aeneas Silvius also himself, the writer & compiler of the whole history of that Council sitting at the feet of the Bishops of Tournon, 
Aeneas silvius, sick of the plague at Basil.  and of Lubeck, lay sick iij. days of the same sore, as is above touched, and never thought to escape. They that died, departed with this exhortation, desiring men to pray to God, that he would convert the hearts of them that stuck to Eugenius as Pope, against that Council, as partly is afore noted, and now repeated again for the better marking. 
The constant zeal of Arelatensis to the truth.  Arelatensis being most instantly exhorted by his friends to fly that danger, could by no means be entreated to avoid, fearing more the danger of the Church, then of his own life.  
Beside these so great difficulties & obstacles to stay and hinder this Council, strange it was to behold the mutation of men's minds. Of whom, such as first seemed to favour the Council, after did impugn it: and such as before were against it, in the end showed themselves most friends unto the same. The chief Cardinals & prelate's, the more they had to lose, the sooner they slipped away, or else lurked in houses or towns near, and absented themselves for fear: so that the stay of the Council most rested upon their Proctors, Doctors, 
Aeneas Sil. epist. 183. The wealthy prelates slide away from the council.  Archdeacon's, Deans, provosts, priors, and such other of the inferior sort. Whereof Aeneas Silvius in his 183. Epistle, maketh this relation, where one Caspar Schlicke the emperors chancellor writeth to the Cardinal julian in these words: Those Cardinals (saith he) which so long time magnified so highly the authority of the Church, and of general Counsels, seeming, as though they were ready to spend their lives for the same, now at the sight of one letter from their king (wherein yet no death was threatened, but only loss of their promotions) slipped away from Basil. 
Wealthy prelate's afraid of truth. ●ide quam plebe, career malunt. Promotions choke the clergy.  And in the same Epistle deridingly commendeth them, as wise men, that had rather lose their faith, than their flock. Albeit (saith he) they departed not far away, but remained about Solotorne, waiting for other commandments from their Prince. Whereby it may appear, how they did shrink away not willingly, but the Burse (quoth he) bindeth faster, then true honour.  
Quid enim saluis infamia nummis? That is to say: what matter maketh the name of a man, so his money be safe? Haec Aeneas.  
Moreover in one of the Sessions of the said Council, the worthy Cardinal Arelatensis is said thus to have reported, that Christ was sold for thirty. pence: but I (said he) was sold much more dear. For Gabriel, otherwise called Eugenius, Pope, offered 60. thousand crowns, who so would take me, 
60. thousand crowns offered by pope ●ugenius, for the betraying of Arelatensis.  & present me unto him. And they that took the said Cardinal, afterward excused their fact by another colour, pretending the cause, for that the Cardinal's brother, what time the Armiakes wasted Alsatia, had wrought great damage to the inhabitants there, and therefore they thought (said they) that they might lawfully lay hands upon a Frenchman, wheresoever they might take him. At length by the Bishop of Strasbrough, Rupert, 
Arelatensis taken and rescued. God's defence toward his servants. Ex paraelip. Abb. Vrsper.  and the said City, the matter was taken up, and he rescued. Wherein, no doubt, appeared the hand of God, in defending his life from the pestilent danger of the Pope his adversary. Ex Paralip. Abbot. Vrsper.  
And thus far having proceeded in the matters of this foresaid Council, until the election of Amadeus, called Pope Foelix v. before we prosecute the rest, that remaineth thereof to be spoken, the order and course of times requireth to intermixed withal the residue pertaining to the matters concluded between this Council, and the Bohemians, declaring the whole circumstances of the Ambassade, their Articles, disputations, and answers, which they had first in the said Council, then in their own country with the Counsels Ambassadors: also with their petitions and answers unto the same.  

The story of the Bohemians prosecuted.  Touching the story of the Bohemians, how they being sent for, came up to the Council of basil, & how they appeared, and what was there concluded and agreed, partly before hath been expressed, pag. 675. Now, as leisure serveth from other matters, to return again unto the same, it remaineth to prosecute the rest that lacketh, so far as both brevity may be observed, and yet the reader not defrauded of such things, principally worthy in the same to be noted and known.  
The Bohemians then (as is before declared) having always the upper hand, albeit they were accused by the new Bishop Eugenius, yet it was thought good that they should be called unto basil, where as the Council was appointed. Whereupon Cardinal julian sent thither before, john Pullumair Doctor of the law, & john de Ragulio, a Divine. Who coming unto basil in the month of August, anno. 1431. called by their letters unto the Council, john, Abbot of Mulbrun, and john Belhusius, Monk of the same cloister: which men for the dexterity of their wit, and experience and knowledge of countries, were very meet and necessary for Ambassades.  
Within a few days after, julianus also came thither, as he had promised, and immediately sent out john Belhusius, and Hammon Offenbourg, a Senator of basil, first unto the Emperor Sigismond being at Felokirch, and afterward unto Friderike Duke of Ostrich, for the appealing of the wars between him & Philip, Duke of Burgony. This done, to the intent that peace being had, not only the Ecclesiastical Prelates, but also the Merchants might have safe access unto basil, and so bring in all things necessary for sustentation.  
They going on this Ambassade, 
The Bohemians invited to come to the council.  received letters from the Synod to be delivered unto the Emperor Sigismond, whereby the Bohemians and moravians, were called unto the Council. These letters he by and by, caused to be carried unto Boheme. But for so much as he himself went into Italy, to receive the Imperial Crown of the Bishop, he left William Duke of Bavaria, as his Deputy, to be protector unto that Council. Furthermore, when as the Synod understood that our men would take a peace with the Bohemians, after their most shameful flight, they sent john Niderius a Divine, & john Belhusius, to comfort the people which joined upon Boheme, and earnestly to move the moravians & Bohemians, which were before called, to come unto the Council.  
They departing from basil about the end of October, took their journey toward Monacum, a town of Bavaria: Where, after they had saluted William Duke of Bavaria and his brother Ernestus, and Albert the son of Ernestus, and had declared the Commission of their Ambassade, and had showed unto Duke William, how that as soon as he should come unto basil, the protection of the Council should be committed unto him by the Emperor: they exhorted Fridericke, Marquis of Brandenburg, and john Duke of Bavaria, the Senate of Noremberg, and other Princes and Lords, partly by letters from the Council, and partly by words of mouth, that they should by no means, take any truce with the Bohemians, for that it might be hurtful unto the Church, and said they should have aid out of hand. They desired them also in the name of the Council, that if the Bohemians would send their Ambassadors unto basil, they would guide them, every man through his country in safety: which they promised to do. It is incredible how all men rejoiced, that the Bohemians was sent for.  
After this, when as they counseled with the Senate of Noremberg, touching the sending of the Counsels letters unto Boheme, it seemed best, first of all to inquire of the rulers of Egra, whether the Bohemians had made any answer to the former letters of the council which they had sent. The rulers of Egra being advertised by these letters, sent him, which carried the Counsels letters into Boheme, unto Noremberg. He reported how reverently the Council of the greater city of prague received the letters, and how he was rewarded.  
Whereupon they conceived great hope of the good success of the Ambassade. Therefore the Ambassadors using the Council of the Senate of Noremberg, 
The Bohemians laboure● to come to the Council.  and divers others, sent the messenger back again unto Egra, with their own private letters, and with letters of the Council: for there was no better mean to send the letters unto Boheme. Much travail was taken by them of Egra, Friderike Marquis of Brandenburg, and john Duke of Bavaria, in this matter, for that they were very desirous that peace might be had amongst all Christians. The copy of those letters, whereby the Synod did call the Bohemians unto the Council, and other letters exhortatory of the Ambassadors, and the Bohemians answer unto the same: for brevities cause we have here pretermitted. The Bohemians not in all points trusting unto the Ambassadors, required by their letters, that the Counsels Ambassadors with the other Princes, would come unto Egra, whereas their Ambassadors should also be present, to entreat upon the safe conduct and other matters.  
The day was appointed for the meeting, the Sunday after Easter, which was the xxvij. day of April. Then came the Ambassadors of the Council unto Egra, 
The Ambassadors of the Bohemians, and of the council meet together at Egra.  with the noble Princes, Friderike Marquis of Brandenburg, and john Duke of Bavaria, with other nobles, almost to the number of 252. horse. But none of the Bohemians were present, because the inhabitants of Pilsana, and the Lord Swambergius had not sent their safe conduct. When they understood this by their letters, they brought to pass that the Ambassadors of the Bohemians, Nicolaus Hunpeltzius, secretary of the greater City of prague, and Matthew Clumpezane, Precedent of Piesta, should be brought forth by them of Egra, and the Elenbogenses, and so they came unto Egra with nineteen. horse, the viij. day of May. The next day after, Henry Tocgye, received the Bohemian Ambassadors before the Marques, with an eloquent Oration, taking this part of the Gospel for his Theme, Pax vobis. i. Peace be with you. Then they propounded what great injuries they had hitherto received at their hands, which was the cause of so many great slaughters on either party, and that they were glad that yet now at the length there was some hope that they should be heard.  
After this, they conferred as touching the safeconduict. The Bohemians required pledges, 
The Bohemians require pledges.  and that not of the common sort, but Princes & nobles. Which thing, for so much as it did not content the Ambassadors, and that the matter should so be put of, the common people of Egra began to cry out that it was long of the Ecclesiastical Princes, that a concord was not made with the Bohemians. Then Friderike Marquis of Brandemberge, 
Princes bound to the Bohemians.  and john Duke of Bavaria, bound themselves of their own good will. The like also did William Duke of Bavaria, at the request of the Council. Likewise also did the Council and the Emperor Sigismond. Furthermore promise was made, that all the Princes and Cities, should do the like, through whose dominion they should come, 
The Bohemians require the Emperor to be ●●●sent at the ●●●cell.  and the City of basil also. The copy of which safeconduict was afterward sent unto prague. This also was required by the Bohemians, that if it were possible, the Emperor should be present at the Council.  
This convention at Egra continued xxj. days. But the Bohemians, albeit they heard the Counsels Ambassadors make great promises, yet did they not fully give credit unto them. Whereupon they chose out two Ambassadors, Nicholas Humgolizius, 
The Bohemians send two ambassadors to the council.  & john Zaczenses, which should go to basil, & diligently inquire out all things. These men, Conrade Bishop of Ratisbone, and Conrade Seglaver Deane of Esteine, brought unto Cattelspurg, where as the Marquis dwelled, being sent out by the Synod a little before, to inquire whether the Bohemian Ambassadors would come or not. When they were come unto Biberacke, one being overcurious, inquired of one of the Bohemian Ambassadors, of what Country he was. He answered that he was a Zaczen. There (said he) are most execrable heretics and naughty men, etc. Who for that slanderous word, as a breaker of the truce, was straightway carried to prison, and there should have suffered more punishment, if the Bohemian Ambassadors, and the Abbot of Ebera, had not entreated for him. When they came unto basil, 
Good justice upon a slanderous railer. The gentleness of the Bohemians Ambassadors. The Bmbassadours of the Bohemians turn home.  they were honourably received with wine and fish. They tarried there five days and a half. The tenth day of October, they came unto the Synod, which was assembled at the Friars Augustine's.  
These Ambassadors, when as they were returned home with the charter of the Synod, and declared those things which they had seen, and that the matter was earnestly handled without fraud or deceit: there were Ambassadors chosen to be sent unto the Council, both for the kingdom of Boheme, and the Marquesdome of Moravia, which coming unto Tusca, were brought from thence, 
The Bohemians 〈◊〉 up to the council other solemn Ambassadors.  with xxxij. horse, & divers noble men, unto Chambia. From thence they came to Swenkendorph, and so unto Noremberg, where as beside their entertainment of wine & fish, xxij. horsemen accompanied them unto Ulmes: from thence, they of Ulmes brought them unto Biberacke, and Sulgotia: there james Tunches a Knight receiving them, brought them to Stockacum, and from thence the hands of the Duke of Bavaria brought them unto Schafhuse. There they taking ship the fourth day of january, came unto basil the ix. day of the same month. What were the names of these Ambassadors of the Bohemians, which were brought up with 300. horse, and how they were received at basil, mention is made before, pag. 675. When as they came unto the Synod, Cardinal julian made an Oration, that whatsoever was in any place in doubt, the same aught to be determined by the authority of the Council, for somuch as all men are bound to submit themselves to the judgement of the holy Church, which the General Council doth represent. Which Oration was not allowed of all the Bohemians.  
Then Rochezanus made an Oration, requiring to have a day appointed when they should be heard, 
The oration of the Cardinal julian to the Bohemians. Vide supra. pag. 675. The first article of the Bohemians, by the first Ambass. The second article of the Bohe. by the second Ambass. The third article of the Bohe. by the third Ambassador. The fourth article of the Bohe by the 4. Ambass. The oration of the Abbot of Sistertia offensive to the Bohemians. john Ragusinus replieth against the first article.  which was appointed the xuj. day of the same month. Upon which day, john Rochezanus having made his preface, begun to propound the first Article touching the Communion to be ministered under both kinds, and disputed upon the same by the space of three days always before noon. Then Uenceslaus the Thaborite disputed upon the second article, touching the correction and punishing of sin, by the space of ij. days. After whom Uldaricus priest of the Orphans propounded & disputed upon the third Article by the space of ij. days, touching the free preaching of the word of God.  
Last of all, Peter Pain, an English man, disputed iij days upon the fourth article touching the civil dominion of the Clergy, and afterward gave copies of their disputations in writing unto the Council, with hearty thanks that they were heard. The three last did somewhat inveigh against the Council, Commending john Hus & john Wickliff for their doctrine. Whereupon john de Ragusio a Divine, rising up, desired that he might have leave to answer in his own name, to the first article of the Bohemians. The Council consented thereunto: so that by the space of viij. days in the fore noon, he disputed therupon. But before he began to answer, john the abbot of Sistertia made an oration unto the Bohemians, that they should submit themselves to the determination of the holy church, which this council doth represent. This matter did not a little offend the Bohemians, john Ragusinus a divine, after Scholars fashion: in his answer spoke often of heresies and of heretics. Procopius could not suffer it, but rising up with an angry stomach complained openly to the council of this injury. This our countryman (saith he) doth us great injury, calling us oftentimes heretics. Whereunto Ragusinus answered: for somuch as I am your countryman both by tongue and nation, I do the more desire to reduce you again unto the Church. 
The Bohemians displeased with Ragusinus.  He was a Dalmatian borne, and it appeareth that the Dalmatians going into Boheme, took their name by their country which they possessed. It came almost to this point, that through this offence, the Bohemians would departed from basil, and could scarcely be appeased. Certain of the Bohemians would not hear Ragusinus finish his disputation.  
After him, 
Egidius Carlerius answereth against the second Article. Henr. Coldyron answereth to the 3. article john Pollomarius answereth to the 4. article.  a famous Divine, one Egidius Carlerius, Deane of the Church of Cambrey, answered unto the second article, by the space of iiij. days. To the third article answered one Henricus, surnamed Frigidum ferrum iij. days together. Last of all, one johannes Polomarius, master of the requests of the palace, answered unto the fourth article likewise by the space of three days, so that the long time which they used in disputations, seemed tedious unto the Bohemians. Notwithstanding this answer, the Bohemians still defended their articles, & specially the first, insomuch as I. Rochezanus did strongly impugn Ragusinus answer by the space of vi. days. But forsomuch as one disputation bred another, and it was not perceived how that by this means any concord could be made: the prince William Duke of Bavaria, Protector of the Council, attempted another remedy, that all disputations being set apart, the matter should be friendly debated.  
There were certain appointed on either part to entreat upon the concord: 
Certain chosen on both sides to determine the matter.  who coming together the eleventh day of March, those which were appointed for the Council, were demanded to say their minds. It seemeth good, said they, if these men would be united unto us, & be made one body with us, that this body might then accord, declare and determine all manner of diversities of opinions and sects, what is to be believed or done in them.  
The Bohemians, when they had a while paused, said: this way seemed not apt enough, except first of all, the four articles were exactly discussed, so that either we should agree with them, or they with us, for otherwise it would be but a frivolous matter, if they now being united again, disagree in the deciding of the articles. Here answer was made to the Bohemians, that if they were rightly united, and the aid of the holy Ghost called for, they should not err in the deciding of the matter, for somuch as every Christian ought to believe that determination: which if they would do, it would breed a most firm & strong concord and amity on either part. But this answer satisfied them not, in so much the other three rose up, and disputed against the answers which were given. At that time Cardinal julian Precedent of the Council, made this oration unto the Bohemian Ambassadors.  
This sacred Synod, saith he, hath now by the space of ten days, patiently heard the propositions of your four articles, 
The oration of Cardinal 〈◊〉.  and afterward he annexed: you have propounded saith he, four articles, but we understand that beside these four, you have many other strange doctrines, wherein ye descent from us. Wherefore it is necessary, if that a perfect unity and fraternity shall follow between us, that all these things be declared in the council, to the end that by the grace of the holy Ghost, which is the author of peace and truth, due provision may be made therein. For we have not gathered these things of light conjectures, but have heard them of credible persons, and partly here are some present, which have seen them with their own eyes in Boheme, and partly we do gather it by our own report: for master Nicholas, which was the second that did propound, 
Nicolas the 2. propounder, charged by the Cardinal, for the commencing of joh. Wickliff.  amongst other things alleged, that john Wickliff was an evangelical Doctor. If ye believe him to be a true Doctor, it followeth that you must repute his works as authentic: If ye do not so think, it is reason that it should be opened unto us.  
Wherefore we desire you, that you will certify us upon these and certain other points, what you do believe, or what credit you do give unto them. But we do not require that you should now declare your reasons, but it shall satisfy us, if you will answer unto every article by this word. Credimus aut non credimus: that is, we believe or believe not. Which if you will do (as we trust you will) than we shall manifestly perceive that you desire that we should conceive a good estimation of you. If there be any thing, whereof you would be certified by us, ask it boldly, and we will give you an answer out of hand: For we are ready according to the doctrine of S. Peter, to render account unto every man which shall require it, 
A prudent answer of the Bohemians to the Cardinal julian.  touching the faith which we hold. Hereunto the Bohemian Ambassadors answered in few words, that they came only to propound those four articles, not in their own name, but in the name of the whole kingdom of Boheme, and speak no more. Whereupon, William the noble protector of the council, calling unto him four men on either part, entreated touching the pacifying of the matter, 
The Ambassadors of the Bohemians return without agreement.  by whose advice, the Council decreed to send a famous Ambassade, with the Bohemian Ambassadors unto prague, whereas the people should assemble upon Sunday. But they would not receive these conditions of peace, which were offered, but made haste to departed. Whereupon, the fourteen day of April, there was ten chosen out of the council, to go with the Bohemian Ambassadors unto prague.  
It were to long here to declare what honour was done unto these Ambassadors, all the way in their journey, and specially when they came unto Boheme by the Citizens of prague, when as a great number of Bohemians were assembled at prague at the day appointed, both of the Clergy, Nobility and common people.  
After the coming of those Ambassadors, much contention begun to rise between the parties. 
The coming of the Legates to prague. joh. Rochezanus speaketh.  First begun joh. Rochezanus: who speaking in the public person of the commutaltie, laboured to commend and prefer the iiij. verities of the Bohemians before propounded: charging also the Prelates and Priests for their slanderous obtrectatious, and undeserved contumelies, wherewith they did infame the noble kingdom of Boheme, complaining also that they would not receive those christian verities, left & allowed by their king Wenceslaus, now departed. Wherefore he required them in the behalf of the whole nation, 
Ex Cochleo, hist. lib. 7.  that they would leave off hereafter to oppress them in such sort, that they would restore to them again their joseph's vesture, that is, the ornament of their good fame and name, whereof their brethren, their enemies had spoiled them, etc.  
To this Polomar maketh answer again, with a long and curious oration, 
Polomas answereth to the Bohemians.  exhorting them to peace and unity of the Church, which if they would embrace, all other obstacles and impediments (said he) should be soon removed, promising also that this their vesture of honour and fame, should be amply restored again: and afterward, if there were any doubtful matters, they might & should be the better discussed.  
But all this pleased not the Bohemians, unless they might first have a declaration of their four articles, 
The Bohemians reply again to Polomar.  which if they might obtain, they promised then to embrace peace and concord, Which peace (said they) began first to be broken by themselves, in that the Council of Constance by their unjust condemnation, burned john Hus, and Jerome of prague, and also by their cruel Bulls and censures, raised up first excommunication, than war against the whole kingdom of Boheme.  
Hereunto Polomar reclaiming again, began to advance and magnify the honour and dignity of general counsels. To conclude, as much as the said Polomar did extol the authority of the Counsels, so much did the answer of the Bohemians extenuate the same: saying that the latter Counsels which are not expressed in the law of God, have erred, 
Polomar extolleth the Councils.  & might err, not only in faith, but also in manners. For that which hath chanced to the green wood, may also chance unto the dry. But of other, the most strong pillars of the militant Church, 
General councils may err and have erred.  the Apostles I mean: seem all to have erred, and the Catholic faith to have remained three days sound & incorrupt only in the virgin Mary. No Christian man therefore aught to be compelled to stand to the determination of the Pope or the Council, except it be in that, which is plainly expressed in the law of God. For it is evident, that all the general Counsels which have been of long time, have reform very few things as touching the faith, peace, and manners of the Church: but have always both in their life and decrees, notoriously swerved, and have not established themselves upon the foundation, which is Christ. Wherefore the said Bohemians protested that they would not simply & plainly (God being their good Lord) yield themselves to their doctrine, nor to such rash and hasty decrees: lest through that their hasty and uncircumspect submission, they should bind their faith and life, contrary to the wholesome and sound doctrine of our Lord Christ jesus. In sum, in no case they would enter into any agreement of peace, except their four Articles, which they counted for evangelical verities, were first accepted and approved. Which being obtained (said they) if they would condescend with them in the verity of the Gospel, so would they join together, & be made one with them in the Lord. 
Ex Cochleo hist. lib. 7.  etc. Ex Cochleo Hist. Lib. 7.  
When the Ambassadors saw the matter would not otherwise be brought to pass, 
The Ambassadors of the council and the Bohemians, could not agree. A declaration of 3. articles promised to the Bohemians by the Council.  they required to have those Articles delivered unto them in a certain form, which they sent unto the Council by three Bohemian Ambassadors.  
Afterward the Council sent a declaration into Boheme, to be published unto the people, in the common assemblies of the kingdom, by the Ambassadors, which were commanded to report unto the Bohemians, in the name of the Council, that if they would receive the declaration of those three Articles, and the unity of the Church, there should be a mean found whereby the matter touching the fourth Article, of the Communion under both kinds, should be passed with peace and quietness.  
They propounded in prague, in an open assembly of the Nobles and commons, the declarations of the three Articles in form following.  
For somuch as touching the doctrine of the verity, 
A declaration of the Council to the Bohemians, concerning the first 3. articles.  we ought so to proceed soberly & warily, that the truth may be declared, with words being so orderly conceived & uttered, that there be no offence given to any man, whereby he should fall or take occasion of error, & (to use the words of Isidore) that nothing by obscurity be left doubtful: whereas you have propounded touching the inhibition & correction of sins, 
The 2. proposition propounded by the Bohemians, with the declaration from the Council.  in these words: all mortal sins, & specially open offences, aught to be rooted out, punished, & inhibited, by them whose duty it is so to do, reasonably & according to the law of God: here is to be marked and understand, that this word (whose duty it is) is too general, and may be an offence: & according to the meaning of the Scripture, we ought not to lay any stumbling stock before the blind, and the diches are to be closed up, that our neighbour's Ox do not fall therein: all occasion of offence is to be taken away. 
Punishing of public offences how and by whom. Note here the pope's addition.  Therefore we say that according to the meaning of the holy Scripture, and the doctrine of the holy Doctors, it is thus universally to be holden: that all mortal sins, specially public offences, are to be rooted out, corrected and inhibited, as reasonably as may be, according to the law of God, & the institutions of the fathers. The power to punish these offenders, doth not pertain unto any private person, but only unto them which have jurisdiction of the law over them, the distinction of law & justice, being orderly observed.  
As touching the preaching of the word of God, which Article you have alleged in this form, 
The 3. article of the Bohemians with the declaration from the council.  that the word of God should be freely and faithfully preached by the fit and apt ministers of the Lord: lest by this word (freely) occasion may be taken of disordered liberty, which (as you have often said ye do not mean) the circumstance thereof is to be understand and we say, that (according to the meaning of the holy Scripture, and doctrine of the holy Fathers) it is thus universally to be believed: 
Liberty of preaching, how far and to whom at extendeth.  that the word of God ought freely, but not every where, but faithfully & orderly, to be preached by the Priests and Levites of the Lord, being allowed and sent by their superiors, unto whom that office appertaineth, the authority of the Bishop always reserved, who is the provider of all things according to the institution of the holy fathers.  

The 4. article of the Bohemians with the declaration from the Council.  As concerning the last Article expressed under these words: it is not lawful for the Christian Clergy, in the time of the law of grace, to have dominion over temporal goods: we remember that in the solemn disputation holden in the sacred Council, he which was appointed by that Council to dispute, propounded two conclusions in this sort.  
First, that such of the Clergy as were not religious, and had not bound themselves thereunto by a vow, 
Temporal possessions in the clergy men's hands.  might lawfully have and possess any temporal goods, as the inheritance of his father or any other, if it be left unto him, or any other goods justly gotten by means of any gift or other lawful contract, or else some lawful art.  

The papists stand hard for their temporal Lordships.  The second conclusion: The church may lawfully have and possess temporal goods, movable and unmovable, houses, lands, towns, and villages, castles and Cities, and in them have a private and civil dominion. Your Ambassador which disputed against him, granted those conclusions, saying that they did not impugn the sense of his Article, being well understand, for somuch as he understandeth his Article, of civil dominion formally meant. Whereby, and also by other things, it may be understand, that those words, to have secular dominion expressed in the foresaid Article, seemeth to be referred to some special manner or kind of dominion. But for somuch as the doctrine of the Church is not to be entreated upon by any ambiguous or doubtful words, but fully and plainly: therefore we have thought good more plainly to express that, which according to the law of God, and the doctrine of the holy Doctors, is universally to be believed: that is to say, the two aforesaid conclusions to be true. And also, that the Clergy ought faithfully to distribute the goods of the Church, whose administrators they are, according to the decrees of the holy fathers: and that the usurpation of the administration of the Church goods, done by any other then by them, unto whom the administration is Canonically committed, can not be without gilt of sacrilege.  
Thus the sacred Council (said they) hath diligently gone about according to the verity of the Gospel, all ambiguity set apart, to expound the true sense of the three foresaid Articles. Wherefore, if there do yet remain any doubt: according to the information which we have received in the sacred Council, we are ready by God's help (who is the principal verity) to declare the truth unto you: If ye do receive and embrace the declaration of the said three Articles, which is grounded upon the verity of the holy Scripture, as you are bound, and will effectually have a pure, simple, and perfect unity, touching the liberty of the communion under both kinds, which you desire and require, which also you can not lawfully have, without the licence of holy Church: we have authority from the general Council, by certain means, to entreat and conclude with you, trusting that you will show yourselves as you will continue.  
These things thus declared, after the Bohemians had taken deliberation, 
The Bohemians take a deliberation of the fourth article.  they said that they would give no answer unto the premises, before they understood what should be offered them as touching the Communion. Wherefore, it shall be necessary to declare the matter, as it was written in form following.  
In the name of God and our saviour jesus Christ, upon the Sacrament of whose most blessed last supper we shall entreat, 
A declaration of the council touching the fourth article of the communion.  that he which hath instituted this most blessed Sacrament of unity & peace, will vouchsafe to work this effect in us, to make us that we may be one in the said Lord jesus our head, and that he will subvert all the subtleties of the devil, which through his envious craftiness, hath made the Sacrament of peace and unity, an occasion of war and discord, that whilst Christians do contend touching the manner of communicating, they be not deprived of the fruit of the communion. Whereupon S. Augustin in his Sermon upon infants, in the decrees De cons. distinct. 2. Quia passus, saith thus: So the Lord jesus Christ certified us and willed, 
Consecrat. dist. 2 quia pissus.  that we should appertain unto him, and consecrated the mystery of our peace and unity upon the table. He that receiveth the mystery of unity, and doth not keep the bond of peace, doth not receive a mystery for himself, but a testimony against himself. This we thought good above all things to be premised, that the general custom of the Church, which your fathers and you also in times past have observed, hath a long time had and still useth, that they which do not consecrate, communicate only under the kind of bread. Which custom being lawfully brought in by the Church and holy fathers, 
This is to set up the church above the scripture.  and now a long time observed, it is not lawful to reject, or to change at your will and pleasure, without the authority of the Church. Therefore to change the custom of the Church, and to take in hand to communicate unto the people under both kinds, without the authority of holy Church, is altogether unlawful. For holy Church upon reasonable occasions, may grant liberty to communicate unto the people under both kinds. And every communion which, being attempted without the authority and licence of the Church, should be unlawful when it is done with the authority of holy Church, shall be lawful, if other things let it not: because (as the Apostle saith) he that eateth and drinketh unworthily, eateth and drinketh his own damnation.  
Whereupon Saint Isidore in the second distinct. upon the consecration, 
The holy communion requireth amendment of life.  writeth thus: They which live wickedly and cease not daily to communicate in the Church, thinking thereby to be cleansed, let them learn that it doth nothing at all profit them to the cleansing of their sins. And S. Augustine in the same distinction saith, holy things may hurt the evil, for unto the good they are salvation, but unto the evil damnation. There are besides this, many other authorities. 
Holy things nothing profit the wicked.  The Apostle judas was amongst them which did first communicate, but for somuch as he received unworthily, having that sin of treason in his hart, it did profit him nothing, but the devil by and by exercised more the power and authority over him. This is declared by a great reason: 
The reverent receiving of the sacraments.  which of you is it, that if you should receive your Lord into your house, would not with all diligence and care, study to make clean and adorn his house, that he may receive the Lord honestly? much more he that shall receive his Lord and Saviour into the house of his soul, ought diligently to make clean and deck his soul, to cleanse it by the Sacrament of penance, with sorrow and contrition of hart, humbly, purely, and truly confessing his sins, and receiving due satisfaction and penance, to adorn and deck the same with the purple or rich array of devotion, that the hart being so purged and adorned with fervent desire, he may come to that most holy Sacrament, whereby God reconcileth all the world unto him.  
Wherefore, the most sacred Synod admonisheth, exhorteth, and commandeth, that all Priests should diligently exhort & admonish the people, and that they should use all their care & endeavour, that no man come to that most blessed sacrament, except he be duly prepared with great reverence & devotion, lest that which is received for the salvation of the soul, redound to the condemnation, through the unworthy receiving thereof.  
Moreover, Doctors do say, that the custom of communicating unto the people, only under the kind of bread, was reasonably introduced by the Church & holy fathers, for reasonable causes, specially for the avoiding of ij. perils: of error and unreverence. Of error, as to think that the one part of Christ's body were in the bread, 
Receiving under one kind, for avoiding two perils. Error grounded upon error.  & the other part in the cup, which were a great error. Of unreverence, for so much as many things may happen, as well on the part of the minister, as on the part of the receiver: As it is said that it happened when as a certain Priest, carrying the Sacrament of the cup unto a sick man, when he should have ministered, he found nothing in the cup, being all spilled by the way, with many other such like chances. We have heard moreover that it hath often happened, that the Sacrament consecrate in the cup, hath not been sufficient for the number of communicants, 
Causes why to minister under one kind.  whereby a new consecration must be made, which is not agreeable to the doctrine of the holy fathers, and also that oftentimes they do minister wine vnconsecrate for consecrate wine, which is a great peril. By this means than it shall be brought to pass, that if you will effectually receive the unity & peace of the Church, in all other things besides the use of the Communion under both kinds, conforming yourselves to the faith & order of the universal Church, you that have that use and custom, shall communicate still by the authority of the Church under both kinds, 
Receiving in both kinds permitted to the Bohemians.  and this Article shall be discussed fully in the sacred Council, where you shall see what, as touching this Article, is to be holden as an universal verity, and is to be done for the profit and salvation of the Christian people, & all things being thus thoroughly handled, then if you persevere in your desire, & that your Ambassadors do require it, the sacred Council will grant licence in the Lord, 
The condition annexed.  unto your ministers, to communicate unto the people under both kinds: that is to say, to such as be of lawful years & discretion, and shall reverently & devoutly require the same, this always observed, that the ministers shall say unto those which shall communicate, that they ought firmly to believe not the flesh only to be contained under the form of bread, and the blood only under the wine, but under each kind to be whole and perfect Christ.  
Thus hitherto we have declared the decree of the Council. As touching the other doubts & questions which were afterward moved by the masters & Prelates of Boheme, 
Doubts or questions of the Bohemians. Answer. Permission of both kinds granted to the Bohemians, not of sufferance, but by full authority.  the Ambassadors of the Council answered thus.  
First they said, that it was not the meaning of the sacred Council, to suffer the Communion under both kinds by toleration, or as the libel of divorcement was permitted to the jews: for so much as the Council intending even to open the bowels of motherly charity and pity, unto the Bohemians and moravians, doth not mean to suffer it with such kind of sufferance, which should not exclude sin, but so to grant it, that by the authority of our Lord jesus Christ, and of his true spouse the Church, it may be lawful, profitable & healthful unto those which worthily receive the same. 
Punishing of offences considered.  Also, as touching that which was spoken by the said Bohemians of the punishing of offences, that it is in Scriptures, how that God oftentimes stirreth up the hearts of private persons, to the correction & punishing of sins, and so it should seem lawful unto the inferiors to correct and punish their superiors: they answered, alleging the text of S. Augustin in the twenty-three. decree: He that striketh wicked men in that they are wicked, & hath cause of death against them, 
How and by whom offenders ought to be punished.  is the minister of God: but he which without any public administration or office murdereth or maimeth any wicked thief, sacrilegious, adulterous or perjured person, or any other offender, shall be judged as an homicide, and so much the more sharply, in that he feared not to abuse & usurp the power not granted him of God: and truly, this City would take it much more grievously, if any private man should attempt to punish an offender, & set up a gallows in the street, and there hang him, then if one man should kill another in brawl or quarrel. They alleged also other texts of S. Ambrose & S. Jerome agreeable to the same. They said that no man doubteth that the law of God is duly & holily appointed, 
To do that God commandeth is obedience, and no sin, though it be extraordinary. The Israelites did steal from the Egyptians without sin. Samson killed himself without sin.  and therein is simply written, thou shalt not steal. And notwithstanding by the commandment of God the children of Israel carried away the goods of the Egyptians, which they had borrowed of them. Also in the same law it is plainly written, thou shalt do no murder. Whereupon S. Austen in his first book De Civitate Dei, proveth that it is not lawful for any man to kill himself: and when as he maketh example of Samson, he answereth with these words: when as God commandeth & doth affirm himself to command without any doubt, who is he that will call obedience sin? or who will accuse the obedience to God?  
Here in this proposition, you have the words of S. Austen for an answer. But let every man well foresee, if God do command, or that he do intimate the commandment without any circumstances, and let him prove the spirits whether they be of God. But in such cases there are no laws to be given, 
Of extraordinary commandments, no general laws to be made.  neither are they much to be talked of, for thereby there should easily occasion rise to make sedition, & for the inferiors to rise against the superiors. For when any man had stolen any thing, or killed any man: he would say that he was moved thereunto by the spirit of God: but without manifest proof thereof, he should be punished.  

Objection. Answer. How the laity hath power over the clergy, and wherein. The Pope will be judged by his own law. Objection.  Again they said that there were certain cases wherein the Laity had power over the Clergy. It was answered, that there were certain cases in the law, wherein the Laity hath power over the Clergy, and oftentimes over Cardinals. For if the Pope being dead, the Cardinals would not enter that Conclave to elect a new Pope, the king, prince, or other Lord or secular power may compel them: but in these cases he is now no private person, but useth his jurisdiction by the authority of the law. The like is to be understand of all other cases expressed in the law.  
They said further, that no common law hath any right or justice, except God's law do allow the same.  

Answer.  It was answered that no common law hath right or justice, if it be against the law of God, for because the law of God is the rule of all other laws. But there is great cunning and knowledge in applying the rule to that which is made by the rule, for oftentimes, it seemeth that there is diversity in the thing made by the rule, when there is none in deed: but the default is in the applying, because the rule is not duly applied to the thing made by it.  

Objection.  As touching the Article of preaching the word of God, it was moved that oftentimes some Prelates, through their own envy and malice, without any reasonable cause, do inhibit a good and meet Preacher that preacheth Catholickely and well.  

Answer. Abuse of prelate's in inhibiting true preachers. Remedy of appeal.  Answer was made, how that they understood well enough that the abuse of certain Prelates, which did inordinately behave themselves, gave a great occasion of those troubles. Also that they never heard of any such complaints in those parties, but that the Prelates do favour good preachers, and stir them up to preach, by entreaty, favour, & promotion. In all such cases, there are remedies already provided by the law: for when any man is so prohibited to use his right, he hath remedy to appeal: and if he do trust his appeal to be just, he may use his right, all violence both of the spiritual and secular power set apart, for the end of the matter shall declare if he had just cause to appeal. Then shallbe declared that the superior hath done evil in prohibiting, & the pleantive justly in doing, and the superior for his unjust prohibition shallbe punished. But if he be justly prohibited, and that through his temerity, he do contemn the just commandment of his superior, he is worthy to be punished with condign punishment.  
Where it was moved concerning the third Article, 
Objection.  whether it were lawful for the Ecclesiastical Prelates to exercise in their proper person, the acts of secular dominion, hereunto it was answered, that if by this word acts of secular dominion are understand acts which a secular Lord may do or exercise, 
Answer.  then is it to be said, that a Prelate may lawfully exercise some such acts in his proper person, as to sell, 
Acts of secular dominion to be exercised of the clergy, after a double respect, ●el per se, ●el per alium.  to pawn or pledge, to infeofe by manner and form ordained by law: but there are some acts, which it is not lawful for them to exercise in their proper person, but aught to have afterward, a Vicegerent or Proctor, to do the same: whereupon there is prohition made in the law in the rubric, Ne clerus vel Monachus secularibus negotijs se immisceat, & in alijs rebus.  
It was also moved, 
Objection.  whether that coactive power, which ought to be exercised by a Steward. etc. be in the hands of an Ecclesiastical Prelate.  
Whereunto john Polomair answered, 
Answer.  that this question presupposeth an other: whereof there are divers opinions amongst the Doctors, 
Coactive power whether in belongeth to the clergy, and how.  in whose power the dominion of the Church should be: and furthermore, whether the actions be in the person of the tutor or proctor, or if they be not in their person, notwithstanding by the constitution of any actor or proctor (whose exercising of those actions do give authority unto the actor or proctor) they be: with other difficulties, whereof it is not needful to speak at this present. But for somuch as he was urged to say his opinion: he said, that to such as had either leisure or pleasure in disputation, & would argue against him, he would be contented to give the choice to take which part he would, but his opinion was rather that the dominion of Church matters should be in the power of Christ: and the Prelates, with the other Clergy, are but Canonical administrators in manner of tutors: but they have more power & administration than tutors, and by constituting a Steward or Vicegerent. etc. Their constitution being duly made, the Steward or Vicegerent hath the same coactive power and exercise of jurisdiction.  
Also as touching the fourth Article, for the declaration of the first conclusion, it is agreed that these words, just requisita. i. justly gotten, alleged, therein, determine all things contained in the same. 
The goods of the church in whose possession they be properly. 12. q. 1 cap. expedit.   
Also as touching the second conclusion, where as the sacred Canons and holy Doctors speak thus: the goods of the Church, the substance of the Church, and the possessions of the Church, and divers other opinions there be amongst the Doctors, in whose power the rule thereof should be, as it is noted in the Gloze. Cap. expedit xij. quaest. i. they do not intend to constrain any man to any of those opinions, neither to exclude any of them, but that every man should have liberty, probably to maintain which of them he thinketh best.  
Moreover, 
The clergy be administrators, not Lords of the temporalties of the Church.  the Bohemians said, that they did believe that the Clergy are but administrators of the temporalties of the Church, and not Lords thereof, according to the manner of speaking of the Scriptures, holy Doctors, and Canons. Also the Bohemians said, that in all occasions which shall hereafter rise, they would wholly stand to the determination of the judge, agreed upon in Egra, with one consent. In this manner did the Ambassadors make answer unto the Bohemians. At the last, after much communication had to and fro, 
The agreement between the Bohemians and the Council. Anno. 1438.  a concord and unity was concluded and confirmed by setting to their hands. The Bohemians promised to receive the peace and unity of the Church, and the declaration of the three Articles. This was done in the year of our Lord. 1438. About the feast of S. Martin, it was afterward agreed both by the Ambassadors of that Council, and of Boheme, that whatsoever remained, should be determined & agreed upon: first at Ratisbona: afterward at Bruna in the Diocese of Olymutes: then at Alba in Hungary, before the Emperor Sigismond, but the matter could not be ended in no place.  
At the last the concord was confirmed by writing with their seals at Inglania, a City of Moravia, the fift day of july in the presence of the Emperor.  

¶ Certain petitions, which the Bohemians put up last of all in the sacred Council of basil. An. 1438. in the month of novemb.  

Certain petitions of the Bohemians put up to the Council. Anno. 1438.  Unto the most reverend fathers in Christ, and our most gracious Lords. We the Ambassadors of the kingdom of Boheme, do most humbly and heartily require you that for the perpetual preservation of the peace & concord, and for the firm preservation of all things contained in the composition, you will vouchsafe of your clemency, to give and grant unto us all and singular our requests, here under written, with effectual execution of the same.  
First and above all things, we desire and require you, for the extirpation of divers dissensions and controversies, which will undoubtedly follow amongst our people upon the diversity of the communion, & for the abolishing of infinite evils, which we are not able to express as we have conceived them, that you will gently vouchsafe of your goodness & liberality, to give, grant & command, unto our kingdom of Boheme, & Marquesdome of Moravia, one uniform order of the communion unto all men, 
The communion in both kinds to be generally granted.  under both kinds: that is to say, unto the Archb. of prague, the Bishop of Luthonus, Olimutz, & other prelate's of the kingdom and Marquesdome, having charge of souls, & to their vicars, & also to their flocks & subjects, & that according to those things which are contained in the Bull of the Ambassadors, & in the compositions made in the name of the whole Council, written in the chap. Pro firmitate, where it is thus said, and all other things shall be done, which shall be meet and necessary for the preservation of the peace and unity. For this done by your benefit, the whole kingdom shall be comforted above measure, and established in brotherly love: whereby an uniform subjection and obedience shall be perpetually attributed unto the holy Church.  
Item, we require and desire (as before) that for the avoiding of all false suspicion and doubtfulness of many, which suppose that the sacred Council hath granted the said Communion under both kinds unto us but for a time, as neither profitable nor wholesome, but as the libel of divorcement: that you will vouchsafe, according to this chapter alleged in the compositions: First they said, that it was not the intent of the sacred Council, etc. wholesomely and speedily to provide for our safety and your grant in this behalf, and with the Bulls of your letters, to confirm that chapter together with the other, pertaining to the office of your Ambassadors.  
Item, we beseech you (as afore) that for the confirmation of obedience, and for the discipline of all the Clergy, and for the small defence and observation of all things determined and agreed upon, and for the good order in spiritualties, ye will vouchsafe effectually to provide for us a good & lawful pastor, 
To have a good and lawful pastor, and Bishop,  Archbishops and Bishops, which shall seem unto us most meet and acceptable for our kingdom, to execute those offices and duties.  
Item, we require you (as aforesaid) that your fatherly reverences will vouchsafe, for the defence of the worthy fame of the kingdom and Marquesdome, to declare and show our innocency, 
Free communion under both kinds to be permitted to all princes.  in that they have communicated, do, & hereafter shall communicate under both kinds: to give out, ordain, and direct the letters of the sacred Council, in manner and form most apt and meet for such declaration, unto all Princes, as well secular as spiritual, Cities and commonalties, according to the compositions, and as the Lords the Ambassadors are bound unto us for to do.  
Item, we desire you, that in the discussing of the matter for the Communion under both kinds, and of the commandment thereof given unto all faithful, ye will not proceed otherwise then according to the concordatum agreed upon in Egra: that is to say, according to the law of God, the order of Christ, and his Apostles, the general Counsels, and the minds of the holy Doctors, truly grounded upon the law of God.  
Item, we desire that your fatherly reverences, considering the great affection of our people, will give us the desired liberty to communicate unto the younger sort, the Sacrament of the Supper. For if this use of communicating should be taken away, which our kingdom being godly moved by the writings of most great and holy Doctors, and brought in by examples, hath received as Catholic, and exercised now a long time: verily it should raise up an intolerable offence amongst the people, 
The Gospels & Epistles to be read in the vulgar tongue. The scriptures read in the slavons tongue of old time.  and their minds would be grievously vexed and troubled.  
Item we require you (as before) that for like causes your fatherly reverences, would vouchsafe to permit, at the least the Gospels, Epistles, and Creed to be song & read in the Church in our vulgar tongue, before the people, to move them unto devotion: for in our Slavon language it hath been used of old in the Church, and likewise in our kingdom.  
Item, we require you in the name of the said kingdom, and of the famous University of prague, that your fatherly reverences would vouchsafe to show such diligence and care towards the desired reformation of that University, 
Incorporations to be granted to universities, an unlawful request.  that according to the manner and form of other Universities reform by the Church, prebend's and collations of certain benefices of Cathedral and Parish Churches, may be annexed and incorporate unto the said University, that thereby it may be increased and preferred.  
Item, we desire you (as before) as heartily as we may, & also (saving always your fatherly reverence) require you, and by the former compositions we most instantly admonish you, 
A request for necessary reformation & discipline.  that with your whole minds and endeavours, & with all care & study, your reverences will watch & seek for that long desired & most necessary reformation of the Church & Christian Religion, and effectually labour for the rooting out of all public evils, as well in the head, as in the members, as you have often promised to do in our kingdom, in the compositions, & as our fourth Article touching the avoiding of all public evils, doth exact and require.   
There were certain answers provided by the Council, to these petitions of the Bohemians, which were not delivered unto them, but kept back, for what purpose or intent we know not. Wherefore, because we thought them not greatly necessary for this place, & also to avoid prolixity, we have judged it meet at this present to omit them. Thus have ye heard compendiously the chief & principal matters entreated & done in this famous Council of basil. And here (to conclude withal) we have thought good to declare unto you, for the aid & help of the ignorant people (which judge many things to be of longer time & continuance, then in deed they be, & thereupon have established a great part of their opinions) how that, toward the latter end of this Council, that is to say, in the xxxvi. Session of the same, held the xvij. day of September, in the year of our Lord 1439. the feast of the Conception of our Lady, 
The conception of our Lady brought into the Church. The visitation of our Lady brought in.  was ordained to be holden and celebrate yearly. In like case also in the xliiij. Session of the same Council, holden the first day of july, an. 1441. was ordained the feast of the Visitation of our Lady, to be celebrated and holden yearly in the month of july. We have also thought it good, before we do end this story, to annex hereunto certain decrees, profitably and wholesomely ordained in the said Council, against the inordinate giving of the Ecclesiastical benefices and livings by the Pope, with certain other constitutions also, fruitful for the behalf and edification of the Church.  
During the time that the general Council at basil, was so diligent and careful about the reformation of the Church, this one thing seemed good unto them to be prosecuted & followed with an earnest care and diligence, that through every Church, 
Vowsons' & gifts of benefices before they were void, debarred by the council: which vowsons here are called expectative graces. Inconveniences that rise by vowsons of benefices.  apt and meet ministers might be appointed, which might shine in virtue & knowledge, to the glory of Christ, and the healthful edifying of the Christian people: whereunto the multitude of expectative graces hath been a great impediment and let, in that they have been found to have brought grievous troubles, divers disorders, and many dangers upon the ecclesiastical state. For hereby oftentimes, scarcely apt or meet ministers have been appointed for the churches, which are neither known nor examined: and this expectation of void benefices (as the old laws do witness) doth give occasion to desire another man's death, which is greatly prejudicial unto salvation: besides that, innumerable quarrels & contentions are moved amongst the servants of God: rancour and malice nourished: the ambition and greedy desire of pluralities, of benefices maintained: and the riches and substance of kingdoms and provinces marvelously consumed. Poor men suffer innumerable vexations, by running unto the court of Rome. They are oftentimes spoiled and rob by the way: troubled & afflicted with divers plagues, and having spent their patrimony and substance left them by their parents, they are constrained to live in extreme poverty. Many do challenge benefices, which without any just title (yea such in deed as ought not to have them) obtain and get the same: such I say as have most craft and subtlety to deceive their neighbour, or have greatest substance to contend in the law. It happeneth oftentimes that under the intrication of these prerogatives, antelations, and such other as do associate these expectative graces, much craft and deceit is found. Also, oftentimes the ministry is taken away from young men, by their ordinary givers, whiles that by the trouble of those contentions, & divers discourses, running to & fro by means of those graces, they are vexed & troubled, the Ecclesiastical order is confounded, whiles that every man's authority and jurisdiction is not preserved: & the Bishops of Rome also, by challenging and taking upon them too much the office of the inferiors, are withdrawn from more weighty and fruitful matters, neither do they diligently attend to the guiding and correction of the inferiors, as the public utility doth require. All which things do bring a great confusion unto the clergy, and Ecclesiastical state, to the great prejudice and hindrance of God's true worship, and public salvation.  
In the same Council also divers other constitutions were made, not unprofitable for reformation, & for removing of certain abuses & disorders brought in, 
No controversies to be brought to Rome beyond 4. days journey from thence. No f●●uolous appeals to be made to the Pope. Against the superfluous number of errors. Against the pope's first fruits.  especially by the B. of Rome, as touching causes not to be brought up and translated to the court of Rome: Wherein it was decreed, that no actions nor controversies should be brought from other countries, to be pleaded at Rome, which were beyond 4. days journey distant from the said Court of Rome, a few principal matters only excepted. Also, that no frivolous appeals should be made to the pope hereafter. It was moreover in the same council decreed, for the number, age, and condition of the Cardinals, the they should not exceed the number of 24. besides them that were already, and that they should be freely taken out of all countries: and that they should not be of kin to the bishop of Rome, or to the Cardinals, nor yet be blemished with any spot or crime. Also for Annates or first fruits, or half fruits, it was there provided, that no such Annates or confirmation of elections, or collation of benefices, should be paid or reserved any more to the pope, for the first years avoidance. All which things there agreed and concluded by them, were afterward confirmed and ratified by the French king, Charles 7. with the full consent of all his Prelates, in his high court of Parliament in Bitures, & there called Pragmatica Sanctio. An. 1438. 
Pragmatica Sancti● per Carolum. 7.  whereupon great utility ensued afterward to the kingdom of France. All beit in process of time, divers Friars there were, which wrote against the same. Ex lib. Pragin. Sanctionis.  
Amongst many decrees of the said Council of Basil, in the 19 Session there was also a decree made touching the converting of jews and young novesses in Religion, unto the Christian faith.  

An Act made for the conversion of the jews.  Also that all Ordinaries should yearly at appointed times, provide certain men well learned in the holy scriptures, in such places where jews and other infidels did dwell, to declare to them the truth of the Catholic faith, that they acknowledging their error, might forsake the same: unto the which preaching, the said ministers should compel them to resort, and to hear, under pain of excluding them from occupying any more in that place: provided that the said Diocesanes and preachers should behave themselves towards them, mercifully & with all charity, whereby they might win them to Christ, not only by the declaring of the verity, but also in exhibiting their offices of humanity.  
And to the intent their preaching might be that more fruitful, & that the preachers might be the better instructed in the tongues, 
An Act for studying the Hebrew, Latin, and Chaldey.  it was also in the same Council provided & commanded, that the constitution made before in the council of Uienna for learning the Hebrew, Chaldey, Araby, & Greek tongue, should by all means be observed & kept, and ordinary stipends provided for them that should teach the same tongues.  
another decree moreover in the 20. Session was enacted, that whosoever was known or publicly noted to be a keeper of Concubines, 
Against priests that kept Concubines.  should be sequestered from all fruits of his benefices, for the space of 3. months, which fruits should be converted by the ordinary, to the reparations, or some other utility of the Church, & if he did not so amend, it was by the Synod decreed that he should be clearly deposed from all his benefices.  
Furthermore, the said Synod did greatly inveigh against them, which having the jurisdiction of the Church, did not shame to suffer such whore masters for bribes and money, still to continue in their filthiness, etc.  
By these decrees of the Council above specified, it is to be seen, 
An Epistle of Martin Meyr to Aeneas silvius, translated into English the ●atine where of inextant in the former edition of this book. Ex Orth. Grat.  what corruption had been them frequented in the Church of God, through the Bishop and court of Rome. For the more express declaration whereof, we thought it not much impertinent here to infer the words of one Martin Meyre, writing to Aeneas Silvius, touching and noting the said corruptions: the tenor of whose epistle here ensueth.  
Unto the reverend father, the Lord Aeneas Cardinal of Sene, Martin Meyr, Chancellor to the bishop of Mentz, wisheth health  
I Have understand by certain of my friends letters, that you are created Cardinal. I am glad for your part, that you have received so worthy rewards for your virtues. I rejoice also for my own part, that my friend hath attained unto such a dignity, wherein he may in time to come, both help me and my friends: But this is a grief unto me, that you have happened upon those days, which seem to be troublesome unto the apostolic sea. For there are many complaints made unto my Lord the Archb upon the Pope, that he will neither keep the decrees of the council of Constance, neither of Basil, neither yet thinketh himself bound to the covenants of his predecessors, and seemeth utterly to contemn our nation, and to seek the utter ruin thereof. For it is evident that the election of Prelates, is every where rejected: benefices & dignities, of what sort soever they be, are reserved for the Cardinals and chief notaries: and you yourself have obtained the reservation of 3. Provinces of Germany, under such a form as hath not been accustomed, or heard of. Vowsons' or gifts of benefices are granted without number: yearly stipends and half the revenues are exacted without delay, and it is evident that there is more extorted than is due. The regiment of churches are not committed unto such as best deserve them, but unto such as offer most money for them, and new pardons are granted out daily to scrape and gather together money. Tithes are commanded to be exacted without the consent of our Prelates, for the Turkish war, and those matters which were accustomed to be debated and determined at home, are now carried unto the apostolic sea of Rome. A thousand ways are invented and devised, how the sea of Rome may by subtlety and by craft, 
The corruption of the Church of Rome detected.  extort and get gold and treasure from us, even as it were of the Turks or Barbarians; whereby our nation, which was sometime famous and valiant, which by their power and blood, conquered the Roman Empire, and was once the Lady and Queen of all the world, now being brought unto poverty, is made a handmaid, & become tributary, & being now in extreme misery, hath of long time bewailed her cruel fortune and poverty. But now our nobles being (as it were) wakened out of their sleep, have begun to consider and devise with themselves, by what means they might withstand this calamity, and utterly shake of this yoke and bondage, and have determined with themselves to challenge again their former liberty. This will be no small loss unto the court of Rome, if the Princes of Germany bring to pass that which they have devised. Wherefore as much as I do rejoice of your late obtained dignity, so much also am I moved & grieved that these things happen in your days. But peradventure God's determination is otherwise, & his will shall surely take place. You in the mean time be of good cheer, and devise according to your wisdom, by what means the vehemency of these floods may be stayed. Thus far ye well.  
From Hasthaffenberge, the last day of August.  
Concerning the authority of this general council of basil, 
The authority of the council of basil expended.  what is to be esteemed by the Acts & fruits thereof may be understand of all good men. Neither was it of any man doubted in the first beginning, so long as the Pope agreed and consented unto it, But after the Pope began to draw back, many other followed, especially of the richer sort of Prelates, which had any thing to lose: whereof sufficiently hath been said by Arelatensis the Cardinal before. In the number of those unconstant Prelates, besides many other, 
The epistle of the Cardinal julian to the Pope, in the commendation of the council of basil.  was first Cardinal julian, the first collector of this council, and Vicegerent of the Pope, as by his fervent and vehement letter written to pope Eugenius in defence of this council, may well appear: Wherein he most earnestly doth expostulate with the foresaid Pope Eugenius, for seeking to dissolve the Council, and declareth in the same many causes, why he should rather rejoice, and give God thanks, for the godly proceed, and joyful agreement between the council and the Bohemians, and so exhorteth him with manifold persuasions, to resort to the council himself, & not to seek the dissolution of the same. The copy & tenor of whose Epistle to the Pope, if any be disposed to peruse the same, we thought here good to set down to be seen.  
The copy of an Epistle, which julian Cardinal of S. Angen, and the Pope's ambassador into Germany, wrote marvelous boldly and freely unto Eugenius B. of Rome, for that he went about to dissolve the council of Basil.  
Most blessed father, after the devout kisses of your blessed feet.  
NOw shall the whole world understand and know, whether that your holiness have in you the bowels of fatherly love & charity, and the zeal of the house of God, whether you be sent to make peace or discord, to congregate or disperse, or whether you be that good shepherd, which giveth his life for his sheep. Behold the door beginneth now to be opened, whereby the lost sheep may return again unto their own fold, now is there good hope even at hand, of the reconciliation of the Bohemians. If that your holiness as it is your duty do help and further the same, you shall obtain great glory, both in heaven and earth. But if peradventure, you go about to let the same (which is not to be hoped for at your hands) all men will reprove you of impiety. Heaven and earth will conspire against you, all men will forsake you. For how is he to be followed, which with one word may restore peace and quietness to the church, and refuseth to do it? But I conceive a better hope in you, how that your holiness without any excuse, will with your whole hart & mind, favour this most sacred council, & give thanks unto almighty God, this great goodness that this congregatiou hath not departed. Behold the ambassadors of this sacred council are returned with great joy and gladness from Egra, 
Thambasssadors of the Council are returned from Egra.  reporting how that thorough the grace of the holy Ghost, they have firmly concluded with the ambassadors of the Bohemians, that is to say of the Prages, Orphans and Thaborites, amongs whom was also present the captains of their enemies, and specially Procopius. That a solemn ambassade of all the states of the realm should come unto the council of basil. After that a safe conduit is sent unto them by the said council in form conditioned, which shall be done with speed, This sacred congregation is marue●lously exhilarate and joyful. For those our ambassadors affirm, that all things were handled with such charity at Egra, & that they did see such things amongs the Bohemians, that not without cause, they do conceive great hope of their reconciliation.  
And at the last gently embracing one another, even with tears of gladness, they departed from Egra. The Bohemians requiring our ambassadors, that the matter might be ended with all expedition. They report also that many things happened in that Treaty, which if any man heard, and did not weep for joy, he might well think himself to be but smally affectioned unto Christ. As for 3 of the 4. articles, they seem not to make any great difficulty upon. As touching the 4. that is of the communion under both kinds, there is good hope that they will follow the judgement of the council. Who is it then that dare council your holiness to persevere any longer in the purpose of dissolution, for if the council had not been appointed at all, for so great hope and necessity: it ought to have been appointed in this place How worthy prase and commendation should your holiness do, if that you would leave Italy and all other affairs, and come hither in your own person. Although you should need to be carried in a waggon or litter. The keeping & defence of the temporal patrimony of the church, may well be disposed and done by legates and vicars. This is the true patrimony of the church to win souls. 
What the church is.  For the church is not a heap of stones and walls. Christ hath not made you a keeper of castles & forts, but a pastor of souls. Therefore you should do that in your own person, which is most necessary and acceptable unto Christ, and all other things be your substitutes. For so did the Apostles, which to the intent they might the more freely intend to the preaching of the word of God, did institute 7. to serve the tables, and for the ministration of other inferior things. I hear that by the grace of God, your holiness doth daily recover and amend, & ● if ●o be, as it is said, you do visit some churches on fore, ye may also come hither on horseback, for you can not go unto any thing more profitable or concordant to your office, then to go unto that place, whereas innumerable benefits and goodness may spring. Let your holiness understand and consider wherein Christ whose vicar you are, and S. Peter whose successor you are, and the apostles and holy bishops, did exercise & occupy themselves, and as you do succeed them in office, so succeed them in manners. But if per adventure your holiness can not come hither, I do council you that for so great a benefit, you would send the more part of the reverend Lords Cardinals of the court of Rome, and command all other prelate's to come hither, do not let or hinder them that are willing to come, as it is reported you do, but rather allure them to come hither.  
Your holiness may believe me, that only charity moveth me to council you in this sort, be ye not separate from your members, nourish your children as the hen doth her chickens under her wings. And if so be, that you will do nothing else, yet speak this only word, Placet. That is to say, that it pleaseth you, that the council of Basil should go forward. For a few days past, there came news hither, for the which your holiness ought altogether to cease from your dissolution. The reverend father the Archb. of Lions, hath written unto the council, 
Eugenius provoketh the Church.  and unto me also, how that the Prelates of France, have assembled together in the city of Beturia, and there after long and exact examination have concluded that the council is lawfully congregate in this place. And that it is necessary, that it should be holden and celebrated here at this present, and how the Prelates of France should come unto it, he also directed hither the cause which moved them so to conclude, the copy whereof I suppose is sent unto your holiness by some other. Whereupon then doth your holiness stay? You have gone about as much as in you lay, by your messengers, letters & divers means to draw back the Prelates, and have laboured with all your endeavour to dissolve the council, yet notwithstanding as you do see, it is increased day by day. And the more it is forbidden, the more is all men's minds inflamed to the contrary, is not this then to resist the will of God? Why do ye provoke the church to anger? Why do ye stir up the Christian people? vouch safe I pray you so to do, that ye may g●t the love and favour of the people & not the hatred for all nations are greatly offended when they hear: these your doings. Suffer not your holiness to be seduced by any man, which peradventure shall inculcate fear unto you, whereas there is nothing at all to be doubted, or that do persuade you this to be no lawful council I know I should offend your holiness if I should go about to prove the contrary, but it is better that I do offend you a little in words, and profit you in my deeds, for a Physician layeth a burning corrisive unto the disease, and healeth the sore. For the medicine can not profit, except it be sharp and bitter in taste. V●der this hope and confidence I will not fear to declare the truth. That it being known, your holiness may the better provide both for yourself and the church it dependeth upon the council of Constance whether this council be lawful or not. If that were a true council, so is this also. No man seemeth to doubt whether that council were lawful, and likewise whatsoever was there decreed to be lawful, for if any man will say, that the decrees of that council are not of force, he must needs grant, that the deprivation of Pope john which was done by the force of those decrees to be of no effect. If that deprivation were not of effect. Neither was the election of Pope Martin of any force, which was done he being yet alive. If Martin were no true Pope, neither is your holiness, which was chosen by the Cardinals that he made, 
A strong argument against Eugenius.  wherefore, it standeth no man more upon to defend the decrees of that council, than your holiness, for if any decree of that council be called into doubt: By like means may all the rest of the decrees be revoked. And by like means, shall the decrees of any other council be of no force and effect, for by like reason, as the faith of one council is weakened, all the rest shall also be weakened, according to S. Augustins' saying in the 9 distinction capitulo. Si ad scripturas, Then sayeth he, both the faith and all other sacraments shall be put in doubt, if that there be once any doubt made, of the force and power of any council lawfully congregate. There was a decree made in the council of Constance, entitled frequens. Whereby it was ordained, that the first council after that, should be holden within 5. years, and another within 7. years after that again. The council of Constance being ended, and the 5. years passed, the council of Papia or Sene was holden, after which 7. years being also run over, this council is begun to be celebrate. To what end then is it expressed in the Bull of the dissolution, amongst other causes, that the 7. year is already past. When as of necessity it ought to be passed before the council can be celebrated. For these words, from 7. year or 5. year, signify according to the law, that all parts of time should be passed, and the last day looked for. Wherefore it behoved that 7. years to be fully complete, before this council of Basil should begin.  
Like as 5. years was fully expired, before that the council of Papia did begin, but peradventure some man will say, that it ought to have begun the first day after the 7. year was expired. For otherwise the term of the council is passed. But hereunto we may answer that it is not contained in the chapter Frequens, that except it were holden the first day, it should not be holden at all, neither can it be gathered either by the words or meaning. For it is only required that it should be holden after 7. years expired, but whether it be the 2. or 3. day, or the 3. or 4. month after the 7. year it doth satisfy the chapter Frequens. For when the first day is come then beginneth the power and liberty to celebrate the council, but not afore, but it is not prohibited to celebrate it after, neither doth this word, In quinquennium. That is to say against 5. year, next following, which is alleged in the chapter Frequens, and seemeth to be repeated. Also for the 7. years, for it is not understand that it is necessary to be holden the first day precisely after the 7. year, but because it should not be understand of other 7 years to come. For in speaking simply of 7. year, it is understand of 7. year next ensuing. Admit also that in the chapter Frequens, any of these words had been joined with immediately following, as by & by, out of hand, immediately, or straightways after, or such other words yet ought they to be understand with a certain moderation, and distance of time, that assoon as might be convenient, as these words are expounded by the laws and the doctors, for they are enlarged and restrained according, to the subject and divers circumstances of the matters and affairs. For it is not by any means likely that it was the minds of those which made the decree, that considering the long journeys and hard preparation of such affairs, and also the manifold impediments which may happen, that they would restrain so precise a time, even at the first day, that if it were not then celebrated, it should not be holden at all, for by such subtle means, it should also be holden even in the first moment and very instant after the same year.  
But forsomuch as words are civilly to be understand, this fence or understanding is to far disagreeable. For if any man will say, than it is commanded to be prorogued, that is also forbidden in the chapter frequens. He that doth so argue, doth not understand himself, nor the force of the words. It is not prorogued if it be begun, the 2. or 3. month, but rather a continuation or execution of that which is in their power. For if it were a prorogation, then for so much as a progation doth savour of the nature of the first delay, it could not be begun in the first month, but in the 2. and 3. it is not thereby concluded that it could not be begun in the first, but if there had been any prorogation made till the second month, than it could not have been begun in the first, as for example I promise to give a hundred after Easter, afore Easter it can not be required, but by and by after Easter it may be required, and all be it that I be not urged for it notwithstanding I do not cease to be bound, and if so be I bedemanded it in the 2. or 3. month after, it is not thereby understand that there is any prorogation made: Neither doth it follow, but that it might have been demanded in the beginning which could not have been done, that there had been any prorogation made. Also it is nature of prorogation to be made before the first term or day be passed. For otherwise it is no prorogation, but anew appointment. And albeit it may be said, that then it may be long delayed, it is answered that in this point, we must stand unto the judgement of the Church, which considering divers circumstances would think the time mete. For the liberty of celebrating of counsels was institute for the profit and favour of the church. What if it should happen that when the time cometh, in the place where a council should be kept, there be a great plague, or some siege, which should continue by the space of 3. or 4. months, and the Pope in the mean time doth not change the place according to the form of the Chapter frequens, & that thorough such impediments, the prelate's did not come the first day unto the place, or if any were coming & were taken by the way which if they had not been taken, had been present at the first day in the place appointed. Is it to be said that the power of the council is past? or that the impediment ceasing, & the prelate's coming thither, the council can not be holden? that truly were greatly absurd & to much prejudicial to the church of God, but in this our case, the cause is probable why that the prelates did defer to come at the beginning of the time appointed. 
The cause of the long delay of the Prelates.  For so much as when the time drew near, Pope Martin died the 20. of February. For which cause, the prelate's might well doubt upon some impediment of the council. Also they tarried looking that some should come thither in the name of the Pope, because they would not tarry in that place in vain without a precedent. 
The council of Sene.  As for the legate which was appointed for the council, whose presence all men tarried for, before he would prepare himself to that journey, he came not at the time appointed unto the council, but went unto Norrenberge, to persecute the Bohemians according to the commandment of Pope Martin, which had enjoined him to go first thither before he went to Basil.  
And the same Legate, being oftentimes required at Norenberg, that he should go to Basil to hold the council, he answered, that he would not go before he had the consent of the new bishop. This was the cause of the prelate's delay, neither is it greatly to be imputed unto the prelate's, which suspected that Pope Martin would not have holden the council, & feared to bring themselves in trouble, and good cause had they so to fear, thorough those things which happened in the council of Sene. For there were many things spoken which caused great suspicion. It was reported unto me that many had said, I came unto Germany to disturb the council.  
Also this was Pope Martin's mind and intent, that All beit the council was not begun at the beginning of March, notwithstanding the authority of holding the council should not be void. For he, when as the time of the council approached, willed me that I should first go unto Boheme, before I went unto the council, whereof also mention is made in the Bull of the consistory dissolution.  
But what need we any other proof, then by your holiness letters, which by your letters dated the 2 kalends of june, and were delivered unto me long after the time, by the space of 3. months, you do command me that my business being done in Boheme, I should take my way unto Basil to hold the council, & there to foresee unto all things as it was enjoined me, & ordained in the council of Constance. The same also ye repeat in the Bull of the dissolution brought unto me by the Lord Parentine, the words whereof are these. Unto you circumspection. Since your going into Germany no Prelates have assembled in basil for the celebrating of the council, we gave you in commandment that in the meantime you should be diligent, about the expedition against the Bohemian heretics which is committed to your charge, & afterward you should come unto Basil the place appointed for the council, and there to rule in our place in the name of the church. What is more evident than this? If any thing were doubtful by the tenure of these letters it were evidently taken away, if any man would say that neither Pope Martin nor Eugenius could confirm the council by writing of such letters, because there was a prorogation which is prohibited by the chapter frequens it is answered, that there is no prorogation, but execution of that which is in power, or a declaration that it is not necessary to hold the council precisely even at the beginning. Also it is no prorogation. For a prorogation is made before the term is expired and not after, for after, it is rather called an new indiction or appointment. And if any man will say that there can be no new indiction made, then may this be objected. How could the council of Bononia be newly appointed? If they will answer, that the appointment of the council of Bononia was of force, because the council of basil was dissolved by your holiness, than I have my intent. For if it were dissolved. Ergo, it was a council before, because it presupposeth the habit. If it were a council before, then, as hereafter shallbe proved, it could not be dissolved without the consent of the council, what can be more answered hereunto? for the greater declaration and evidence of this matter, the Abbot of Virgilia even upon the same day of the time appointed or afore, gathering together the Prelates of the great church and many other prelate's and notable men, made a solemn protestation, how the time was come to celebrate and hold the council, & that he was come unto Basil for the same purpose, requiring them that they would confer and in treat together, upon matters touching the council, and hereupon there is a public instrument or testimonial.  
Within a month after the ambassadors of the university of Paris came thither, & began to entreat of matters touching the council, writing also unto the Emperor, and to the other Princes of Germany, that they should send unto the council, which letters I myself did see, neither doth the small number of men let, for where as authority is, a great number is not required, according to the saying of Christ, whereas 2. or 3. are gathered together in my name, I am in the midst of them. Upon the which authority, the counsels are grounded. Now therefore your holiness doth manifestly see, the said objection to be but frivolous. For to what end should any dissolution be made if it had not been a council: wherefore it is not to be doubted, but that it was a lawful council, & canonically congregate. And peradventure it is scarsly● found where any council hath been confirmed by so many authorities as this, that is to say, by the two counsels before passed, of Constance and of Sene, and confirmed by two Bishops of Rome.  
Besides this, I have heard that some do report at Rome that I could not call the Prelates unto the council, because that clause was not added in the Bull of Pope Martin. I greatly marvel why this should be objected, specially seeing that, not I alone, have called them, but I together with the rest, which are here assembled in the coucel. It is a marvelous matter, Pope Martin gave me authority by the advice of the council to rote out heresies, to pacify kingdoms, to reform the manners of every state of christendom, & yet they will say that I can not cite them. Power is given me to judge & to condemn, and have I not also power to cite? The law doth say, unto whom any power or jurisdiction is committed, all things seem to be committed unto him, without the which he cannot exercise his jurisdiction, for how could all the premises be done, if the Prelates or others should not come hither? Also why is it said in the chapter, Ego enim de iure iurando? I will come unto the Synod if I be called, if he can not be called: By whom then is it presupposed that he should be called but only by the council, or by him which ruleth the council? Also the whole 18. distinction entreateth of no other matter, but that the bishops being called unto the council, if they come not, that they may be excommunicate and suspended. Let these men read the book of counsels of S. Isidore, and they shall find how that in many councils the Prelates have been called by the Synod. Now it remaineth, that we should declare, whether the dissolution be of force or no. Wherein I do again fear to move your holiness unto anger. But charity forceth me thereunto, for peradventure, your holiness doth think the dissolution to be effectual, & therefore do persever in it, whereby, for somuch as many offences may rise, my conscience doth move me, not to hold my peace. First of all the chapter: Frequens, declareth that it is not of force, for if prorogation be forbidden & prohibited, which is a small matter, much more is dissolution, which is a greater matter, for it is a greater matter to take away then to defer, for by proroging, a thing is but deferred, & by dissolving it is utterly taken away. Also these men say, that the said constitution in the chapter Frequens, may be made void, for somuch, assoon as the council is begun, it may be dissolved without any thing done, as it is said that it was done at Senes, and now they say also that your holiness hath been perversely informed touching the dissolution. They say also that the said dissolution doth manifestly tend to the subversion of faith, the ruin of the church, and the trouble of the christian people. Therefore it can not be done, neither obeyed.  
They say moreover that the said dissolution could not be made, by means of a certain decree of the council of Constance in that behalf provided. That in such matters as pertain unto faith, the extirpation of sin, and reformation of the church in the head & in the members, that all men of what estate or condition so ever they be, yea the Pope himself should be bound to obey the statutes, precepts, and ordinances of every general council, & except they did obey to punish them. Mark how that these things to have power to determine upon any man, to command him and punish him, if he be not obedient, are signs of superiority, in those matters which he doth decree, command or punish, and to be bound to obedience, to be subject and obey the same, are signs of inferiority in the said cases. Ergo, in the foresaid cases, seeing that the Pope as they say, is under the council, which also hath been. In that for one of the said 3. cases the council did deprive john, & for the other Benedict, neither could the Pope dissolve the council, in that he is inferior unto the council, cannot bind or compel the superior. As in the chapter Come inferior, otherwise it should contain in it a contradiction, that he is bound to obey, and is not bound to obey, because he may dissolve, for how should he be obedient unto the ordinance and decree of the council, if he may annihilate and take away the same ordinance and decree. This council is congregate for the rooting out of heresies, for the making of peace and reformation of manners, and in the first Session it did ordain, that their whole intent and respect should be thereunto, and that he which should procure to let the council, to prorogue or alter it, should be punished and have process against him as against a common disturber of the peace. etc. If it may be dissolved it is evident that they do not obey the said ordinance, whereby this also must of necessity be granted, that if it may be dissolved, the decree of the council of Constance is of no force.  
This is also proved by an other reason. No man doubteth but if any controversy of heresy should be moved against any Bishop of Rome, that he could not dissolve the Council: For if he might dissolve the council he could not be judged, which were contrary to the cha. Si Pa. dist. 40. Ergo, like as it is inheresy, so is it in the two other cases. For these three were pacified by the council of Constance, for thus speaketh the council. As it is in the Chapter, Si Papa in illo uno. And as I have before said, the Council of Constance, allowed this decree, thorough the which they deprived Peter de Luna, for making of a Schism, and Pope john for the deformity of his life.  
And all be it there be certain laws that say, the principal seat can not be judged of any man, and again, no man judgeth the chief seat. And no man saith unto himself why dost thou so. There are to be understand in these three cases, first that there was proviso made for the faith in the chapter Si Papa, and in the other two points by the decree of Constance. Otherwise it should be understand, without any exception, that the first seat. etc. and then the chapter Si Papa. 40. Distinct. and the said decree of Constance should be false. If the chapter Si Papa had added causes of heresies, no man would have doubted upon these two cases, touching the said sentence, so likewise no man ought to doubt of the decree of the council, that it was made by the authority of the Pope, and representeth the universal church, and if any man would say, that in all councils the authority of the Pope is excepted, I answer that it is true, when as the person of the Pope is not specially included. But if he be specially included, he can not be excepted, because it should savour of contradiction. Most blessed father, God is my witness, that I have spoken these things with great anguish and sorrow of mind, but I am forced so to speak, that your holiness may cease from the said dissolution, lest there might happen infinite evils in the church of God. If your holiness did see my pure mind, my upright conscience, and entire affection towards you, whereby I am moved to write those things, even for very love you would embrace and kiss me, and without doubt love me as your own son, I have often said and now do say and protest before God and man, that you will be the cause of Schism and infinite mischiefs▪ if you do not alter & change your mind and purpose. Almighty God preserve your holiness in the prosperity of a virtuous man. Unto whose feet, I do most humbly recommend me.  
From Basil the 5. day of june.  
Thus endeth the Epistle of Cardinal julian written unto Pope Eugenius. Wherein for so much as mention is made, how that the Bohemians had promised to send their Ambassadors unto the Council, and as before is partly touched in the Bohemian story, their coming into basil, and propounding of certain articles, wherein they dissented from the Pope, we do not think it any thing differing from our purpose, to annex a brief Epitome, declaring the whole circumstance of their Ambassade, their articles, disputations and answers, which they had at the said council of Basil, with their petitions and answers unto the same. Faithfully translated out of Latin by F.W.  
In like manner Aeneas Silvius also with his own hand and writing, not only gave testimony to the authority of this council, but also bestowed his labour and travail in setting forth the whole story thereof. notwithstanding, the same Silvius afterward being made Pope, with his new honour, did alter and change his old sentence, the Epistle of which Aeneas, touching the commendation of the said Council, because it is but short, and will occupy but little room, I thought here under, for the more satisfying of the reader's mind, to inserte.  
An Epistle of Aeneas Silvius, to the Rector of the University of Colen.  

An epistle of Aeneas silvius in defence of the council of basil.  TO a Christian man, which will be a true Christian in deed, nothing ought to be more desired, then that the sincerity and pureness of faith, given to us of Christ by our forefathers, be kept of all men immaculate: and if at any time, any thing be wrought or attempted against the true doctrine of the Gospel, the people ought with one consent, to provide lawful remedy, & every man to bring with him some water to quench the general fire: Neither must we fear how we be hated or envied, so we bring the truth. We must resist every man to his face, whether he be Paul or Peter, if he walk not directly to the truth of the Gospel, which thing I am glad, and so are we all, to hear that your University hath done in this Council of basil. For a certain treatise of yours is brought hither unto us, wherein you reprehend the rudeness, or rather the rashness of such, which do deny the Bishop of Rome, and the Consistory of his judgement, to be subject unto the general Council, 
The t●●●nal seat standeth not in one Bishop.  and that the supreme tribunal seat of judgement, standeth in the Church, and in no one Bishop. Such men as deny this, you so confound with lively reasons and truth of the Scriptures, that neither they are able to slide away like the slippery Eels, neither to cavil or bring any objection against you. These be the words of silvius.  
Furthermore, 
The authority of the Council of basil maintained by the Emperor and the French king so long as they lived The practice of Pope Eugenius, to undo the Council of basil.  as touching the authority and approbation of the foresaid Council, this is to be noted, that during the life of Sigismond the Emperor, no man resisted this Council. Also continuing the time of Charles the 7. the French king, the said Council of Basil was fully & wholly received through all France. But after the death of Sigismond, when Eugenius was deposed, and Felix Duke of Savoy, was elected Pope, great discords arose, and much practice was wrought. But especially on Eugenius part, who being now excommunicate by the Council of basil, to make his part more strong, made 18. new Cardinals. Then he sent his Orators unto the Germains, labouring by all persuasions to dissolve the council of basil, the Germans at that time were so divided, that some of them did hold with Felix, and the Council of Basil: other some, 
The Pope stirreth up war.  with Eugenius and the Council of Ferraria: and some were neuters. After this the French king being dead, which was Charles the 7. about the year of our Lord 1444. the Pope beginneth a new practice, after the old guise of Rome, 
The Dolphin driue● away by a few Germans.  to excite (as is supposed) the Dolphin of France, by force of arms, to dissipate that Council collected against him. Who leading an army of xb. M. men in to Alsatia, did cruelty waste and spoil the country: after that, laid siege unto Basil to expel & drive out the prelate's of the Council. But the Heluetians most stoutly meeting their enemy's with a small power, did vanquish the Frenchmen, and put them to sword and flight: like as the Lacedæmonians only with C C C. did suppress, and scattered all the mighty army of Xerxes, at Thermopylyae.  
Although Basil thus by the valiantness of the Heluetians was defended, yet notwithstanding the Council through these tumults, 
The dissolution of tho Council of basil.  could not continue by reason of the prince's Ambassadors, which shrunk away, and would not tarry: So that at length Eugenius brought to pass, partly through the help of Frederick (being not yet Emperor, but labouring for the Empire, partly by his Orators) in the number of whom was Aeneas Silvius, above mentioned (amongst the Germans) that they were content to give over both the council of Basil and their neutrality.  
This Fridericke of Ostrich being not yet Emperor, 
Frederick of Ostrich crowned Emperor, great grand father to this Ferdinando.  but towards the Empire, brought also to pass, that Felix, which was chosen of the Council of basil, to be Pope, was contented to renounce and resign his Papacy to Nicolaus, the fift, successor to Eugenius, of the which Nicolaus, the said Frederick was confirmed at Rome to be Emperor, and there crowned. An. 1451.  
As these things were doing at Basil, in the mean season, pope Eugenius brought to pass in his convocation at Florence, 
The Lega● of the Greeks condescend first to the pope's law.  that the Emperor, and the Patriarch of Constantinople, with the rest of the Grecians there present, were persuaded to receive the sentence of the Church of Rome, concerning the proceeding of the holy Ghost: also to receive the communion in unleavened bread, to admit Purgatory, and to yield themselves to the authority of the Romish Bishop. Whereunto notwithstanding, the other Churches of Grecia would in no wise assent, 
The Greek Churches refuse the Pope's doctrine.  at their coming home: In so much, that with a public execreation they did condemn afterward all those Legates, which had consented to these Articles, that none of them should be buried in Christian burial: which was Anno. 1439. Ex● Casp. Peucer.  
And thus endeth the story, both of the Council of Basil, and of the council of Florence, 
The inconvenience of discord.  also of the Emperor Sigismond, and of the schism between pope Eugenius, and Pope Felix, and also of the Bohemians. The which Bohemians notwithstanding all these troubles and tumults, above said, did rightwell, and were strong enough against all their enemies, till at length, through discord, partly between the 2. preachers of the old and new city of prague, partly also through the discord of the messengers & captains, taking sides one against the other, they made their eunemies strong and enfeebled themselves. Albeit afterward, in process of time, they so defended the cause of their religion, not by sword, but by argument and disputation, that the Bishop of Rome could never yet to this day, remove the Thaborites, and City of prague, from the communion of both the kinds, nor could ever cause them to keep the conditions, which in the beginning of the Council, was enjoined their priests to observe, as testifieth Cochleus. lib. 8. hist. Huss. 
Ex Cochleo. lib. 8. hist. Hussit.  With whom also recordeth Antoninus, who in 3 part. hist. saith, that the doctrine of the Bohemians, which he termeth by the name of Zizania, did take so deep root with them, and grew so fast, that afterward, neither by fire nor sword, 
Ex Antonin 3. part. tit.  it could be extinct. An. 3. part. hist. tit. 22. cap. 10  
Concerning the which Bohemians, briefly & in a general sum, to recapitulate their whole acts & doings, here is to be noted, that they in their own defence, & in the quarrel of john Hus, and Jerome of prague, provoked by their catholic adversaries to war, fight under Zisca their Captain, had eleven battles with the Pope's side, and ever went away victors. 
Ex hist. Cas pari Peucer lib. 5.  Ex paral. Abb. Vrsp. in Epitaphio, joan. Zisc. Moreover, in the history of Peucer it is testified that pope Martin 5. sending for the B. of Wint. then Cardinal, had levied 3. main armies, intending to overrun all the Bohemians: one army of the Saxons, under the prince Elector, the second of the Francones, under the Marquis of Brandeburge, the third of Renates, Bavarians and Suechers, under Octo archb. of Treuers. With these, Sigismond also the Emperor, and Cardinal julian the pope's Legate (who at last was slain in war, and being spoiled of all his attire, was left naked in the field) joined all their force. Who joining together 5. times (saith the story) which 5. sundry battles, 
marvelous fear fallen upon the pope's army.  assailed and invaded the Bohemians: at every which battle, 5. times the said adversaries strooken and daunted with a sudden fear, ran away out of the field, leaving their tents with all their implements and furniture behind them, before any stroke was given. Ex Casp. Peuc. lib. 5. 
God's holy angels pitch their tents about them which fear him. Psal.  Whereby it may appear, the holy angels of God to fight for them which embraced the sincere doctrine of Christ's gospel.  
Thus the Bohemians through the mighty protection of almighty God, continued a long time invincible, during all that life of Zisca, & also of Procopius, till at length through discord growing between them & their captains Procopius & Mainardus, they were subdued unto their enemies.  

The cruel deceit and wicked fact of Mainardus against the soldiers of Boheme. Certain thousands of the Bohemian soldiers brent.  And here by the way is not to be omitted the wicked and cruel fact of Mainardus, who after the death of Procopius, thinking to purge the realm of Boheme of those chief and principal soldiers, which had been long expert and trained up in wars, found means by a proclamation made, as though he would war against other countries of their eunemies bordering about them, craftily to train all them which were disposed to take wages, into certain barns or hovels, prepared for the same purpose, and so shutting the doors upon them, the wicked dissembler set fire upon them, & brent of them divers thousands, and so brought the rest by that means, under subjection to the Emperor during his life time, which after that continued not long. 
Ex Aenea Silu. lib. de hist. Boem. cap. 51.  Ex Aene. Syl. The which soldiers, if they had fought so much for the catholic liberties of the Pope and his church, as they had fought against him, it is martyrs. But they that kill with the sword (sayeth Christ) shall perish with the sword. Notwithstanding, the cruel deceit of Mainardus, is worthy of all men to be detested.  

England nonted of cruelty.  During this business among the bishops beyond the sea in the mean time our bishops here also in England, were not unoccupied. Whether it be the nature of the country that so giveth: or whether the great livings and wealthy promotions of the clergy, do draw with them a more insensible unto wardness in God's religion, hard it is to say: this is manifest to all them which will read and mark our stories from time to time, 
Burning & slaying in England.  that in England is more burning and slaying for Religion and for all other matters: more bloodshed among us then in any other land or nation in Christendom besides. After the burning of Rich. Hoveden, of Nicho. Canon, and of Thom. Bagley priest, above recorded, pag. 666. Whom the bishops condemned to death An. 1431. not long after, about the year of our Lord 1439. which was the 18. of the reign of king Henr 6. they had another poor man by the back, 
Anno 1439.  named rich wick Priest, mentioned both in Rob. Fabian and also in another old english chronicle borrowed of one Perminger. 
R. Wiche Priest, Martyr. Ex Fabian part. 7. Ex antiquo alio Chronico.  What his opinions were, they do not express, This they record, that this Rich, which first was degraded then burned at the tower hill for heresy. Some do a arm that he before his death revolted, but that seemeth by his burning, not to be!!!.  
Rex vicecomitibus London. & Midd. salutem. Albeit Richard which late clerk, who heretofore long sithence heretically did hold, teach, & publicly preach certain heresies and erroneous opinions in many places within our realm of England. And for the same many years now past being judicially convicted, did before a judge in that behalf sufficient abjure all heresy generally, and afterward as a dog returning to his vomit, did presume to maintain, teach, & publicly preach his former errors and heresies, so that he was worthily adjudged a Relapse. And again being impeached for the same before the reverend father in God Robert B of London his lawful ordinary was called forth to judgement, and being before him, did judicially confess his errors and heresies. For the which cause the said reverend father, upon mature deliberation by him the said Reverend father first had with the advise of the learned in the law, his assistants lawfully proceeding against the said Richard did by his sentence defintive pronounce and adjudge him to be a Relapse, and did disgrade him from the order and dignity of Priesthood, & took from him all priestly ornaments, and deprived him of all priestly function and Privilege (according to justice) and last of all turned him over to the secular power as the manner is: And afterwards you, by our Princely commandment and warrant did according to the law of our realm for his last punishment consume the body of the said Richard to ashes, being a Relapse convict, and disgraded as a notorious traitor, not only against God, but also against us and our crown and dignity. All which notwithstanding certain our subjects (as we have been sundry times informed) being pricked forward with a Diabolical spirit, practising of all likelihood not only sedition, but also Idolatry within our Realm are not afraid publicly to affirm that the said Richard was altogether innocent of heretical pravity Nay rather they do most shainefully with their vain devices, and wickedly conceived imaginations blaze abroad that he was, & died a good, just and an holy man, and that he doth many miracles (whereas in deed no such miracles be done by him.) Which disordinate persons we may well and upon probable causes repute & dame culpable, not only of heretical pravity, but also of high treason, and as rebels to our person, Majesty, and violatours of the peace and dignity of our Realm, as with all breakers and trespassers against the sacred Canons of the Church, who dare so presumptuously adventure to worship the said Richard as a Saint, whereas it is not lawful to worship any manner of person be he never so holy before he be canonised by the authority of the B. of Rome. We therefore being very careful for the good preservation of our peace, and desirous to abolish from out all the coasts of the same all manner Idolatry, do charge & command you that in certain places within your liberties where you shall think most convenient, you cause forthwith proclamations to be made on our behalf, straightly charging, that no person from henceforth presume to resort to the place where the said Richard was executed under colour of Pilgrim, or for any other cause of devotion what so ever, nor send any offering thither, nor worship him hereafter openly or secretly, nor adjudge, esteem, repute, name or talk of him as otherwise justified or innocent, than such as the said reverend father by his former definitive sentence hath pronounced him to be upon pain and penalty to be taken and reputed for an heretic or a favourer of heretics, and to receive condign punishment provided for heretics. And that you arrest all & every person whom you shall find to do any thing contrary to this our Proclamation, and the same so arrested, commit to our prison, there to remain until we shall think good to send countermand for their deliverance. Witness the king at his Manor of Estampstede, the 15. day of july in the 18. year of his reign.  
Per ipsum Regem.  
Like writs, and to the same effect were directed to all the shrines through all the realm bearing all one and the same Date. By the virtue of which letter, the Mayor and sheriffs did such diligence, that shortly after, that concourse and seeking of the people was left of.  

Ex Regist. Hen. Chicheslei.  After the burning of this man, which was about the month of june, in the same year about November, a connocation was called by Henry Archbish. of Cant. wherein was propounded among the clergy, to consult with themselves, what way were best to be taken, for the removing a way the law of Premuniri facias, for so were the hearts then of the temporalty set against the ecclesiastical sort, that where any vantage might be given them by the law, they did nothing spare, by reason whereof, the churchmen at that time were greatly molested by the said law of Premuniri, and by the king's writs, and other inditements, to their no small annoyance, By long consultation and good advisement, at last this way was taken, that a petition or supplication should be drawn and presented to the king, 
The bishops consult to abolish the law of Premuniri facias.  for the abolishing of the foresaid law of Premuniri facias, and also for the restraining of other briefs, writs, and inditements, which seemed then to lie heavy upon the Clergy. This bill or supplication being contrived and exhibited by the Archbish. of Canter, and of York, unto the king standing in need the same time, of a subsidy to be collected of the clergy: this answer was given to their supplication on the king's behalf: that for somuch as the time of Christenmaste then drew near, whereby he had as yet no sufficient leisure to advise upon the matter, 
The king answer to the bill of the Clergy touching the law of Premuniri.  he would take therein a farther pause. In the mean time, as one tendering their quiet, he would send to all his officers and ministers within his realm, that no such brief of Premuniri, should pass against them or any of them, from the said time of Christenmas, till the next Parliament. An. 1439. Ex Regist. Cant.  
In my former edition of Acts & monuments, so hastily rashed up at that present, in such shortness of time, as in the said book thou mayst see (gentle reader) declared and signified: 
A brief answer to Cope, concerning Lady Eleanor Cobham.  among many other matters therein contained, there is a short note made of one Eleanor Cobham Duchess of Gloucester, & of Sir Roger only knight (priest it should have been printed,) which two persons, about the year of our Lord. 1440. or the next year following, were condemned, the one to death, the other to perpetual prison. Of this little short matter, master Cope the Pope's Scout, lying in privy wait to spy faults in all men's works, wherso ever any may appear, taketh pepper in the nose, & falleth again unto his old barking against me, for placing these foresaid persons in my book of Martyrs, but especially he thinketh to have great vantage against me, for that in the same story, I do join withal, one Margaret jourdeman, the witch of Eye, condemned also with them the same time, and burned for practising the king's death by an image of wax, etc. To answer hereunto, first I say (as I before said) that I profess no such title to write of Martyrs: but in general to write of rites and Monuments passed in the church and realm of England. Wherein, why should I be restrained from the free walk of a story writer, more than other that have gone before me?  
Secondly, touching my commendation of Sir Roger only, and the Lady Eleanor, if master Alane be therewith offended, I answer that I commended them for savouring and favouring of the truth of Christ's doctrine: For the fact, if any such were in them, I do not commend them. And although I did commend them, yet neither did I it with any long tarrying upon it, nor yet all together upon mine own head, without some sufficient warrant of authority. For why may not I as well believe john Bale, as M. Alane believe M. Fabian? especially seeing I do know, and was privy, that the said john in recognising his Centuries, followed altogether the history of Leland. De Catalogo virorum illustrium, which book being borrowed of master Cheke, I myself did see in the hands of the foresaid john Bale, what time we were both together, dwelling in the house of the noble Lady Duchess of Richmond. Wherefore if he think me so lewd to speak without mine authors, he is deceived. And if he think mine authors not to be believed, then let this Nomothetes, or jolly Dictator, come forth and prescribe us a law, what authors he would have us to take, and what to refuse. For else why is it not as free for me to credit john Bale, and Leland, as for him to credit Robert Fabian, and Edw. Hall, especially seeing they had seen his books and works left behind him, whereupon they might better judge, and so did never these?  
Thirdly, 
To the third objection.  for the name of Roger only, if Cope deny that there was any such name in stories mentioned, but that there was one called Roger Bolingbroke. etc. hereby it may appear that either his prompter out of England deceived him, or else that he going no further but to Fabian and Hall, lacketh no good will in him, but only a little matter to make a perfect sycophant. And admit the said name of only could not be found in those writers, yet it were not unpossible for a man to have two names, especially if he were a religious man, to bear the name of the town where he was born, beside his own proper surname. But now what if I (M. Cope) can avouch and bring forth to you the name of Roger only out of sufficient record, which you seem not to have yet read? Have ye not then done well and properly (think you) so bitterly to flee in my face, and to bark so eagerly all this while at moneshine in the water, having no more cause almost against me, than against the man in the Moon? And now lest you should think me so much unprovided of just authority for my defence, as I see you unprovided of modesty and patience, write you to your prompter or suborner (where so ever he lurketh here in England) to send you over unto Louane the book of john Harding a Chronicler, more ancient than either Fabian or Hall, printed in the house of Richard Grafton, Anno 1543. where turn to the fol. 223. fac. b. lin. 19 and there shall you find and read these words. 
Again the Church and the king cursedly:  
By help of one master Roger only. etc.   
By the which words ye must necessarily confess Roger only to be the name of the man, either else must ye needs deny the author. For otherwise that master Roger Bolingbroke was the only helper to the Duchess in that fact, by no wise it can stand with the story of these authors which say, that 4. other besides him were condemned for the same erune. 
Vid. Centu. 8. Ral. ca 4.  etc. And moreover thought the said Sir R. only was no knight (as I have said in my former edition) yet this ye cannot deny, by the testimony of them that have seen his works, but that he was a Priest, which you will grant to be a knight's fellow. And thus much for the name and condition of M. Roger only.  
Fourthly, 
To the 4. objection.  as concerning Margaret jourdeman, whom ye call the witch of Eye, ye offer me herein great wrong, to say that I make her a martyr, which was a witch: when as I here profess, confess, and ascertain both you, and all English men, both present & all posterity hereafter to come, that this Margaret jourdeman I never spoke of, never thought of, never dreamt of, nor did ever hear of, before you named her in your book yourself. So far is it of, that I either with my will, or against my will, made any martyr of her.  
Furthermore, 
M. Coperay let without a cause.  I profess and denounce in like manner, the neither have you any just or congrue occasion in my book so to judge, much less to rail of me. For where, in express words I do speak of the monther of the Lady Young, what occasion have you thereby to slander me and my book with Margarete jourdeman? which Margarete whether she was a witch or not, I leave her to the Lord. As for me, neither did I know of her then, nor did I mean of her now. But because I couple her in the same story, you say. To this I say, because she was the mother of a Lady, I thought to join her with an other Lady in the same story, as in one pew together, although in one cause I will not say. And yet notwithstanding I do so couple the said mother with the Duchess, in such distinet difference of years, that you M. Cope might easily have understand, or beside you, no man else would have thought the contrary, but that Margaret jovedeman was neither here in my book, nor yet many memento. For the wooordes of my story are plain, whereas the condemnation of the Lady Eleanor, & of the mother of Lady Young being referred to the year of our Lord 1441. I do also in the same story (through the occasion of that Lady) inforte mention of the mother of the Lady Young declaring in express words, 
See the former edition, pag. 371.  that she followed certain years after, & in the end of that chapter, do name also the year of her burning to be. 1490. which was 50. years after the death of Only, and Margaret jourdeman: by the computation of which years it is plain, that no other woman could be noted in that place, but only the Lady Younges mother.  
But M, Cope continuing still in his wrangling mood objecteth again, for that in my calendar, the said Lady Younges mother hath the next day in the Catalogue next after the death of Roger only, which day pertaineth properly to Margaret jourdeman which was burned the same day in Smithfield, & not to the ladies mother, etc.  
What order was taken in placing the names & days, what is that to me? If he which had the disposing of the Catalogue, did place them so in months, as he saw them joined in chapters, not perusing peradventure nor abvising the chapters, that doth nothing prejudice the truth of my story, which sufficiently doth clare itself in distincting them rightly in names & also in years, as is afore declared.  

The 5. objection.  Fiftly and lastly, having thus sufficiently answered to your circumstanunces of persons, names, and times (M. Cope) I will now enter to encounter with you concerning the fact: 
The story of the Lady Eleanor and Rog. only here pretermitted.  and crime objected to the Lady Duchess, and to the rest: with this protestation before premised unto the reader, that if the fact be true and so done is reported in the histories of Fabian, Halle and harding, I desire the reader then so to take me, as though I do not here deal withal, nor speak of the matter, but utterly to have pretermitted, and dispuncted the same. But for somuch as the deed and offence laid and given forth against these parties, may be a matter made, 
A question whether Eleanor the Duchess was culpable in treason against the king.  & of evil will compacted, rather than true in deed: therefore I do but only move a question by way of history, not as defending, nor commending nor commemorating the thing, if it be true, but only moving the question, whether it is to be judged true, or suspected rather to be false and forged, and so having briefly, propounded certain coniectural suspicious or supposals concerning that matter, to pass it over, neither meddling on the one side nor on the other.  

Certain conjectures of the crime not to be true. 1. Conjecture.  The first conjecture, why it may be possible that this act of treason laid to the charge of the Duchess, & Roger Oneley, against the king, may be untrue is this: that the said Oneley (otherwise named Bolingbroke) took it upon his death, that they never intended any such thing as they were condemned for.  

2 Conjecture.  The second conjecture: for that the Lady Eleanor, and Only seemed then to favour and favour of that religion set forth by wicklesse, and therefore like enough, that they were ha●d of the clergy. Furthermore what hatred & practice of Papists can do, it is not unknown.  

3 Conjecture.  The third conjecture: for that the said master Roger Only falsely noted and accused of Necromancy, wrote a book in purgation of himself, entitled: de Innocentia sua. Also an other book entitled. Contra vulgi superstitiones, recorded in Centu 8. Bale. cap. 4. Whereupon it is not credible, that he which wrote professedly against the superstitions of the people, was overtaken with that filth of Necromancy himself.  

4 Conjecture.  The fourth conjecture: because this accusation against the Duchess of Gloucester, Duke Humfries wife began not before, but after the grudge kindled between the Cardinal of Wint. and Duke Humphrey, her Husband.  

5. Conjecture.  another conjecture may be hereof, for that, if the Duchess had intended any such heinous treason against the king's life, as by burning of a wax candle to consume him it is not like (neither was there any such need) that she would have made so many privy to such a pernicious coucell, as the Witch of Eye, M. Rog. Bolingbroke, M. Tho. Southwest and john Hume.  

6. Conjecture.  Sixtly, it is not to be supposed, if any such high treason had been wrought or pretended against the kings person by these that either the Duchess should so escape with bearing a taper and banishment, or that john Hume should be pardoned his life, the fact being so heinous, that neither any durst ask his pardon, nor if it had been asked, it had not been like to be granted.  

7 Conjecture.  To these we may also add an other supposal, rising upon the words and form of their accusation, as it standeth in Harding: Polychronicon, and other more, wherein they were accused for working sorcery, and inchantmentes against the church and the king. Now what sorcery can be wrought against the church, that is, the whole multitude of Christians, let the reader judge, and by the truth of this consider also the truth of the other, which was against the king. Furthermore, if by this Church is meant the Cardinal of Wint, as like it is: than it may be conjectural, that all this matter rose of that Cardinal, who was then a mortal enemy to the house of Gloucester. etc.  
Eightly: 
8. Conjecture.  And that all this was done and wrought by the said Cardinal of Wint. the witch concerning Eye maketh the matter the more suspicious, seeing that town of Eye as Fabian witnesseth, was near beside Wintchester, and sea of that Bishop.  
Moreover, 
9 Conjecture.  for so much as Polydore Virgil, among other story authors, being a man as may be supposed, rather favouring the cardinals part then the Dukes, made no mention at all touching this treason, his licence thereof may minister matter not also to muse, but only to conjecture, that he had found something which made him to miststrust the matter. Otherwise it is unlike that he would have so mewed up the matter, and passed it over without some mention.  
Finally and briefly: 
10. Conjecture.  The frequent practices and examples of other times, may make this also more doubtful, considering how many subtle pretences, after like fort have been sought, and wrongful accusations brought against many innocent persons For (not to repeat the like forgeries against the Lord Cobham and sir Roger Acron. etc.) why may not this accusation of the Duchess and only, be as false as that in the time of king Edward the 5. which was laid to the charge of the Queen, and Shore's wife by the Protectors, for enchanting & bewitching of his withered arm? which to be false, all the world doth know, and but a quarrel made, only to oppress the life of the L. Hastings & the L. stanley. etc. And thus mayest thou see, gentle reader, according to the wise man's saying: Nihil nouú es●e sub sole● Nihil que dictum, quod non sit dictum prius. xc.  
Although these with many more conjectures, may be alleged in some part of Defence of this Duchess, and of her Chaplains and Priests: yet because it may be not unpossible again, the matter laid against them, to be true, I leave it therefore at large as I find it: saying as I said before, that if it be true which the stories say in this matter, think I beseech thee gentle Reader, that I have said nothing hereof. Only, because the matter may bedisputable, and not unpossible to be false, I have but moved thereof a question, 
A brief answer to Master Copes cavillations, concerning Duke Humfrey's wife.  and brought my conjectures, leaving the determi, nation, and judgement hereof, to thy indifferent and free arbitrement. And if M. Cope, be so highly offended with me, because in my first edition of Acts and Monuments I durst name the Lady Eleanor Cobham, and Roger Only: let him take this for a short answer, because my leisure serveth not to make long brawls with him: that if I had thought no imperfections to have passed in my former edition before, I would never have taken in hand the recognition thereof now that second time, whereby to sponge away such motes, as I thought would seem great stumbling blocks in such men's walks, which walk with no charity to edify: but with malice to carp and reprehend, neither admonishing what they see amiss in others, neither tarrying while other men reform themselves, & finally finding quarrels where no great cause is justly given. And here an end with M. Cope for this time.  
Forsomuch as in the process before, 
The contention between the Cardinal of Wint. & Duke Humphrey, Lord protector.  mention was touched concerning the grudge between the Cardinal, cal●ed the rich Cardinal of Wintchester, and the good duke Humphrey duke of Gloucester, the king's uncle, and protector of that realm: order of story now requireth to open some part of that matter more at large. Wherein this first is to be understand, that long before, 
Anno. 1440.  great flames of grudge and discord did burst out between these two. For as the noble hart of the Duke could not abide the proud doings of the Cardinal: so much again the Cardinal in like manner sore envied & disdained at the rule of the Duke of Gloucester. Notwithstanding by the means of the Duke of Bedford, the brasting out between them was before appealed & cured: yet not so, but that under imperfect amity, privy hatred, as sparkles under the embers, did still remain: So that the Cardinal, joining with the Archbishop of York, attempted many things of their own presumption, contrary to the consent, not only of the king (being then under age) but also of the protector & governor of the realm. Wherewith the Duke (like a true hearted prince) being not without just cause offended, declared in writing to the king certain complaints contained in 21. Articles, wherein the Cardinal and Archbishop had transgressed, 
E● Polyc●ra.  both against the king & his laws. The tenor whereof, more at large is in other stories expressed, the brief abstract thereof followeth in a short summary here to be seen.  

¶ Certain points or articles objected by the Duke Humphrey, against the Cardinal of Winchester.  

Wint. presumeth to be Cardinal against the mind of his king.  FIrst complained to his sovereign Prince his right redoubted Lord duke Humphrey, his uncle and protector of the realm, that the bishop of Winchester, in the days of his father king Henry the 5. took upon him the state of a cardinal, being denied by the king, saying that he had as lief set his own crown beside him, as to see him wear a cardinals hat, and that in parliaments, he not being contented with the place of a bishop among the spiritual persons presumed above his order, which the said Duke desired to be redressed.  

Wint. incurreth the law of premuni●i.  2. Item, whereas he being made Cardinal, was voided of his bishopric of Winchester, he procured from Rome the Pope's Bull, unknowing to the king, whereby he took again his bishopric, contrary to the common law of this realm, incurring thereby the case of provision, and forefeiting all his goods to the king, by the law of premuniri facias.  

Wint. intrudeth himself to be the king's governor.  3. Item, he complained that the said Cardinal, with the Archbishop of York, intruded themselves to have the governance of the king, and the doing under the king, of temporal matters, excluding the king's uncle, and other temporal Lords of the kings kind, from having knowledge of any great matter.  
4. Item, whereas the king had borrowed of the Cardinal 4000 pounds, 
The Cardinal defraudeth the king of his jewels.  upon certain jewels, and afterward had his money ready at the day to quite his jewels: the Cardinal caused the treasurer to convert that money, to the payment of an other army, to keep the jewels still to his own use and gain.  

The Cardinal delivereth the K. of Scots. upon his own authority.  5. Item, he being then bishop of Winchester, and Chancellor of England, delivered the king of Scots, upon his own authority, contrary to the act of parliament, wedding his niece afterward to the said king. Also where the said king of Scots should have paid to the king forty thousand pounds, the cardinal procured x. thousand marks thereof to be remitted, and yet the rest very slenderly paid.  

The Cardinal playeth the merchant.  6. Item, the said cardinal, for lending notable sums to the king, had the profit of the port of Hampton: where he, setting his servants to be the Customers, wool and other merchandise was, under that clock, exported not somuch to his singular vantage, being the chief merchant, as to the great prejudice of the king, and detriment to his subjects.  
7. Item, the cardinal, in lending out great sums to that king, yet so differed and delayed the loan thereof, that coming out of season, the same did the king little pleasure, but rather hindrance.  
8. Item, where jewels & plate were prised at a 11. thousand pounds in weight, 
The Cardinal a defrauder of the king.  of the said Cardinal forfeited to the king: the cardinal for loan of a little peer, got him a a restorement thereof, to the King's great damage, who better might have spared the commons if the some had remained to him clear.  
9 Item, where the kings father had given Elizabeth Bewchampe. CCC. marks of livelihood, with this condition if the wedded with in a year, the Cardinal, notwithstanding she was married two or three years after, yet gave her the same, to the kings great hurt, and diminishing of his inheritance.  
10. Item, the Cardinal having no authority nor interest to the crown, 
The Cardinal taketh upon him like a king.  presumed notwithstanding to call before him, like a King, to the kings high derogation.  
11 Item, that the Cardinal sued a pardon from Rome, to be freed from all dimes, due to the King by the church of Winchester, giving thereby example to the clergy, to withdraw their disines likewise, and lay all the charge only upon the temporalty, and poor commons.  
12. 13. Item, by the procuring of the said Cardinal and Archbishop of York, great goods of the kings were lost and dispended upon needles Ambassades, first to Arras, then to Calais.  
14. Item it was laid to the charge of the said Cardinal and archbishop, that by their means, going to Calais, the two. enemies of the king, the Duke of Orleans, and Duke of Burgoyne, were reduced together in accord & alliance, who being at war before between themselves, and now confederate together, joined both together against the kings towns and countries over the sea, to the great danger of Normandy, and destruction of the kings people.  

The Cardinal traitor to the crown.  15. Item, by the archbishop of York, and the Cardinal persuasions were moved openly in the king's presence, with allurements and inducementes, that the king should leave his right, his title and honour of his crown, in nominating him king of France, during certain years, & that he should utterly abstain, and be content only in writing, with Rex Angliae, to the great note and infamy of the king and of all his progenitors.  
16. 17. Item, through the sleight and subtlety of the said Cardinal and his mate, a new convention was intended between the king and certain adversaries of France. Also the deliverance of the Duke of Orleans was appointed in such sort, as thereby great disworship & inconvenience was like to fall, rather of the kings side then of the other.  
18. Item, that the Cardinal had purchased great lands and livelihoods of the king, the Duke being on the other side the sea occupied in wars, which redounded little to the worship and profit of the king: 
The Card. a purchaser of of the king's lands.  and moreover had the king bound, to make him as sure estate of all those lands by Easter next, as could be devised by any learned council, or else the said cardinal to have and enjoy to him and his heirs for ever, the lands of the Duchy of Lancaster in Norfolk to the value of 7. or 8. hundred marks by the year.  
19 Item, 
Perverse counsa●le of the Cardinal.  where the Duke the kings uncle, had oftenoffered his service for the defence of the Realm of France, and the duchy of Normandy, the Cardinal ever laboured to the contrary, in preferring other, after this singular affection: whereby a great part of Normandy hath been lost.  
20. Iten, 
The Card. a deceiver of the king & a briber.  seeing that Cardinal was risen to such riches & treasure, which could grow to him, neither by his Church, nor by inheritance (which he then had) it was of necessity to be thought, that it came by his great deceits, in deceiving both the king, and his subjects, in selling offices, preferments, livelihoods, captaynships both here and in that realm of France and in Normandy, so that what hath beu there lost, he hath been the greatest causer thereof.  
21. Furthermore, when the said Cardinal had forfeited all his goods by the statute of provision, 
The Card. purchaseth a pardon against his premuniri.  he having the rule of the king, and of other matters of the realm: purchased from the pope a charter of pardon, not only to the defeating of the laws of the Realm, but also to the defrauding of the king, who otherwise might and should have had where with to sustain his wars, without any tallage of his poor people. etc.   
When the king heard these accusations, he committed that hearing thereof to his counsel: whereof that most part were spiritual persons. 
Prelates hold one with an other.  So, what for fear, and what for favour the matter was winked at, & delied out, and nothing said thereunto, and a fair countenance was made to that Duke as though no displeasure had been taken, nor malice borne in these spiritual stomachs. But shortly after, the smoke hereof, not able to keep in any longer within the spiritual breasts of these charitable churchmen, braced out in flames of mischief. For upon the neck of this matter, as witnesseth Fabian Polychronicon, and Hall which followeth Polych, first ensued the condemnation of L. Elianour the Duchess and her chaplains, 
Malice burst out.  as ye have heard before. Whereby it may appear the said Duchess more of malice, than any just cause, this to have been troubled. Also within vi. years after, followed the lamentable destruction of the Duke himself, as hereafter more is to be declared.  
About which time, 
Paul's steepleset on fire by lightning  or not long after, an. 1443. the steeple of Paul's was set on fire by lightning, and at last by diligent labour of helpers, the fire was quenched.  
And after the condemnation of lady Elianour the Duchess, aforesaid, 
Anno. 1445  within few years. an. 1445. followed the death of Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Cant. by whom she was condemned in S. Stephen's chapel at Westin. 
The death of Henry Chichesley Archb. of Cant. The building of Alsolne College and Barnard College in Oxford.  for penance to bear a taper through cheapside three sundry times, and afterward outlawed to the isle of Man, under the custody of sir john Standly knight. This Henry Chichesley builded in his time, 2. Colleges in the university of Oxford, the one called Alsolne College, the other named Barnard College.  
Proceeding now to the year, wherein suffered Humphrey that good Duke of Gloucester, which was the year of that Lord. 1447. first we will begin in few words to entreat of his life & conversation: 
Anno. 1447  then of the manner and cause of his death. As touching the offspring and dissent of this Duke, first he was the son of Henry the fourth, brother to king Henry the fift, 
The story & death of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester.  and uncle to king Henry the sixth, assigned to be the governor and protector of his person. Of manners he seemed meek and gentle, loving the common wealth, a supporter of the poor commons, of wit & wisdom discreet and studious, well affected to religion, and a friend to verity, & no les enemy to pride & ambition, especially in haughty prelate's, which was his undoing in this present evil world: 
Duke Humphrey comm●nded for his learning.  And, which is seldom & rare in such princes of that calling, he was both learned himself: & no less given to study, as also a singular favourer & patron to them which were studious & learned. And that my commendation of him may have the more credit, I will produce the testimony of learned writers, who living in his time, not only do commend his famous knowledge, and ripeness of learning in him: but also commit & submit their works to his judgement to be examined. Of which writers one is Petrus de Monte, 
Petrus de Monte. De Virtutum et Vitrorum differentia, ad D. Humfredum.  writing De virtutum & vitiorum differentia: who in his Epistle dedicatory beginning with the singular commendation of this Duke, and afterward speaking De optimarum artium, liberaliumque scientiarum peritia, sayeth thus: Cui tu quidem omni conatu, omni ingenio, atque studio incumbis: adeo ut nihil tibi sine librorum lectione, iocundum gratum, aut certe delectabile videatur. etc. And in further process of his work, thus he further declareth, saying: Delectaris autem non una tantum arte, aut scientia, quanquam & id quidem esset satis: verum fere omnibus, earumque codices magna quadam aviditate legisti. etc. Besides this Petrus de Monte, let us hear also the judgement of an other writer of the same age, 
Lapiscastellius De compatatione Audiorum etrei militarus ad D. D. Humfredum.  named Lapiscastellius, who likewise dedicating to the said Duke Humphrey, his book entitled Comparatio studiorum & rei militaris, amongst divers other words commendatory, hath these as follow: Ad te potissimum mitto, quod horum te optimum, & sapientissimum judicem fore existimo, qui ut ex integerrimo pat. domino, Zenone Baiocensi episcopo, homine tuae laudis cupidissimo, accepi: ita in his humanitatis studiis invigilares, ut nullus toto terrarum orb princeps, nec doctrina, nec eloquentia, nec humanitate tecum comparandus sit. etc. Many other arguments and places may be brought, to declare what is to be esteemed of the learning and studious wit of this noble Prince.  
Furthermore, as the learning of this Prince was rare and memorable, so was the discreet wisdom and singular prudence in him no less to be considered: as for the more manifest proof thereof, I thought here good amongst many other his godly doings, to recite one example, reported as well by the pen of sir Thomas More, as also by M. William tindal, the true Apostle of these our latter days, to the intent to see and note, not only the crafty working of false miracles in the clergy, but also that the prudent discretion of this high and mighty prince, the fore said Duke Humphrey, may give us better to understand what man he was. The story lieth thus.  
In the young days of this king Henry the sixth, being yet under the governance of this Duke Humphrey his protector, there came to S. Alban's a certain beggar with his wife, 
A false miracle espied.  and there was walking about the town, begging five or six days before the kings coming thither, saying that he was borne blind and never saw in his life, & was warned in his dream, that he should come out of Barwik, where he said he had ever dwelled, to seek S. Albon, and that he had been at his shrine, and had not been holpen, and therefore he would go and seek him at some other place: for he had heard some say, since he came, that S. Alban's body should be at Colon, and in deed such a contention hath there been. But of truth as I am surely informed, he lieth here at S. Alban's, saving some Relics of him, which they there show shrined. But to tell you forth, when the king was comen, and the town full, suddenly this blind man at S. Alban's shrine had his sight again, and a miracle solemnly rung, and Te Deum song, so that nothing was talked of in all the town, but this miracle. So happened it them, that Duke Humphrey of Gloucester, a man no les wife, then also well learned, having great joy to see such a miracle, called the poor man unto him, and first showing himself joyous of God's glory, so showed in the getting of his sight, and exhorting him to meekness, and to no ascribing of any part of that worship to himself, nor to be proud of the people's praise, which would call him a good & godly man thereby, at last he looked well upon his eyen, and asked whether he could see nothing at all, in all his life before. And when as well his wife as himself affirmed fastly no, than he looked advisedly upon his eyen again, and said: I believe you very well, for me thinketh ye cannot see well yet. Yes sir, quoth he, I thank God and his holy martyr, I can see now as well as any man. (Yea can (quod the duke) what colour is my gown? Then anon the beggar told him. What colour (quoth he) is this man's gown? He told him also, and so forth without any sticking, he told him the names of all that colours that could be showed him. And when the Duke saw that, he had him walk traitor, and made him to be set openly in the stocks: For though he could have seen suddenly by miracle the difference between divers colours, 
Dissimulation well punished.  yet could he not by the sight so suddenly tell the names of all these colours, except he had known them before, no more than the names of all the men, that he should suddenly see.  
By this may it be seen how Duke Humphrey had not only an head to disserue and disseruer truth from forged and feigned hypocrisy, but study also and diligence likewise was in him, 
Commen-dation of Duke Humphrey.  to reform that which was amiss.  
And thus much hitherto for the noble prowess & virtues, joined with the like ornaments of knowledge, & literature shining in this Princely duke. For the which, as he was both loved of the poor commons, and well spoken of all men, & no les deserving the same, being called the good Duke of Gloucester, so neither yet wanted he his enemies and privy enviers, 
The good Duke of Gloucester.  whether it was through the fatal and unfortunate luck of the name of that house which is but a vain & frivolous observation of Polydore, & Halle which followeth him, bringing in the examples of Hugh Speser of Thomas of Woodstock, son of ●. Edward the third of this Duke Humphrey, 
Polyd. Hist lib. 23 Hal● in 25. H●n. 6.  and after o● king Richard the third Duke likewise of Gloucester: or whether it was that the nature of true virtue commonly is such, that as the flame ever beareth his smoke, and the body his shadow: fo● the brightness of virtue never blazeth, but hath some disdain or envy waiting upon it: or else whether it was rather for some divorcement from his wife, or for some other vice or trespass done (as seemeth most like truth) which God as well in duke's houses correcteth, as in other inferior parsons, especially where he loveth: But howsoever the cause is to us unknown, this good Duke of Gloucester, albeit being both that kings sole uncle, & having so many well willers through the whole realm, yet lacked not his Satan: lacked not his secret maligners. Of whom specially was Henry Beuford Cardinal, Bish. of Wintchester and chancellor of England: 
The enemies to the Duke of Gloucester.  who of long time disdaining and envying the rule and authority of this Duke: first had disposed and appointed himself, to remove the king's person from Eltham unto Windsor out of the Duke's hands, and there to put in such governors, 
The malicious working of the cardinal against the Duke of Gloucester.  as him listed. After that, intending the Duke's death, he set men of arms and Archers at the end of London bridge, and for barring the high way with a draw chain, set men in chambers, sellers and windows with bows and arrows and other weapons, to the purposed destruction both of the duke & his retinue, if God had not so disposed, to turn his journey an other way. Beside other manifold injuries and molestations, the Ambitious Cardinal, seeking by all means to be Pope, procured such trouble against him, that great division was thereby in the whole Realm: in somuch that all the shops within the city of London, were shut in, for fear of the favourers of these two great personages, for each part had assembled no small number of people. For the pacifying whereof that archbishop of Caunterbury, and the Duke of Dumber, called the prince of Portugal, road 7. times in one day between those two adversaries. Such were then the troubles of this tumultuous division within the realm, and all by the excitation of this unquiet Cardinal.  
Over and beside, 
W. De la Pole Duke of Suffolk, the cause of the Duke of Glocesters' death.  this Cardinal afore mentioned, an other Capital enemy to the said Duke, was William de la Pole, first Earl, than Marquis, at last Duke of Suffolk a man very ill reported of in stories, to be not only that organ & instrument of this good man's death, but also to be the noyance of the common wealth, & ruin of the realm. For by him and his only devise, was first concluded the unprofitable and unhonourable marriage between the king & Lady Margaret daughter of the Duke of Angeow: 
The unprofitable marriage between K. Hen. 6. and Queen Margaret.  where as the king had concluded & contracted a marriage before with the daughter of the Earl of Armi●●k, upon conditions so much more profitable and honourable, as more convenient it is for a Prince to marry a wise with riches & friends then to take a maid with nothing, & disherit himself, & his realm of old rights, & ancient inheritance, which so came to pass. And all this the good Duke did well foresee, & declared no less: but his counsel would not be taken. Whereupon followed first the giving away the Duchy of Angeow: & the City of Main, with the who●e Country of maine, to Reyner Duke of Angeow & father of the Damsel, called then K. of Sicily & of Jerusalem, having thereof no penny profit, but only a vain name to play withal.  
another sore enemy and mortal plague to this Duke was the Queen herself, 
Queen Margaret mortal enemy to the Duke of Gloucester.  lately before married to the king. Who being of haute stomach, and all set upon glory of wit and wiliness lacking nothing, and perceiving her husband to be simple of wit, and easy to be ruled, took upon her to rule and govern both the king & kingdom. And because the advise & counsel of Humphrey duke of Gloucester, was somewhat a stay that her authority and regiment could not so fully proceed, and partly because the said Duke before did disagree from that marriage, this manly women and courageous Queen ceased not by all imaginations and practices possible, 
The malice of a woman.  to set forward his destruction, having also for her helper herein the Duke of Buckingham. etc.  
These being his principal enemies and mortal foes, 
A snare to catch the innocent.  fearing lest some commotion might arise, if such a Prince so veare the kings blood, and so bear to the people, & of all men so beloved, should be openly executed & put to death, devised how to trap him, and cirumvent him unknowing and unprovided. For the more speedy furtherance whereof, a Parliament was summoned to be kept at Bery, 
Anno. 1447.  an. 1447. sacre ●rom the citizens of London, as William Lindall in his book of practice, 
A parliament at Bery.  writeth. Where resorted all the peers of the realm, and amongst them the Duke of Gloucester, thinking no harm to any man, & less to himself. Who on the second day of the Session, was by the Lord Beamonde high Constable then of England, accompanied with the Duke of Buckingham and other, arrested, apprehended, and put in ward, and upon the same all his servants discharged and put from him, of whom 32. of the principal being also under arrest, were dispersed into divers prisons to the great murmuring and grievance of the people. After this arrest thus done, and the Duke put in to Warde, the night after (saith Halle) 6. nights after (saith Fabian and Polychron, 
The cruel death or martyrdom of the good Duke of Gloucester.  he was found dead in his bed the 24. of February and his body showed to the Lords and Commons, as though he had been taken naturally with some sudden disease. And although no wound in his body could be seen: yet to all indifferent persons it might well be judged, that he died of no natural pang, but of some violent hand. Some suspected him to be strangled, some that a whole spytt was privily forced into his body, some affirm that he, was styfeled between to feather beds. After the death of this Duke, and his body being interred at S. Albon, after he had politicly by the space of 25. years governed this realm, 5. of his household to wit, one knight, 3. esquires, and a Yeoman, were arraigned, & convict to be hanged, drawn & quartered. Who being hanged and cut down half alive, the Marques of Suffolk, there present showed the charter of the kings pardon, and so they were delivered. Notwithstanding, all this could not appease the grudge of the people, saying that the saving of the servants, was no amends for the murdering of the master.  
In this cruel fact of these persons, which did so conspire and consent to the death of this noble man, 
The judgement of god upon them which persecuted the Duke of Gloucester.  & which thought thereby to work their own safety, the marvelous work of god's judgement, appeareth herein to be noted: who as in all other like cruel policies of man, so in this also turned all their policies clean contrary. So that where the Queen thought most to preserve her husband in honour, and herself in state, thereby both she lost her husband, her husband lost his realm, the realm lost Angeow, Normandy the Duchy of Aquitane, with all her parts beyond that sea, Calais only except, as in sequel of the matter, who so will read the stories, shall right well understand.  
The next year following, it followed also, that that Cardinal, who was the principal artificer and ringleader of all this mischief, 
Anno. 1448.  was suffered of God no longer to live. 
The death of the Cardinal, and manner of the same.  Of whose wicked conditions being more largely set forth in Edward Halle, I omit here to speak. What he himself spoke in his deathbed for example to other, I thought not best to pretermit. Who hearing that he should die, & that there was no remedy, murmured & grudged, wherefore he should die, 
The words of the Cardinal of Winchester at his de●th.  having so much riches, saying: that if the whole realm would save his life, he was able either by policy to get it, or by riches to buy it: adding & saying moreover, fit (quoth he) will not death be hired? nor will money do nothing? when my nephew of Bedford died, I thought myself half up the wheel, but when I saw mine other nephew of Gloucester deceased, than I thought myself able to be equal with kings, and so ought to increase my treasure, in hope to have worn the triple crown. & t. Ex Edou Hallo. And thus is the rich bishop of Winchester, with all his pomp and riches gone, with the which riches, he was able not only to build schools, colleges and Universities, but also was able to sustain the kings armies in war (as is specified in stories) without any taxing of the commons.  

Will. Wanflet Bishop of Wint.  In whose seat next succeeded William Wanflet, preferred to the bishopric of Winchester who though he had less substance, yet having a mind more godly disposed, did found and erect the College of Mary Magdalen in Oxford. 
Magdalen College in Oxford builded.  For the which foundation, as there have ben, and be yet many students bound to yield grateful thanks unto God, so I must needs confess myself to be one, except I will be unkind.  
Among that other mischievous adversaries which sought and wrought the death of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, next to the Cardinal of Winchester (who, 
God's punishment upon the Marquis of Suffolk.  as is said, died that next year following) was William de la Pole, marquess of Suffolk, who also lived not long after, nor long escaped unpunished. For although he was highly exalted, by the means of the Queen (whose marriage he only procured) unto the favour of the king, & was made Duke of Suffolk, & magnified of the people, and bore the whole sway in the realm, whose acts and facts his vain glorious head caused also by the assent of the commons, to be recorded, & substantially to be registered in the rolls of the Parliament, for a perpetual renown to him, 

The 〈◊〉 glory of man's 〈◊〉 fo●geth●●g, himself in honour.  
The commons uncon stant.   and all his posterity for ever: yet notwithstanding the hand of God's judgement still hanging over him, he enjoyed not long this his triumphant victory. For within 3. years after the death and ruin of the Cardinal, the voices of the whole commons of England were utterly turned against him, accusing him in the Parliament at the black Friars, for delivery of the duchy of Angeow, and Barledome of main: also for the death of the noble Prince Humphrey Duke of Gloucester. They unputed moreover to him the loss of all Normandye, saying unto him that he was a swallower up and consumer of the king's treasure, 
The Duke of Suffolk accused by the common●.  the exp●iler of all good and virtuous counsellors from the king, and advancer of vicious persons, apparent adversaries to the public wealth: so that he was called in every mouth a traitor, a murderer, and a robber of the kings treasure.  
The Queen, albeit she tenderly loved the Duke, yet to appease the exclamation of the commons, was forced to committee him to the tower, where he, with as much pleasure and liberty as could be, remained for a month which being expired, he was delivered and restored again into his old place, & former favour with the king: where at the people more grudged then before. It happened by the occasion of a commotion then beginning amongst the rude people, by one whom they called Bluebeard, that the parliament, was for that time, adjourned to Leycester, thinking to the Queen, by force and rigour of law to repress there the malice and evil will conceived against the duke. But at that place few of the nobility would appear, Wherefore it was again reiourned unto London, & kept at Westminster, where was a whole company, & a full appearance with the king and Queen, & with them the duke of Suffolk, as chief counsellor. The commons not forgetting their old grudge, renewed again their former articles and accusations against the said duke, against the bishop of Salisb. 
The Duke of Suffolk again accused.  & sir james Fynics, Lord Say, and other. When the king perceived that no glozing nor dissimulation would serve to appease the continual clamour of the importunate commons, to make some quiet pacification, first he sequestered from him the Lord say, treasurer of England, & other the Dukes adherentes from their offices. Then he put in exile the Duke of Suffolk, for the term of 5. years, supposing by that space the furious rage of the people would assuage.  
But the hand of God would not suffer that guiltless blood of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, 

Example of God's judgement and of blood revenged.  
The Duke of Suffolk beheaded   to be unrevenged, or that flagitious person further to continue. For when he shipped in Suffolk, intending to be transported into France: he was encountered with a ship of war belonging to the tower: whereby he was taken, and brought into Dover road, and there on the side of a ship boat, one strake of his head: which was about the year of our Lord. 1450.  
And thus have ye heard the full story, and discourse of Duke Humphrey, and of all his adversaries, also of God's condign punishment upon them for their bloody cruelty. But before I remove from the said story of the foresaid Duke, and of the proud Cardinal his enemy, I will hers by the way, annex a certain instrument by the king and advise of his counsel, made against the said Cardinal, taking upon him to enter into this realm, as Legate from the Pope, contrary to the old laws and customs of this realm, as by the words of the said instrument here in Latin may well appear.  
In Dei nomine Amen, Per presence publicum instrumentum cunctis appareat evidenter quod an. Dom. 1428. 
Publicam inst●umentum nomine Regis.  Indictione septima pontificatus Sanct. in Christo pat. & D. nostri D. Martini etc.  
Ego Richardus Candray, procurator & nomine procuratorio Christianissimi principis Domini Henrici, Dei gratia Regis Angliae & Franciae, & Domini Hiberniae, Domini mei supremi, de assensu pariter & advisamento Illustris & potentis Principis Humfridi Ducis Gloucestriae, Comitis Penbrochiae, protectoris & defensoris regni Angliae, & Ecclesiae Anglicanae, & caeterorum dominorum meorum de consilio suae Regiae celsitudinis, ac consilium eiusdem facientium & hac vice representantium, dico, allego, & in his scriptis propono, quod dictus Christianissimus, princepsdominus meus supremus, suique inclytissimi progenitores dicti regni Angliae Reges, fuerunt & sunt, tam speciali privilegio: quam consuetudine laudabili legitimeque praescripta, nec non a tempore & per tempus (cuius contrarij memoria hominum non existat) pacifice & inconcusse obseruata, sufficienter, dotati legitimeque muniti, quod nullus Apostolicae se dis Legatus venire debeat in regnum suum Angliae, aut alias suas terras & dominia, nisi ad Regis Angliae pro tempore existentis vocationem, petitionem, requisitionem, invitationem, seu rogatum: Fueruntque & sunt dicti Christianissimus princeps dominus meus supremus ac sui inclyti progenitores huiusmodi Reges Angliae, in possessione quasi juris & facti privilegij, & consuetudinis praedictorum, absque interruptione quacunque, toto & omni tempore supradicto, pacificè & quiet romans pontificibus per totum tempus supradictum, praemissa omnia & singula, scientibus, tolerantibus, & iisdem consentientibus tam tacite quam express, ac extra omnem & omnimodam possessionem, quasi juris & facti, Legatum huiusmodi (utpraefertur) in regnum Angliae aut alias suas terras et dominia mittendi, nisi ad vocationem, petitionem, requisitionem: & Rogatum Regis Angliae, pro tempore existentis. Et quia reverendis. in Chri. pat. & D. D. Henricus Dei gratia etc. sancti Eusebij praesbyter, Cardinalis sanctaesedis Romanae, Legatum se affirmans, more Legati, insignijs Apostolicae dignitatis utens, absque vocatione, petitione, requisitine, invitatione, aut rogatu Christianissimi domini nostri Regis praedicti, inclytum regnum Angliae de facto est ingressus, protestor igitur palam, & publico in his scriptis nomine & vice quibus supra, ac omnium ipsius domini nostri Regis subditorum, quod non fuit, aut est intentionis, praefati Christianiss principis, domimini supremi, ac dictorum dominorum meorum de consilio in derogationem legum, iurium, consuetudinum, libertatum & privilegiorum dicti D. nostri Regis ac regni, ingressum huiusmodi dicti reverendiss. patris, ut Legati in Angliam, authoritate ratificare, vel approbare, seu ipsum ut Legatum sedis Apostolicae in Angliam, contra leges, iura, consuetudines, libertates & privilegia praedicta quovismodo admittere seu recognoscere: aut exercitio legationis suae huiusmodi, aliquibusue per ipsum, ut Legatum sedis Apost. acts, seu agendis, attentatis, seu attentandis, adversus praemissa, leges, iura, consuetudines, libertates, & privilegia, in aliquo consentire, sed dissentire: sicque dissentit dictus domin● noster Rex, atque dissentiunt dicti domini mei de consilio, per presents etc.,  
The sum and effect whereof in English is this, that in the year of our Lord. 1428. as the King with Duke Humphrey Lord protector, 
An instru- ment by the thing against the admitting the Popes, legate.  & the rest of the counsel, were in the Duke's house in the Parish of S. Bennets by Paul's warfe, one Richard Candray procurator, in the kings name and behalf did protest and denounce by this public instrument, that where as the king and all his progenitors, kings before him of this realm of England have been heretofore possessed time out of mind, with special privilege and custom used and observed in this Realm from time to time, that no Legate from the Apostolic sea should enter into this land or any of the kings dominions, without the calling, petition, request, invitement or desire of the king, and for so much as Henry bishop of Wint. and Cardinal of S. Eusebius, hath presumed so to enter as Legate from the Pope, being neither called, sent for, required, or desired by the king: therefore the said Richard Candray in the kings name doth protest by this instrument, that it standeth not with the kings mind or intent, by the advise of his counsel, to admit, approve, or ratify the coming of the said Legate in any wise, in derogation of the rights, customs and laws of this his realm: or to recognise, or assent to any exercise of this his authority Legantine, or to any acts, attempted, or hereafter by him to be attempted in this respect contrary to the foresaid laws, rights, customs, and liberties of this Realm, by these presents. etc.  
And thus much as an Apendix, annexed to the story of Duke Humphrey, and the Cardinal of Wint. extract out of an old written volume, remaining in the hands of master William Bowyer.  

¶ The benefit and invention of Printing.  
IN following the course and order of years, we find this foresaid year of our Lord. 1450. 
Anno. 1450.  to be famous and memorable, for the divine and miraculous invention of printing. Nauclerus, 

The art of printing invented.  
Ex Tipographia per Matsheum Iudi●em.   and Wymselingus following him, refer the invention thereof to the year 1440. In paralipom. Abbatis Vrsp. it is recorded this faculty to be found. an. 1446. aventinus and Zieglerus do say, an. 1450. The first inventor thereof (as most agree) is thought to be a German dwelling first in Argentine, afterward Citizen of Mentz, named john Faustus, a goldsmith. The occasion of this invention first was by engraving the letters of the Alphabet in metal: who then laying black ink upon the metal, gave the form of letters in paper. The man being industruous, and active, perceiving that, thought to proceed further, and to prove whether it would frame as well in words, and in whole sentences, as it did in letters. Which when he perceived to come well to pass, he made certain other of his counsel, one john Guttemberge & Peter Schafferd, binding them by their oath, to keep silence, for a season. After x. years, john Guttemberge compartner with Faustus, began then first to broach the matter at Strausbrough. The Art being yet but rude, in process of time, was set forward by inventive wits, adding more and more to the perfection thereof. In the number of whom, john Mentell, john Prus, Adolphus Ruschius, were great helpers, Ulrirus ●an● in latin called Gallus, first brought it to Rome. Whereof the Epigram was made. 
Anser Tarpeij custos, vigilando quòd alis  
Constreperes, 
Carmen An●. Campani.  Gallus decidit ultor adest  
Vlricus Gallus, nequem poscantur in usum,  
Edocuit pennis nil opus esse tuis.    
Notwithstanding, what man soever was the instrument, without all doubt God himself was the maintainer and disposer thereof, 
Printing cam● of God.  no otherwise, then be was of the gift of congues, and that for a singular purpose. And well may this gift o● printing be resembled to the gift of tongues: for like as God then spoke with many tongues, 
Printing likened to the gifts of tongues.  and yet all that would not turn the jews, so now, when the holy ghost speaketh to the adversaries in innumerable sorts of books, yet they will not be converted: nor turn to the Gospel.  
Now to consider to what end and purpose the Lord hath given this gift of Printing to the earth, and to what great utility and necessity it serveth, it is not hard to judge who so wisely perpendeth both the time of the sending, & the sequel which thereof ensueth.  
And first, 
The time considered when Printing was found.  touching the time of this faculty given to the use of man, this is to be marked: that when as the Bishop of Rome, with all the whole & full consent of the Cardinals, patriarchs, Archbishops, bishops, Abbots, priors, Lawyers, Doctors, provosts, Deans, Archdeacon's, assembled together in the council of Constance, had condemned poor john Hus, & Hierom of prague to death for heresy, notwithstanding they were no heretics, and after they had subdued the Bohemians, and all the whole world under the supreme authority of the Romish sea: and had made all Christian people abedienciaries & vassals unto the same, having (as one would say) all the world at their will, so that the matter now was past not only the power of all men, but the hope also of any man to be recovered. In this very time so dangerous and desperate, where man's power could do no more, there the blessed wisdom & omnipotent power of the Lord began to work for his church not with sword and tergate to subdue his exalted adversary, but with Printing, writing, and reading to convince darkness by light, 
Double confusi●● upon the Pope by printing.  error by truth, ignorance by learning So that by this means of printing, the secret operation of God hath heaped upon that proud kingdom a double confusion. For where as the bishop of Rome, had burned I. Hus before, and Jerome of prague, who neither denied his transubstantiation, nor his supremacy, nor yet his Popish Mass, but said Mass, and heard mass themselves, neither spoke against his purgatory, nor any other great matter of his popish doctrine, but only exclaimed against his excessive and pompous pride, his unchristian or rather Antichristian abomination of life: thus while he could not abide his wickedness only of life to be touched, but made it heresy, or at least matter of death, what soever was spoken against his detestable conversation, and manners, God of his secret judgement, seeing time to help his Church, hath found a way by this faculty of Printing, not only to confound his life, and conversation, which before he could not abide to be touched, but also to cast down the foundation of his standing, that is, to examine, confute, and detect his doctrine, laws, and institutions most detestable in such sort, that though his life were never so pure: yet his doctrine standing, as it doth, no man is so blind, but may see, that either the pope is Antichrist, or else that Antichrist is near cousin to the pope: And all this doth, and will hereafter more and more appear by Printing.  
The reason whereof is this: for that hereby tongues are known, 
The fruit & profit of printing.  knowledge groweth, judgement increaseth, books are dispersed, the Scripture is seen, the Doctors be read stories be opened, times compared, truth discerned, falsehood detected, and with finger pointed, and all (as I said) through the benefit of printing. Wherefore I suppose that either the pope must abolish printing, or he must seek a new world to reign over: for else, as this world standeth, printing doubtless will abolish him. But the pope, and all his College of Cardinals, must this understand, that through the light of printing, the world beginneth now to have eyes to see, and heads to judge. He cannot walk so invisible in a net, but he will be spied. And although thorough might he stopped the mouth of john Hus before, and of Jerome, that they might not preach, thinking to make his kingdom sure: yet in stead of john Hus & other God hath opened the press to preach, whose voice the Pope is never able to stop with all the puissance of his triple crown. By this printing, as by the gift of tongues, and as by the singular organ of the holy Ghost, the doctrine of the Gospel soundeth to all nations and countries under heaven: and what God revealeth to one man, is dispersed to many and what is known in one nation, is opened to all.  

Good counsel to the Pope.  The first and best were for the bishop of Rome, by the benefit of printing, to learn and know the truth. If he will not, let him well understand that printing is not set up for nought. To strive against the stream, it availeth not. What the pope hath lost, since printing and the press began to preach, let him cast his counters. First when Erasmus wrote, and Frobenius Printed, what a blow there by was given to all Friars and monks in the world? And who seethe not, that the pen of Luther following after Erasmus and set forward by writing, hath set the triple crown so awry on the pope's head, that it is like never to be set straight again.  
briefly, if there were no demonstration to lead, yet by this one argument of printing, the bishop of Rome might understand the counsel and purpose of the Lord to work against him, having provided such a way in earth, that almost how many printing presses there be in the world so many blockhouses there be against the high castle of S. Angel. 
So preached the vicar of Croyden in K. Henry the 8. days, at Paul's cross, saying that either we must root out printing or else printing, will root out v 8.  So that either the pope must abolish knowledge and Printing, or printing at length will root him out. For if a man wisely consider the hold and standing of the pope, thus he may repute with himself, that as nothing made the pope strong in time past, but lack of knowledge and ignorance of simple Christians: so contrariwise now nothing doth debilitate and shake the high spire of his Papacy so much as reading, preaching, knowledge & judgement, that is to say, the fruit of printing: Whereof some experience we see already, and more is like (the Lord before) to follow. For although, through outward force and violent cruelty, tongues dare not spoke, yet the hearts of men daily (no doubt) be instructed through this benefit of printing. And though the pope both now by cruelty, and in times passed by ignorance, had all under his possession: yet neither must he think, that violence will always continue, neither must he hope for that now, which he had then: for so much as in those former days, books than were scarce & also of such excessive price, that few could attain to the buying, fewer to the reading & studying thereof: which books now by the means of this art, are made easy unto all men. Ye heard before, pag. 665, how Nicholas Belward, bought a new testament in those days for four marks and 40. pence, where as now the same price will serve well 40. persons with so many books.  
Moreover in the pag. 411. col. 1. it was noted and declared by the testimony of Armachanus, how for defect of books and good authors, both universities were decayed and good wits kept in ignorance, while begging Friars scaping all the wealth from other priests, heaped up all books that could be gotten, into their own Libraries: where either they did not diligently apply them, or else did not rightly use them, or at least kept them from such as more fruitfully would have perused them.  
In this then so great rarity, and also dearth of good books, when neither they which could have books, would well use them, nor they that would, could have them to use, what marvel if the greediness of a few prelate's did abuse the blindness of those days, to the advancement of themselves? Wherefore, almighty God of his merciful providence, seeing both what lacked in the church, and how also to remedy the same, for that advancement of his glory, gave the understanding of this excellent art or science of printing, whereby three singular commodities at one time came to the world. 
Triple commodity by printing.  First, the price of all books diminished. Secondly toe speedy help of reading, more furthered. And thirdly the plenty of all good authors enlarged: according as Aprutinus, doth truly report. 

Imprimit ille die, quantum non scribitur anno. 1.   

The press in one day will do in printing,  
That none in one year can do in writing.    
By reason whereof, as printing of books ministered matter of reading: 
When Guns were first invented.  so reading brought learning: learning shewedlight, by the brightness whereof blind ignorance was suppressed error detected, & finally God's glory, with truth of his word, advanced. This faculty of Printing was after the invention of Guns, the space of 130. years: which invention was also found in Germany, an. 1380. And thus much for the worthy commendation of printing.   

¶ The lamentable losing of Constantinople.  

Anno. 1458.  ANno. 1453. Constantinus Paloelogus, being Emperor of Constatinople, the 29. day of the month of May, the great City of Constantinople was taken by the Turk Mahomates, 
The losing of Constantinople.  after the siege of 54. days, which siege began in the beginning of April. Within the city, beside the Citizens were but only 6000. rescuers of the Greeks. And 3000. of the venetians & Gennues. Against these, Mahomates brought an army of 400. thousand, collected out of the countries and places adjoining near about, as out of Grecia, Illirico, Wallachia, Dardanis, Triballis, Bulganis, out of Bythinia, Galatia, Lydia, Cecilia, and such other: which places had the name yet of Christians. Thus one neighbour for lucre sake, helped to destroy all other.  
The City was compassed of the Turks, both by the sea & land. Mahomates the Turk divided his army in 3. sundry parts, which in 3. parts of the city, so bet the walls and broke them down, that they attempted by the breaches thereof to enter the city. But the valiantness of the Christians there in wan much commendation, whose Duke was called john justinianus, of Genua. But for so much as the assaults were great, and the number of the Christian soldiers daily decreased, fight both at the walls and at the Haven, against such a multitude of the Turks, they were not able long to hold out. Beside the armies which lay battering at the walls, the Turk had upon the sea his navy of 200. and 50. sail, lying upon the haven of the City, reaching from the one side of the havens mouth unto the other, as if a bridge should be made from the one bank to the other. Which haven by the citizens was barred with iron chains, whereby the Turks were kept out a certain space. Against which navy 7. ships there were of Genua, within the haven, and 3. of Creta, and certain of Chio, which stood against them. Also the soldiers issuing out of the City, as occasion would serve, did manfully gaynstand them, and with wild fire, set their ships on fire, that a certain space they could serve to no use. At length the chains being braced, & a way made, the Turks navy entered the haven, and assaulted the City, whereby the Turk began to conceive great hope, 
The tyranny of the Turk toward his own men.  and was in forwardness to obtain the City. The assault and skirmish them waxing more hot, Mahomates the tyrant stood by upon an hill, with his warriors about him, crying & howling out unto them to scale the walls and enter the town, otherwise, if any recoiled, he threatened to kill them, and so he did. Wherefore a great number of his soldiers in their repulse and retire, were slain by the turks men, being sent by his commandment to slay them: and so they were justly served, and well paid their higher.  
Although this was some comfort, to the Christians, to see and behold out of the City, the Turks retinue so consumed, yet that hope lasted not long. Shortly after by rage of war, it happened justinian the Duke above named, to be hurt, who notwithstanding that he was earnestly desired by Paloelogus the Emperor, 
The cowardness of Duke justinian.  not to leave his Tower which he had to keep, seeing his wound was not deadly dangerous, yet could he not be entreated to tarry, but left his standing, and his fort disfurnished, setting none in his place to award the same. And so this donghty Duke, hurt more with his false hart, then with force of weapon, gave over and fled to Chius, where shortly after for sorrow, rather than for soreness of wound, he died. Many of his soldiers seeing their captain flee, followed after, leaving their fort utterly destitute without defence. The Turks understanding the vantage, soon braced into the city. The Emperor Paloelogus seeing no other way but to flee, 
The Emperor of Constantinople slain.  making toward the gate, either was slain, or else trodden down with the multitude. In the which gate 800. dead men's bodies were found and taken up.  
The City of Constantinople thus being got, the Turks sacking and ranging about the streets houses, 
Constantinople won of the Turks. The bloody victory of the Turks.  and corners, did put to the sword most unmercifully, whom soever they found, both aged and young: matrons, virgins, children, and infants: sparing none, the noble matrons and virgins were horribly ravished, the goods of the city, the treasurers in houses, the ornaments in churches were all sacked and spoiled, the pictures of Christ approbriously handled, in hatred of Christ. The spoil and havoc of the city lasted three days together, while the barbarous soldiers murdered and rifled what them listed.  
These things thus being done, and the tumult ceased, after three days, Mahomates the Turk, entereth into the City, and first calling for the heads and ancients of them City: 
The horrible in amny of the Turks.  such as he found to be left alive, he commanded the to be mangled and ●ut in pieces. It is also (saith my author) reported, that in the feasts of the Turks, honest matrons and virgins, and such as were of the kings stock, after other co●umeties, were he 〈◊〉 and cut in pieces for their disport.  
And this was the end of that princely and famous 〈◊〉 of Constantinople, beginning first by Constantinus, and ending also with Constantinus: 
Constantinople called new Rome.  which for the princely royalty thereof, was named and ever honoured, from the time of the first Constantine, equally with the City of Rome, & called also by the name thereof new Rome, & so continued the space of 1120. years. I pray God that old Rome may learn of new Rome, to take heed and beware by tyme.  
This terrible destruction of the City of Constantinople, the Queen of Cities, 
A warning to all Christendom, by Constantinople.  I thought here to describe, not so much to set forth the barbarous cruelty of these filthy rake hells and merciless murderers: as specially for this, that we being admonished by the doleful ruin and misery of these our even christened, may call to mind the plagues & miseries deserved, which seem to hang no less over our own heads, and thereby may learn betime to invocate and call more earnestly upon the name of our terrible and merciful God, that he for his sons sake, will keep us, & preserve his church among us, and mitigate those plagues and sorrows, which we no less have deserved, than these above minded, before us. Christ grant it. Amen. Ex hist. Wittenbergica Peucer.   

The history of Reynold Peeocke Bishop of Chichester, afflicted and imprisoned for the Gospel of Christ.  

The story of Reinold Peacock.  AFter the death of Henry Chichisley before mentioned, pag. 657. next succeeded john Stafford. an. 1445. who continued 8. years. After him came john Kempe. ann. 1453. who sat but three years. Then succeeded Thomas Burschere. In the time of which Archbishop, fell the trouble of Reynold Peacock, Bishop of Chichester, afflicted by the Pope's Prelates for his faith and profession of the Gospel. Of this bishop, Halle also in his Chronology toucheth a little mention, declaring that an overthwart judgement (as he termeth it) was given by the Fathers of the spiritualty against him. This man (saith he) began to move questions not privately, but openly in the universities, concerning the Annates, Peter pence, and other jurisdictions and authorities pertaining to the sea of Rome, and not only put forth the questions, but declared his mind and opinion in the same: wherefore he was for this cause absured at Paul's Crosse. Thus much of him writeth Hall. Of whom also recordeth Polychronycon, but in few words. This bishop, first of S. Assaphe, then of Chichester, so long as Duke Humphrey lived (by whom he was promoted and much made of) was quiet and safe, and also bold to dispute and to write his mind, and wrote (as Leland recordeth) divers books and treatises. But after that good Duke was thus (as ye have heard) made away, this good man lacking his backstay, was open to his enemies, and matter soon found against him. Whereupon he being complained of, and accused by privy and malignant promoters unto the Archbishop, letters first were directed down from the Archbishop, to cite all men to appear that could say any thing against him. The form of which citation here ensueth.  

The copy of the Citation sent by the archbishop.  

The citation of the Arch. Tho. Bowcher, alias Bour●chet.  THomas by the permission of God, Archb. of Canterbury, primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolic Sea, to all and singular Parsons, vicars, chaplains, Curates, & not Curates, Clerks and learned men, whatsoever they be, constitute & ordained in any place throughout our province of Caunterbury, health, grace and benediction.  
We have received a grievous complaint of our reverend fellow brother, Reynold Peacock Bishop of Chichester, containing in it, that albeit our said reverend fellow brother, the Bishop, delivered unto us certain books written by him in the English tongue, by us and our authority to be examined, corrected reform and allowed: notwithstanding many (the examination and reformation of the said books depending and remaining before us undiscussed) have openly preached and taught at Paul's cross in London, and in divers other places of our province of Canterbury, that our said fellow brother the Bishop, hath propounded, made and written, or caused to be written in the said books, certain conclusions repugnant to the true faith, and that he doth obstinately hold and defend the same.  
By the pretence of which preaching and teaching, the state & good name and fame of the said Lord reynold the bishop; are grievously offended and hurt, and he and his opinion marvelously burdened. Wherefore we charge you all together, and severally apart do command you, firmly enjoining you, that openly and generally you do warn or cause to be warned, all and singular such persons, which will object any thing contrary and against the conclusions of our said reverend fellow brother the Bishop, had or contained in his books or writings: that the 20. day after such monition or warning had, they do freely of their own accord appear before us and our Commissaries in this behalf appointed wheresoever we shall then be in our City, Diocese, or province of Canterbury, to speak, propound, allege, and affirm fully & sufficiently in writing, whatsoever heretical or erroneous matter they will speak, propound, or object against the said conclusions contained in his said books: and both to satisfy and receive, whatsoever shall seem meet and right in this behalf by the holy institutions and ordinances.  
And for so much as this matter depending yet undetermined and undiscussed, nothing ought to be attempted or renewed: we charge you that by this our authority, you inhibit and forbid all and every one so to preach and teach hereafter. Unto whom also we by the the tenor of these presents, do likewise forbidden, that during the examination of the conclusions and books aforesaid, depending before us and our Commissaries undiscussed, they do not presume by any means, without good advise and judgement, to preach, judge, and affirm any thing to the prejudice or offence of the said Lord Reynold the Bishop and if so be, you do find any in this behalf gain saying or not obeying this our inhibition, that you do cite or cause them peremptorily to be cited, to appear before us or our Commissaries, in this behalf appointed, the 10 day after their citation, if it be a court day or else the next court day following, wheresoever we shall then be, in our City, Diocese, or province of Canterbury, to make further declaration by form of law of the cause of their disobedience & to receive such punishment as justice and equity shall determine in that behalf: & that by your letters you do duly certify us or our Commissaries, what you have done in the premises at the day and place aforesaid: or that he which hath so executed our commandment, do so certify us by his letters. Dated at our Manor of Lambeth the xxij. day of October. an. 1457 and in the 4. year of our translation.   
This citation being directed, the Bishop upon the summon thereof, 
Peacock appeareth at Lambeth before the Archb.  was brought, or rather came before the judges and Bishops, unto Lambeth, where the foresaid Thomas the Archbishop, with his doctors and Lawyers, were gathered together in the Archbishop's Court. In which convention also the Duke of Buckingham was present, accompanied with the Bishop of Rochester, and of Lyncolne. What were the opinions and articles against him objected, after in his revocatiou shall be specified. In his answering for himself in such a company of the Pope's friends, albeit he could not prevail, notwithstanding he stoutly defending himself declared many things worthy great commendation of learning, if learning against power could have prevailed.  
But they on the contrary part, 
Great labour, to reduce Peacock from his opinions  with all labour and travel, extended themselves, either to reduce him, or else to confounded him. As here lacked no blustering words of terror and threatening: so also many fair flattering words and gentle persuasions, were admixed with al. Briefly, to make a short narration of a long and busy travers, here was no stone left unturned, no ways unproved, either by fair means to entreat him, or by terrible manasses to terrify his mind, till at the length, he being vanquished and overcome by the bishops, began to faint and gave over. Whereupon, by & by a recantation was put unto him by the Bishops, which he should declare before the people. The copy of which his recantation here followeth.  

¶ The form and manner of the retractation of Reynold Peacock.  
IN the name of God Amen. 
The retractation of B. Peacock.  Before you, the most revered Father in Christ and Lord, the Lord Thomas, by the grace of God, Archbishop of Canterbury, private of England and Legate of the Apostolic sea, I reynold Peacock, unworthy Bishop of Chichester, do purely, willingly, simply, and absolutely, confess and acknowledge, that I in times past, that is to say, by the space of these 20. years last passed and more, have otherwise conceived, held, taught and written, as touching the Sacraments and the Articles of the faith, than the holy Church of Rome and universal Church: 
Ex regist.  and also that I have made, written, published and set forth many & divers pernicious doctrines, books, works, writings, heresies, contrary and against the true Catholic, and Apostolic faith, containing in them, errors contrary to the Catholic faith, & especially these errors and heresies here under written.  

1. First of all, 
His Articles.  that we are not bound by the necessity of faith, to believe that our Lord jesus Christ after his death descended into hell.  
2. Item, that it is not necessary to salvation to believe in the holy Catholic Church.  
3. Item, that it is not necessary to salvation, to believe the communion of Saints.  
4. Item, that it is not necessary to salvation, to affirm the body materially in the Sacrament.  
5. Item that the universal Church may err in matters which pertain unto faith.  
6. Item, that it is not necessary unto salvation, to believe, that that, which every general Council doth universally ordain, approve, or determine, should necessarily, for the help of our faith, and the salvation of souls, be approved and holden of all faithful Christians.   
Wherefore I Reynold Peacock wretched sinner, which have long walked in darkness, and now by the merciful disposition and ordinance of God, am reduced & brought again unto the light and way of truth, and restored unto the unity of our holy mother the Church: renounce and forsake all errors and heresies aforesaid.   
Notwithstanding (godly reader) it is not to be believed that Peacock did so give over these opinions, howsoever the words of the recantation pretend. For it is a policy & play of the bishops that when they do subdue or overcome any man, they carry him whither they list, as it were a young Steer by the nose, and frame out his words for him before hand, as it were for a Parate, what he should speak unto the people: not according to his own will, but after their lust and fantasy. Neither is it to be doubted, but that this Bishop repented him afterward of his recantation: which may easily be judged hereby, because he was committed again into prison, & detained captive, where as it is uncertain, whether he was oppressed with privy and secret tyranny, and there obtained the crown of Martyrdom, or no.  
The Dictionary of Thomas Gascoigne, I have not in my hands present. But if credit be to be given to such as have to us alleged the book, 
The articles of Reynolde Peacock mentioned by Thomas Gascoigne. Ex Tho. Gascoig. lib. De Dictionario. Theolog part. 3.  this we may find in the 8. Century of john Bale. chapter 19 that the said Thomas Gascoigne in his third part of his said dictionary, writing of Reinold Peacock, maketh declaration of his articles containing in them matter of sore heresy. First (saith he) Reynold Peacock, at Paul's cross preached openly, that the office of a Christian Prelate, chief above all other things is, to preach the word of God. That man's reason is not to be preferred before the Scriptures of the old and new Testament. That the use of Sacraments, as they be now handled, is worse, than the use of the law of nature. That Bishops which buy their admissions of the Bishop of Rome do sin. That no man is bound to believe and obey the determination of the Church of Rome. Also that the riches of Bishops, by inheritage, are the goods of the poor. Item that the Apostles themselves personally were not the makers of the Creed, & that in the same Creed, once was not the Article he went down to hell. Item, that of the four senses of the Scripture, none is to be taken, but the very first and proper sense. Also, that he gave little estimation in some points, to the authority of the old Doctors. Item, that he condemned the wilful begging of the Friars, as a thing idle and needles. This out of Thomas Gascoigne. Leland also adding this moreover, saith: that he, not contented to follow the Catholic sentence of the Church in interpreting of the Scripture, did not think sound (as he judged it) of the holy Eucharist.  
At length, for these and such other Articles, the said Reynold Peacock was condemned for an heretic by the Archbishops, and Bishops of Rosse. Lyncolne and Winchester, with other divines more. Whereupon he being driven to his recantation, 
B. Peacock detained in prison  was notwithstanding detained still in prison. Where some say, that he was privily made away by death.  
Halle addeth that some say, his opinions to be, that spiritual persons by God's law, aught to have no temporal possessions. Other writ that he said, that personal tithes were not due by God's law. But whatsoever the cause was, he was caused at Paul's Cross to abjure, and all his books brent, and he himself kept in his own house, during his natural life. I marvel that Polydore, of this extremity of the Bishops handling, and of his Articles, 
Polydo●e noted.  in his history, maketh no memorial. Belike it made but little for the honesty of his great master the Pope.  
From persecution & burning in England, now out of the way, to digress a little, to speak of foreign matters of the church of Rome: you remember before, in the latter end of the Council of basil, 
Eugenius warred against S●ortia and divers other.  how Eugenius was deposed. Of whose conditions and martial affairs, how he made war against Sfortia a famous Captain of Italy, and what other wars he raised beside, not only in Italy, but also in Germany, against the City and Council of basil, I shall not need to make any long rehearsal. After his deposition, ye heard also how Foelix duke of Savoy was elected pope. Whereupon another great schism followed in the church during all the life of Eugenius. 
Pope F●●●x   
After his death, 
Pope Nicholas 5.  his next successor was pope Nicholas the fift, who (as you before have heard) brought so to pass with the Emperor Frederick the third that Foelix was contented to renounce and resign his papacy to Nicolas, and was therefore of him afterward received to the room of a Cardinal, for his submission: & Friderick for his working, was confirmed at Rome to be full Emperor, 
emperors are but kings of Romans, before they be crowned by the Pope.  & there crowned. an. 1451. For Emperors before they be confirmed & crowned by the pope, are no Emperors, but only called kings of Romans.  
This Pope Nicholas here mentioned, for to get & gather great sums of money, appointed a jubilee in the year of our Lord 1450. at which time there resorted a greater number of people unto Rome, than hath at any time before been seen. 
Ex Platina de vitis.  At which time, we read in the story of Platina to have happened, that I thought here not unworthy to be noted for the example of the thing. As there was a great concourse of people resorting up to the mount Uaticane to behold the Image of our Saviour, which there they had to show to Pilgrims, 
The example of Idolatry punished.  the people being thick going to & fro between the mount & the City, by chance a certain Mule of the Cardinals of saint Mark came by the way, by reason whereof the people not being able to avoid the way, one or two falling upon the Mule, there was such a press and throng upon that occasion on the bridge, that to the nunder of two hundred bodies of men, and three horses, were there strangled, 
The fruit of Idolatry.  and on each side of the bridge many besides fell over into the water and were drowned.  
By means of which occasion, the Pope afterward caused the small houses to be plucked down, to make the way brother. And this is the fruit that cometh by idolatry. Ex Platin.  
In the time of this Pope, 
Mat. Palmerius, a Florentine. martyr.  one Mat. Palmerius wrote a book De Angelis, in defending whereof, he was condemned by the Pope, and burned at Corna. an. 1448 Ex Tritemio.  
After him succeeded Calixtus the third, who amongst divers other things ordained both at noon and at evening the bell to toll the Aves, 
Tolling of Aves.  as it was used in the popish time, to help the soldiers that fought against the Turks: for which cause also he ordained the feast of the transfiguration of the Lord, solemnising it with like pardons and indulges, as was Corpus Christi day.  
Also this Pope proceeding contrary to the Counsels of Constance and basil, 
S. Edmund of Cant. canonised.  decreed that no man should appeal from the Pope to any Council. By whom also saint edmund of Caunterbury with divers other, were made Saints.  
Next after this Calixtus, 
Pope Pius. 2.  succeeded Pius secundus, otherwise called Aeneas Silvius, who wrote the two books of Commentaries upon the Council of basil before mentioned. This Aeneas, at the time of the writing of those his books, seemed to be a man of an indifferent and tolerable judgement and doctrine, 
Promotion choketh religion.  from the which he afterward being Pope, seemed to decline and serve, seeking by all means possible, how to deface & abolish the books which heretofore he had written.  

¶ Sentences attributed unto this Pius.  
THe divine nature of God may rather be comprehended by faith, 
The proverbs of Pius.  then by disputation.  
Christian faith is to be considered, not by what reason it is proved, but from whom it proceedeth.  
Neither can a covetous man be satisfied with money, nor a learned man with knowledge.  
Learning aught to be to poor men, in stead of silver, to noble men in stead of gold, and to Princes in stead of precious stones.  
An artificial oration moveth fools, but not wise men.  
Suitors in the Law, be as Birds, the Court is the bait, the judges be the nets, and the Lawyers be the fowlers.  
Men are to be given to dignities, and not dignities to men.  
The office of a bishop is heavy, but it is blessed to him that doth well bear it.  
A Bishop without learning may be likened to an Ass.  
An evil Physician destroyth bodies, but an unlearned Priest destroyeth souls.  
Marriage was taken from Priests, 
Marriage of priests allowed by Aeneas Silvius.  not without great reason, but with much greater reason it ought to be restored again.   
The like sentence to this he uttereth in his second book of the Council of Basil before specified, saying, peradventure it were not the worst, that the most part of priests had their wives: for many should be saved in Priestly marriage, which now in unmarried Priesthood are damned. The same Pius also, as Celius reporteth, dissolved certain orders of Nuns, of the order of S. Bridget and S. Clare, bidding them to departed out, that they should burn no more, nor cover a harlot under the vesture of Religion.  
This Pius, if he had brought so much piety and godliness, as he brought learning unto his Popedom, had excelled many Popes that went before him.  
It shall not be impertinent here to touch, what the said Aeneas called Pius, the Pope, writeth touching the peace of the church, unto Gaspee Schlick, the Emperor's Chancellor, in his 54. Epistle.  
All men do abhor and detest schism. The way to remedy this evil Charles the French king hath showed us both safe and brief, 
Ex epist. 54. Pii. secund. ad Gasparum Schlick.  which is, that princes or their Orators should convent etc. assemble together in some common place, where they may conclude upon matters amongst themselves. To bring this to pass, it were needful, writings to be sent again to all Kings and Princes, to send their Orators to Straws borrow, or to Constance, with their full authority: there to entreat of matters appertaining to the peace of the Church. 
The way to exclude schism, is concord of princes.  Neither would it require so great expenses: Forasmuch as we see the year before 300. gildernes to be sufficient. Constantine the Emperor bestowed not much more in the congregation of the Council of Nice. And this way could not be stopped: neither could the Pope or the Council withstand it, or make excuse: as though this might not easily be done without them. For why? the secular princes may convent and assemble together, will they, nill they: and yet notwithstanding, unity may there be concluded: 
The Pope's Clergy will not abide the fire, either for prince or pope.  For he should be an undoubted Pope, whom all Princes would obey. Neither do I see any of the clergy so constant to death, which will suffer martyrdom either for the one part or the other. Al we lightly hold that faith which our princes hold, which if they would worship Idols, we would also do the same, & not only deny the Pope, but God also, if the secular power strain us thereunto, for charity is waxed cold, and all faith is gone. Howsoever it be, let us all desire and seek for peace, the which peace, whether it come by a council, or by assembly of Princes, call it what you will, I care not: for we stand not upon the term, but upon the matter. Call bread if you will, a stone, so you give me to assuage my hunger. Whether you call it a Council or a conventicle, or an assembly or a congregation, or a synagogue, that is no matter, so that schism may be excluded and peace established. Thus much out of the Epistle of Pius.  

The breath of this pestilent seat corrupteth all that sit in it, whatsoever they were before  By this may it appear, of what sentence and mind this Pius was in the time of the Council of basil, before he was made Pope. But as our common proverb saith, honours changeth manners, so it happeneth with this Pius, who after he came once to be Pope, was much altered from that he was before. For where as before he preferred general Counsels before the Pope, now being Pope, he did decree that no man should appeal from the high Bishop of Rome: to any general Council.  
And likewise for priests marriage, where as before he thought it best to have their wives restored, 
Aeneas Silvius now puffed up with worldly pomp and glory, impugneth the truth which he did before both know and profess. Discord between Pope Pius & the Archbishop of Mentz.  yet afterward he altered his mind otherwise: In so much that in his book entreating of Germany, and there speaking of the noble city of August, by occasion he inveighed against a certain Epistle of Hulderike once bishop of the said City, written against the constitution of the single life of priests. Whereby it appeareth how the mind of this Pius was altered from that it was before. This Epistle of Hulderick is before expressed at large in the pag. 137.  
Here also might I touch something concerning the discord betwixt this Aeneas Silvius and Diotherus, Archbish. of Mentz, and what discord was stirred up in Germany upon the same between Frederick the Palatine, and duke of Wittenberg, with others, by the occasion whereof, besides the slaughter of many, the City of Mentz, which was free before, lost their freedom, and became servile.  
The causes of the discord betwixt Pope Pius and Diotherus, were these.  
First, because that Diotherus would not consent unto him in the imposition of certain tallages and taxes, within his country.  
Secondly, for that Diotherus would not be bound unto him, requiring that the said Diotherus being prince elector, should not call the other Electors together, without his licence that is, without the licence of the Bishop of Rome.  
And thirdly, because Diotherus would not permit to the Pope's Legates, to convocate his Clergy together after their own lust. 
Anno. 1458. Pope Paulus. 2.  This Pope Pius began his lee, about the year of our Lord. 1458.  
After this Pius secundus, succeeded Paulus secundus, a pope wholly set upon his belly and ambition, and not so much void of all learning, 
Ex Stanislao Rutheno. Vide Cent. 8. Bal.  as the hater of all learned men. This Paulus had a daughter begotten in fornication, which because he saw her to be had in reproach, for that she was got ten in fornication, began (as the stories report) to repent him of the law of the single life of priests, and went about to reform the same, had not death prevented him. Ex Stanislao Rutheno.  
After this Paulus, came Sixtus the fourth, which builded up in Rome a stews of both kinds, getting thereby no small revenues and rents unto the church of Rome. This Pope amongst his other acts, 
The feast of the conception and presentation of our Lady. Beads brought in.  reduced the year of jubely from the 50. unto the 25. He also instituted the feast of the Conception, and of the presentation of Mary & of Anna her mother, and joseph. Also he canonised Bonaventure, and S. France's for Saints.  
By this Sixtus also, beads were brought in, and instituted to make our ladies Psalter, thorough the occasion of one Alanus and his order, whom Baptista maketh mention of in this verse. Hi filo insertis numerant sua murmura baccis. That is, these men putting their beads upon a string number their prayers. This Sixtus the Pope made xxxij. Cardinals in his time, whom Petrus Ruerius, was the first, 
Wesellus Groningensis. The pope licenseth the whole family of a certain Cardinal, to play the Sodomites three months in the year.  who for that time that he was Cardinal, which was but two years, spent in luxurious riot, wasted and consumed, 2, hundred thousand Floreines and was left 60000. in debt. Wesellus Groningensis, in a certain Treatise of his, the In dulgentijs papalibus, writing of this Pope Sixtus, reporteth this, that at the request of the foresaid Peter Cardinal, and of Jerome his brother the said Pope Sixtus permitted and granted unto the whole family of the Cardinal of S. Lucy, in the iij. hot months of summer, june, july, and August (a horrible thing to be spoken) free leave and liberty to use Sodomitry, with this clause, Fiat ut petitur: That is, be it as it is asked.  
Next after this Sixtus, 
Pope Innocentius. 8.  came Innocentius the eight as rude and as far from all learning, as his predecessor was before him. Amongst the noble facts of this Pope, this was one, 
8. men and 6. we men condemned of heresy by Pope Innocentius. 8.  that in the town of Polus apud Aequicolos, he caused 8. men and 6. women, with the Lord of the place to be apprehended and taken, and judged for heretics, because they said that none of them was the vicar of Christ which came after Peter, but they which followed only the poverty of Christ. 
George king of Boheme condemned of heresy.  Also he condemned of heresy, George the king of Boheme, and deprived him of his dignity, and also of his kingdom, and procured his whole stock to be utterly rejected and put down, giving his kingdom to Mathias king of Panonia.  
Now from the Popes to descend to other estates, it remaineth likewise somewhat to write of the emperors incident to this time, with matters and grievances of the germans, as also of other princes, first beginning with our troubles & mutations here at home, pertaining to the overthrow of this King Henry and of his seat now following, to be showed. And briefly to contract long process of much tumult and business, 
Mischiefs to England, after the death of the Duke of Gloucester.  into a short narration, here is it to be remembered, which partly before was signified, how after the death of the Duke of Gloucester, mischiefs came in by heaps upon the king and his realm. For after the giving away of Angeow, 
Angeow, Main, Normandy, and Gascoigne, recovered of the Frenchmen. jacke Cade.  and Main to the Frenchmen, by the unfortunate marriage of Queen Margaret above mentioned, the said frenchmen perceiving now by the death of the duke of Gloucester, the stay and pillar of this common wealth to be decayed, and seeing moreover the hearts of the nobility, among themselves to be divided, foreslacked no time, having such an open way into Normandy, that in short time they recovered the same, & also gate Gascoigne, so that no more now remained to England, of all the parts beyond the sea but only Calais. Neither yet did all the calamity of the realm only rest in this: For the king now having lost his friendly uncle, 
The Duke of York against king Henry.  as the stay & staff of his age, which had brought him up so faithfully from his youth, was now thereby the more open to his enemies, & they more emboldened, so set upon him: As appeared first by jacke Cade, the kentish Captain, who encamping first in Blackheath, afterward aspired to London, and had the spoil thereof, the king being driven into Warwickshyre. After the suppressing of Cade, ensued not long after the duke of York, who being accompanied with 3. Earls, set upon the king next to S. Albon where the king was taken in the field captive, & the Duke of York was by Parliament declared protector, which was in the year of our Lord 1453. After this followed long division and mortal war between the two houses of Lancastar and York, continuing many years. At length about the year of our Lord 1459. 
Anno. 1459.  the Duke of York was slain in battle by the Queen, near to the town of Wakefield, and with him also his son Earl of Rutland. By the which Queen also shortly after, in the same year, were discomfited the Earl of Warwick and Duke of Northfolk, to whom the keeping of the king was committed by the Duke of York, and so the Queen again delivered her husband.  

The Northern men intended the subversion of London.  After this victory obtained, the Northern men advanced not a little in pride and courage, began to take upon them great attempts, not only to spoil and rob Churches, and religious houses, & villages, but also were fully intended partly by themselves, partly by the inducement of their Lords and Captains, to sack, waste, and utterly to subvert the City of London, and to take the spoil thereof: and no doubt (●ayth my history) would have proceeded in thyr conceived greedy intent, 
Ex historia manuscripta, cui titulus Scala mundi.  had not the opportune favour of God provided a speedy remedy. For as these mischiefs were in brewing, suddenly cometh the noble Prince Edward unto London, with a mighty army, 
London rescued by prince Edw.  the 27. day of February, who was the son and heir to duke of York above mentioned, accompanied with the Earl of Warwick, and divers more. King Henry in the mean time, with his victory, went up to York: when as Edward being at London, caused there to be proclaimed certain articles concerning his title to the crown of England, which was the 2. day of March.  

Anno. 1461.  Whereupon, the next day following, the Lords both temporal & spiritual being assembled together, the said articles were propounded, and also well approved. The fourth day of the said month of March, after a solemn general procession (according to the blind superstition of those days) the Bishop of Exeter made a Sermon at Paul's Cross, 
The title of Edward, to the crown proved at Paul's cross.  wherein he commended and proved by manifold evidences, the title of Prince Edward to be just and lawful, answering in the same, to all objections which might be to the contrary.  

K. Edward taketh possession of the crown.  This matter being thus discussed, Prince Edward accompanied with the Lords spiritual & temporal, & with much concourse of people, road the same day to Westminster Hall, and there by the full consent, as well of the Lords, as also by the voice of all the Commons, took his possession of the Crown, & was called K. Edward the fourth.  
These things thus accomplished at London, as to such a matter appertained, and preparation of money sufficiently being ministered of the people and commons, with most ready and willing minds, for the necessary furniture of his wars: he with the Duke of Norfolk, and Earl of Warwick; and Lord Fauconbrige, in all speedy wise, took his journey toward king Henry: who being now at York, and forsaken of the Londoners, had all his refuge only reposed in the Northern men.  
When king Edward with his army had passed over the River of Trent and was comen near to Ferebrig: where also the host of king Henry was not far of, 
The fierce and cruel battle between king Henry. 6. & K. Edward. 4.  upon Palm sunday, between Ferebrig and Tadcaster, both the armies of the Southrens and Northern men, joined together battle. And although at the first beginning, divers horsemen of king Edward's side, turned their backs, and spoiled the king of carriage & victuals, yet the courageous prince, with his captains little discouraged therewith, fiercely and manfully set on their adversaries. The which battle on both sides was so cruelly fought, that in the same conflict were slain to the number, as is reported, beside men of name, of 30000. of the poor commons. Notwithstanding, the conquest fell on king Edward's part, 
King Henry. 6. conquered.  so that king Henry having lost all, was forced to fly into Scotland, where also he gave up to the Scots, the town of Berwick after he had reigned 38. years and a half.  
The claim and title of the Duke of York, and after him, 
Berwick given to the Scots by K. Henry. 6.  of Edward his son, put up to the Lords & commons, whereby they challenged the crown to the house of York, is thus in the story of Scala mundi, word for word, as hereunder is contained.  

The title of the house of York to the crown of England.  
EDward the 3. right king of England, had issue first prince Edward the 2. W. Hatfield. 3. Lionel, 4. john of Gaunt. etc. Prince Edward had Richard the 2. which died without issue, 
The title of the house of York.  W. Hatfielde died without issue. Lionel duke of Clarence, had issue lawfully begot, Philip his only daughter and heir, the which was lawfully coupled to Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March, and had issue law fully begot, Roger Mortimer Ear of March and heir: Which Roger had issue Edmund Earl of March, Roger, Anne, and Alienor, Edmund and Alienor died without issue, and the said Anne by lawful matrimony was coupled unto Richard Earl of Cambridge, the son of Edmund of Langley, 
Rich. Plantagenet.  who had issue & lawfully bare Richard Plantagenet now Duke of York, john of gaunt gate Henry, which unrightfully entreated king Richard: then being alive Edmund Mortimer Earl of March, son of the said Philip, daughter to Lionel To the which Richard duke of York, and son to Anne, daughter to Roger Mortimer Earl of March, son and heir to the said Philip daughter and heir to the said Lionel, the 3. son of king Edward the 3. the right & dignity of the crown appertained & belonged, afore any issue of the said john of Gaunt. Notwithstanding the said title of dignity of the said Richard of York, the said Richard desiring the wealth, rest, and prosperity of England, agreeth and consenteth that king Henry 6. should be had and taken for king of England, during his natural life from this time without hurt of his title.  
Wherefore the king understanding the said title of the said duke to be just, lawful, true and sufficient, by the advise and assent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in the Parliament, and by the authority of the same Parliament declareth, approveth, ratifieth, confirmeth, accepteth the said title for just, good, lawful and true, and there unto giveth his assent and agreement of his free will and liberty. And over that, by the said advise and authority, declareth, calleth, stablisheth, affirmeth and reputeth the said Richard of York very true and rightful heir to the crown of England and France: and that all other statutes and acts made by any of the Henry's late, contrary to this advise, be annulled, repelled, damned, canceled, void, and of no force or effect. The king agreed and consented, that the said Duke and his heirs shall after his natural life enjoy the crown. etc. Also, that all sayings and doings against the duke of York shall be high treason, and all acts of parliaments contrary to this principal act, be void and of none effect. etc.   
And thus much for the reign of king Henry the 6. 
Ex Scala mundi.  Who now lacked his uncle and protector, Duke of Gloucester, about him. But commonly the lack of such friends, is never felt before they be miss.  
In the time of this king was builded the house in London called Leaden hall, 
Leaden Hall builded. The Standard in Cheap. The Conduit in Fletstrete. New gate builded. The College of Eton, and the king's College in Cambridge founded. The king rejecteth the pope's Bulls.  founded by one Simon Eyre, Maior once of the said City of London. an. 1445.  
Also the standard in cheap builded by john Wells, an. 1442. the Conduit in Fleetstreet by William Castfield. an 1438. Item, Newgate builded by goods of Rich. Whittington, an. 1422.  
Moreover the said Henry 6. founded the College of Eton, and another house having then the title of S. Nicolas in Cambridge, now called the kings college. Ex Scal. mundi.  
In the reign of this Henry 6. it is not be passed over in silence which we find noted in the Parliament rolls how that jews Archbishop of Rhoen, after the death of the late Bishop of Eley, had granted unto him by the pope's Bulls, during his life, all the profits of the said bishopric by the name of the administrator of the said Bishopric, jews the foresaid Archbishop showeth his Bulls to the king, who utterly rejected his Bulls. Notwithstanding for his service done in France, the king granted to him the administration aforesaid, the which to all intents at the petition of the said jews, should be affirmed to be of as great force as though he were bishop, touching profits, liberties and ability.  
Neither again is here to be overpast a certain troth gicall Act done between Easter and Whitsuntide of a false Britone, 
Ex Getuslo codic. cu● initium, Nom●na custodum. etc. et ex Fabiano  an. 1427. Which murdered a good widow in her bed (who had brought him up of alms, without Algate in the suburbs of London) and bore away all that she had, & afterward he took succour of holy church at S. George's in Southwark: but at the last he took the cross & forswore the king's land. And as he went his way, it happened him to come by the same place where he had done that cursed deed, and women of the same parish, came out with stones and cannell dung, and there made an end of him in the high street, so that he went no further, notwithstanding the Constables and other men also which had him under governance to conduct him forward: for there was a great company of them, 
Example of God's rod and judgement.  so that they were not able to withstand them.   

King Edward the fourth.  
KIng Edward, 
Anno. 1461. King Edward. 4.  after his conquest and victory achieved against king Henry, returned again to London, where, upon the Uigil of S. Peter and Paul, being on Sunday, he was crowned king of England, & reigned 22. years, albeit not without great disquitnes, and much perturbation in his reign.  

Queen Margaret fled the land.  Queen Margaret hearing how her husband was fled into Scotland, was also fain to fly the land, and went to her father Duke of Angeow: From whence the next year following she returned again to renew war against king Edward, with small succour and less luck: For being encountered by the Earl of Warwick, about November she was driven to the seas again, 
Anno. 1462.  and by tempest of weather, was driven into Scotland.  

K. Edward sitteth his own person in the king's bench judging.  In this year we read that king Edward in the cause of a certain widow for rape, sat his own person in Westminster hall upon his own Bench, discussing her cause. Ex Scal. mundi.  
The year following, king Henry issuing out of Scotland with a sufficient power of Scots and Frenchmen came into the Northcountrey to recover the crown, 
Anno. 1463.  unto whom the Lord Radulph Percy, & Lord Radulph Grey flying from king Edward, 
K. Henry 6. again repulsed in the battle of Exham.  did adjoin, themselves: but the Lord so disposing, king Henry with his power was repulsed in the battle of Exham by the Lord Montacute, having then the rule of the North: where the Duke of Somerset, Lord Hungerford, Lord Rosse with certain other were taken. The Lord Radulph Percy was slain, the residue fled. Albeit the history of Scal. mundi, referreth this battle to the year 1464. the 15. day of May. In the which month of May, were beheaded the duke of Somerset, Lord Hungerford, Lord Rosse, L. Philip Wentworth, L. Tho. Husly, L. Tho. Findern, beside 21. other belonging to the retinue and household of king Henry 6. Queen Margaret finding no resting place here in England, took her progress again from whence she came, learning in her own country to drink that drink, which she herself had brewed here in England.  

K. Henry. 6. taken, arrested, & committed to the Tower.  And not long after, the next year, an. 1465. on the day of S. Peter and Paul, king Henry being found & known in a wood by one Cantlow (as they say) was arrested by the Earl of Warwick, and at last of a king made prisoner in the tower of London. 
Anno. 1465.   
In this mean time, king Edward (after the motion of marriage for him being made, and first the Lady Margaret sister to james the 4. K. of Scots thought upon, but that motion taking no effect, afterward the Lady Elizabeth sister to Henry king of Castelle, being intended, but she being under age, the Earl of Warwick turning then his legation and voyage to the French king jews the II. to obtain Lady Bona, daughter of the duke of Savoy, and sister to Carlot the French Queen, and obtaining the same) had cast favour unto one Elizabeth Grey, 
The kings lodeine marriage with Queen Elizabeth.  widow of Sir john Grey knight, slain before in the battle of S. Albons, daughter to the Duchess of Bedford, and Lord Rivers, and first went about to have her to his concubine: But she, as being unworthy (as she said) to be the wife of such a high parsonage, so thinking herself to be to good to be his concubine, in such sort wan the king's hart, that incontinent, before the return of the Earl of Warwick, he married her: 
The first falling out between K. Edward & the Earl of Warwick  at the which marriage were no more than only the Duchess of Bedford, two gentle women, the priest & clerk. Upon this so hasty & unlucky marriage, ensued no little trouble to the king, much bloodshed to the realm, undoing almost to all her kindred, and finally confusion to the K. Edward's 2. sons, which both were declared afterward to be bastards and also deprived of their lives: For the Earl of Warwick, who had been the faithful friend, and chief maintainer before of the king, at the hearing of this marriage, was therewith so grievously moved and chaffed in his mind, that he never after sought any thing more, than how to work displeasure to the king, and to put him beside his cushion. And although for a time he dissembled his wrathful mood, till he might spy a time convenient, and a world to set forward his purpose, at last finding occasion somewhat serving to his mind, 
Conspiracy against king Edward.  he breaketh his hart to his two brethren: to wit, the Marquis Montacute, & the Archbishop of York, conspiring with them how to bring his purpose about. Then thought he also to prove a far of, the mind of the duke of Clarence, king Edward's brother, & likewise obtained him, giving also to him his daughter in Marriage.  
This matter being thus prepared against the king, the first flame of this conspiracy began to appear in the north country. Where the Northrenmen in short space gathering themselves in an open rebellion, & finding certaines of their wicked purpose, came down from York toward London. Against whom was appointed by the king. W. lord Harbert Earl of Penbroke, with the Lord Stafford, and certain other Captains, to encounter. The yorkshire men giving the overthrow first to the lord Stafford, then to the Earl of Penbrok and his company of Welshmen, at Banbery field, at last joining together with the army of the Earl of Warwick, and Duke of Clarence, in the dead of the night, secretly stealing one the kings field at Wolney by Warwick, 
K. Edward take prisoner by the Earl of Warwick.  killed the watch, and took the king prisoner, who first being in the castle of Warwick, then was conveyed by night to Midleham Castle in yorkshire, under the custody of the Archbishop of York, where he having lose keeping and liberty to go on hunting, meeting with sir William Standley, sir Thomas of Brough, and other his friends, was to good for his keepers, and escaped the hands of his enemies, and so came to York, where he was well received: from thence to Lankester, where he met with the Lord hastings his Chamberlain, well accompanied, by whose help he came safe to London.  
After this tumult, when reconciliation could not come to a perfect peace & unity, 
The rebellion in Lincolnshire repressed.  although much labour was made by the nobility, the Earl of Warwick raiseth up a new war in Lincolnshyre, the captain whereof was Sir Rob. well's knight, who shortly after being taken in battle with his father, and sir Thomas Dunocke were beheaded, the residue casting away their coats, ran away and fled, giving the name of the field, 
The Earl of Warwick and the Duke of Clarence fly into France.  called Losecoat field. The earl of Warwick after this put out of comfort and hope to prevail at home, fled out of England. An. 1470. first to Calais, then to jews the French king, accompanied with the Duke of Clarence. The fame of the Earl of Warwick and of his famous acts, was at that time in great admiration above measure, and so highly favoured, that both in England & France all men were glad to behold his parsonage. Wherefore the coming of this Earl & of the Duke of Clarence, was not a little grateful to the French king, and no less opportune to Queen Margaret, King Henry's wife, and Prince Edward her son, who also came to the French Court to meet and confer together, touching their affairs: where a league between them was concluded, & moreover a marriage between Edward prince of Wales, & Anne the second daughter of the Earl of Warwick was wrought. Thus all things fasting luckily upon the Earls part beside the large offers, and great promises made by the French king, on the best manner, to set forward their purpose, the Earl having also intelligence by letters that the hearts almost of all men went with him, 
The Earl of Warwick & the Duke of Clarence return into England.  and longed sore for his presence, so that there lacked now but only hast with all speed possible to return: he with the duke of Clarence well fortified with the French navy, set forward toward England: For so was it between them before decreed, that they two should prove the first venture, and then Queen Margaret with Prince Edward her son, 
The receiving of the Earl of Warwick into England.  should follow after. The arrival of the Earl was not so soon heard of at Dartmouth in devonshire, but great concourse of people by thousands went to him from all quarters to receive & welcome him, who immediately made proclamation in the name of king Henry the sixth, charging all men able to bear armour, to prepare themselves to fight against Edward Duke of York usurper of the Crown. 
K. Henry again proclaimed king.  Here lacked no friends, strength of men, furniture, nor policy convenient for such a matter.  
When king Edward (who before not passing for the matter, nor seeking how, either to have stopped his ianding, or else strait ways to have encountered with him before the gathering of his friends, but passing forth the time in hunting, in hawking, in all pleasure & dalliance) had knowledge what great resort of multitudes incessantly repaired more and more daily about the Earl and the Duke began now to provide for remedy, when it was to late. Who trusting to much to his friends and fortune before, 
The inconstant levity of the people of England.  did now right well perceive what a variable and inconstant thing the people is, & especially here of England, whose nature is never to be content long with the present state, but always delighting in news, seeketh new variety of changes, either envying that which standeth, or else pitying that which is fallen. Which inconstant mutability of the light people, changing with the wind, and wavering with the reed, did well appear in the course of this kings story. For he, through the people when he was down, was exalted: now being exalted of the same, was forsaken. Whereby this is to be noted of all princes, that as there is nothing in this mutable world firm and stable: so is there no trust nor assurance to be made, but only in the favour of God and in the promises of his word, only in Christ his son, whose only kingdom shall never have end, nor is subject to any mutation.  
These things thus passing in England on the Earl's side against king Edward, 
The constant hart and ●●nth of the Lord hastings.  he accompanied with the Duke of Gloucester his brother, and the Lord Hastings, who had married the earl of Warwick's sister, and yet was never untrue to the king his master: and the Lord Seals brother to the Queen, sent abroad to all his trusty friends for furniture of able soldiers for defence of his person to withstand his enemies. 
K. Edward forsaken of his people in his need.  When little rescue & few in effect would come, the king himself so destitute, departed to Lincolneshyre, where he perceiving his enemies daily to increase upon him, & all the countries about to be in a tore, making fires & singing songs, 
The weak state of king Edward.  crying king Henry, king Henry, a Warwick, a Warwick, and hearing moreover his enemies the Lancastrians to be within half a days journey of him, was advised by his friends to fly over the Sea to the Duke of Burgoyne, which not long before had married king Edward's sister.  

Whether godly simplicity, or man's policy be stronger.  ¶ Here might be thought, by the common judgement and policy of man, peraduentnre that king Edward, as he had in his hands the life of king Henry of his Queen and Prince: so if he had dispatched them out of the way, when as he might, he had not fallen into this misery: but because he took not the vantage, which time rather than godly reason gave him, therefore that sparing pity of his turned now to his confusion and ruin. And certes, I suppose no less, but if the same case had fallen in these our pittlesse days, in which charity now waxeth utterly cold, and humanity is almost forgotten, the occason of such a time should not be so neglected. But let us here note and learn, how godly simplicity always in the end of things gaineth more than man's policy, forsomuch as man worketh with the one, but God worketh with the other.  
And so far is it of, that the event and success of things be governed by man's advised policy, or unadvised affection in this world, 
The double case of these two kings considered  that that is judged to be weaker that flourisheth in man, then that which is cast down in the Lord: as in the double case of both these kings may well appear. And first let us consider the case of king Edward who being so beset and compassed with evils and distresses on every side, 
K. Edward taketh the Washes.  first was compelled to take the washes between Lincolneshyre and Lynne (which was no less dangerous to his life than it was unseemly for his estate.) Being come to Linne, in what peril was he there, through the doubtful mutabilitye of the towns men, if he had been known to his enemies? And how could he be but known, if he had tarried any space? 
God provideth  But though men and friends forsook him, yet the mercy of God not forsaking the life of him which showed mercy unto other, so provided, that at the same present there was an English ship, and two hulks of Holland ready to their journey. Thus king Edward without provision, without bag or baggage, without clothsacke or male, without store of money, without raiment, save only apparel for war, also without all friends, except only his brother Duke of Gloucester, 
K. Edward taketh shipping.  the Lord Scales, & Lord hastings, with a few other trusty friends, to the number of 7. or 8. hundredth persons took shipping toward Holland: at which time he was in no less jeopardy almost on the sea, than he was on the land. For certain Esterlinges having many ships of war, which lay roving the same tune on the sea, and had done much damage the year before, as well to the English Merchants, as to the French nation, spying the kings ship, with seven or eight gallant ships made sail after the king and his company. The kings ship was good of sail, and gate some ground, 
K. Edward near taken of the Esterlings.  albeit not much of the Esterlinges, that she came to the coast of Halland, before Alquemare, and there cast anchor: for otherwise, being an ebbing water, they could not enter the haven. The Esterlings with their great ships approached as near as they could possible come for the low water, purposing at the flond to obtain their prey, & so were like to do, if the Lord had not there also provided Mounsiour de Grounture, governor for Duke Charles in Holland, at that season to be personally present in the town of Alquemare, who hearing of the jeopardy of the king, 
God again provideth.  being there at anchor, prohibited the Esterlings on pain of death, not to meddle with any English men, which were the Duke's friends and allies.  

K. Edward delivered from the Esterlinges.  Thus K. Edward well chastised of God for his wantonness both by sea and land, but not utterly given over from his protection, escaping so many hard chances, was set on land with his company, who there well refreshed, & newly appareled, were conducted to Hage.  
Duke Charles at the hearing of the unprosperous case and condition of king Edward his brother in law, 
Charles Duke of Burgoyne, K. Edward's brother in law.  was greatly amazed and perplexed in himself, much casting and doubting what he should do: For, being then in war with the French king, he could not well provoke the English nation against him, without his manifest grievance and decay: neither yet could he without great shame and obloquy, leave the king his brother in that necessity. Notwithstanding, so he demannured himself through fair speech, pretending to the English men to join part with the house of Lancaster, being himself partly descended of the same family by his Graundmothers' side: that he both was his own friend openly, and the kings friend covertly, pretending that he did not, and doing that he pretended not.  
When tidings was spread in England of king Edward's flying, innumerable people of all hands resorted to the Earl of Warwick, 
Queen Elizabeth taketh sanctuary.  to take his part, against K. Edward a few only except of his constant friends which took sanctuary. Among whom was also Elizabeth his wife, who desperate almost of all comfort, took also sanctuary at Westminster, where she in great penury forsaken, 
Prince Edward borne in sanctuary.  was delivered of a fair son called Edw. which without all pomp was baptized like another poor woman's child, the Godfathers being the Abbot and Prior of Westminster, the Godmother was Lady Scroop.  
To make the story short, the Earl of Warwick having now brought all things to his appetite, 
K. Henry 6. brought out of the tower  upon the 12. day of October, road to the Tower, which was then delivered to him, and there took king Henry out of the ward, & placed him in the kings lodging. The 25. day of the said month, the Duke of Clarence accompanied with the Earls of Warwick, 
K. Henry restored again to his kingdom.  Shrewsbury, and the Lord Standley, with a great company, brought him in a long gown of blue velvet thorough the high streets of London, first to Paul's Church, to offer, then to the bishop's palace of London, and there he resumed again the crown royal, an. 1471. which he did not long enjoy.  
After this followed a Parliament, in the which king Edward with all his partakers were judged traitors, 
K. Edward returneth again into England.  Queen Margarete with her son Prince Edward, all this while was tarrying for a fair wind, thinking long belike, till she came to an evil bargain, as it proved after. For king Edward within six months after his departure out of England unto the Duke of Burgoyne, whether by letters from his friends sollicitate, or whether by his adventurous courage incited, made instant sure to duke Charles his brother, to rescue him with such power, as he would bestow upon him, for he was fully resolved to defer the matter and to protract the time no longer.  
The Duke damped in double fear, in such a dangerous case, notwithstanding overcome by nature and affinity, secretly caused to be delivered to him 50000. Florence, & further caused four great ships to be appointed for him in a haven in Zealand where it was free for all men to come. Also the same Duke had for him hired 14. ships of the Esterlinges well appointed, taking band of them to serve him truly, till he were landed in England, and 15. days after.  
Thus king Edward being furnished but only with 2000 
K. Edward only with 2000 soldiers cometh to Ravenspurre, alias Ravensport. The dissembling policy of king Edward.  men of war, with more luck than hope to speed, sped his voyage into England, and landed at Ravenspur in the coast of yorkshire. Although there was no way for the king with such a small company of soldiers to do any good, yet to use policy, where strength did lack, first he sent forth certain light horsemen, to prove the country on every side, with persuasions, to see whether the uplandish people would be stirred to take king Edward's part. Perceiving that it would not be, king Edward flieth to his shifts, dissembling his purpose to be, not to claim the crown and kingdom, but only to claim the Duchy of York, which was his own title, and caused the same to be published. This being notified to the people, that he desired no more, but only his just patrimony and lineal inheritance, they began to be moved with mercy and compassion toward him, either to favour him or not to resist him, and so journeying toward York, he came to Beverly. The Marquis Montacute, 
K. Edward cometh to York.  brother to the Earl of Warwick, was then at Pomfret, to whom the Earl had sent straight charge, with all expedition to set upon him, or else to stop his passage: and likewise to the Citizens of York and all yorkshire, 
K. Edward repelled by the citizens of York.  to shut their gates and take armour against him, King Edward being in the streets, proceeded notwithstanding near to York, without resistance: where he required of the Citizens, to be admitted into their City. But so stood the case then, that they durst not grant unto him, 
K. Edward changeth his title.  but contrary sent him word to approach no nearer, as beloved his own safeguard. The desolate king was here driven to a narrow strait, who neither could retire back, for the opinion of the country and loss of his cause: neither could go further, for the present danger of the City. 
The gentle and fair words of K. Edward.  Wherefore using the same policy as before, with lovely words, and gentle speech he desired the messengers to declare unto the Citizens, that his coming was not to demand the realm of England, or the title of the same but only the duchy of York, his old inheritance, and therefore determined to set forward, neither with army, nor weapon. The messengers were not so soon within the gates, but he was at the gates in a manner, as soon as they. The Citizens hearing his courteous answer, and that he intended nothing to the prejudice of the king, nor of the realm, were something mitigated toward him, and began to common with him from the walls, willing him to withdraw his power to some other place, and they would be the more ready to aid him, at least he should have no damage by them.  
Notwithstanding, he again used such lowly language, and delivered so fair speech unto them, entreating them so courteously, and saluting the Aldermen by their names, requiring at their hands no more, but only his own town whereof he had the name and title, that at length the Citizens, after long talk, and debating upon the matter, partly also enticed with fair and large promises, 
Two conditions put to K. Edward.  fell to this convention, that if he would swear to be true to king Henry, & gentle in entertaining his citizens, they would receive him into the City.  

K. Edward put to his oath.  This being concluded, the next morning, at the entering of the gate, a priest was ready to say Mass, in the which, after receiving of the sacrament, the king received a solemn oath, to observe the two. articles afore agreed. By reason of which oath so rashly made, & as shortly broken, and not long after punished (as it may well be thought) in his posterity, 
Victory got by perjury, punished at length in posterity.  he obtained the city of York. Where he, in short time forgetting his oath to make all sure, set in garrisons of armed soldiers. Furthermore, perceiving all things to be quiet, and no stir to be made against him, he thought to foreslacke no opportunity of time, and so made forward toward London, leaving by the way the Marquis Montacute, which lay then with his army at Pomfrete, on the right hand, not fully four miles distant from his camp: 
K. Edward safely cometh to Nottinghan. K. Edward's friends resort unto him. K. Edward resumeth the name of a king.  and so returning to the high way again, went forward without any stirring to the town of Nottingham: where came to him, sir W. Parr, sir Thomas of Borough, sir Tho. Montgomery, & divers else of his assured friends, with their aids, which caused him by proclamation, to stand to his own title of king Edward the fourth, saying that they would serve no man, but a king. At the fame here of being blown abroad, as the Citizens of York were not a little offended (& that worthily) so from other towns and cities, Lords and noble men began to fall unto him, thinking with themselves, that the Marquis Mountagew either favoured his cause, or was afraid to encounter with the man. 
K. Edward cometh to Leycester.  Howsoever it was, K. Edward being now more fully furnished at all points, came to the town of Leicester, and there hearing that the earl of Warwick accompanied with the earl of Oxford, were together at Warwick, with a great power, minding to set on the Earl, he removed from thence his army, hoping to give him battle. The Duke of Clarence in the mean time, about London had levied a great host coming toward the earl of Warwick, as he was by the Earl appointed. But when the Earl saw the Duke to linger the time, he began to suspect (as it fell out in deed) that he was altered to his brethrenes part. 
K. Edward cometh to Warwick. The Earl of Warwick flieth to Coventry. The Duke of Clarence cometh with a great army.  The king avansing forward his host, came to Warwick, where he found all the people departed. From thence he moved toward Coventry, where the Earl was: unto whom the next day after, he boldly offered battle. But the Earl expecting the Duke of Clarence his coming, kept him within the walls. All this made for the king. For he hearing that his brother, Duke of Clarence was not far off, coming toward him with a great army, raised his camp, and made toward him, either to entreat, or else to encounter with his brother. When each host was in sight of the other, Richard Duke of Gloucester, brother to them both, as arbiter between them, first road to the one, then to the other. Whether all this was for a face of a matter made, 
Concord of brethren.  it is uncertain. But hereby both the brethren, leaning all army and weapon aside, first lovingly and familiarly commoned: after that, brotherly and naturally joined together. And that fraternal amity, by proclamation also was ratified, and put out of all suspicion.  

The Ear of Warwick refuseth to be reconciled.  Then was it agreed between the iij. brethren to attempt the earl of Warwick, if he likewise would be reconciled; but he crying out shame upon the Duke of Clarence, stood at utter defiance. From thence king Edward so strongly furnished, & daily increasing, taketh his way to London. Where, after it was known that the duke of Clarence was come to his brethren, 
K. Edward cometh to London.  much fear fell upon the Londoners, casting with themselves what was best to do. The sodaynues of time permitted no long consultation. There was at London the same time, the Archbishop of York, brother to the Earl of Warwick, and the duke of Somerset, with other of K. Henry's counsel to whom the earl had sent in commandment a little before, knowing the weakness of the City, that they should keep the City from their enemies ij. or iij. days, and he would follow with all possible speed, with a puissant army. Who, according to their commandment, defended the City with all their power, but yet to little purpose: 
Londoners take part with king Edward.  For the Citizens consulting with themselves for their own most indennitie, having no walls to defend them, thought best to take that way, which seemed to them most sure & safe, & therefore concluded to take part with king Edward. This was not so soon known abroad, but the commonalty ranue out by heaps to meet king Edward, & to salute him as their king. Wheupon the Duke of Somerset, 
K. Henry's counsellors fly away.  with other of king Henry's Counsel, hearing thereof, & wondering at the sudden change of the world, to shift for themselves, fled away & left there king Henry alone: who the same day being caused by the Archbishop of York, 
K. Henry again taken and committed to prison.  to ride about London like a king, was before night made captive, and reduced again to the Tower.  
It was not long after these things thus done at London, but the coming of the Earl of Warwick was heard of, who thinking to prevent mischiefs with making speed came a little to late & miss of his purpose. In the Earl's army were john Duke of Exeter, Edmund Earl of Somerset, john Earl of Oxford, and Marquis Montacute the Earl's brother. The Earl had now passed a great part of his journey, when he hearing news of the world so changed, & of the captivity of king Henry, was not a little thereat appalled in his mind: wherefore he stayd with his army at S. Albon, 
The Earl of Warwick cometh to Barnet.  to see what way further to take. And for somuch as there was no other remedy, but either he must yield, or one conflict must finish the matter: he removed to Barnet x. miles from S. Albon.  
Against him set forth K. Edward, well appointed with a strong army of piked & able persons, with artillery, engines & instruments meet for the purpose: bringing with him also king Henry. On Easter even he came to Barnet, & there he embattled himself. 
The battle at Barnet.  In the morning upon Easter day the battle begun, and fiercely continued almost till noon, with murder on each side much doubtful, till both parts were almost weary with fighting and murdering. King Edward then desirous to see an end, of or on, with a great crew of new fresh soldiers, set upon his wearied enemies. Whereby the Earls men, although encouraged with words of their captain, stoutly fought, but they sore wounded & wearied, could not long hold out. The Earl rushing into the midst of his enemies, ventured so far, that he could not be rescued: where he was stricken down & slain, and there lay he. 
The Earl of Warwick and his brother slain  Marquis Montacute thinking to succour his brother whom he saw to be in great jeopardy, was likewise overthrown and slain. After that Richard Nevell, Earl of Warwick, & his brother were gone, the rest fled, & many were taken. The number of them which were in this field slain, are judged about x. thousand, as Polydore Virgil reciteth. Fabian numbereth of them that were slain, but xv. hundredth. The Duke of Somerset & Earl of Oxford thinking to fly to Scotland, turned to jasper Earl of Pembroke in Wales. The Duke of Exeter hardly escaped to Westminster, & there took sanctuary. For the death of the Earl of Warwick the K. was not so glad, as he was sorry for the Marquis Montacute, whom he took to be his friend. The corpses of these two were brought to the Church of Paul's, where they lay open in two coffins two days, and then were interred. Ex Polyd. & alijs.  
¶ In the narration of this History, 

Differnce between Polydore & Fabian. Hall follower of Polydore.  
Polydore is said to have burned a number of our English writers.   Polydore Virgil, whom Hall followeth word for word, doth some deal differ from Rob. Fabian. Neither do I doubt, but both these had their authors, by whom they were directed. notwithstanding this I marvel, that Polydore writing of so many things which he never saw, doth not vouchsafe to cite unto us those writers of whom he borrowed. And more do I marvel or rather lament, if it be true that I have heard, that he not only nameth no author unto us, but also burned an heap of our English stories unknown, after the finishing of his, in the days of king Henry the 8. But now to our text again.  
All this while yet Queen Margaret with young prince Edward her son, 
The return of Queen Margeret into England.  was scarce come over, being long let with contrary winds, who at length in the month of April arriving at Waymouth in Dorsetshire, & hearing the sorrowful tidings of these things lately happened to her husband, and to the Earl of Warwick and his brother, and of the prosperous success of K. Edward: was so dismayed diquieted, and pierced with sorrow, seeing all things contrary to her expectation, so to frame against her, that she fared and took on with herself, lamenting her husband, bewailing her son, cursing her coming, and crying out of Fortune, as though blind Fortune were she that governeth times and tides, 
Queen Margaret for sorrow swovadeth.  rewarding just punishments to unjust deservings of men, and not the secret power and terrible justice of almighty God. Such was then the impatiency of that Queen, being not able to bear the vehemency of her passion (who rather should have sorrowed the dolorous death of Duke Humphrey, whom before she neglected, 
Ex Polyd. lib. 24  but now she lacked) that her senses failed, her spirits were taken, her speech decayed, and life almost gone, she fell to the ground as one that would rather die, then live. In this desolate case, Queen Margaret learning now to know her friends from her foes, when it was too late, 
Queen Margaret taketh sanctuary.  fraught full of heaviness, without solace, or hope of remedy, she with her son & her company departed for her next refuge, to a Monastery of Monks called Beaulie in Hainshire, there to take sanctuary, & privilege of the house.  
Yet all hearts were not sound nor subdued in England, especially Edmond Duke of Somerset, with Lord john his brother, Thomas Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, jasper earl of Pembroke, 
Queen Margaret moved by her friends to renew wars against King Edward.  Lord Wenlocke, john Longscrother, being Prior of the Knights of Rhodes in Saint john's. These hearing of the Queen's return, with speed resorted to her, by whom she being somewhat quickened in her spirits, and animated to war, began to take some hart, and to follow their counsel: which was, in all the hot haste, to renew war against King Edward, being now unprovided, by reason his army was now dispersed, and chiefest of his soldiers wasted. here great hope of victory was showed, great promises made. Although the Queen's mind was, being more careful for the young Prince, then for herself, to send him over into France, before some proof of trial made: yet following the contrary counsel of them, and partly cut off by shortness of time, which required haste, she began with all expedition to gather power. Likewise jasper Earl of Pembroke posted into Wales to do the same.  

K. Edward warreth against Queen Margaret.  King Edward having intelligence of all these doings, first sendeth out certain light horsemen, to espy abroad through the West parts, what ways his enemies did take. In the mean time, he using all celerity to meet them before they came to London, gathered a power, such as he could make about London, and first cometh to Abyngdon: from thence to Marlebridge, hearing that the Queen was at Bathe, thinking to encounter with them, before they diverted into Wales to the Earl of Pembroke, whether he thought (as they in deed intended) that they would take. 
〈◊〉 Margaret debarred from Gloucester.  But the Queen understanding the king to be so nigh, removeth from Bathe to Bristol, sending word in the mean while to the citizens of Gloucester, that they would grant her leave safely to pass by their City. Which when it could not be obtained, with her army she departeth from Bristol to Teukesbery: where the D. of Somerset knowing king Edward to be at hand at his very back, willed the Queen there to stay, & in no wise to fly backward for certain doubts that might be cast. Although this counsel was against the consent of many other captains, who thought it best rather to draw aside while the Earl of Pembroke with his army were with them associate: yet the mind of the Duke prevailed. 
The battle of Teukesbury.  The place was prefixed, the field pitched, the time of battle came, the King was looked for: who being within one mile of Tewksbury, with like industry & policy, as his enemies had done, disposed his army likewise in their array. This celerity of the King taking the time, 
A great matter to take a thing in tyme.  was to him great advantage: who otherwise, if he had differed, till they had conjoined with the Earl of Pembroke, had put the matter in great hazard. Such a matter it is to take a thing in time.  
Of this battle Hall this reporteth, adding more than Polidore, that the D. of Somerset, although he was strongly entrenched, yet through the occasion or policy of the Duke of Glouc●ster, which had the fore ward of the king's part, a little reculing back, followed the chase, supposing that the Lord Wenlock, who had the middle ward, would have followed hard at his back. The duke of Gloucester, whether for shame, rather than of policy, espying his advantage, suddenly turned face to his enemies. Whereupon the contrary part was eftsoons discomfited, and so much the more, because they were separate from their company. though Duke of Somerset not a little aggyeved at this so unfortunate case, returneth to the middle ward, where he seeing the L. Wenlocke abiding still, revileth him, and calleth him traitor; and with his are striketh the brain out of his head. Thus much addeth Hall besides Polydore, but showeth not his author where he had it. Polydore writing of this conflict, writeth no more but this, that the Queen's army being overset with the number and multitude of their enemies, and she having no fresh soldiers to furnish the field was at last overmatched, and for that most part slain or taken. In which battle were named to be slain, that Earl or Devonshire, 
Queen Margaret take in battle.  the Lord Wenlocke, Lord john Duke of Somerset his brother, beside other. Among then that were taken, was Queen Margaret found in her chariot almost dead for sorrow, Prince Edward, Edmund D. of Somerset, john Prior of S. john's, with xx. other knights: all which were beheaded within ij. days after, the Queen only and the young prince excepted. Which prince Edward being then brought to the King's presence, was demanded of him, how he durst be so bold to stand in battle against him. To this Edward Hall addeth more, and saith: that after the field was finished, the King made Proclamation, that whosoever would bring Prince Edward to him, 
Prince Edward brought to the king. The stout answer of the Prince to the king.  should have annuity of an C. li. during his life, and the Prince's life to be saved. Whereupon sir Rich. Croftes not mistrusting the king's promise, brought forth his prisoner, etc. And so the king demanding of the Prince (as is said) how he durst so presumptuously enter this Realm with his banner displayed against him, he answered, saying: that he came to recover his father's kingdom and inheritance from his grandfather and father, to him descending: whereat (said Polydor) the King with his hand disdainingly thrust him from him. Other say that the king stroke him on the face with his gauntlet.  
At the speaking of these words was present George Duke of Clarence, 

Prince Edward son to K. Henry slain.  
Queen Margaret ransomed for a great sum of money.   Richard Duke of Gloucester, and the Earl Lord William Hastings. Who upon the same, uncourteously falling upon the Prince, did slay him. Queen Margaret being brought prisoner to London, was afterward ransomed of her father Duke of Angeow, for a great sum of money which he borrowed of the French King, and for the payment thereof, was feign to yield unto him the title of the kingdom of Sicily, and Naples, etc. King Edward for these prosperous wars, rendered to God his hearty thanks, 
Public processions for victory got.  and caused publicly through his realm, solemn processions to be kept three days together. And thus much, and too much, touching the wars of King Edward the fourth, which was done anno. 
Anno. 1471.  1471. Ex Polid. & alijs.  
The same year, and about the same time, upon the Ascension even, 
The death of K. Hen. 6.  king Henry being prisoner in the Tower, departed, after he had reigned in all xxxviij. years, and vi. months. Polydore and Hall following him, affirm that he was slain with a dagger by Rich. Duke of Gloucester, the King's brother, for the more quiet and safeguard of the King his brother. In the history entitled Scala mundi, 
Ex Scal● mundi.  I find these words, Quod in turri, in vigilia Ascensionis Dominicae ibidem feliciter moriens, per Thamesiam navicula usque ad Abbathiam de Chertesey deductus, ibi sepultus est. That is, that king Henry being in the Tower upon the Ascension even, 
K. Henry buried at Chertesey.  there happily or quietly departing, was brought by Thames in a boat, to the Abbey of Chertesey, and there buried.  
Polydore, after he hath described the virtues of this king, 
Polydores miracles.  recordeth that king Henry the seventh did afterward translate the corpse of him from Chertesey to Windsor, and addeth moreover, that by him certain miracles were wrought. For the which cause the said King Henry the seventh (saith he) laboured with Pope julius, to have him canonised for a Saint, but the death of the king was the let, why that matter proceeded not. Edward Hall writing of this matter, 
A. K. sain●, is dear ware in the pope's market.  addeth more, declaring the cause, why king Henry's sancting went not forward, to be this: for that the fees of canonising of a King, were of so great a quantity at Rome (more than of another Bishop or prelate) that the said king thought it better to keep the money in his chests, then with the impoverishing of the realm to buy so dear, & pay so much for a new holy day of saint Henry in the Calendar, 
Ex Edis. Hallo.  etc. Ex Hallo. which if it be true, it might be replied then to the Pope julius, that if Popes be higher than kings in the earth, and especially in heaven, why then is a Pope Saint so cheap in the market place of Rome, and a King Saint so dear? Again, if the valuation of things in all markets and buries, be according to the price & dignity of the thing that is bought, what reason is it, seeing the sancting of a king beareth a bigger sale than the sancting of any Pope in heaven, but that Kings should be above Popes also upon the earth? 

The cause examined of the fall of Lancaster house.  
Example of God's just rod of correction.   Sed extra iocunt● as I do not doubt, but that K. Henry was a good & a quiet prince, if he had not otherwise been abused by some: so touching the ruin of his house, I think not contrary, but it came not without the just appointment of the Lord, either for that Henry of Lancaster's house were such enemies to God's people, & for the burning of the Lord Cobham and many other: or else for the unjust displacing of King Richard 2. or else thirdly for the cruel slaughter of Humphrey the good Duke of Gloucester his uncle: whereof sufficiently hath been said before.  
During the time of these doings, being about the year of our Lord 1465. There was here in England a certain Friar Carmelite, 
A sore heresy preached at Paul's cross  who about the term of Michael the Archangel preached at Paul's in London, that our Lord jesus Christ, being here in this present world, was in poverty, 
Contention in the church, whether Christ was a beggar or not.  and did beg. To whose opinion and doctrine, the provincial of that order seemed also to incline, defending the same both in his reading and preaching, with other Doctors more and brethren of the same order: unto whom also adjoined certain of the jacobites, and stiffly did take their parts. On the contrary side, many doctors & also lawyers, both in their public lectures & preaching, to the uttermost of their cunning, did withstand their assertion, as being a thing most pestiferous in the Church to be heard. Such a bitter contention was among them, that the defendant part was driven for a while to keep silence. 
Times compared.  Much like to those times I might well resemble these our days now present, with our tumultuous contention of forms and fashions of garments. But I put myself here in Pythagoras' school, and keep silence with these Friars. In the story moreover it followeth, that this beggarly question of the begging Friars, whether Christ did beg, or no, went so far, that at length it came to the Pope's ears, Paulus 2. who was no beggar ye may be sure. After that, the fame of this doctrine, mounting over the Alpes, came flying to the court of Rome, which was about the Assumption of the virgin Mary, that year next following, an. 1465. it brought with it such an evil sinell to the fine noses there, that it was no need to bid them to stir: for begging to them was worse than high heresy. Wherefore the holy father pope Paulus the 2. to repress the sparkles of this doctrine, which otherwise perhaps might have set his whole kitchen on fire, 
Ex hist. Scala mundi. fol. vlt.  taketh the matter in hand, & eftsoons directeth down his Bull into England, insinuating to the Prelates here, Haeresim illam pestiferè asserentem, 
The Pope's determined solution, that Christ was no beggar  quod Christus publice mendicavit, esse antiquitus a romans pontificibus, cum suis Concilijs damnatam, & eam pro damnata, undique declarandam, & conculcandam, etc. That is, that this heresy, which pestiferously doth affirm that Christ did openly beg, was condemned of old time by the Bishops of Rome, and his Counsels, and that the same aught to be declared in all places for a damned doctrine, and worthy to be trodden down under all men's feet, etc. This was in the same year when Prince Edward, King Edward's son was borne in the Sanctuary at Westminster an. 1465. 

K. Edward vanquished 9 battles, being himself present at them all. Charles Duke of Burgoyne failed his promise with the king.  
Peace between the two kings, bought with the French kings money.  
Marriage between the French kings son, and K. Edward's daughter, made and broken.  
King james of Scotland goeth from his promise of marriage. Barwick recovered.    
As touching the rest of the doings and affairs of this king (which had vanquished hitherto ix. battles, himself being present) how afterward he, through the incitement of Charles duke of Burgoine his brother in law, ventured into France with a puissant army, & how the Duke failed him in his promise, also how peace between the two kings was at length concluded in a solemn meeting of both the said kings together (which meeting is notified in stories, by a white dove sitting the same day of meeting, upon the top of king Edward's tent) also of the marriage promised between the young Dolphin & Elizabeth K. Edward's eldest daughter, but afterward broken of the French kings part: moreover as touching the death of the duke of Burgoine slain in war, & of his daughter Mary, niece to King Edward, spoiled of her lands & possessions wrongfully, by jews the French king, & married after to Maximilian: furthermore, as touching the expedition of king Edward into Scotland, by reason of King james, breaking promise in marrying with Cecilie the ij. daughter of king Edward, & of driving out his brother, & how the matter was composed there, & of the recovery again of Berwick: of these (I say) & such other things more, partly because they are described sufficiently in our common english stories, partly also because they be matters not greatly pertaining to the Church, I omit to speak, making of them a supersedeas. Two things I find here among many other, specially to be remembered.  
The first is concerning a godly and constant servant of Christ, named john Goose, which in the time of this king was unjustly condemned and burnt at the tower hill. an. 1473. 

Anno. 1473. john Goose Martyr.  
john Goose in English, is as much as john Hus in the Bohemian tongue   in the month of August. Thus had England also his john Hus, as well as Boheme. Wherein moreover this is to be noted, that since the time of King Richard 2. there is no reign of any King to be assigned hitherto, wherein some good man or other hath not suffered the pains of fire, for the Religion & true testimony of Christ jesus. Of this said john Goose, or john Hus, this moreover I find in another English monument recorded, that the said john being delivered to Robert Belisdone, one of the sheriffs, to see him burnt the after noon: the Sheriff like a charitable man, had him home to his house, and there exhorted him to deny (saith the story) his errors. 
john Goose taketh his dinner before he went to martyrdom.  But the godly man after long exhortation heard, desired the Sheriff to be content, for he was satisfied in his conference. notwithstanding this he desired of the Sheriff, for God's sake to give him some meat, saying that he was very sore hungered. Then the Sheriff commanded him meat: whereof he took and did eat, as he had been toward no manner of danger: and said to such as stood about him: I eat now a good and a competent dinner: for I shall pass a little sharp shower, ere I go to supper. And when he had dined, he gave thanks, and required that he might shortly be lead to the place, where he should yield up his spirit unto God. Ex Polychron.  
¶ The burning of john Goose.  
The second thing herein to be noted, 
The unworthy death of the Duke of Clarence.  is the death of George Duke of Clarence, the kings second brother: Of whom relation was made before, how he assisted K. Edward, his brother, against the Earl of Warwick at Barnet field, and helped him to the crown, and now after all these benefits, 
The Duke of Clarece drowned in a bu●●e of Malmsey.  was at length thus requited, that (for what cause it is uncertain) he was apprehended and cast into the Tower, where he being adjudged for a traitor, was privily drowned in a but of Malmsey. What the true cause was of his death, it can not certainly be affirmed. divers conjectures and imaginations there be diversly put forth. Some partly impute it to the Queen's displeasure. 
The causes of his death expended.  Other suppose it came for taking part in the cause of his servant, which was accused and condemned for poisoning, sorcery, or enchantment. another fame there is, which surmiseth the cause hereof to rise upon the vain fear of a foolish Prophecy, 
The mischief that Satan worketh by false prophecies.  coming no doubt (if it were true) by the crafty operation of Satan, as it doth many times else happen among infidels and gentiles, where Christ is not known: where among high Princes and in noble houses, much mischief groweth, first murder and parricide, & thereby ruin of ancient families, and alteration of kingdoms. The effect of this Prophecy (as the fame goeth) was this, that after king Edward, should one reign, whose name should begin with G. 
The prophesy of G.  And because the name of the Duke of Clarence, being George, began with a G. therefore he began to be feared, and afterward privily (as is aforesaid) was made away.  
¶ By these experiments and mischievous ends of such Prophecies, 
Prophecies not rashly to be believed.  and also by the nature of them, it is soon to be seen, from what fountain or author they proceed: that is (no doubt) from Satan, the ancient enemy of mankind, and Prince of this world: against whose deceitful delusions. Christian men must be well instructed, neither to marvel greatly at them, though they seem strange, nor yet to believe them, 
Satan can say truth for a wicked end.  though they happen true. For Satan being the Prince of this world, in such things worldly can foresee what will follow, and can say truth for a mischievous end, 
devilish prophecies although they tell truth, yet are not to be followed.  and yet for all that is but a Satan. So the dream of Astyages, seeing a vine to grow out of his daughter, which should cover all Asia, and fearing thereby that by his nephew he should lose his kingdom, proved true in the sequeale thereof, and yet notwithstanding of Satan it came, and caused cruel murder to follow, first of the shepherds child, then of the son of Harpagus, 
Ex Iust. lib. 1.  whom he set before his own father to eat. Ex Iust. lib. 1. Likewise Cyrus was Prophetically admonished by his dream, to take him for his guide, whom he first met the next morrow. In that also his dream fell true, and yet was not of God. In the same number are to be put all the blind Oracles of the Idolatrous Gentiles, which although they proceed of a lying spirit, 
Merlines prophecies. 1. Reg. 18. Act. 16.  yet sometime they hit the truth, to a mischievous purpose. The like judgement also is to be given of Merlynes' Prophecies. The Sorceress, mentioned 1. Reg. 28. raising up Samuel, told Saul the truth, yet was it not of God. In the 16. chap. of the Acts, there was a damosel having the spirit of 
* A spirit of divination which could guess & foredeeme things past, present, and to come, which knowledge God many times permitteth to the devil.  Pytho, who said truth of Paul and Sylas, calling them the messengers of the high God, and yet it was a wrong spirit. The unclean spirits in giving testimony of Christ, said the truth, yet because their testimony came not of God, Christ did not allow it.  
Panlus Diaconus recordeth of Ualence the Emperor that he also had a blind Prophecy, not much unlike to this of king Edward, 
Ex Paulo Diac.  which was, that one should succeed him in the Empire, whose name should begin with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. whereupon one Theodorus, trusting upon the prophecy, began rebelliously to hope for the crown, & for his labour felt the pains of a traitor. 
Three things to be noted concerning false prophecies.  Notwithstanding the effect of the prophecy followed: For after Ualence succeeded Theodosius. Wherefore Christian Princes, and noble men, & all Christ's faithful people must beware & learn.  

1. First, that no man be inquisitive or curious in searching to know what things be to come, or what shall happen, beside those things only which are promised, and expressed in the word.  
2. Secondly, to understand what difference there is, and how to discern the voice of God, from the voice of Satan.  
3. Thirdly, how to resist and avoid the danger of false and devilish prophecies.   
Many there be, which being not contented with things present, curiously occupy their wits to search what is to come, and not giving thanks to God for their life which they have, will also know, what shall be chance them, how & when their end will come, how long Princes shall reign, and who after shall succeed them, and for the same, get unto them soothsayers, astrologers, sorcerers, conjurers, or familiars. And these are not so much inquisitive to search or ask, but the devil is as ready to answer them: who either falsely doubleth with them, to delude them: or else telleth them truth, to work them perpetual care & sorrow. Thus was Pope Silvester the sorcerer, 
Vid. sup. pag. 180.  circumvented by the devil, who told him that he should be at Jerusalem, before he died, and so it fell. For as he was saying his Mass, at a chapel in Rome, called Jerusalem, there he fell sick, and within three days after died, vide sup. pag. 167. To King Henry the fourth also it seemeth it was prophesied, that he should not die, before he went to Jerusalem, who being brought to the Abbot's chamber of Westminster, 
Vid. sup. pag. 535.  and hearing the name of the chamber to be called Jerusalem, knew his time to be come, and died, pag. 557.  
By such deceitful prophecies, it can not be lamented enough to see what inconvenience both publicly and privately groweth to the life of men, 
False trust by devilish prophecies.  either causing them falsely to trust where they should not, or else wickedly to perpetrate that they would not: as may appear both by this king, and also divers more. So was Pompeius, Crassus, and Caesar (as writeth Cicero) deceived by the false Chaldeis, in declaring to them, that they should not but die in their beds, and with worship, and in their old age. Of such false trust, rising upon false prophecies, S. Ambrose in his book of Exameron, writeth, speaking of rain, which being in those parties greatly desired, was promised and prophesied of one certainly to fall upon such a day, which was at the changing of the new Moon: but (saith S. Ambrose) there fell no such rain at all, 
Ambrose in Exameron.  till at the prayers of the Church, the same was obtained: giving us to understand, that rain cometh not by the word of man, nor by the beginnings of the Moon, but by the providence and mercy of our creator. 
joan. Pie. Mirandul. contra Astrog. lib. 2, cap. 9  Ex Ambros. in Examer.  
joan. Picus Earl of Mirandula, in his excellent books written against these vain startellers and Astrologers, Lib. 2. writeth of one Ordelaphus a prince, to whom it was prognosticate by a famous cunning man in that science, 
Experience of false prophecies.  called Hieronimus Manfredus, that he should enjoy long continuance of health, and prosperous life, who notwithstanding, the selfsame year, and in the first year of his marriage, deceased: and after divers other examples added moreover upon the same, he inferreth also mention, and the name of a certain rich matron in Rome, named Constantia, who in like manner departed the same year, in which she received great promises by these Soothsayers and Astrologers, of a long and happy life, saying to her husband these words: behold (saith she) how true be the prognostications of these southtellers? If it were not for noting of them, which now are gone, and whose names I would in no case to be blemished with any spot, otherwise I could recite the names of certain, especially one, which taking his journey, in a certain place, after diligent calculation, and forecasting of the success and good speed of his journey, 
This man by false dillemblers, was taken, betrayed, and brought into England.  was notwithstanding in the same journey, apprehended and brought where he would not, after that never enjoying good day, in short time he departed. In basil this I myself heard of one, which knew and was conversant with the party, who having a curious delight in these speculations of chances and events to come, by his calculation noted a certain day, which he mistrusted should be fatal unto him, 
A perilous matter for 2 man to be curious, of times and things to come.  by something, which at that day should fall upon him. Whereupon he determined with himself, all that day to keep him sure and safe within his chamber, where he reaching up his hand to take down a book, the book falling down upon his head, gave him his deaths wound, and shortly after he died upon the same. Of these and such like examples, the world is full, and yet the curiousness of man's head will not refrain, still to pluck the apple of this unlucky and forbidden tree.  
Beside all this, what murder and parricide cometh by the fear of these prophecies, in great bloods and noble houses. I refer it unto them, which read and well advise the stories, as well of our Kings here in England, as in other kingdoms more, both Christened, and Turkish, whereof another place shall serve as well (Christ willing) more largely to entreat, and particularly to discourse. To this pertaineth also the great inconvenience & hindrance that groweth by the fear of such Prophecies. in the vocation of men, forsomuch as many there be, which fearing some one danger, some another, leave their vocations undone, and follow unordinate ways. As if one having a blind prophecy, that his destruction should be on the day, would wake and do all his business by night and candle light: and so forth in other several cases of men and women, as every one in his own conscience knoweth his own case best.  
The second thing to be considered in these prophecies, 
The second part, how prophecies are to be discerned.  is rightly to discern and understand, as near as we can, the difference between the prophecies proceeding from God, and the false prophecies counterfeited by Satan. For Satan sometime playeth God's Ape, and transformeth himself into an Angel of light, bearing such a resemblance and colour of truth and Religion, that uneath a wise man is able to discern the one from the other, and the most part is beguiled. Concerning prophecies therefore, to know which be of God, which be not, three things are to be observed.  

1. First, 
In the second part three things to be considered.  whether they go simply and plainly, or whether they be doubtful and ambiguous: whereof the one seemeth to taste of God's spirit, such as be the Prophecies of the scripture: the other to come otherwise having a double or doubtful interpretation. Although the time of God's prophecies, as also of miracles is commonly, and ordinarily expired: yet if the Lord in these days, now extraordinarily do show any prophecy, by the simpleness & plainness thereof, partly it may be discerned.  
2. Secondly, this is to be expended, whether they be private, 
The second thing to be considered in prophecies.  tending to this family, or that family, or public. For as the Scriptures, so commonly the Prophecies of God have no private interpretation, but general: for so much as the care of God's holy spirit is not restrained partially to one person, more than to another, but generally and indifferently respecteth the whole Church of his elect in Christ jesus his son. Wherefore such Prophecies as privately are touching the arms of houses, or names of men, rising or falling of private and particular families, are worthily to be suspected.  
3. The third note & special argument to descry the true prophecies of God, 
The 3. thing to be considered in prophecies.  from the false prophecies of Satan, and his false Prophets, is this, to consider the matter and the end thereof, that is, whether they be worldly, or whether they be spiritual, or whether they tend to any glory or state of this present world, or whether they tend to the spiritual instruction, admonition, or comfort of the public Church.   

The 3. part how to avoid the danger of frontier prophecies.  Now remaineth thirdly, after we know what prophecies be of God, and what not, that we be instructed next, how to eschew the fear and peril of all devilish Prophecies, which make against us. Wherein two special remedies are to be marked of every Christian man, whereby he may be safe and sure against all danger of the enemy. The first is, that we set the name of Christ jesus the son of God against them, 
Two remedies against devilish prophecies. The first remedy.  through a true faith in him: knowing this, that the son of God hath appeared, to dissolve the works of the Devil. And again, this is the victory (saith the Scripture) that overcometh the world, even our faith. Whatsoever then Satan worketh or can work against us, be it never so forcible, faith in Christ will vanquish it. Such a majesty is in our faith, believing in the name of the Son of God.  

The second remedy against dangerous prophecies.  The other remedy is faithful prayer, which obtaineth in the name of Christ, all things with the Lord. So that wicked fiend, which had killed before seven husbands of Tobias wife, could not hurt him, entering his matrimony with earnest prayer: so no more shall any sinister prophecy prevail, where prayer out of a faithful hart, doth strive against it. Neither am I ignorant, that against such temporal evils and punishments to this life inflicted, a great remedy also lieth in this, when Satan findeth nothing, wherein greatly to accuse our conscience. But because such a conscience is hard to be found, the next refuge is to fly to repentance, with amendment of life. For many times where sin doth reign in our mortal bodies, there also the operation of Satan is strong against us, to afflict our outward bodies here, but as touching our eternal salvation, neither work nor merit hath any place, but only our faith in Christ. And thus much briefly touching the two special remedies, whereby the operation of all devilish Prophecies may be avoided and defeated.  
Now, many there be, which leaving these remedies aforesaid, and the safe protection which the Lord hath set up in Christ, 
Man's policy can nothing do against the devil.  take other ways of their own, seeking by their own policy, how to withstand and escape such Prophecies, either in eschewing the place and time subtly, or else cruelly by killing the party whom they fear: whereof cometh injury, murder, and parricide, with other mischiefs in common weals unspeakable. To whom commonly it cometh so to pass, that whereby they think most to save themselves, by the same means they fall most into the snare, 
No power can withstand Satan, but only Christ, and our faith in him.  being subverted and confounded in their own policy, for that they trusting to their own devise, and not unto the Lord, which only can dissolve the operation of Satan, the Lord so turneth their devise into a trap, thereby to take them, whereby they think most surely to escape. Examples whereof we see not only in Astyages King of the Medes aforesaid, and Cyrus: but in infinite other like events, which the trade of the world doth daily offer to our eyes. So Queen Margaret thought her then cockesure, when Duke Humphrey was made away: when nothing else was her confusion so much, as the loss and lack of that man.  
So if King Richard the second had not exercised such cruelty upon his uncle Thomas, Duke of Gloucester, he had not received such wrong by King Henry the fourth as he did, pag. 594. Likewise this King Edward the fourth, it he had suffered his brother Gorge, Duke of Clarence to have lived, his house had not so gone to wrack by Richard, his other brother, as it did. What befell upon the Student of Astrology in the University of basil, ye heard before, who if he had not mewed himself in his chamber for fear of his divination, had escaped the stroke that fell. Now, in avoiding such Prophetical events, which he should not have searched, he fell into that which he did fear. These few examples for instruction sake, I thought by occasion to infer, not as though these were alone: but by these few to admonish the Reader of infinite other which daily come in practice of life, to the great danger & decay, as well in private houses, as in weals public.  
Wherefore briefly to repeat, what before simply hath been said touching this matter, 
A brief rehearsal of the matter of prophecies, before passed.  seeing that Satan through such subtle Prophecies, hath & yet doth daily practise so manifold mischiefs in the world, setting brother against brother, nephew against the uncle, house against house, and realm against realm, gendering hatred, where love was, & subverting privily the simplicity of our christian faith, therefore the first thing & best is, for godly men not to busy there brains about such fantasies, neither in delighting in them, nor in hearkening to them, nor in searching for them, either by southsaier, or by conjuration, or by familiar, or by ginger: knowing and considering this, that whosoever shallbe desirous or ready to search for them, the Devil is as ready to answer his curiosity therein. 
The devil ready to answer in matters of divination.  For as once in the old time of Gentility, he gave his Oracles by Idols, and Priests of that time: so the same devil, although he worketh not now by Idols, yet he craftily can give now answer by Astrologers, and conjurers in these our days, & in so doing, both to say truth, and yet to deceive men when he hath said. Wherefore, leaving of such curiosity, let every Christian man walk simple in his present vocation, referring hid things not in the word expressed, unto him which saith in his word: 
Curiosity of prophecies to be avoided.  Non est vestrum scire tempora & momenta temporum. etc. It is not for you to know the times, and seasons of times, which the Father hath kept in his own power. etc.  
Secondly, in this matter of Prophecies, requisite it is (as is said) for every Christian man to learn, how to discern and distinct the true Prophecies, which proceed of God, and the false Prophecies, which come of Satan. The difference whereof, as it is not hard to be discerned: so necessary it is, that every good man do rightly understand the same, to the intent that he knowing & flying the danger of the one, may be the more certain and constant in adhering to the other.  
Thirdly, because it is not sufficient that the deceitful Prophecies of the devil be known, but also that they be resisted, I have also declared, by what means the operation of Satan's works and Prophecies are to be overcome: that is, not with strength and policy of man, for that there is nothing in man, able to countervail the power of that enemy. Under heaven there is nothing else that can prevail against his works, but only the name of the Lord jesus the son of God, not outwardly pronounced only with our lips, or signed in our foreheads with the outward cross, but inwardly apprehended and dwelling in our hearts by a silent faith, firmly and earnestly trusting upon the promises of God, given and sealed unto us in his name: For so it hath pleased his fatherly wisdom, to set him up, 
The strength of a Christian man's faith in Christ.  to be both our righteousness before himself, and also to be our fortitude against the enemy, accepting our faith in his son, in no less price, than he accepteth the works & worthiness of the same his son, in whom we do believe.  
Such is the strength and effect of faith both in heaven, in earth, & also in hell: In heaven to justify, in earth to preserve, in hell to conquer. And therefore when any such Prophecy, or any other thing is to us objected, which seemeth to tend against us, let us first consider whether it savour of Satan, or not. If it do, then let us seek our succour, not in ourselves, where it doth not dwell, neither let us kill, nor slay, nor change our vocation therefore, following unordinate ways: 
Only Christ able to withstand the power of Satan. Psalm. 90.  but let us run to our Castle of refuge, which is to the power of the Lord jesus, remembering the true promise of the Psalm: Qui habitat in adiutorio altissimi, in protectione Del coeli commorabitur. That is. who so putteth his trust in the succour of the Lord, shall have the God of heaven to his protector. And then shall it afterward follow in the same Psalm. Ipse liberabit te a laqueo venantium, & a verbo aspeto. That is. And he shall deliver him from the snare of the hunter, and from all evil words, and Prophecies, be they never so sharp, or bitter against him, etc. And thus much by the occasion of king Edward, of Prophecies.  
Now having long tarried at home in describing the tumults and troubles within our own land, we will let out our story more at large, to consider the afflictions and perturbations of other parties and places also of Christ's Church, as well here in Europe under the Pope, as in the East parts under the Turk, first deducing our story from the time of Sigismond, 
Sigismundus Emperor.  where before we left: Which Sigismond, as is above recorded, was a great oder in the Council of Constance against john Hus, and Jerome of prague. 
Sigismundus unprospetous in his wars.  This Emperor had ever evil luck, fighting against the Turks. Twice he warred against them, and in both the battles was discomfited and put to flight: once about the City of Mysia, fighting against Baiazetes the great Turk. 
Sigismundus overcome of the Turks.  an. 1395. the second time fighting against Celebinus the son of Baiazetes, about the town called Columbacium. But specially, after the Council of Constance, wherein were condemned and burned those two godly Martyrs, more unprosperous success did then follow him 
Sigismundus overcome of the Bohemians.  fighting against the Bohemians, his own subjects. an. 1420. by whom he was repulsed in so many battles, to his great dishonour, during all the life of Zisca, & of Procopius, as is afore more at length expressed: who was so beaten both of the Turks, & at home of his own people, that he never did encounter with the Turks after. Then followed the Council of basil, after the beginning whereof, within vi. years, this Sigismundus, which was Emperor, king of Hungary, and king of Boheme, died, in Moravia. an. 1437.   

¶ Albertus Emperor.  

Albertus' Duke of Ostrich, Emperor, king of Hungary, king of Boheme  THis Sigismond left behind him one only daughter Elizabeth, who was married to Albert, Duke of Ostrich: by reason whereof, he was advanced to the Empire, and so was both Duke of Ostrich, Emperor, king of Hungary, and king also of Boheme. But this Albert (as is afore declared) being an enemy and a disquieter to the Bohemians, and especially to the good men of Thabor, as he was preparing and setting forth against the Turks, 
Albertus' Emperor but two years. Elizabeth daughter to Sigismond, wife to Albert Emp.  in the mean time died, in the second year of his Empire, an. 1439. leaving his wife great with child, who lying then in Hungary, and thinking to be great with a daughter, called to her the Princes and chieftains of the Realm, declaring to them that she was but a woman, and unsufficient to the governance of such a state: and moreover how she thought herself to be but with child of a daughter, and therefore required them to provide among them, such a Prince and governor, (reserving the right of the Kingdom to herself) as were fit and able under her, to have the regiment of the land committed. 
The Turk beginneth to invade Hungary. Vladislaus brother to Casimirus K. of Polonia, made king of Hungary. Elizabeth Q. of Hungary brought to bed of a man child. Ladislaus prince of Hungary borne. Division & discord in Hungary. The Turk warreto against Hungary. Huntades Vaino a. Vladislaus K. of Hungary, slain in war.  The Turk in the mean while being elevated and encouraged with his prosperous victories against Sigismundus aforesaid, began then more fiercely to invade Hungary and those parties of Christendom. Wherefore the Hungarians making the more haste, consulted among themselves, to make Duke Uladislaus, brother to Casimi●us King of Polony, their King.  
But while this was in working between the Hungarians and Uladislaus the Duke, in the mean space Elizabeth brought forth a son called Ladislaus, who being the lawful heir of the kingdom, the Queen calleth back again her former word, minding to reserve the kingdom for her son, being the true heir thereof, and therefore refuseth marriage with the said Uladislaus, which she had before pretended. But Uladislaus joining with a great part of the Hungarians, persisting still in the condition before granted, would not give over: by reason whereof, great contention and division kindling among the people of Hungary, Amurathes the great Turk, taking his advantage of their discord, and partly surpressed with pride of his former success against Sigismond aforesaid, with his whole main & force, invaded the realm of Hungary: where Huniades surnamed Uaivoda, Prince of Transiluania, joining with the new King Uladislaus, did both together set against the Turk, anno. 1444. and there Uladislaus the new King of Hungary, the fourth year of his kingdom was slain. Elizabeth with her son, was fled in the mean while, to Fridericke the Emperor. Of Huniades Uaivoda the noble Captain, and of his Acts and also of Ladislaus (Christ willing) more shall be said hereafter, in his time and place.   

¶ Fridericus the third Emperor.  
AFter the decease of Albert, succeeded in the Empire Fridericus the third, 
Fridericus 3. Emperor.  Duke of Austria, an. 1440. By whom it was procured (as we have before signified) that Pope Foelix elected by the Council of basil, did resign his Popedom, to Pope Nicholas the fift, upon this condition, that the said Pope Nicholas should ratife the acts decreed in the said Council of Basil. In the days of this Emperor, much war and dissension raged almost through all Christian Realms, in Austria, Hungaria, Polonia, in France, in Burgoine, and also here in England, between King Henry the sixth, and King Edward the fourth, as ye have already heard: whereby it had been easy for the Turk, with little mastery, to have overrun all the Christian Realms in Europe, had not the providence of our merciful Lord otherwise provided to keep Amurates the Turk, occupied in other civil wars at home in the mean while. Unto this Fridericke came Elizabeth (as is aforesaid) with Ladislaus her son: by whom he was nourished & entertained a certain space, 
Vladislaus K. of Hungary slain in battle by the Turk.  till at length, after the death of Uladislaus aforesaid, king of Ungarie (which was slain in battle by the Turks) the men of Austria, through the instigation of Ulricus Eizingerus, and of Ulricus Earl of Cilicia rising up in armour, required of Fridericke the Emperor, either to give them their young king, or else to stand to his own defence.  
When Fridericke heard this, neither would he render to them a sudden answer, neither would they abide any longer delay: and so the matter growing to war, the new City was besieged, where many were slain, and much harm done. At length the emperors part being the weaker, 
joh. Huniades, governor of Hungary under the king. George Pogi●bracius governor of Boheme. Vlricus governor of Austria.  the Emperor through the intervention of certain Nobles of Germany, restored Ladislaus unto their hands, who being yet under age, committed his in. kingdoms to three governors. Whereof john Huniades the worthy Captain above mentioned, had the ruling of Ungarie: George Pogiebracius had Boheme: and Ulricus the Earl of Cilicia, had Austria. Which Ulrice, having the chief custody of the King, bore the greatest authority above the rest, a man as much full of ambition and tyranny, as he was hated almost of all the Austrians, and shortly after by the means of Eizingerus, was excluded also from the King and the Court, but afterward restored again, and Eizingerus thrust out. Such is the unstable condition of them which be next in place about Princes. But this contention between them I overpass.  
Not long after, 
Ladislaus a young popish king.  Ladislaus the young King went to Boheme, there to be crowned, where George Pogiebracius (as is said) had the governance. But Ladislaus during all the time of his being there, though being much requested, yet would neither enter into the Churches, nor hear the service of them, which did draw after the doctrine of Hus. 
Ladislaus could not abide the doctrine of Hus.  In somuch that when a certain Priest in the high tower of prague, was appointed and addressed, after the manner of Priests, to say service before the King, being known to hold with john Hus and Rochezava, the King disdaining at him, commanded him to give place and departed, or else he would send him down headlong from the rock of the Tower: and so the good minister repulsed by the King, departed. Also another time the said Ladislaus, seeing the Sacrament carried by a Minister of that side, whom they called then Huslites, would do thereunto no reverence. Ex Aene. Syluio.  
At length the long abode of the King, although it was not very long, yet seemed to the godly disposed to be longer than they wished: and that was not to the king unknown, which made him to make the more hast away. But before he departed, he thought first to visit the noble City Uratislavia in Schlesia. In the which City, the foresaid King Ladislaus being there in the high Church, at service many great Princes were about him: Among whom was also George Pogie bracius, who then stood nearest to the King, 
Chilianus a Parasite about king Ladislaus.  unto whom one Chilianus, playing the Parasite about the King (as the fashion is of such as feign themselves fools, to make other men as very fools as they) spoke in this wise as followeth: with what countenance you do behold this our service, I see right well, but your hart I do not see. Say then, doth not the order of this our Religion seem unto you decent and comely? Do you not see how many and how great princes, yea the king himself, do follow one order and uniformity? 
The words of a Popish Parasite to Pogiebracius.  And why do you then follow rather your Preacher Rochezana then these? Do you think a few Bohemians to be more wise than all the Church of Christ besides? Why then do you not forsake that rude and rustical people, and join to these Nobles, as you are a noble man yourself.  
Unto whom, 
An answer proceeding of a heavenly wisdom.  thus Pogiebracius sagely again doth answer. If you speak these words of yourself, saith be, you are not the man whom you feign yourself to be: and so to you I answer, as not to a fool. But if you speak this by the suggestion of others, then must I satisfy them. Hear therefore. As touching the Ceremonies of the Church, every man hath a conscience of his own to follow. As for us, we use such Ceremonies, as we trust do please God: Neither is it in our arbitrement to believe what we will ourselves. The mind of man being persuaded with great reasons, is captivated, will he, nill he: and as nature is instructed and taught, so is she drawn, in some one way, and in some another. As for myself, I am fully persuaded in the Religion of my preachers. If I should follow thy Religion, I might perchance deceive men, going contrary to mine own conscience, but I can not deceive God, who seethe the hearts of all: Neither shall it become me to frame myself like to thy disposition. That which is meet for a jester, is not likewise convenient for a noble man. And these words either take to thyself, as spoken to thee, if thou be a wise man, or else I refer them to those which set thee a work. Ex Aen. Sylu. in Hist. Bohem.  
After the King was returded from the Bohemians again to Austria, the Hungarians likewise made their petitions to the king, that he would also come unto them. The governor of Hungary (as ye before have heard) was joannes Huniades, 
Vlricus seeketh the death of Huniades.  whose victorious acts against the Turks are famous. Against this Huniades, wicked Ulricus Earl of Cilicia, did all he could with the King, to bring him to destruction, and therefore caused the king to send for him up to Uienna, and there privily to work his death. But Huniades having thereof intelligence, offereth himself within Hungary to serve his Prince, to all affairs: Out of the land where he was, it was neither best (said he) for the King, nor safest for himself, to come. The Earl being so disappointed, came down with certain Nobles of the Court, to the borders of Hungary, thinking either to apprehend him and bring him to Uienna, or there to dispatch him. Huniades, without in the fields, said he would common with him, within the Town he would not be brought. After that, an other train also was laid for him, that under pretence of the king's safeconduct, he should meet the king in the broad fields of Uienna. But Huniades suspecting deceit, came in deed to the place appointed, 
Huniades spareth his enemy.  where he neither seeing the King to come, nor the Earl to have any safe conduct for him, was moved (and not without cause) against the Earl, declaring how it was in his power there to slay him, which went about to seek his blood, but for the reverence of the king, he would spare him and let him go.  
Not long after this, the Turk with a great power of fight men, 
Alba besieged of the turk.  to the number of an hundredth and fifteen thousand, arrived in Hungary, where he laid siege to the City Alba. But through the merciful hand of God, john Huniades, 
The power of God by the means of Huniades & Capistranus against the turk. King Ladislaus cometh into Hungary.  and Capistranus a certain Minorite, with a small garrison of Christian soldiers, gave him the repusse and put him to flight, with all his mighty host: Whereof more (Christ willing) hereafter. Ex hist Bohemia. Aen. Syluij. Huniadés shortly after this victory, deceased. Of whose death when the king and the Earl did understand, they came the more boldly into Hungary, where he being received by Ladislaus Huniades ton, into the Town of Alba, there viewed the places where the Turks before had pitched their tents. When this Ladislaus heard that the king was coming first toward the town, obediently he opened to him the gates. Four thousand only of armed soldiers he debarred from entering the City.  

Ladislaus Huniades son.  In the mean time while the King was there resident in the City, the Earl with other nobles did sit in counsel, requiring also Ladislaus to resort unto them: who first doubting with himself what he might do, at length putteth on a privy coat of mail, and cometh to them. Whether the Earl first began with him, or he with the Earl, 
Debate between Vlricus and Ladislaus Huniades son. Vlricus Earl of Cicilia slain.  it is not known. The opinion is of some, that Ulricus first called him traitor, for shutting the gates against the king's soldiers. Howsoever the occasion began, this is undoubted, that Ulricus taking his sword from his page, let fly at his head. To break the blow, some putting up their hands, had their fingers cut of. The Hungarians hearing a noise & tumult within the chamber, broke it upon them, & there incontinent slew Ulrike the Earl, wounding and cutting him almost alto pieces: The King hearing thereof, although he was not a little discontented thereat in his mind: yet seeing there was then no other remedy, dissembled his grief for a time,  
From thence the king took his journey again to Buda, accompanied with the foresaid Ladislaus, 
The cruel dissimulation of Ladislaus the king,  who passing by the town, where the wife of Huniades was mourning for the death of her husband, seemed with many fair words to comfort her: and after he had there sufficiently repasted himself, with such pretence of dissembled love, and feigned favour, 
The 2. sons of Huniades Ladislaus & Mathias. Ladislaus Huniades son, innocently put to death,  that they were without all suspicion & fear: from thence he set forward in his journey, taking with him the two sons of Huniades, Ladislaus and Mathias, who were right ready to wait upon him. The king being come to Buda (whether of his own head, or by sinister counsel set on) when he had them at a vantage, caused both the sons of Huniades: to wit, Ladislaus and Mathias, to be apprehended. And first was brought forth Ladislaus the elder son, to the place of execution, there to be beheaded: where meekly he suffered, being charged with no other crime, but this, published by the voice of the crier, saying: Thus are they to be chastened, which are rebels against their Lord. 
A miraculous token at the death of Ladislaus  Peucerus writing of his death, addeth this moreover, that after the hangman had 3. blows at his neck, yet notwithstanding the said Ladislaus having his hands bound behind him, after the third stroke, rose upright upon his feet, and looking up to heaven, called upon the Lord, and protested his innocency in that behalf: and so laying down his neck again, 
Ex Peucer. Chro. lib. 5.  at the fourth blow was dispatched. Mathias the other brother was led captive with the king unto Austria. The rest of the captives broke the prison and escaped.  
It was not long after this cruelty was wrought upon Ladislaus, the king being about the age of twenty & two years, that talk was made of the king's marriage, with Magdalene daughter to the French king. The place of the marriage was appointed at prague, where great preparation was for the matter. 
Prep●r●● the king's age.  At the first entrance of the King into the City of prague, Rochezana with a company of Ministers, such as were favourers of john Hus, and of sincere Religion, came with all solemnity to receive the king, making there his oration to gratulate the kings most joyful and prosperous access into the same his own Realm and country of Boheme. Unto which Rochezana, after he had ended his Oration, 
Ladislaus the king, received in Boheme. Ladislaus the king, an infest enemy against the Huslians. The sacrament of the altar used to many purposes.  scarce the king would open his mouth to give thanks to him, nor any cheerful countenance unto his company, but fiercely seemed to frown upon them. In the next Pagen after these, came forth the Priests of the high Minster, after the most Popish manner, meeting him with Procession, and with the Sacrament of the aultare: For as Panacea among Physicians serveth for all diseases, so the sacrament of the pope's aultare serveth for all pomps and Pagens. First it must lie upon the aultare, than it must be holden up in hands, than it must hang in the pixe, it must serve for the quick, it must also help the dead, it must moreover visit the sick, it must walk about that churchyard, it must go about the streets, it must be carried about the fields to make the grass to grow, it must be had to the battle, it must ride on horseback before the Pope. And finally, it must welcome kings into Cities. Wherein these Catholic fathers do seem somewhat to forget themselves. For if the Pope, being inferior to the Sacrament of the altar, at the coming of kings, do use to sit still while the kings come and kiss his feet, what reason is it that the Sacrament of the aultare, which is (I trow) above the Pope, should meet kings by the way, and welcome them to the town? But this by the way of parenthesis: Let us now continue the text.  
When Ladislaus this Catholic king, who had showed himself before so stout and stern against Rochezana and his company, 
Ex Aenea Silu●● in Histo. Bohen.  had seen these Catholic priests with their Procession, and especially with their blessed Sacrament, to come: with all reverence and much devotion, he lighted down from his horse, he embraced the cross and kissed it, and with cheerful countenance saluted the Priests in order. All this while his young wife was not yet come out of France, but Legates were sent, after most sumptuous wise, to conduct her. Other Legates also were sent the same time, to the Emperor Frederick, for conconclusion of peace. The third Legacy was directed likewise to Pope Calixtus about Religion, how to reduce the Bohemians to the Church of Rome. The author of this story (which was Pope Pius himself) declareth further the opinion of some to be, that king Ladislaus the same time had intended, to make a final end and destruction of all that sect in Bohemia, which held with the doctrine of john Hus, 
A great concourse of Catholic princes intended against the Hussites.  and Jerome, by the assemble and concourse of the Catholic Princes, and popish Prelates, which were appointed there to meet together at that marriage in prague. For there should be first the Emperor Frederick, Elizabeth the king's mother, and his sisters Elizabeth, and Anna, the Princes of Saxony. Baioria, Slesia, Franconia, the Palatine, and other Princes of Rhine: many also of the Lords of France, besides the Pope's Cardinals, Legates, Prelates and other potestates of the Pope's Church. Who if they had all together convented in Boheme, no doubt but some great mischief had been wrought there against the Hussires: 
Man purposeth but God disposeth.  against whom this Ladislaus, following the steps of Sigismundus his grandfather, and Albertus his father, was ever an utter enemy. But when man hath purposed, yet God disposeth as pleaseth him,  
And therefore, 
Ex Aenea Silvio.  truly it is written of Aeneas Silvius in the same place, saying: De regimine Civitatum, de mutatione regnorum, de orbis imperio, minimum est, quod homines possint (tum vero De religionis constitutione multo minus) magna magnus dispoint Deus. 
Governance of Imperies and kingdoms, is not in man's power, much less the governance of Religion.  That is. In regiment of Cities, in alteration of kingdoms, in ruling and governing the world, it is less than nothing that man can do: it is the high God that ruleth high things. Whereunto then I may well add this moreover, and say: that if the governance of worldly kingdoms standeth not in man's power, but in the disposition of God, much less is it then, that man's power can do in the regiment and governing of Religion. Example whereof in this purposed devise of Princes, 
The great work of God in defending his poor servants.  doth evidently appear. For as this great preparation and solemnity of marriage was in doing, and the Princes ready to set forth, with a little turn of God's holy hand, all these great purposes were suddenly turned and dashed. For in the midst of this business, about the 21. day of November. An. 1461. this great adversary of Christ's people, king Ladislaus, king of Boheme, of Hungary, and Prince of Austria sickened, and within 36. hours died, some say of a Pestilent fore in his groin, 
The death of king Ladislaus.  some say of poison. But how so ever it was, as it came not without the just judgement of God, revenging the innocent blood of Ladislaus Huniades son, wrongfully put to death before: so by the opportune death of this King, the poor Churches of Boheme were graciously delivered. And this end made Ladislaus, one of the mightiest Princes at that time in all Europe: 
Blood revenged by God.  in whom three mighty kingdoms were conjoined and combined together, Austria, Hungaria, and Bohemia: which countries do lie Southeast from England, in the farthest parts of all Germany, toward Constantinople, and the dominion of the Turks, & contain these principal towns in them.  


The large dominion of Ladislaus.  AVstria, called once Panonia superior.  
Vienna, which was besieged of the Turk. Anno 1533.  
Melck.  
Neustat nova Civitas.  
Gretz.  
S. Hypolit.  
Lintz.  
stain.  
Haynberg.  
Kremsz.  
Karolsburg.  
Teben.  
Kotzo.  
Raba.  
Lindenburg.   
¶ To Austria be adjoining also certain Provinces & Earldoms, as 

Stiria. Provinces.  
Carinthia. Provinces.  
Croaia. Provinces.  
Cilicia. Earldoms.  
Tyrolentz. Earldoms.    

HVngaria, which once called Pannonia inferior.  
Buda. Often.  
Strigonium.  
Kalachia.  
Varadinum.  
Nitria. Nova. Vetus.  
Nicopolis. Nova. Vetus.  
Agria. Nova. Vetus.  
Agria.  
Orszaw●  
Bossen.  
Sabaria.   
¶ This Vngaria, was first called Pannonia, or Poeonia. After the coming of the Hunes' it was called Hungaria. Of which came Attila, which destroyed Italy, about the year of the Lord 440. Through Ungaria, runneth Danubius, having on the west side, Austria, and Bohemia, on the East, Servia, on the Southside, Polonia. etc. The most of this Hungary, is now under the Turk: which Turks first came into Europe. An. 1211.  

BOhemia.  
Praga.  
Pilzen.  
Thabor.  
Budwis.  
Kolin, or Koelu.  
Egra.  
Kuttenberg.  
Leimiritz.  
Laun.  
Rakonicke.  
Glataw.  
Bern. or Beraun.  
Bruck. Most.  
Gretz. Hradetz.  
Aust.  
Maut. Myto.  
Hof.  
jaromir.  
Dub. Biela.  
Lantzhut.  
Gilowy.  
Krupka.  
Krumaw.  
Pardubitz.  
Chumitaun.  
Loket. Teplitz.  
Hantzburg. Zbraslau.  
Labe. Vltawa.   
After the death of Ladislaus, the kingdom of Boheme fell to George Pogiebracius above mentioned, 
George Pogiebracius.  whom Pope Innocent the eight, did excommunicate and depose for his religion, as is afore declared.  
Furthermore, the kingdom of Hungary, was given to Mathias son of Huniades, 
Mathias Huniades.  who was in captivity (as is said) with king Ladislaus, and should have been put to death after his brother, had not the king before been prevented with death, as is above recorded. Moreover, here is to be noted that the said king Ladislaus, thus dying without wife and issue, left behind him two sisters alive: to wit, Elizabeth, which was married to Casimirus king of Polonia: and Anna, married to William, duke of Saxony, Elizabeth by her husband Casimirus, king of Polonia, had Uladislaus, who at length was king both of Boheme and Hungary. This Casimirus, first was married to Beatrix, wife before to Mathias. Then being divorced from her by the dispensation of Pope Alexander, married a new wife a Countess of France, by whom he had two children, jews, and Anna, jews which was heir of both kingdoms of Boheme, and Hungary, was slain fight against the Turks, Anna was married to Ferdinandus, by whom he was Archduke of Austria, king of Boheme. etc.  

Sigismundus left only ovedaughter.  
Elizabeth, wife to Albertus' Emperor. Who had 3. children. 

Ladislaus, king of Hungary, Boheme, and Austria.  
Elizabeth, with of Casimirus, king of Polony: who had  
Anna, wife to William Duke of Saxon.    
Vladislaus, king of Baheme and Hungary, who by his second wife, Countess of France, had 

Ludovicus, King of Boheme & Hungary.  
Anne, wife to Ferdinandus, Father to this Maximilian now Emperor.     
Ye heard before, how after the decease of Ladislaus, the Hungarians by their election preferred Mathias surnamed corvinus, 
War between Mathias and Fridericke the Emperor.  which was son of Huniades, to the kingdom of Hungary. For which cause dissension fell between Friderick the Emperor and him, for that the said Friderick was both nominated himself by divers unto that kingdom, & also because he had the crown of Hungary then remaining in his hands, which Elizabeth mother to K. Ladislaus, had brought to the Emperor, as was before declared. But this war between them, was ceased by the intercession of the Princes of Germany, so that Mathias ransomed that crown of Fridericke for 8000. Florence's.  
Not long after, Pope Innocent being displeased with George Pogiebracius (or Boiebracius) king of Bohemia, 
Georg Pogiebracius by the Pope deposed from his kingdom, for favouring of I. Hus.  for favouring of john Hus, & his Religion, that is to say, for playing the part of a godly Prince, did excommunicate & depose him, conferring his kingdom to Mathias. But for somuch as Fridericke the Emperor would not thereto consent, and especially after the death of the foresaid George, when the Emperor and the Bohemians, leaving out Mathias, did nominate Uladislaus son of Casimirus, king of Polony, and of Elizabeth, to be king of Boheme, therefore great war and trouble kindled between him and Fridericke the Emperor: wherein the Emperor had utterly gone to ruin, 
Albert Duke of Saxony.  had not Albertus' Duke of Saxony rescued the Emperor, and repressed the vehemency of Mathias.  
The noble acts of john Huniades, 
The noble acts of joh. & Mathias Huniades, against the Turks. Syrmum & the borders of Illirica, recovered from the Turks.  and of this Mathias his son, were not only great stays to Hungary, but almost to all Christendom, in repelling back the Turk. For beside the other victories of john Huniades the father, afore mentioned, this Mathias also his son succeeding no less in the valiantness, then in the name of his father, did so recover Sirmium, and the confines of Illyrica, from the hands of the Turks, & so vanquished their power, that both Mahomates, and also Baiazetes his son, were enforced to seek for truce.  
Over and besides, the same Mathias, conducting his army into Bosna (which lieth South from Hungary) recovered again jaitza, the principal town of that kingdom, from the Turks possession. Who, if other Christian Princes had joined their helps withal, 
jaitza recovered. The subtle practice of Satan to stop good proceed  would have proceeded farther into Thracia. But behold here the malicious subtlety of Satan, working by the Pope. For while Mathias was thus occupied in his expedition against the Turks, wherein he should have been set forward and aoded by Christian Princes, and bishops: the Bishop of Rome, wickedly and sinfully ministereth matter of civil discord between him & Pogiebracius aforesaid, in removing him from the right of his kingdom, and transferring the same to Mathias. Whereupon, not only the course of victory against the Turks was stopped, but also great war and bloodshed followed in Christian realms, as well between this Mathias, and Pogiebracius, with his two sons Uictorinus and Henricus, as also between Casimirus, Uladislaus, and Mathias warring about Uratislavia, till at length the matter was taken up by the Princes of Germany.  

The Pope's excommunication not obeyed of divers in Bohemia. Mathias adjoined Moravia & part of Slesia unto Hungary. Anno. 1474. The religion of the Bohemians, defended by God against the 4. greatest princes in Europe. Mathias a great lover of learning and of learned men. The noble library of Mathias king of Hungary. Ex 5. lib, Penc.  Albeit, for all the execrable excommunication of the Pope against Pogiebracius, a great part of Boheme would not be removed from the obedience of their King, whom the Pope had cursed, and deposed: yet Mathias took from him Moravia, and a great portion of Slesia, and adjoined it to his kingdom of Hungary. An. 1474.  
¶ Where this by the way is to be noted, that the Religion in Bohemia, planted by I. Hus, could not be extinct or suppressed withal the power of four mighty Princes, Uenceslaus, Sigismundus, Albertus, and Ladislaus, notwithstanding they with the Popes, did therein what they possibly could: but still the Lord maintained the same, as ye see by this Pogiebracius king of Boheme, whom the Pope could not utterly remove out of the kingdom of Bohemia.  
This forementioned Mathias, beside his other memorable acts of chivalry, is no less also commended for his singular knowledge and love of learning and of learned men, whom he with great stipends, procured into Pannonia: where by the means of good letters, and furniture of learned men, he reduced in short space the barbarous rudeness of that country, into a flourishing common wealth. Moreover, such a Library he did there erect, and replenish with all kind of authors, sciences, and histories, which he caused to be translated out of Greek into Latin, as the like is not thought to be found, next to Italy, in all Europe beside. Out of which library we have received divers fragments of writers, as of Polybius, and Diodorus Siculus which were not extant before. Ex Peucer.  
The constant fortitude also of Georgius Pogiebracius king of Boheme, is not unworthy of commendation: of whom also Pope Pius himself, in Descriptione Europae, doth honestly report (as a Pope may speak of a protestant) in these words writing: 
Commendation of George Pogiebracius. Ex p●● pont. Descriptione Europae. God's favour to the sons of Pogiebracius.  Magnus vir alioqui, & rebus bellicis clarus. etc. Who although Pope Innocent did execrate with his children, yet he let not of the profession of the verity & knowledge which he had received. Moreover, the Lord so prospered his sons, Uictorinus, and Henricus, that they subdued their enemies, and kept their estate: In so much, that when Frederick the Emperor at Uienna was in custody enclosed by the Citizens. Uictorinus did restore and deliver him out of their hands: wherefore the Emperor afterward advanced them to be Dukes. Also God gave them sometimes prosperous victory against Mathias, as at the City of Glogonia. etc.  
After the decease of Georgius Pogiebracius, King of Boheme, 
The death of Pogiebracius.  Friderike the Emperor assigned that kingdom, not to Mathias, upon whom the Pope had bestowed it before, but upon Uladislaus son of Casunirus, king of Polonye, and of Elizabeth, daughter of the Emperor Albert, and sister to Ladislaus. For the which, Mathias being discontented, and for that the Emperor had denied him his daughter Runegunda, went about to exclude Uladislaus out of Boheme, and also proclaimed war against Fridericke. But before he accomplished his purposed preparation, death prevented him, who without issue departed. Anno 1490.  

Vladislaus Casimirus son, made king of Hungary.  After the death of Mathias, departing without issue, Uladislaus son of Casimirus, king of Polony, and of Elizabeth daughter to Albert Emperor, and sister to K. Ladislaus married his wife Beatrix, whom Mathias left a widow, and with her was elected king of Hungary, with this condition made between him and Friderike the Emperor, that if he died without lawful issue, than the kingdoms of Hungary and of Boheme, 
Vladislaus forsaketh his first wife.  should return to Maximilian, son to Fridericus. But Uladislaus not long after, did repudiate his wife Beatrix, and depriving her of her kingdom, caused the said Beatrix to swear and to consent to the marrying of an other woman, which was the daughter of the French king, 
Dispensation from Pope Alexander to forsake his first wife, and to marry an other. Ludovicus Vladislaus son, king of Hungary & Boheme.  named Anne, procuring from Pope Alexander, a dispensation for the same, as is before signified. By this Anne, Uladislaus had Lewis, & Anne, which Anne afterward was married to Ferdinandus.  
Lewis succeeding after his father, had both the said kingdoms of Boheme and Hungary. An. 1492. and married Mary sister to Charles the 5. Emperor. Anne, as is said, was coupled to Ferdinandus. etc.  
Of Charles Duke of Burgoine, somewhat was before touched, who had married king Edward's sister: and what troubles by him were stirred up in France, partly was before notified. This Charles after he had besieged the City Nussia, 
War between Charles Duke of Burgoyne & Frederick the Emperor.  or Novasium, the space of a whole year, went about to alienate the territory of Colen, from the Empire to his own dominion: wherefore war began to be moved between him and Frederick the Emperor. At length through communication had, peace was concluded, and a marriage appointed between Mary the only daughter of Charles, 
Anno. 1475. Charles Duke of Burgoyne slain in war. Anno. 1477.  and Maximilian the emperors son. Anno 1475. Then from Novasium, Charles leadeth his army toward Helvetia, against Renatus or Reinhardus Duke of Lotharing: then against the Heluetians. Where he being thrice overcome, first at Granson, then at Moratum or Murta, in the higher part of Helvetia, at last at the town of Nanse, was overthrown and slain. Anno 1477. The procurer of which wars: was chief Lewis the 11. the French king, to the intent he might compass the dominion of Burgundy under his subjection: which afterward by open wrong and privy fraud, 
Marry daughter of Charles of Burgoyne married to Maximilian  he brought about, defrauding Mary the daughter of Charles, of her rightful inheritance: For the which cause the Burgundians were the more willing to join her in marriage with Maximilian, son of Friderike the Emperor: by reason whereof the title of Burgundy, was first joined to the house of Austria.  
And thus have you the miserable vexations and contentions among our Christian Princes here in Europe described, under the reign of this Frederick the third Emperor, so that almost no angle nor portion of all Christendom (whether we consider the state of the Church, 
War & dissension among Christian princes  or civil government) was free from discord, tumults, and dissensions. This cankerde worm of ambition so mightily creepeth, and every where prevaileth in these latter ends of the world, that it suffereth neither rest in common weals, nor peace in the Church, nor any sparkle of charity almost to remain in the life of men. And what marvel then, if the Lord seeing us so far to degenerate, not only from his precepts and counsels, but almost from the sense and bound of nature, that brother with brother, uncle with nephew, blood with blood cannot agree in striving, 
The discord of Christians scourged by the Turks.  killing, and fight for worldly dominions, do send therefore these cruel Turks upon us so to scourge and devour us? Of whose bloody tyranny & daily spilling of Christian blood, hereafter (by the grace of Christ) we will discourse more at large, when we come to the peculiar consideration of the Turkish stories. In the mean time, this shallbe for us to note and observe, not so much the scourge how grievous it is: but rather to behold the causes which being the whip upon us, which is our own miserable ambition and wretched wars among ourselves.  
And yet if this Christian peace and love, 
Discord and dissension in the Church noted.  left and commended so heartily unto us by the mouth of the son of God being now banished out of Christian realms and civil governance, might at least find some refuge in the Church, or take Sanctuary among men professing nothing but Religion, less cause we had to mourn. Now so it is, that as we see little peace and amity among civil Potentates: so less we find in the spiritual sort of them, which chief take upon them the administration of Christ's Church. So that it may well be doubted, whether the scourge of the Turk, or the civil sword of Princes have slain more in the fields, or the Pope's keys have burnt more in Towns and Cities. And all be it such as be professed to the Church, do not fight with sword and targate for dominions and revenues, 
Ambition & avarice of the church of Rome  as warlike Princes do: yet this ambition, pride, and avarice, appeareth in them nothing inferior to other worldly potestates: especially if we behold and advise the doings and insatiable desires of the court of Rome. Great argument and proof hereof neither is hard to be found, nor far to be sought. What realm almost through all christendom hath not only seen with their eyes, but have felt in their purses the ambition intolerable, and avarice insatiable of that devouring church, and also have complained upon the grievance thereof, but never could be redressed? What exactions and extortions have been here in England out of bishoprics, monasteries, benefices, deaneries, Archdeaconries, and all other offices of the Church, to fill the Pope's coffers: and when they had all done, yet every year brought almost some new invention from Rome, to fetch in our English money: and if all the floods in England (yea in all Europe) did run into the sea of Rome, yet were that Ocean never able to be satisfied.  
In France likewise, what floods of money were swallowed up in this sea of Rome, it was openly complained of in the council of Basil as is testified by Henry Token, Canon and Ambassador of the Archbishop of Maidenburge, 
Ex Rapulario Henrici Token.  written in his book entitled Rapularium, where as he writeth that in the Council of basil. An. 1536. the Archbishop of Lions did declare, that in the time of Pope Martin, there came out of France to the court of Rome, 9 millions of gold, which was gathered of the Bishops and Prelates, besides those which could not be counted of the poor clergy, which daily without number, run unto the court of Rome, 
The sea of Rome is turned into an ocean, that ha●● no bottom.  carrying with them all their whole substance, The archbishop of Turonne said also at Basil, in the year of our Lord 1439. that three millions of gold came unto Rome in his time, within the space of 14. years, from the prelate's & prelacies, whereof no account could be made beside the poor clergy, which daily run to that court. Let the man which feareth God, judge what a devouring gulf this is. 
What a million is. Concilium Bituriense.  A million containeth x. C.M.  
And what made Pope Pius the 2. to labour so earnestly to jews the 11. the French King (who as is aforesaid was a great enemy to the house of Burgoin) that he would (according to his former promise) abolish & utterly extinct the constitution established before at the Counsel of Bitures, by king Charles the 7. his predecessor, called Pragmatica Sanctio, but only the ambition of that sea, which had no measure, and their avarice which had no end, the story is this. King Charles 7. the French king, willing to obey and follow the council of Basil, did summon a Parliament at Bitures. Where by the full consent of all the states in France, 
Pragmatica Sanctio.  both spiritual and temporal, a certain constitution was decreed and published, called Pragmatica Sanctio. wherein was comprehended, briefly the pith and effect of all the Canons and decrees concluded in the council of Basil. The which constitution the said king Charles willed and commanded through all his realm, 
Ex loan. Maria Belga. de Schismat. & Conciliis. cap. 24.  inviolably to be observed and ratified for the honour and increase of Christian religion for ever. This was An. 1438.  
It followed, that after the decease of this foresaid Charles the 7. succeeded king Lewis 11. who had promised before, 
Pope pius laboureth that Pragmatica Sanctio should be abolished.  being Dolphin to Pope Pius, that if he ever came to the crown, the foresaid Sanctio Pragmatica should be abolished. Whereupon Pope Pius hearing him to be crowned, did send unto him john Balueus a Cardinal, with his great letterg patent, willing him to be mindful of his promise made. The king either willing, or else pretending a will to perform, and accomplish what he had promised, directed the Pope's letters patent, with the said Cardinal, to the counsel of Paris, requiring them to consult upon the cause.  
Thus the matter being brought and proposed in the Parliament house, the king's Attorney named joannes Romanus, a man well spoken, singularly witted, and well reasoned, stepping forth, with great eloquence, and no les boldness, proved the said Sanction to be profitable, holy, and necessary for the wealth of the realm, and in no case to be abolished. 
The counsel of Paris appealeth from the pope to the general Council Vid. supra pag. 670.  Unto whose sentence the University of Paris adjoining their consent, did appeal from the attempts of the Pope, to the next general Council. The Cardinal understanding this, took no little indignation thereat, fretting and fuming, and threatening many terrible things against them: but all his minatory words notwithstanding, he returned again to the king, his purpose not obtained, An. 1438. Ex joan. Mario.  
Thus the Pope's purpose in France was disappointed, which also in Germany had come to the like effect, if Frederick the Emperor had there done his part likewise toward the Germans: Who at the same time bewailing their miserable estate, 
The complaint of the Germans to the Emperor, for help and aid, against the oppression of the Pope  went about with humble suit to persuade the Emperor that he should no longer be under the subjection of the Popes of Rome, except they had first obtained certain things of them as touching the Charter of Appeals, declaring their estate to be far worse (although undeserved) then the Frenchmen or Italians: whose servants (and especially of the Italians) they are worthily to be called, except that their estate were altered. The nobles & commonalty of Germany, did instantly entreat with most weighty reasons & examples, both for the utility and profit of the Empire, to have the emperors aid and help therein, for that which he was bound unto them by an oath: alleging also the great dishonour & ignominy in that they alone had not the use of their own laws, declaring how the French nation had not made their suit unto their king in vain against the exactions of Popes: by whom they were defended, which also provided decrees and ordinances for the liberty of his people, & caused the same to be observed: the which thing the Emperor ought to foresee within his Empire, & to provide for his people and states of his empire, as well as other Kings do. For what shall come to pass thereby, if that foreign nations having recourse unto their kings, being relieved and defended by them from the said exactions, and the Germans, & states of the Empire flying unto their Emperor, be by him forsaken or rather betrayed & deprived of their own laws and decrees? The Emperor being moved, & partly overcome by their persuasions, promised that he would provide no less for them, than the king of France had done for the Frenchmen, and to make decrees in that behalf: but the grave authority of Aeneas Silvius, as Platina writeth in the history of Pius the second, broke of the matter, who by his subtle and pestiserous persuasions did so bewitch the Emperor, that he contemning the equal, just, and necessary requests of his subjects, chose the said Aeneas to be his Ambassador unto Calixtus then newly chosen Pope, to swear unto him in his name, & to promise the absolute obedience of all Germany, as the only country (as they call it) of obedience, neglecting the ordinances & decrees of their country, as before he had done unto Eugenius the 4. being Ambassador for the said Fredcrike, promising that he & all the Germans would be obedient unto him from henceforth in all matters, as well spiritual as temporal.  
Thus twice Friderike of Ostrich contemned and derided the Germans, & frustrating them of their native decrees and ordinances, brought them under subjection and bondage of the Pope: which partly was the cause that 7. years before his death, he caused his son Maximilian, not only to be chosen, but also crowned king of Romans, and did associate him to the ministration of the Empire, lest after his death (as it came to pass) the Empire should be transported into an other family, 
Frederick made the Germans twice subject unto the Pope.  suspecting the Germains, whom he had twice contrary to his laws made subject and in bondage unto the Pope's exactions: first be fore he was crowned in the time of Eugenius the 4. and again the second time after his coronation, and death of Pope Nicholas the 5. denying their requests. Whereupon Germany being in this miserable poverty and grievous subjection under the Pope's tyranny and polling, with tears and sighs lamenting their estate, continued so almost unto Luther's time, as the histories hereafter following do testify.  
And here ceasing with the story of Frederick, 
Frid. Albertus his brother, and Sigismundus strive for the dukedom of Austria.  we will now proceed to the reign of Maximilian his son, omitting divers things else incident in the time of this Emperor: as first touching the unbrotherly contention & conflicts between this Frederick and Albertus his brother, and Sigismundus his uncle, for the dukedom of Austria, after the death of Mathias afore mentioned: Omitting also to speak of the long and cruel war between the Prussians, and Polonians, with the religious sect of them, which were called Tentones fratres sanctae Mariae, in the time of Uladislaus: Omitting also the strife and variance for the dukedom of Milan, 
War between Franciscus Sfortia and the Venetians about Milan. War between jews the French king, and the city of Milan.  between Fredericus the Emperor, Alfonsus, Carolus duke of Orleans, & Franciscus Sfortia: And how the said Princedom being after given to Sfortia, great wars were kindled & long continued between Sfortia and the Milliners, then between the Milliners and venetians, and after between the Frenchmen and the Milliners. All which tumults and commotions, as not pertinent greatly to the purpose of this story, I refer to other writers, where they are to be found more amply discoursed.  
This as more properly belonging to the story of the Church, I thought good not to pass over touching such as were condemned, & suffered the pains of fire for testimony of Christ and his truth: Of whom one was john a pastor or a neteheard, which was a keeper of cattle: The other was joannes de Wesalia, although not burned, yet persecuted near to death under the reign of this Emperor Fredericus the 3.  
And first touching this john the Netehearde, 
john a Notherde of Franconia Martyr.  Thus writeth Sebast. Munsterus. That the Bishop of Herbypolis, condemned and burned for an heretic one john, which was a keeper of cattle at a town called Nicklas Hausen in Franconia, 
Anno. 1476.  because he taught and held that the life of the clergy was ignominious and abominable before God. An. 1476. Ex Munstero.  
The other was Doctor joannes de Wessalia, 
john de Wesailias persecuted. Anno. 1479.  who was complained upon unto Dietherus the Archbishop of Mentz, by the Thomists, upon certain articles and opinions, gathered out of his books. Wherefore the said Dietherus, fearing else to be deposed again from his Bishopric, directeth forth commission to the universities of Heidelberg and Colen, to have the matter in examination, who conventing together the year above mentioned, called this Doctor de Wessalia before them, making him to swear that he should present and give up all his treatises, works and writings, what so ever he had made or preached: that being done, they divided his books amongst themselves, severally every man to find out what heresies and errors they could. His articles & opinions were these.  
That all men be saved freely, and through mere grace by faith in Christ. 
The articles and opinions of john de Wesalia. Free will nothing. Prelates have no more power over scriptures, than other men. Extreme unction reproved. Against the primacy of the Pope.  Free will to be nothing. Only that we should believe the word of God, and not the gloze of any man, or fathers. That the word of God is to be expounded with the collation of one place with an other. That Prelates have no authority to make laws, or to expound the scriptures by any peculiar right, given them more than to an other. That men's traditions, as fastings, pardons, feasts, long prayers, peregrinations and such like, are to be rejected. Extreme unction and confirmation to be reproved: confession and satisfaction to be reprehended. The primacy of the Pope also he affirmed to be nothing.  
Certain other articles also were gathered out of him by his adversaries, but in such sort, that they may seem rather to follow their own malicious gathering, than any true intelligence of his mind: whereof more is to be understanded in this process hereafter.  
Thus when Wesalianus was commanded to appear, there convented together, first the Archbishop, the inquisitor, the doctors of Colen, and the doctors of Heidelberge, with the masters of the same, and the Rector of the university of Mentz, the Dean of faculties, Bachelors of divinity, and many other masters of the same university, Canous, doctors, with the bishops chancellor, and his counsellors, besides many religious prelate's, scholars, with a doctor of Franckforte, the sumner & bedels', which all met together in the great hall of the Minorites, for the examination of this joannes de Wesalia.  
Friar Elton the Inquisitor, first sitteth in the highest place, then after him others according to their degree. In the beginning of the examination, first the Inquisitor beginneth with these words: Most reverent father and honourable doctors. 
john de Wesalia brought before the prelate's.  etc. Our reverent father and prince Elector hath caused this present convocation to be called, to hear the examination of M. john de Wesalia, in certain suspected articles concerning the catholic faith. But something I will say before, that may do him good, and desire that two or three of them that favour him, or some other, will rise up and give him counsel, to forsake and leave his errors, to recognise himself, & to ask pardon, which if he will do, he shall have pardon: if he will not, we will proceed against him without pardon. And thus Wesalianus being cited and brought in the midst betwixt 2. minorites, being very aged, and having a staff in his hand, was set before the Inquisitor. Who beginning to answer for himself with a long protestation, 
The Inquisitor speaketh.  could not be suffered to prosecute his Oration, but was cutre off and required briefly, to make an end, and to tell them in few words whether he would stand to his opinions, or to the determination of the church. To this he answered, that he never spoke any thing against the determination of the Church, 
The answer of Wesalianus reasonable.  but said that he had written divers and sundry treatises, in the which if he had erred, or were found to say otherwise then well, he was content to revoke and call back the same, and do all things that was requisite. Then said the Inquisitor, do you ask then pardon? The other answered, why should I ask pardon, when I know no crime or error committed? The inquisitor said: well we will call you to the remembrance thereof, and proceed to the examination.  
In the mean time, others called upon him instantly to ask pardon. Then said Wesalianus. I ask pardon. Notwithstanding the Inquisitor proceeded to the examination, reading there two instruments, 
The cruel proceeding of the Inquisitor.  declaring that he had authority from the Apostolic sea: after this cited the said john to appear to his examination. Thirdly he commanded him under pain of disobedience, in the virtue of the holy Ghost, and under pain of excommunication of the greater curse, 
The greater cause of the Pope described.  (from the which no man could absolve him, but only the Pope or the Inquisitor, except only at the point of death) to tell plainly the truth upon such things as should be demanded of him concerning his faith, without ambages and sophistication of words. And so being demanded first, whether he did believe upon his oath taken, that he was bound to tell the truth, although it were against himself or any other: to this he answered, Scio, that is: 
Scio. Credo.  I know: Then the Inquisitor biddeth him say, Credo, that is, I believe. To the which he answered again, what need I say that I believe that thing I know. There the Inquisitor something stirred with the matter, as hot as a toast (as they say) cried out with a loud voice, master joannes, master joannes, master joannes, say Credo, say Credo. Then he answered Credo.  
After this, being demanded whether he had written any treatise, concerning the binding of humane laws, to one Nicolas of Boheme, and whether he had written any treatise of the Ecclesiastical power of indulgences & pardons, and of fasting and other treatises: he believed that he had so written, and had conferred with divers learned men: Also that he had sent to the Bishops of Worms, a certain treatise of fasting.  
Many other interrogatories were ministered unto him, whereof some were vain, some false. Such as were more principal, here we will briefly touch, leaving out superfluities.  
Being demanded whether he was a fautour of the Bohemians, 
His opinion of the sacrament.  he said he was not. Also being demanded concerning the Sacrament of the holy body and blood of our Lord, whether he thought Christ there to be contained really, or only divinely, and whether he did believe in the said Sacrament the substance of bread there to remain, or only the form thereof: to this he answered, not denying but the body of Christ was there really contained, and also with the body of Christ, the substance of bread to remain.  
After this he was demanded his opinion concerning religious men, 
His opinion of Monks and Nuns. The vow of chastity.  as Monks, Nuns, or begwines, whether he thought them to be bound to the vow of chastity, or to the keeping of any other vow, and whether he said to the friars Minorites any such word in effect: I can not save you in this your state and order. This he confessed, that he had said, how that not your religion saveth you, but the grace of God, etc. not denying but they might be saved.  
Item, 
Mortal sin founnd by the Pope, beside that which is expressed to be mortal in the scripture.  being required whether he believed or had written, that there is no mortal sin, but which is expressed to be mortal in the canon of the holy Bible: to this he answered, that he did so believe as he hath written, till he was better informed. Likewise being required what he thought of the vicar of Christ in earth, he answered, that he believed that Christ left no vicar in earth: For the confirmation whereof he alleged and said, 
What is this article, but to make the Pope a god. Christ left no vicar in earth.  that Christ ascending up to heaven, said: Ecce ego vobiscum sum. etc. Behold I am with you. etc. In the which words he plainly declared, that he would substitute under him no vicar in earth, and said moreover, if a vicar signified any man, which in the absence of the principal hath to do the works of the principal, than Christ hath no vicar here in earth.  
In like manner, 
Pardons and indulgences be of no effect.  concerning indulgences and pardons, such as the church doth use to give, they demanded of him, whether they had any efficacy, & what he thought thereof: who answered again that he had written a certain treatise of that matter, & what he had written in that treatise, he would persist therein, 
The treasure of saints merits is not in earth.  which was thus: that he believed, that the treasure box of the merits of Saints could not be distributed of the Pope to others, because that treasure is not left here in earth: For so it is written in the apocalypse: Opera enim illo●um, sequuntur illos, etc. that is: their works follow them.  
Item, that their merits could not be applied to other men, for the satisfaction of their pain due unto them, and therefore that the Pope and other Prelates cannot distribute that treasure to men.  
It was objected to him moreover, 
This saying wa● taken out of one Cantor Pariensis, which was went to say, tha● pardons were holy decertes. because that lay men there were provoked, by naughty decerte● to give good alms. Degrees unscripture forbidden to marry.  that in the said his treatise, he called pardons & indulgences, Pias fraudes fidelium, that is, holy frauds and deceits of the faithful.  
Also, being demanded what he thought of the hallowing and blessings of altars, chalices, vestments, wax canders, palms, herbs, holy water and other divine things, etc. He answered that they had no spiritual virtue and power in them to drive away devils, and that holy water hath no more efficacy than other water not hallowed, as concerning remission of venial sins, and driving away devils and other effects, which the school doctors do attribute to it.  
Item, for degrees of marriage forbidden in the Scriptures, he believeth that all Christian men under deadly sin, are bound unto the same.  
Item, that he believeth that God may give grace to a man having the use of reason, without all motion of Free wil Also he thinketh that S. Paul in his conversion, did nothing of his own free will for his conversion. He believeth moreover, that God may give such grace to a man having the use of reason, not doing that which in him is.  

Nothing to be believed, but which is in scripture contained.  Item, he affirmed that nothing is to be believed, which is not contained in the Canon of the Bible.  
Also, that the elect are saved only by the grace of God.  
Besides all these moreover, he was charged with the old opinion of the Grecians, which they did hold contrary to the Roman church, unto the time of the council of Ferraria above mentioned, concerning the proceeding of the holy Ghost.  
The Wednesday next following, 3, Doctors, the suffragan, Herwicus & jacobus Sprenger, were sent unto him with persuasions to exhort him, and when he would not stand to their Canons, 
The Church giveth witness who were the writers of the scripture, but hath no authority above that which is written.  whereby they went about to refute his doctrine, he was then demanded of Herwicus, why he would believe rather the 4. Evangelists, than the Gospel o● Nicodemns. To whom he answered, because he would. Being asked again why he believed the 4. Evangelists, he said: because he so received of his parents. Then being demanded, why he would not believe the Doctors, because (said he) their doctrine is not canonical scripture. Again, it was to him objected, why he would be credited himself, when he preached, seeing he would not believe the holy doctors? To whom he answered in this wise, saying, that he did preach as his duty was, but whether they gave credit to his words, he did not care.  

By this inquisition, Christ himself might be condemned.  This examination being ended, after these Articles were condemned by the Inquisitor & his assistance, than said he after this manner: As you do with me, if Christ himself were here, he might be condemned as an heretic. After this they sent divers to him to have communication with him, and to persuade him, sending also to him with his Articles a form of ask pardon: at length within 3. or 4. days after, he was content to condescend unto them, and to submit himself to their holy mother Church, and the information of the Doctors. 
Ex Orth. Grat.  In the book of Orthuinus Gratius, and in Paralypomena, adjoined to Abbess Vrspergensis, we read these words written of this joannes de Wesalia: 
Ex Paralip. Abat. Vrsper.  Dempto solo articulo de processione spiritus sancti, in alijs videtur non ita gravi censura etc. That is: except only the Article of the proceeding of the holy Ghost, in other Articles it seemeth that he was not to be chastened with so sharp censure, if respite and space had been given him, if good councillors had been about him, 
Discord betwixt Reals & Nominals.  if all they which did accuse and molest him, had not been de via realium, as Thomists, that is, of the sect of Thomas: which Thomists were set at that time, against the other sect of the seculars, which were called Nominales, and therefore, they so spited this Doctor because he did not hold with their Thomas, against whom otherwise (had it not been for that cause) they would never have been so fierce and malicious in proceeding against him. I take God to witness, which knoweth all things, that this process, which was made against him for his revoking & burning of his books, did greatly displease M. Engeline of Brunswick, a great divine, and also M. john Reisersberge, being both learned, and famous men, but namely M. Engeline thought, that too much malice and rashness was showed in handling of that same man, and did not fear to say, that many of his articles, and the greater part thereof, might be holden well enough, and greatly blamed the mad and fantastical dissension of the Thomists, 
Ex Orth. Grat.  seeking by all manner of ways, how to get the triumph over the seculare divines, etc. Haec ille.  

Doct. john de Wesalia revoketh his opinions.  Although this aged and feeble old man, by weakness was constrained to give over unto the Romish clergy, by outward profession of his mouth: yet notwithstanding, his opinions and doctrine declared his inward heart, of what judgement he was, if fear of death present had not otherwise enforced him to say, than he did think. Again, although he had revoked after their minds, yet we read no such form of recantation to be prescribed to him to read openly unto the people, as the use is here in England. The story of this man is more fully to be found in the books of Orth. Gratius. etc.  
As touching the reign of this Frederick Emperor, seeing we have comprehended hitherto sufficiently the most principal matters in his time incurrent, we will now pass forward (the Lord guiding us) to Maximilian, after I have first given a brief memorandum of 3. valiant Princes and Captains, 
Albert duke of Saxony, called Dextra manus imperis. Albert Marquis of Brandenburg called Achilles Germanicus.  flourishing in the same time of this Frederick, in german: Of the which, was one Albert Duke of Saxony, who for his renowned and famous acts, was called by public voice, Dextera manus Imperij. The right hand of the Empire. The other was Albert, Marquis of Brandenburge, to whom also the name was attribute, named of Pope Pius to be Achilles Germanicus. The third was Frederick Earl Palatine, surnamed Victoriosus, who manfully defended the freedom and majesty of the Empire, from the fraudulent oppressions of the pope's tyranny.  
In the year of our Lord 1484. in this emperors time died Pope Sixtus the 4. a little before touched, a monster rather of nature, 
Anno. 1484. The abomination of Pope Sixtus. Ex Declamatione Agrippa ad Lonanienses.  than a prelate of the Church. Of him writeth Platina, that unjustly he vexed all Italy with war and dissension. Agrippa writing of him, sayeth that among all the bawds of these other latter days, which were builders of brothelhouses, this Pope Sixtus 4. surmounted all other: who at Rome erected a stews of double abomination, not only of women, but also. etc. whereupon no small gain redounded to his coffers: For every such common harlot in Rome paid to him a july piece, the sumnie whereof grew in the year, some while to 20000. at length to xl. M. ducats. Whereunto accordeth right well the epitaph of john Sapidus, which in the end here of we will annex.  
john carrion, 
The wars of Pope Sixtus.  also speaking of this Bishop, witnesseth him to be a man rather borne to war, then to Religion: For he warred against Uitellius Tiphernates, against the Florentines, the Venetians, whom he excommunicated, and did not absolve till he died: 
Ex joan. Laziardo. lib. Historia Vniversalii. cap. 284. A large gift of the Pope to the begging Friars. Alanus, author of our Lady's Psalter.  also against Columnenses, against Ferdinandus king of Apulia, and Duke of Calabria: also against other nations and Princes more. Ex joan. Laziardo.  
Of the said Pope it is recorded, that he was a special patron and tutor to all begging Friars, granting them to have and enjoy revenues in this world, & in the world to come everlasting life. Among the which Friars there was one named Alanus de rupe, a Black Friar, which made the Rosary of our Lady's Psalter (so they term it) and erected a certain new fraternity upon the same, called Fraternitas Coronariorum, pertaining to the order of the Dominickes, of the which order jacobus Sprenger, one of the condemners of joannes de Wesalia above mentioned, was a great advancer, and especially this Pope Sixtus 4. who gave to the said fraternities large graces and privileges.  
Concerning the institution of this Rosary, there was a book set forth about the year of our Lord 1480. in the beginning whereof is declared, that the blessed virgin entered into the cell of this Alanus, and was so familiar with him, that not only she did espouse him to her husband, but also kissed him with her heavenly mouth, 
Then had the blessed virgin Mary two husbands. An old knave to suck his wives breast.  and also for more familiarity, opened to him her paps, and powered great plenty of her own milk into his mouth. For the confirmation whereof the said Alanus, this holy babe (saith the story) did swear deeply, cursing himself, if it were not thus, as he had made relation.  
This fabulous figment, when I read in the centuries of john Bale, I began with myself to mistrust the credit thereof, and had thought not to trouble the reader with such incredible forgeries. But as the providence of God worketh in all things, so also it appeared in this, that the very same book came to my hands at the writing hereof, wherein this self same narration is contained, wherein I found not only this to be true, which in John Bale is expressed, but also found in like manner, an other wonder as prodigious as this: where in an other place not far off, is storied in the same book, how that about the time of S. Dominicke, there was a certain matron in Spain, named Lucia, which being taken captive by the Saracenes, having her husband killed, was carried great with child into the Turkish land.  
When the time of her labour came, she being left desolate among beasts and hogs, and remembering this twice holy Rosary, (first instituted saith the book by S. Dominicke, and afterward renewed by Alanus) eftsoons the holy virgin was ready and stood by her, 
The detestable impiety and blasphemy of the popish lying religion  & received the child at her travail, supplying all the parts of a diligent midwife: and moreover causing a Priest suddenly to appear, gave the child to be Christened, calling it after her own name, Marianus: and so was she wife to Alanus, midwife to Lucia, and Godmother to Marianus. Which story if it be true, then is the Pope's Canon, by this example, to be controlled, which permitteth midwives in time of necessity, 
Mendacem memorem esse oportet.  to baptise, seeing the blessed virgin, playing the part herself of a midwife, durst not Baptizm this child without a priest.  
It followeth more in the story, that by the help of the said blessed virgin, this Lucia our Lady's gossip, after her Purification, was restored with her child safe to her country again. 
Ex Latin● Codice impresso, cui tituluit Rosasea Maria Corona.  This book being in Latin and Printed, beareth this title: Rosacea Augustissimae Christiferae Mariae Corona: and in the front it showeth the name of jodocus Bisselaius a noble man of Aquine. And this by the occasion of Pope Sixtus. Which Sixtus, what a maintainer of blind superstition he was, partly by that aforespoken, partly by the end following it may be seen. For we read in certain writers, that after this Pope had understanding that Hercules Estensis, 
The death of Pope Sixtus. 4. Here endeth Platina.  Duke of Ferraria, had joined peace with the venetians against his will, he was so grieved therewith, that for rancour of mind, within 5. days after, he died: whereunto his Epitaph following giveth sufficient record. About whose time also died Platina, a man not unlearned, but yet a shameful flatterer and bearer with the wicked lives of the Popes.  

The Epitaph of Pope Sixtus is this.  
Non potuit saenum vis ulla extinguere Sixtum  
Audito tandem nomine pacis obit.   

another epitaph of the same Pope.  
sixth iaces tandem, nostri discordia secli,  
Saevisti in superos, nunc Acheronta move.  
sixth iaces tandem, deflent tua busta cinaedi,  
Scortaque lenones, alea, vina, venus.   

An other.  
Gaude prisce Nero, vincit te crimine Sixtus,  
Hic scelus omne simul clauditur, & vitium.   
But leaving here pope Sixtus with his verses, & vices, let us now proceed, 
The death of king Edward. 4. Anno. 1483. Burdet. Tyranny in misconstring a man's words. The laws of the realm misconstred for the prince's pleasure.  as we before promised, to enter the story of Maximilian, keeping notwithstanding the order of our kings here in England: For a little before the reign of Maximilian, king Edward the fourth ceased his life. an. 1483. after he had reigned 22. years. In the time of which K. Edward, this also is not to be forgotten, that one Burdet, a merchant dwelling in Cheapside, at the sign of the crown, which is the sign now of the flower de luce merely speaking to his son, said that he would make him inheritor of the crown, meaning in deed his own house. For the which words, when K. Edward caused to be misconstred, & interpreted, as though he had meant the crown of the Realm, within less space than 4. hours, he was apprehended, judged, drawn, and quartered in Chepeside.   

King Edward the 5.  

K. Edward 5  THis king Edward left behind him by his wife Elizabeth 2. sons, Edward, & Richard & 2. daughters, Elizabeth and Cicilie. Which 2. sons Edward & Richard, for somuch as they were under age and not ripe to govern, a consultation was called among the peers, to debate whether the foresaid young prince & king, should be under the government of his mother, or else that Rich. Duke of Gloucester brother to K. Edward the 4. & uncle to the child, should be governor of the K. and protector of the realm, there hath been and is an old adage, the words whereof rather then the true meaning, 
Eccle. 10.  is wrested out of Solomon: Vae regno cuius Rex est puer. &. 1. woe to the kingdom, the king whereof is a child. etc. But if I may find leave herein to thrust in a gloze, I would this add and say: Vae illi puero, qui fui regni Rex non est. 1. 
Vaepuero regi in suo regno.  woe to that child, which is a king in a kingdom unruly and ambitious. There was the same season among other noble peers of the realm, the Duke of Buckingham, a man of great authority, who had married King Edward's wife's sister. Because the duke being so near alliaunt to the K. had been unkindly (as he thought) of the king entreated, having by him no anauncement nor any great friendship showed, according to his expectation, took part therefore with Richard Duke of Gloucester, both against the Queen & her children, 
Richard Duke of Gloucester made protector. The young king committed to Duke of Gloucester. The Duke of Buckingham a great doer for the protector. Both king Edward's children in the possession of the protector.  to make the foresaid Duke, the chief governor and protector. The which thing being broughe to pass, by the aid, assistance, and working of the Duke of Buckingham, the Queen took sanctuary with her younger son: the elder brother, which was the king remained in the custody of the Duke of Gloucester his uncle. Who being now in a good towardness to obtain that which he long looked for, sought all the means, & soon compassed the matter, by false colour of dissembled words, by perjury, and labour of friends, namely of the Duke of Buckingham, and the Cardinal Archbishop of Caunterburye, that the other brother also should be committed to his credit. Thus the ambitious protector and unnatural uncle, having the possession of his two nephews, and and innocent babes, thought himself almost up the wheel where he would clime●: Although he could not walk in such mists and clouds, but his devised purposes began to be espied: which caused him more covertly to go about to remove from him all suspicion and to blind the people's eyes. But before, he could accomplish his execrable enterprise, some there were, whom he thought first must be rid out of his way, as namely the Lord hastings, and the Lord Stanley, who as they were sitting together in counsel within the tower, the protector (the matter being so appointed before) suddenly rushed in among them, and after a few words there commoned, he suddenly hasted out again: his mind belike, being full of mischief and fury was not quiet. Who within the space of an hour, returned again into the chamber with a stern countenance and a frowning look, and so there set him down in his place. When the Lords were in great marvel and muse at the meaning hereof: then he out of a cankered hart, thus begun to bray, ask them what are they worthy to have, which go about to imagine the destruction of him being so near to the kings blood, and protector of the Realm? At the which question, 
The deuelisli● protector picketh quarrels.  as the other Lords sat musing, the Lord hastings, because he had been more familiar with him, thus answered, that they were worthy of punishment, whatsoever they were. Which when the other Lords also had affirmed: 
The Queen & Shore's wife, falsely accused of the protector to bewitch his arm.  that is (quoth the protector) yonder sorceress, my brother's wife, meaning the Queen and other with her, adding moreover, and saying: that sorcere●● & other of her counsel, as Shore's wife, with her affinity, have by their witchcraft, thus wasted my body: and therewith showed forth his left arm a wearish withered thing as it was never otherwise, as was well known.  
This Shore's wife had been before a Concubine to K. Edward, 
Adultery punished of God.  & afterward was kept by the same Lord hastings. Moreover here is to be noted, that by the consent of the said Lord hastings, the cruel protector had devised about the same time, 
Murder justly punished of god  the kindred of the Queen, innocently to be headed at Pomfret, of mere despite and hatred. Wherefore, this punishment not undeservedly, by the just hand of God, fell upon the said Lord hastings.  
It followeth then more in the story, that when the L. hastings had heard these false accusations of the tyrant which he knew to be untrue: certainly (my Lord) said he, if they have so done, they be worthy of heinous punishment. Why quoth the protector, dost thou serve me with if and with and? I tell thee, they have so done, and that I will make good on thy body traitor: and therewith giving a great rap on the board (for a token or watchword) one cried treason without, and forthwith the chamber was full of harnessed men, The protector then approaching to the L. hastings, 
L. Hastings arrested for a traitor. L. Stanley wounded.  arrested him as a traitor. An other let fly at the Lord Standley: who to avoid the blow shrunk under the table, or else his head had been cleft a sunder: notwithstanding he received such a wound, that the blood ran about his ears. There were in that counsel the same time the Archbishop of York, 
B. Morton.  and Doctor Morton Bishop of Ely (by whose procurement afterward king Henry the seven. was sent for into England, and he made archbishop after that of Canterbury) these with the Lord Standley diversly were bestowed in divers chambers. The Lord hastings was commanded to speed and shrive him a pace, 
The tyranny of the protector.  for before dinner the protector swore by S. Paul, that he should die: and so incontinently, without farther judgement, his head was stricken of, 
The L. Hastings beheaded.  by whose counsel the Queen's kindred were at the same time and day, beheaded at Pomfret.  
After this tyrannous murder accomplished, the mischienous protector aspiring still to the crown, to set his devices forward, first through gifts and fair promises, did subordinate Doctor Shaw a famous preacher then in London, at Paul's Cross to insinuate to the people, that neither king Edward with his sons, 
The beastly protector accuseth his own mother. Doct. Shawes impudent sermon at Paul's cross.  nor the Duke of Clarence were lawfully begotten, nor the very children of the Duke of York, but begotten unlawfully by other persons in adultery on the Duchess their mother, and that he alone was the true and only lawful heir of the Duke of York: Moreover to declare and to signify to the audience, that K. Edward was never lawfully married to the Queen, but his wife before was dame Elizabeth Lucy, and so the 2. children of king Edward to be base and bastards, and therefore the title of the crown most rightly to pertain to the Lord protector. That this false flatterer, and loud lying preacher, to serve the protectors humour, shamed not most impudently to abuse that holy place, that reverent auditory, the sacred word of God, 
Sap. 4.  taking for his theme: Adulterae plantationes non dabunt radices altas etc. which he most impiously did apply against the innocent children & right heirs of this realm. 
Example for all flattering preachers to beware  Whereupon such grudge and disdain of the people with worldly wonder followed him, that for shame of the people crying out of him, in few days after he pined way.  
When this sermon would take no effect with the people the protector unmercifully drowned in ambition, rested not thus, 
The Duke of Buckingham an other minister for the protectors fury  but within few days after, excited the Duke of Buckingham, first to break the matter in covert talk, to the Mayor and certain of the heads of the City, picked out for the purpose: that done, to come to the Guildhall, to move the people by all flattering and lying persuasions to the same which shameless Shaw before had preached before at Paul's Crosse. Which the Duke with all diligence and helps of eloquence, being a man both learned and well spoken, 
The Duke of Buckingham speaketh for the protector in the Guildhall.  endeavoured to accomplish, making to the people a long and artificial Oration, supposing no less, but that the people alured by his crafty iusinuations would cry, king Rich. K. Ric. But there was no king Rich, in their mouths less in their hearts. Whereupon the Duke looking to the Lord Mayor, and ask what the silence ment, contrary to the promise of the one, & the expectation of that other It was then answered of the Mayor, that the people peradventure well understood him not: wherefore the Duke reiterating his narration in other words, declared again that he had done before. 
An hard thing to make the tongue speak against the hart.  Likewise the third time he repeated his Oration again and again. Then the commons which be fore stood mute, being now in a maze, seeing this importunity, began to mutter softly among themselves, but yet no king Richard could sound in their lips, save only that in the nether end of the Hall, 
A stolen consent in the guildhall.  certain of the Duke's servants with one Nashfield, and other belonging to the protector, thrusting into the Hall among the press, began suddenly at men's backs to cry king Richard k. Rich, throwing up their caps, whereat the citizens turning back their heads, marveled not a little, but said nothing.  
The Duke and the Lord Mayor with that side, taking this for sufficient testimony, incontinent came blowing for haste to the protector, then lying at Baynard's Castle. Where the matter being made before, 
Fie of hypocrisy  was now so contrived, that forsooth, humble petition was made in the name of the whole commons, and that with 3 sundry suits, to the humble and simpel protector, that he, although it was utterly against his will to take it: yet would of his humility stoop so low, as to receane the heavy kingdom of England upon his shoulders. At this their tender request and suit of the Lords and commons made (ye must know how) the mild Duke seeing no other remedy, 
The hypocrisy of the protector denying the crown thrice before he would, take it.  was contented at length to yield, although fore against his will (ye must so imagine) and to submit himself so low, as of a protector to be made king: not much herein unlike to our prelate's in that Popish church, who when they have before well compounded for the pope's Bulls, yet must they for manner sake make courtesy, and thrice deny that for which they so long before have gaped, and so sweetly have paid for.   

King Richard the third usurper.  

King Richard 3. usurper.  ANd thus Richard Duke of Gloucester took upon to be made & proclaimed king of England, the year aforesaid. an. 1483. in the month of june. Who then coming to the Tower by water, first made his son a child of x. year old, prince of Wales, & john Haward (a man of great industry & service) he advanced to be Duke of Norfolk, & Sir Tho. Haward his son, he ordained Earl of Surry. Also William Lord Barckeley was appointed Earl of Nottingham. Frances L. Lovel, was made Uicunt Lovel. L. Stanley for fear of his son, was delivered out of the Tower, and made Steward of the king's household. Likewise the Archbishop of York was set free: but Morton Bishop of Ely was committed to the Duke of Buckingham, by whom was wrought the first devise to bring in Henry Earl of Richmond into England, and to conjoin marriage between Elizabeth king Edward's daughter, and him, whereby the two houses of York and Lancaster were united together.  

King Richard crowned.  After the kingdom of England was thus allotted to king Rich. the usurper, as in manner above remembered, he tarried not long for his coronation, which was solemnised the month next ensuing, the 6. day of july.  
The triumph and solemnity of this usurped coronation, being finished, & all things to the same appertaining, this unquiet tyrant yet could not think himself safe, so long as young Edward the right king & his brother, were alive: Wherefore the next enterprise which he did set upon was this, how to rid these innocent babes out of the way, that he might reign king alone.  
In the mean time while all this ruffling was in hand what bread & sorrow the tender hearts of these fatherless and friendless children were in, what little joy of themselves what small joy of life they had, it is not so hard as dolorous for tender hearts to understand. As the younger brother lingered in thought and heaviness, so the prince which was a 11. year old, was so out of hart and so fraught with fear that he never tied his points, nor joyed good day, till the traitorous impiety of their cruel uncle had delivered them of their wretchedness, which was not long in dispatching For after king Richard their uncle, first attempting to compass his devilish devise by Robert Brakenbury Constable of the tower, 

The truth of Robert Brabenbury to his prince james Tyrel I Dighton, Miles jorest, cruel traitors and murderers of their Prince. Young princes.  
The 2. children of king Edward murdered. The just punishment of God upon the minderers of them two.  
The punishment of God upon K. Richard. The punishment of God upon the Duke of Buckingham.   and could not win him to such a cruel fact (to die therefore) than he got one james Tyrell, joining with him john Dighton, and Miles Forrest, to perpetrate this heinous murder. Which Dyghton and Forest about midnight entering into their chamber, so be wrapped and entangled them amongst the clothes, keeping down the featherbed and pilowes hard unto their mourns, that within a while: they smothered and stifled them piteously in their bed.  
And thus ended these two young princes their lives, through the wretched cruelty of these forenamed tormentors who for their detestable and bloody murder committed, escaped not long unpunished by the just hand of God. For first Miles Forest, at S. Martin's le grand, by piecemeal miserably rotten away, john Dighton lived at Calais long after so disdained and hated, that he was pointed at of all men, and there died in great misery. Sir james Tyrell was beheaded at Tower hill for treason. Also King Richard himself within a year and a half after, was stain in the field hacked and hewed of his enemy's hands, torn and tugged like a cur dog.  
Furthermore, the said justice of god's hand left not the Duke of Buckingham escape free: Which was a great maintainer and setter up of this butcherly usurper: for les than within a year after so God wrought, that he was himself beheaded for treason by the said king, whom he so unjustly before had advanced and set up.  
In the same catalogue and order of these wicked doers afore recited, we have also to comprehend two other, as well worthy of memorial, as the best or rather as that worst. The name of the one was doctor shaw, 
Doct. Shaw and Doct. Pinkie, two flattering preachers.  above rehearsed: The other doctor Pinkie, provincial of the Austen Friars: both famous preachers, and both Doctors in divinity both of more learning than virtue (saith the story) of more same than learning, & yet of more learning than truth. Shaw made a Sermon in the praise of the Protector, before his coronation. Pinkie preached after this coronation. Both were so full of tedious flattery, that no good cares could abide them. 
God's judgement upon flattering preachers.  Pinkie in his sermon so lost his voice, that he was sayne to leave of & came down in in the midst. Doctor Shaw by his sermon lost his honenesty, and soon after, his life for very shame of the world, so that he never durst after that, show his face again. But as for the Friar, he was so far past shame, that the loss thereof did little touch him.  
Mention was made a little before, 
The first motion of joining the two houses, York and Lancaster together.  of Doctor Morton Bishop at Ely, by whose means the devise was first broached, for the conjoining the two houses of York & Lancaster together. This devise was first broken to the Duke of Buckingham, which soon after cost him his life. But that bishop more crafty to save himself, incontinent fled into Britain. Notwithstanding, the devise once being broached was so plausible, and took such effect, that message was sent over the sea to Henry Earl of Richmond, by his mother and by the Queen, mother to the Lady Elizabeth, that if he would make his return, and promise to marry with the said Lady Elizabeth King Edward's daughter, he should be received. To make a longer discourse of this matter, which is sufficiently set forth by S. Tho. More so ornately, it needeth not.  
Briefly (to contract that in a small compass of words, which was not so small a thing in doing) after that the Earl Henry, with such other banished men, as fled out of England at the taking of the Duke of Buckingham, 
Earl Henry maketh preparation toward his journey.  had perfect intelligence by his mother and by the Queen and other friends more out of England, how the case of that realm stood, and how it was here purposed by his friends, that is, that he should with all convenient speed, hast his return over into England, promising to marry with Lady Elizabeth: he with all diligence as time and preparation would serve, advanced forward his journey, being well helped and furnished by France's Duke of Britain, and so shipped his men. Albeit his first voyage sped not, for that the winds turning contrary: by force of weather his ships were disparkled, and he repulsed back into France again. His second voyage was more prosperous. Who taking the seas at Harslet, 
The arriving of Henry Earl of Richmond in Wales.  in the month of August. an. 1485. accompanied only with two thousand men, and a small number of ships, arrived at Milford Haven in Wales, and first came to Dale, then to Harford West, where he was joyfully received, and also by the coming in of Arnolde Butler and the Pembroke men, was in power increased. From thence he removed by Cardigan to Shrewsbery, & then to Newport, and so to Stafford, from thence to Lichfield, his army still more and more augmented. Like as a great flood by coming in of many small rivers, gathereth more abundance of water: so to this Earl divers noble Captains and men of power adjoined themselves as Richard Griffith, john Morgan. Rice ap Thomas, then sir Georg Talbot, with the young Earl of Shrewesbery his ward, Sir William Stanley, Sir Tho. Burchier, and Sir Walter Hungerford, knights. At last the said Earl hearing of the kings coming, conducted his whole army to Tam worth.  

K. Richad gathered his power to encounter with Earl Henry.  King Richard first hearing of the arrival of the Earl Henry in the parts of Wales after such a slender sort, did give little or no regard unto it. But after, understanding that he was come to Lichfield, without resistance or encumbrance, he was sore moved, and exceedingly took on cursing and crying out against them which had so deceived him, & in all post speed, sent for john Duke of Norfolk, Hen. earl of Northumberland. Tho. Earl of Surrey with other his friends of special trust. Robert Brakenbury also liesetenaunt of the tower was sent for, with Sir Tho. Burchier, and Sir Walter Hungerforde, with certain other knights and esquires, of whom he partly misdoubted, or had some suspicious jealousy. Thus K. Richard, after most forcible manner well fortified and accompanied, leaving nothing undone that diligence could require set forward toward his enemies. The Earl by this time was come to Tamworth, to whom secretly in the Evening resorted sir john Savage, sir Bryan Sanford, sir Simon Digby, and many other, forsaking the part of K. Richard, whom all good men hated, as he no otherwise deserved. The king having perfect knowledge the Earl to be encamped at Tamworth, 
K. Richard taketh the field of Bolworth. This Lord Stanley was he, which was hurt at the Tower when the L. Hastings was arrested vide. pag. 727.  embatled himself in a place near to a village called Bosworth, not far from Leicester, appointing there to encounter with his adversaries. Here that matter lay in great doubt and suspense concerning that Lord Stanley (which was the Erles father in law & had married his mother) to what part he would incline. For although his hart went (no doubt) with the Earl, & had secret conference with him the night before, yet because of his son and heir George Lord Strange, being then in the hands of king Richard, lest the king should attempt any prejudicial thing against him, durst not be seen openly to go that way, where in hart he favoured, and therefore closely kept himself between both, till the push came that his help might serve at a pinch.  
The number of the Earls part exceeded not to the one half of the side of king Richard. When the time and the place was appointed, where the two battles should encounter and join together, fore stripes and great blows were given on both sides, and many slain. If number & multitude might govern the success of battle, 
Bosworth field.  king Richard had double to the earl. But God is he, not man, that giveth victory, by what means it seemeth to his divine providence best. 
The history of Sir Tho. More, word ●or word taken out of Polid. Virg.  In what order and by what occasion this field was won and lost, the certain intelligence we have not certainly expressed, but only by the history of Polydore Vergile, whom sir Thomas More doth follow word for word. In the which history it doth appear, that as these 2. armies were coupling together, king Richard understanding by his espials where the earl of Richmond was, and how he was but slenderly accompanied, and seeing him to approach more near unto him, he rather carried with courage, then ruled with reason, set spurs to the horse and ranging out of the compass of his ranks, pressed toward the Earl, setting upon him so sharply, that first he killed sir William Brandon, 
W. Brandon  the earl's standard bearer, father to the Lord Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk, 
Charles Brandon.  them after overthrew sir john Cheny, thinking likewise to oppress the Earl. But as the Lord by his secret providence disposeth the event of all things, as the earl with his men about him being overmatched, began to despair of victory, suddenly & opportunely came sir William Stanley with 3. 
The death of king Richard.  thousand well appointed able men, whereby king Richard's men were driven back & he himself cruelly fighting in the thick of his enemies, was there slave, & brought to his confusion and death, which he worthily deserved.  
In the mean time the Earl of Oxford, who had the guiding of the forward, discomfited the forefront of king Richard's host, 
Duke of Norfolk slain. Lord Tho. Haward Earl of Surrey advanced by K. Henry. 7. K. Richard's son punished for the wickedness of his father.  and put them to flight, in which chase many were slain, of noble men especially above other, john Duke of Norfolk, Lord Ferrer, sir Richard Radcliffe and Robert Brakenbury Lieutenant of the Tower. etc. Lord Thomas Haward Earl of Surrey, there submitted himself, and although he was not received at first to grace, but long remained in the Tower, yet at length for his fidelity, was delivered and advanced to his recovered honour and dignity again.  
This king Richard had but one son, who shortly after the cruel murder of king Edward's sons, was taken with sickness and died. The wife of the said king Richard (whether by poison or by sickness) died also a little before the field of Bosworth: 
K. Richard proposed to marry Elizabeth his brother's daughter.  After whose decease, the story of Polydore & of sir Tho. More affirmeth: that he intended himself to marry the Lady Elizabeth his own brother's daughter, and so to prevent the Earl of Richmond.  
Moreover as touching the Lord Stanley, thus reporteth the story, 
L. Stanley husband to K. Henry's mother forsook k. Richard  that king Richard being in Bosworth field, sent for the Lord Stanley by a pursuivant, to advance forward with his company, and come to his presence: otherwise he swore by Christ's passion, that he would strike off his sons head before dinner. The L. Stanley sent word again, that if he did, he had more sons alive. Whereupon the king immediately commanded the Lord Strange to be beheaded: 
The L. Strange marvelously preserved.  which was the very time when both the armies were within fight, & were ready to join together. Wherefore the kings counsellors pondering the time and the case persuaded the king, that it was now time to sight, & not to do execution, advising him to delay the matter till the battle were ended. And so (as God would) king Richard breaking his oath, or rather keeping his oath, for he himself was slain before dinner, the Lord Strange was committed to be kept prisoner within the kings tent: who then after the victory gotten, was sought out and brought to his joyful father. And thus have ye the tragical life and end of this wretched king Richard.  
Henry the Earl of Richmond, after hearty thanks given to almighty God, for his glorious victory obtained, proceeded to the town of Leicester, where was brought to him by the Lord Strange, the Crown and put on the Earl's head.  
In the mean time the dead corpses of king Richard was shamefully carried to the town of Leicester, 
The shameful tossing of king Richard's dead Corpses.  being naked and despoiled to the skin, & being trussed behind a pursuivant of arms, was carried like a hog or a dog, having his head & arms hanging on the one side of that horse, and the legs on the other side, all sprinkled with mire & blood. 
Anno. 1485.  And thus ended the usurped reign of king Richard who reigned two years, and two months. Ex Polydo. & Thom. Moro.   

King Henry the seven.  
WHen king Henry, 
King Henry. 9  by the providence of God had obtained this triumphant victory, & Diadem of the realm, first sending for Edward Plantagenet Earl of Warwick, son to George Duke of Clarence, 
K. Henry marrieth with Elizabeth.  & committing him to safe custody with in the tower, from Leicester removed to London, & not long after, according to his oath & promise made before, espoused to him the young Lady Elizabeth, heir of the house of York: 
The two houses of York and Lancaster joined together.  whereby both the houses of York and Lancaster were conjoined together, to the no little rejoicing of all English hearts, & no less quiet unto the realm which was. an. 1485. This king reigned 23. years, and 8. months, and being a Prince of great policy, justice and temperance, kept his realm in good tolerable rule & order. And here interrupting a little the course of our English matters, we will now (the Lord willing) enter the story above promised, of Maximilian the Emperor, & matters of the Empire, especially such as pertaineth to that Church.   

Maximilian Emperor.  
IN the year of our Lord. 
Anno. 1486.  1486. Fridericus waxing aged and partly also mistrusting the hearts of the germans who had complained before of their grievances, 
Maximilianus Emperor  and could not be heard, and therefore misdoubting that his house after his decease, 
The reign and death of Fridericus Emperor. Anno. 1494.  should have the less favour among them, for that cause in his life time did associate his son Maximilian to be joined Emperor with him: with whom he reigned the space of 7. years till the death of the said Fridericke his father, who departed. an. 1494. after he had reigned over the Empire. 53. years, lacking only but iii years of the reign of Augustus Caesar, under whom was the birth of our Lord and Saviour Christ.  
This Maximilian, as he was a valiant Emperor, prudent and singularly learned: 
Maximilian marrieth the Duchess of Burgoyne.  so was his reign entangled in many unquiet and difficile wars: first in the lower Countries of Flaunders and Brabant, where the said Maximilian was taken captive, but shortly after, reschued & delivered again by his father. 
This Mary was niece to king Edward. 4.  1487. It was signified before how this Maximilian by the advise of that Burgundians, had to wife Mary the only daughter of Charles Duke of Burgundy afore mentioned, by whom he had 2. children, Philip and Margarete. an. 1477. Which Mary not long after, about the year of our Lord. 1481. by a fall from her horse, fell into an ague, and departed. Other wars many more, the same Maximilian also achieved, both in France, in Italy, in Hungary and divers besides.  
So happy was that education of this Emperor in good letters: 
The learning of Maximilian commended. Maximilian writer of his own stories.  so expert he was in tongues and sciences, but especially such was his dexterity and Promptness in the latin stile, that he imitating the example of julius Caesar, did write and comprehend in Latin histories, his own acts and seats done, and that in such sort, that when he had given a certain taste of his history, to one Pircamerus a learned man, ask his judgement how his warlike stile of Latin did like him, the said Pyrcamerus did affirm and report of him to john Charon (the witness and writer of this story) that he did never see nor read any german story, 
Ex lean Carione.  a thing more exactly (and that in such haste) done as this was of Maimilian. Moreover, as he was learned himself, so was he a singular patron and advancer of learned students, as may well appear by the erecting and setting up the university of Wittenberg. 
Maximilian first ordainer of the unyversitie of Wittenberg.  By this Emperor many in those days were excited to the embracing as well of other liberal arts, as also namely to the searching out of old antiquities of histories, whereby divers were then by him first occasioned in Germany, to set their minds & to exercise their diligence, in collecting & explicating matters pertaining to the knowledge of history, as well of ancient as also of latter times, as namely Cuspinianus, Nauclerus, Conradus Peutingerus, Manlius, and other.  

Learned men begin to grow in Christendom.  Here now it began right well to appear, what great benefit was broached to the world, by the Art and faculty of Printing, as is before mentioned. Through the means of which printing, the church and common wealth of christ began now to be replenished with learned men, as both may appear by this Emperor being so induced himself with such excellent knowledge of good letters, and also by divers others famous and worthy wits, which began now in this age exceedingly to increase and multiply, as Baptista Mantuanus, Ang. Politianus, Hermolaus Barbarus, Picus Mirandula, and Franciscus his cousin, Rodol. Agricola, Pontanus, Philippus, Bero aldus, Marsilius Ficinus, Volateranus, Georgius Valla, with infinite other.  
Among whom is also to be numbered Weselus Groningensis, otherwise named Basilius, 
Doct. Weselus Groningensis.  who was not long after joan de Wesalia above recited, both much about one time, and both great friends together. This Weselus died the year of our Lord. 1490. After that joannes Doctor De Wesalia aforesaid was condemned this Weselus being familiar with him, 
Weselus' called Lux Mundi.  thought that the Inquisitor would come and examine him also, as he himself in a certain Epistle doth write. He was so notable and worthy a man that of the people he was called Lux Mundi. That is: The light of the world.  

The doctrine of Weselus Groningensis.  Concerning his doctrine, first he reprehended the opinion of the papists, as touching repentance, which they divided in three parts, of the which three parts, satisfaction and confession he did disallow. Likewise purgatory and supererogation of works & pardons he did disprove, both at Rome and at Paris. He spoke against the pope's indulgences, by the occasion whereof divers of the Pope's court, persuaded by him, began to speak more freely against the same matter, than he himself had done.  
The abuses of Masses and praying for the dead he disallowed: and likewise the supremacy of the Pope, he utterterly rejected (as appeareth in a book of his De Sacramento poenitentiae) denying utterly that any supreme head or governor ought to be in the world over all other: 
Ex lib. D. Weseli, De sacramento penitentia.  affirming also & saying many times, that the pope had no authority to do any thingby commandment but by truth: that is, 
The Pope's supremacy written against.  so far as truth goeth with him, so far his sentence to stand: neither that he ought to prevail by commanding but only by teaching, so as every true christian Bish. may prevail over an other. Also in some place in his writings he denieth not, but that pope's and their spiritual Prelates, proceeding against Christ's doctrine, be plain Antichrist's: such as were infirm and not able to perform the bond of chastity taken upon them, he said they might well break their vow.  
Also the said Weselus witnesseth, that the forefathers which were before Albert and Thomas, did resist and withstand the pope's indulgences, calling them in their writings plain Idolatry, mere fraud and error: adding moreover that unless the severity of some good Divines, had not withstand these pardons and indulgences of the Pope: innumerable errors had overflown the church.  
Amongst these works of Weselus, there is a certain Epistle of one written to him, ●in which the author of the Epistle confesseth, that in his time there was a certain learned man at Paris called master Thomas de Curselis a Deane: who being in the council of basil, whereas divers began to advance the power of the pope to far, 
Ex Epist. cuinsilam in opere Weseli. Christ's answer to Tho. de Corselis touching this place Quicquid ligaveris. Not what so ever is said to be loosed in earth, is loosed in heaven but whatsoever is loosed in very deed in earth, that is also loosed in deed in heaven. Against tiches in the Church. The precepts of the Pope & prelate's how they bind. The Pope's keys. Vows. Doctrine not to be received without examination. Excommunication.  declared and affirmed, to be said to him of Christ: Quicquid ligaveris super terram erit ligatum & in coelo: etc. Et non, quicquid dixeris esse ligatum. That is. What soever thou shalt bind upon earth shall be bound in heaven, but not, what soever thou sayest to be bound. As who should say the pope cannot nor doth not bind therefore, because he so saith, except truth and righteousness go also with him: then he doth so bind in deed. There is a certain book of this man amongst divers others, which he intiruleth, De subditis & superioribus, in that which he disputeth greatly against that pope & his Prelates: affirming that the pope unless his faith & doctrine be found, ought not to be obeyed. He affirmeth also that the pope may err, and when he erreth, men ought by all manner of means to resist him. Item, that great & superfluous riches in the clergy do not profit, but hurt that church. That the pope doth wickedly distribute the rents of the Church, and the Church itself, to unworthy Ministers by Simony for his own profit and gain, whereby it may appear that he neither careth for GOD, nor the health of the Church. Item, that the precepts and commandments of the pope and prelate's be no otherwise but as the Counsels and precepts of Physicians, binding no further than they are found to be wholesome and standing with the truth of the word. Item, that the Pope can command no man under pain of deadly sin, except God command him before. He saith that the keys of the Pope and of the prelate's be not such, wherewith they open the kingdom of heaven, but rather shut it, as the Phariseis did. Concerning vows, he disputeth that such as be foolish and impossibile, ought to be broken: that the hearers ought to discern and judge of the doctrine of their Prelates, and not to receive every thing that they say, without due examination.  
He showeth moreover that the sentence or excommunication is of more force, proceeding from a true godly honest, simple and learned men, then from the Pope, as in the Council of Constance, Bernard was more esteemed than Eugenius. Also if the pope with his prelate's, govern and rule naughtily, that the inferiors, be they never so base, aught to resist him.  
Writing moreover of two Popes, Pius the second and Sixtus the fourth, he saith, that Pius the second did usurp unto himself all the kingdoms of the whole world & that Sixtus the pope did dispense with all manner of oaths in causes temporal, not only with such oaths, as have been already, but also with all such, as shallbe made hereafter: which was nothing else but to give liberty and licence for men to forswear themselves and deceive one an other.  
This Weselus being a Phrisian borne, 
Ex Noviomago. A prophesy of Weselus. This Oftendorpius was a man well learned and Canon of the minster of Lubeck. Here it appeareth that this R. Agricola was of good judgement, though the Friars after ward buried him in a friars weed.  and now aged in years, upon a certain time, when a young man called master joannes Oftendorpius, came to him, said these words: Well my child, thou shalt live to that day, when thou shalt see the doctrine of these new and contentious divines, as Thomas and Bonaventure, with others of the same sort, shallbe utterly rejected and exploded from all true Christian divines: And this which Oftendorpius then being young, heard Weselus to speak, he reported himself to Noviomagus, which wrote this story. an. 1520. & heard it of the mouth of the said Weselus, an. 1490. Martij. 18.  
Philippus Melanchton writing of the life, of Rodolphus Agricola, saith: that josquinus Groningonsis, an ancient and a godly man, reported that when as he was young, he was oftentimes present at the Sermons of Rodolphus and Weselus, wherein they many times lamented the darkness of the church, and reprehended the abuses of the Mass: and of the single life of priests. Item, that they disputed oftentimes of the righteousness of saith, why S. Paul so oftentimes did inculcate, that men be justified by faith and not by works, 
Rodol. Agricola. Weselus lamenteth the darkness of the Church  the same josquine also reported, that they did openly reject and disprove the opinion of monks, which say that men be justified by their works. Item, concerning men's traditions their opinion was, that all such were deceived, whatsoever attribued unto those traditions any opinion of God's worship, or that they could not be broken. And thus much for the story of doctor Wesellianus and Wesilus.  
By this it may be seen and noted, how by the grace of God and gift of printing, first came forth learning: by learning came light to judge and discern the errors of the pope from the truth of God's word, as partly by these abovesaid may appear partly by other that follow after by the grace of Christ) shall better be seen.  
About the very same time and season, when as the Gospel began thus to branch & spring in Germany: the host of Christ's church began also to muster & to multiply likewise here in England, as by these histories here consequent may appear. For not long after the death of this Weselus in the year of our Lord 1494. 
Anno. 1464. joane Boughton mother to the lady Young martyr.  and in the 9 year of the reign of K. Henry 7. the 28. of April, was burned a very old woman named joane Boughton widow, and mother to the Lady Young, which Lady was also suspected to be of that opinion which her mother was. Her mother was of four score years of age or more, & held 8. of Wickleffes opinions (which opinions my author doth not show) for the which she was burnt in Smithfield the day abovesaid. My author saith, she was a Disciple of Wickleffe, whom she accounted for a Saint, and held so fast and firmly viij. of his x. opinions, that all the Doctors of London could not turn her from one of them, and when it was told her that she should be brent for her obstinacy & false belief, she set nothing by their manacing words, but defied them, for the said she was so beloved of God, and his holy angels, that she passed not for the fire, & in the midst thereof she cried to God to take her soul into his holy hands. The night following that she was burnt, the most part of her ashes were had away of such as had a love unto the doctrine that she died for.  

Anno. 1497.  Shortly after the martyrdom of this godly aged mother in the year of our Lord, 1497. and the 17. of january, being Sunday, two men, the one called Richard Milderale, and the other james Sturdy, 
Richard Milderale. james sturdy.  bare Faggots before the procession of Paul's, and after stood before the preacher in the time of his Sermon. And upon the sunday following, stood other two men at Paul's cross all the sermon time: 
Hugh Glover.  the one garnished with painted & written papers, the other having a Faggot on his neck. After that in Lent season upon Passion Sunday, one Hugh Glover bore a Faggot before the procession of Paul's, 
Four other bear faggots  & after with the Faggot stood before the preacher all the sermon while at Paul's cross. And on the sunday next following four men stood, and did there open penance at Paul's as is aforesaid, in the sermon time many of their books were burnt before them at the Crosse.  

Anno. 1498. A priest burnt.  FUrthermore the next year following, which was the year of our Lord. 1498. in the beginning of may, the king then being at Canterbury, was a priest burnt, which was so strong in his opinion that all the clerks & doctors then there being, could not remove him from his saith: whereof the king being informed, caused the said priest to be brought before his presence, who by his persuasions caused him to revoke, and so he was burnt immediately.  

Babram brent in Norfolk Martyr.  The burning of Babram.  
ABout which year likewise or in the year next following that xx. day of july, 
An old man burned.  was an old man burnt in Smithfield  
IN the same year also, 
Anno. 1499.  which was of the Lord. 1499. fell the martyrdom and burning of Hieronimus Savonarola, a man no less godly in hart, then constant in his profession. Who being a Monk in Italy, & singularly well learned, 
Hieronimus Savonarola, with two friars Martyrs.  preached fore against the evil life & living of the spiritualty and specially of his own order, compsayning sore upon them, as the springes and authors of all mischiefs & wickedness. Whereupon by the help of certain learned men he begun to seek reformation in his own order. Which thing the pope perceiving, and fearing that the said Jerome, which was now in great reputation amongst all men, should diminish or overthrow his authority, he ordained his vicar or provincial to see reformation of these matters: which vicar with great superstition began to reform things, but the said Jerome did always withstand him, whereupon he was complained of to the Pope, and because that contrary unto the pope's commandment, he did withstand his vicar, 
Prophesy of Hie. Savonarola against Italy.  he was accursed. But for all that Hieronimus left not of preaching, but threatened Italy with the wrath and in dignation of God, and prophesied before unto them, that the land should be overthrown for the pride and wickedness of the people, and for the untruth, hypocrisy and falsehood of that clergy, which God would not leave uncenenged, as ofterward it came to pass, 
Pope Ale●●de● besieged by Charles the Fre●●ch L●●g.  when as king Charles came into Italy and to Rome, and so straightly beset the pope Alexander, that he was forced to make composition with the king.  
Now for somuch as the said Hierom would not leave of preaching, he was commanded to appear before the pope, 
Sauonaro●●● t to appea●● before the Pope The doctrine of Savonarola condemned because he would not come before the Pope  to give account of his new learning, (for so then they called the truth of the Gospel,) but by means of the manifold perils, he made his excuse that he could not come. Then was he again forbidden by the pope to preach, and his learning pronounced and condemned as pernicious, false and seditious.  
This Hieronimus, as a man worldly wise, foreseeing the great perils and dangers that might come unto him, for fear, left of preaching. But when as the people, which fore hungered and longed for God's word, were instant upon him that he would preach again, he began again to preach in the year of our Lord. 
Savonarola preacheth contrary to the Pope's commandment.  1496. in the City of Florence, and albeit that many counseled him that he should not so do without the Pope's commandment, yet did he not regard it, but went forward freely of his own good will. When as the Pope and his shavelings heard news of this, they were grievously incensed and inflamed against him, and now again cursed him, as an obstinate and stiff-necked heretic. But for all that, Hieronimus proceeded in teaching and instructing the people, saying that men ought not to regard such curses, which are against the true doctrine and the common profit, whereby the people should be learned and amended, Christ kingdom enlarged, and the kingdom of the devil utterly overthrown.  
In all his preaching he desired to teach no other thing then the only pure and simple word of God, making often protestation that all men should certify him if they had heard him teach or preach any thing contrary thereunto, for upon his own conscience he knew not that he had taught any thing but the pure word of God. 
Hieron. with ●● other Friars committed to 〈◊〉 The com●●●● rye of Jerome Savon. upon the Psalm beginning: In te domine speravi.  What his doctrine was all men may easily judge by his books that he had written.  
After this, in the year of our Lord. 1498. he was taken and brought out of S. Marks cloister, & two other Friars with him, named Dominicke and Silvester, which favoured his learning, and was carried into prison, whereas he wrote a godly meditation upon that most comfortable 31. psalm In te Domine speravi non confundar in aeternunsed in justicia tua libera me. Wherein he doth excellently describe and set forth, 
Articles objected against Jerome & the two Friars.  the continual strife between the flesh and the spirit.  
After this the Pope's Legates came to Florence, & called forth these three good men, threatening them marvelously but they continued still constant. Then came the chief counsellors of the city, with the pope's commissioners, which had gathered out certain Articles against these men, whereupon they were condemned to death: the tenor of which Articles hereafter ensue.  

1. The first article was as touching our free justification through faith in Christ.  
2. That the communion ought to be ministered under both kinds.  
3. That the indulgences and pardons of the pope, were of no effect.  
4. For preaching against the filthy and wicked living of the Cardinals and spirituality.  
5. For denying the pope's supremacy.  
6. Also that he had affirmed, that the keys were not given unto Peter alone, but unto the universal Church.  
7. Also, that the pope did neither follow the life nor doctrine of Christ, for that he did attribute more to his own pardons and traditions, then to Christ's merits, and therefore he was Antichrist.  
8. Also, that the pope's excommunications are not to be feared, and that he which doth fear or fly them, is excommunicate of God.  
9 Item, that auricular confession, is not necessary.  
10. Item, that he had moved the Citizens to uproar and sedition.  
11. Item, that he had neglected and contemned the pope's Citation.  
12. Item, that he had shamefully spoken against, & slandered the pope.  
13. Iten, that he had taken Christ to witness of his naughtiness and heresy.  
14. Also, that Italy must be cleansed through God's scourge, for the manifold wickedness of the princes and clergy.   
The martyrdom of Jerome and his two companions.  
Thus, was the worthy witness of Christ, with the other two aforesaid, first hanged up openly in the market place, and afterward burnt to ashes, and the ashes gathered up, & cast into the River of Arum, the 24. day of May in the year of our Lord 1499. Ex Catal. testium. Illyrici.  

The prophecies of Jerome Savonarola.  This man foreshowed many things to come, as the destruction of Florence and Rome, and the renewing of the Church: which three things, have happened in these times within our remembrance. Also he foreshowed that the Turks and Mores in the latter days, should be converted unto Christ. He also declared that one should pass the Alpes into Italy, like unto Cirus, which should subvert and destroy all Italy. 
Ex joan. Francis. Mirandula. Ex Marsilio Ficino.  Whereupon johannes Franciscus Picus, earl of Mirandula, called him a holy prophet, and defended him by his writings against the pope. Many other learned men also, defend the innocency of the said Savonarola. Marsilius Ficinus also in a certain Epistle doth attribute unto him the spirit of prophecy, greatly commending and praising him. In the like manner Philippus Comineas a French historiographer, 
Ex Philip. Cominca.  which had conference with him witnesseth that he was a holy man, and full of the spirit of prophecy, for so much as he had foreshowed unto him so many things, which in event had proved true.  
There were besides these, many other, not to be passed over or forgotten: as Philip Norice an Irishman, professor at Oxford, who albeit he was not burned (yet as it is said) he was long time vexed and troubled by the religious rout. But would to God, that such as have occupied themselves in writing of histories, and have so diligently committed unto memory all other things done in foreign common wealths, had bestowed the like diligence & labour, in noting and writing those things, which pertain unto the affairs of the Church: whereby the posterity might have had fuller and more perfect understanding & knowledge of them.  
This Savonarola above mentioned, suffered under pope Alexander the 6. of which pope, more leisure & opportunity shall serve hereafter (Christ willing) to entreat, after that we shall first make a little digression to entreat of certain cases and complaints of the Germaynrs, incident in the mean time, which as they are not to be overpast in silence, so can they have no place nor time more convenient to be inferred. What complaints of the Germans were made and moved unto the Emperor Frederick against the pope's suppressions and exactions, mention was made before pag. 
The complaints of the Germans against the Pope's grievances renewed.  724. where also was declared, how the said Germans at that time, were twice put back and forsaken of the Emperor: whereby they continued in the same yoke and bondage, until the time of Luther. Wherefore it cometh now to hand, and we think it also good, here briefly to declare, how the said Germans, in the time of Maximilian the Emperor: renewing their complaints again, delivered unto the Emperor, x. principal grievances. whereby the germans have been long time oppressed: showing also the remedies against the same, with certain advisements unto the emperors majesty, how he might withstand and resist the pope's subtleties and crafts: The order and tenor whereof here ensueth.  

¶ The x. grievances of the Germans.  
1. THat the Bishops of Rome, 
Ten grievances complained of by the Germans.  successors one unto an other, do not think themselves bound to observe & keep the bulls, covenants, privileges, and letters, granted by their predecessors, without all derogation: but by often dispensation, suspension and revocation, even at the instance of every vile person, they do gainsay and withstand the same.  
2. That the elections of prelate's are oftentimes put back.  
3. That the elections of Presidentships are withstand, which the chapterhouses of many churches have obtained with great cost and expense, as the Church of Spire and Hasell do well know: whose bull, touching the election of their precedent, is made frustrate, he being yet alive which granted the same.  
4. That benefices and the greatest ecclesiastical dignities, are reserved for Cardinals and head notaries.  
5. That expectative graces, called vowsans, are granted without number, and many oftentimes unto one man: Whereupon continual contentions do rise, and much money is spent, both that which is laid out for the Bulls of those vowsons which never take effet, and also that which is consumed in going to law. Whereupon this proverb is risen, whosoever will get a vowson from Rome, must have C. or CC. pieces of gold laid up in his chest, for the obtaining of the same, which he shall have need of, to persecute the law withal.  
6. That Annates or yearly revenues, are exacted without delay or mercy, even of the bishops lately dead, and oftentimes more extorted then aught to be, through new offices and new servants, as by the examples of the churches of Mentz and Strausburgh, may be seen.  
7. That the rule of the churches are given at Rome unto those that are not worthy, which were more fit to keep and feed Mules, then to have the rule and governance of men.  
8. That new indulgences and pardons, with the suspension and revocation of the old, are granted to gather and scrape money together.  
9 That tenths are exacted under the pretence of making war against the Turk: when as no expedition doth follow thereupon.  
10. That the cause which might be determined in Germany, whereas there are both learned and just judges, are indistinctly carried unto the Court of Rome, which thing S. Bernard, writing to Pope Eugenius, seemeth wonderfully to reprove.   

¶ Here ensueth the remedy against the said grievances.  

Remedies against the ●●nclayde grievances.  IF it shall seem good unto the Emperor's majesty, let it be declared unto the bishop of Rome, how grievous and intolerable a thing it is unto the germans, to suffer continually so great charge & grievances, to pay so great Annates for the confirmation of the Bishops & Archbishops, and especially in such bishoprics, whereas the Annates by success of time, are enhanced, & in many (as it is said) doubled. 
The Archbishops pall of Mentz what it cos●eth.  For the Archbishop's sea of Mentz (as it is said) sometime paid only 10000 floreines: which sum, when as one which was chosen there, refused to give, and so continued even unto his death, he which was afterward elect, being desirous of confirmation, fearing to withstand the Apostolic sea: offered the old sum of 10000 floreines: But notwithstanding, he could not get his confirmation, except he would pay that other 10000 which his predecessor before him had not paid.  
By this means he was compelled to pay 20000. floreines. which being enroled in the register of the chamber hath been exacted of every archbishop since, until these our days: and not only 20000. but also 25000. for their new offices, & new servants. At last the sum drew to 27000. floreines, which james the Archbishop of Mentz was compelled to pay, as his Commissary did report. So by this means, in a little time, there was 7. times 25000. floreines paid out of the archbishopric of Mentz, unto Rome for the confirmation of the Archbishop. And when this Archbishop james had kept the archbishopric scarce four years, the Lord Uriel was elect after him, who was compelled to pay at the least 24000. or 25000. foreines. whereof a part he borrowed of Merchants: 
The Popes pall dearly bought.  but to satisfy and pay them again, he was forced to exact a subsidy of his poor subjects and husband men, whereof some have not yet satisfied and paid the tribute for the Bishops pall, to that by this means, our people are not only tormented and brought to extreme poverty, but also are moved unto rebellion to seek their liberty by what means soever they may, grievously murmuring against the cruelty of the Clergy.  
The pope also should be admonished, how that, through divers and sundry wars and battles, the lands of Germany lie desolate & waste, and through many mortalityes the number of men is diminished, so that for the scarceness of husbandmen, the fields, for the most part, lie untild, the rolls are by divers means diminished, the mines consumed, & the profits daily decay, whereby the Archbishops & Bishops should pay their annates unto the Apostolic sea: besides their other necessary and honest charges: insomuch that not without just cause, james the Archbishop of Mentz being even at the point of death, said that he did not so much sorrow for his own death, as for that his poor subjects should be again forced, to pay a grievous exaction for the pall, wherefore let the high Bishop as a godly father and lover of his children, 
The people polled for the pope's pall.  and a faithful and prudent pastor, deal more favourably with his children the germans, lest that persecution happen to rise against the Priests of Christ, and that men following the example of the Bohemians, do serve from the Church of Rome.  
At the least, let him be more favourable, as often as any Archbishop or bishop happeneth to rule his Church but a few years: as it happened to the Bishops of Bamberge, whereof 3. died within few years. The like also might happen by other bishoprics, whereof (as Aeneas Silvius witnessed) there are in Germany to the number of 50. 
Above 50. Byshopricks in Germany  besides Abboes, whereof a great number are confirmed at Rome.  
And admit that in Germany there were greater profit and revenues rising of the ground, mines and toll: notwithstanding the Emperor and the other Princes, should lack treasure and munition of war against their enemies, and specially the infidels, and to preserve Germany in peace and quietness, & to minister justice unto every man: for which purpose, the Council of the chamber being most holily instructed and furnished with great cost & charges, doth chief serve. Besides that the Emperor hath need of treasure, to suppress the rebels in the Empire, to banish and drive away thieves and murderers, when rofa great number are not ashamed to spoil churches only, and to rob them of their goods, but also to assail the Clergy themselves. Finally our nation and country of Germany, hath need of great riches and treasure, not only for the repairing of Churches & monasteries, but also for hospitals, for children that are laid out in the streets, for widows, for women with child, for Orphans, for the marriage of the daughters of poor men, that they be not destoured, for such as have need and necessity, for the old and weak, for the sick and the sore, whereof (the more is the sorrow) Germany is fully replenished and filled.   

¶ Advertisements unto the emperors Majesty.  
LEt the Emperor's majesty foresee and provide, 
The Emperor advertised of the subtle practices of the pope, and popish prelate's.  that the begging friars do not preach against his majesty which are wont to complain gladly unto the Apostolic sea, fearing to lose their privileges, which I would to god, were aswell grounded upon Christ, as they are upon profit. Let the emperors majesty also beware that the Pope do not give commandment unto the electors, to proceed to the election of a new king of Romans, as he did against Frederick the second, when as the Landgrave of Churm, and William Earl of Holland, were elect by the commandment of the Pope. Let the emperors majesty also fear and take heed of all the Prelates of the Churches, and especially of the Presedentes, which by their oath are bound to advertise the Pope. Let the emperors Majesty also fear and beware that the Pope do not take away from his subjects, their obedience, & provoke the people bordering upon him, to make invasion into the Emperors dominions and Archduchy of Ostrich: which those men, under colour of showing obedience unto the Pope's commandment, be ready to do.  
Let the emperors Majesty also take heed of the Apostolic censures, from which the pope will in no case refrain. Finally let the Emperors majesty diligently foresee & take heed, that the pope do not persuade the people with most subtle arguments, contrary to the pragmatical sanction, excusing himself, 
The pope's pretence of building S. Peter's church in Rome  and getting the good will of the simple, alleging that with great costs & charges, he will repair the Church of S. Peter in Rome, & build in certain places, against the Turks, and recover again the lands & patrimony pertaining unto the Church of S. Peter, as he is bound by his office. Therefore, let your majesty diligently foresee and deliberate, how through your most wise & discrete counsel, if need shall require, you will answer to those subtleties of the Pope.   

¶ A certain godly exhortation unto the emperors Majesty.  
YOur majesty can do nothing better, 
A supplication or exhortation to Maximilian Emper▪ for redress of the church.  nothing more acceptable, or more worthy eternal remembrance, than to moderate the great exactions and oppressions of the Germans: to take away all occasion from the laity, to persecute the Clergy: also to take away the benefices out of the hands of courtesans, which can neither preach, comfort, nor counsel any man (of which benefises, as Aeneas Silvius writeth some are equal to the bishoprics of italy) to increase God's honour and worship: and so to bridle the avarice & ungodliness of those courtesans, whereby your majesty may the better provide for the children of many noble & famous men and citizens in Germany, which being brought up from their youth in the universities, learning both the Scriptures and other humane letters, may without unquiet vexations, and most sumptuous charges & contentions, aspire to the Ecclesiastical promotions: who by their counsel & prayers, may be helps unto the whole Church: For there is no small occasion, why the realm of France should so flourish, having so many notable learned men in it. If the Emperor would abolish this unpiety, and restore Germany unto their ancient liberty, which is now oppressed with grievous tributes, and would make way for learned & honest men unto Ecclesiastical promotions: then might he truly & perpetually be called of all men, & in all places, the restorer of Germany to his ancient liberty, & the father of his country, & should obtain no less glory thereby unto himself, and profit unto Germany, then if he had by force of arms, subdued any province unto th' est: And so shall Germany render no less thanks unto the said Maximilian, then unto all the rest, which having translated the Empire from the Grecians unto Germany, have raigued many years before.   
Hereafter ensueth the copy of a certain letter of the Emperor Maximilian, given out in manner of a decree or commandment, against certain abuses of the Clergy. Whereunto we have also annexed the answer of jacobus Selestadiensis, unto the emperors letters, wherein he seemeth also to have sought advise for the remedy of the like abuses▪ which we thought good here not to be omitted.  

An Edict of Maximilian Emperor.  
WE according to the example of our dearly beloved father Frederick Emperor of Rome, reverencing the chief Pastor of the Church, and all the Clergy, have suffered no small revenues of the Ecclesiastical dignities, to be carried out of our dominion by the Prelates and Clergy that are absent, whose faults committed by human frailty, with Constantine our predecessor, we have not disdained to hide and cover. But for so much as thorough our liberality, the decay of God's honour is risen, it is our part to foresee (which are elect unto the Empire without any desert) that amongst all other affairs of peace and war the Churches do not decay, Religion quail not, or Gods true worship be not diminished: which we have manifestly experimented and daily do perceive by the insatiable covetousness of some, which are never satisfied in getting of benefices: through whose absence (being but resident only upon one) God's honour and worship is diminished, houses decay, Churches decrease, the Ecclesiastical liberty is hurt, learning and monuments are lost and destroyed, hospitality and alms diminished, and by their unsatiable greediness, such of the Clergy as for their learning and virtue were worthy of Benefices, and their wisdom, profitable in common wealths, are hindered and put back. Wherefore according to the office and duty of our estate, for the love of the increase of God's honour, 
No man to have two Canonships or prebends at once.  we exhort and require that no man from henceforth, having any Canonship or Vicarage in one City of our Empire, shall occupy or possess a prebend in an other Church of the same City, except he give over the first, within a years space, unto some person fit and profitable for the Church: neither that he do by unjust quarrels, vex or trouble any man in getting of benefices, neither that any man do falsely fayne himself to have been of the Emperor's household, which hath not been comprehended within the league and agreement made by the Princes, neither that any man attempt to take away the patronages from any lay man, or aggravate the small prebends of Curates of Churches, with pensions, neither that they do use in getting of benefices and Bulls, any fraud, deceit, false instruments, corrupt witnesses and cloaked simony, neither that any man presume to obtain any regresfe, or other thing contrary to the sacred Canons, right, honesty, equity and reason, upon pain of the most grievous offence of treason: the which we will that, not only they, going so contrary to God and all honesty: but also all their favourers, which do help, counsel, harbour or give them any thing, all their messengers and writers, proctors, sureties and other their friends, shall incur, and receive condign punishment for so great offence and contempt of our commandment. From Oenopont. etc.   
¶ Here ensueth the copy of a letter written unto the Emperor Maximilian,  
¶ To our most victorious Lord Maximilian the Emperor, jacobus Selestadiensis, most humble commendations.  
MOst victorious Emperor,  
when I had read your majesties Epistle, and received instructions of your Secretary, I prepared myself with all my whole endeavour, to satisfy your majesties desire: For even from my youth hitherto, I have applied all my care and study, first for the honour of your majesty, and consequently for the amplifying of the German nation, and sacred Roman Empire. Albeit I know myself far unable to satisfy your desire and purpose, and there are many which can fulfil this matter much better, which have greater learning and experience of these common matters. There be also with other Princes, and in the Senates of common wealths, many excellent learned men, which can exonerate and beautify Germany, and persuade to reduce all the Clergy unto a Christian discipline, and to an unity & peace of the universal Church. Wherein not only your Majesty, but also your predecessors, as Charles the great, and his son Ludovicus Pius, the Othoes, Conrades, Fredericks, and Henrikes, and last of all, Sigismundus, have with all labour and diligence traveled, being stirred thereunto, undoubtedly through the zeal & charity which they bore unto almighty God, & thakfulnes unto Christ, for his benefits which he hath bestowed upon mankind, and specially for the benefit of his most bitter passion. For Christ became not poor for us, that we should live in all riot and wantonness upon his patrimony, and show forth our ambition and covetousness: neither did he suffer hunger that we should glut up ourselves: or suffered labours, chastity, and grievous torments, that we should live in idleness, wantonness, and all kind of voluptuousness. Neither they which were contributers, and benefactors to Churches, enduing the ministers thereof with their temporal riches, had any such respect herein, that the clergy should live only in idleness, having all things at their will, without labour Surely there was another cause why that they in times past did impoverish themselves and theirs to endow the Church: verily that they might the better attend unto divine service, without care of want of living (which they might easily get and gather out of the fields, woods, meadows, and waters) and to the intent that they should liberally give alms unto the poor Christians, Widows, Orphans, aged and sick persons. For in the institutions of the canonical profession, which we suppose waa written by the commandment of Ludovicus Pius the emperor, and allowed by the counsel of the bishops, thus it is read: The goods of the Church (as it is alleged by the fathers, and contained in the chapters before) are the vows of the faithful, and patrimony of the poor. For the faithful, thorough the seruentnes of their faith, and love of Christ being inflamed, having an earnest desire of that heavenly kingdom, have enriched the holy Church with their own goods, that thereby the soldiers of Christ might be nourished, the Church adorned, the poor refreshed, and captives according to the opportunity of time, redeemed Wherefore such as have the administration of those goods, aught diligently to be looked upon, that they do not convert them unto their own proper use, but rather, according to their substance and possibility, they do not neglect them in whom Christ is fed and clothed. Prosper is also of the same mind, affirming that holy men did not challenge the Church goods to their own use, as their own proper goods, but as things commended unto the poor, to be divided amongst them: For that is to contemn that which a man possesseth, not to possess a thing for himself, but for others, neither to covet the Church goods with covetousness, to have them himself, but to take them with a godly zeal to help other. That which the church hath, is common to all them which have nothing, neither ought they to give any thing of that unto them, (saith he) which have of their own: for to give unto them which have enough, is but to cast things away.  
Ex Illyrico.  
To return now to the order of Popes where we left before speaking of Innocentius the eight, 
Pope Alexander 6.  after the said Innocentius, next succeeded Pope Alexander the 6. In which Alexander, among other horrible things, this is one to be noted, that when Gemes (Peucerus named him Demes) brother to Balazetes the great Turk, was committed by the Rhodians, to the sat custody, first of Pope Innocent, then of Alexander the 6. for whose keeping the Pope received every year 40000. 

The pope poyloneth Gemes the turks brother, being committed to his custody,  
Ex Paul. jovio lib. 2. lib 5.  
Ex Hieronym. Mario. The Pope setteth the great turk against the French K.  
Ex Seb. Munstero. lib. 4. Cosmograph.   crowns: yet notwithstanding, when pope Alexander afterward was compelied to send the said Gemes to Charles the eight the French king for a pledge: because the French king should not procure the great Turk's favour, by sending his brother Gemes to him to be slain, he being hired by the Turk, caused the said Gemes to be poisoned, who in his journey going toward the French king, died at Terracina. Ex Hieronymo Mario.  
Moreover in the said Dicronymus Marius it appeareth, that this Alexander taking displeasure with the foresaid Charles the French king, about the winning of Naples, sent to Baiazetes the Turk, to fight against the foresaid Clarles. Ex eodem.  
Munsterus lib. 4. Cosmog Declaring the foresaid history of Gemes, something otherwise, first calleth him Zizymus, and saith, that he was first committed by the Rhodians to the french king. And when as joannes Huniades afore mentioned, did labour to the French king to have him, thinking by that means to obtain a noble victory against the Turk, as it was not unlike: this Alexander the pope, thorough his fraudulent flattery, got him of the French King, into his own hands: by whose means the said Gemes afterward was poisoned, as is in manner before expressed.  
Unto these poisoned acts of the Pope, 
Mancinellus writing against the wickedness of the pope, lost his hands and tongue.  let us also adjoin his malicious wickedness, with like fury exercised upon Antonius Mancinellus, which Mancinellus being a man of excellent learning, because he wrote an eloquent oration against his wicked manners & filthy life, with other vices, he therefore commanded both his hands & his tongue to be cut of, playing much like with him, as Antonius the tyrant once did with M. Cicero, for writing against his horrible life. At length, 
Poison requited with poison.  as one poison requireth another, this poisoned Pope, as he was sitting with his Cardinals, & other rich Senators of Rome at dinner, his servants vuwares brought to him a wrong bottle, wherewith he was poisoned, and his Cardinals about him.  
In the time of this Pope Alexander, 

The high Angel of the poper palace thrown: 

Pope Pius. 3.  
Pope julius. 2.     also it happened (which is not to be pretermitted) how that the Angel which stood in the high top of the Pope's Church, was beaten down with a terrible thunder: which thing seemed then to declare the ruin and fall of the Popedom. After this Pope next succeeded Pius the 3. about the year of our Lord 1503. After whom came next julius the second a man so far passing all other in iniquity, that Wicelius, & such other of his own friends writing of him, are compelled to say of him, Marti illum quam Christo deditiorem fuisse: that is, that he was more given to war and battle, then to Christ. Concerning the madness of this man this is most certainly known, that at what time he was going to war, he cast the keys of S. Peter into the river of Tibris, saying, that for as much as the keys of Peter would not serve him to his purpose, he would take himself to the sword of Paul. Whereupon Philip Melancthon, amongst many other writing upon the same, maketh this epigram. 
Cum contra Gaellos bellum papa julius esset  
Gesturus▪ sicút fama ●etusta docet:  
Ingentes martis turmas contraxit, & ●rbem  
Eg●essus saevas edidit ore minas.  
Iratus'que sacras claves in flumina iecit  
Tibridis, hic ●rbi pons ●bi iungit aquas.  
Ind manustrictum Gagina diripit ensem,  
Exclamans'que truci talia ●ocerefert:  
Hic gladius Pauli nos nunc defendet ab host,  
Quandoquidem clavis nil juuat ista Petri.   

Whereupon also Gilbert Ducherius maketh this epigram.  
In Gallum ●● fama est, bellum gesturus acerbum,  
Armatum educit julius ●rbe manum:  
Accinctus gladio, claves in Tibridis amnem  
Proÿcit, & soews talia ●erba faecit:  
Quum Petrinihil efficiant ad praelia claeves,  
Auxilio Pauli forsitan ensis erit.   

¶ The sense of these Epigrams in English is this.  
When julius Pope against the French determined to make war:  
As fame reports, he gathered up great troops of men from far.  
And to the bridge of Tybur then, marching as he were wood:  
His holy keys he took, and cast them down into the flood.  
And afterward into his hand, he took a naked sword:  
And shaking it, broke forth into this fierce and warlike word.  
This sword of Paul (quoth he) shall now defend us from our foe:  
Since that this key of Peter doth nothing avay le thereto.   

The pope's law giveth leave to kill all that be accursed of him.  Of this julius it is certainly reported, that partly with his wars, partly with his cursings, within the space of 7, years, as good as 200000. Christians were destroyed. first he besieged Ravenna against the venetians, than Servia, Imola, Faventia, Forolivium, Bononia and other cities, 
The wars and bloodshed of pope julius. 2.  which he gate out of Prince's hands, not with out much bloodshed. The Chronicles of john Steban maketh mention, that when this julius was made Pope he took an oath, promising to have a Council within two years: but when he had no leisure thereunto, being occupied with his wars in Italy among the venetians, and with the French king, and in Ferraria, and in other countries: 9 of his Cardinals departing from him, came to milan, and there appointed a Council at the City of Pisa, amongst whom the chief, were Bernardus, Cruceius, Gulielmus Prenestinus, Franciscus Constantinus, with divers others: amongst whom also were adjoined the procurators of Maximilian the Emperor, and of Charles▪ the French king. So the Council was appointed the year of our Lord 1511. 
The pope perjured. A council called to depose pope julius.  to begin in the kalends of September. The cause why they did so call this Council was thus alleged, because the Pope had so broken his oath, and all this while he gave no hope to have any council, & also because there were divers other crimes, whereupon they had to accuse him. Their purpose was to remove him out of his seat, the which he had procured through bribes and ambition. julius hearing this, giveth out contrary commandment under great pain, no man to obey them, & calleth himself another council against the next year, to be begun the 19 day of April. The French king understading Pope julius to join with the venetians, and so to take their part against him, covented a council at Thurin in the month of September, in the which council these questions were proposed.  
Whether it was lawful for the Pope to move war against any prince without cause.  
Whether any Prince in defending himself, might invade his adversary: and deny his obedience.  
Unto the which questions it was answered, 

The Pragmatical Sanction established, mentioned before, pag. 674.  
No unjust excommunication to be feared.   that neither the bishop ought to invade, and also that it was lawful for the king to defend himself. Moreover that the Pragmatical sanction was to be observed thorough the realm of France: Neither that any unjust excommunications ought to be feared, if they were found to be unjust. After this the king sent unto julius, the answer of his council, requiring him either to agree to peace, or to appoint a generalll Council some other where, where this matter might be more fully decided. julius would neither of both these, but forthwith accursed Charles the French king, with all his kingdom. At the length, at Ravenna in a great war, he was overcome by the french king, and at last, after much slaughter and great bloodshed, and mortal war, this Pope died in the year of our Lord 1513. the 21. day of February.  
If it were not that I fear to overlay this our volume with heaps of foreign histories, 
The turks doing requisite to be known of Christians.  which have professed chief to entreat of Acts and Monuments here done at home: I would adjoin after these pope's above rehearsed, some discourse also of the Turks story: of their rising, and cruel persecution of the saints of God, to the great anoiance and peril of Christendom: yet notwithstanding certain causes there be which necessarily require the knowledge of their order and doings, and of their wicked proceedings, their cruel tyranny, and bloody victories, the ruin & subversion of so many Christian Churches, with the horrycle murders and captiui●ye of infinite Christians to be made plain and manifest, as well to this our country of England, as also to other nations:  
First for the better explaining of the Prophecies of the new Testament, 
The first cause.  as in S. Paul's Epistle ad Chessall, and also in the revelation of S. john. Which Scriptures otherwise, without the opening of these histories, can not so perfectly be understand. of the which Scriptures we mind hereafter (Christ granting) orderly, as the course of matter shall lead us, to make rehearsal.  
another cause is, 
The second cause.  that we may learn thereby either with the public Church, to lament with our brethren such a great defection and decay of christian faith, through these wicked Turks: or else may fear thereby our own danger.  
The third cause, 
The third cause.  that we may ponder more deeply with ourselves, the scourge of God for our sins, and corrupt doctrine, which in the sequel hereof, more evidently may appear to our eyes, for our better admonition.  
Fourthly, 
The fourth cause.  the consideration of this horrible persecution of the Turks, rising chiefly by our discord and dissension among ourselves, may reduce us again from our domestical wars, in killing and burning one of an other, to join together in Christian patience and concord.  
U. 
The fift cause.  but chiefly these great victories of the Turks and unprosperous speed of our men fight against them, may admonish & teach us, following the example of the old Israelites, how to seek for greater strength to encounter with these enemies of Christ, then hitherto we have done. First we must consider, that the whole power of Satan the prince of this world, goeth with the Turks. Which to resist, no strength of man's arm, is sufficient, but only the name, spirit, and power of our Lord jesus the son of god, going with us in our battles, 

Admonition to fight against the turk.  
Christian faith necessary to be joined with outward force against the turk.   as among the old Israelites, the ark of God's covenant and promise went with them also, fight against the enemies of God. For so are we taught in Scripture, that we christian men have no strength, but in Christ only. Whether we war against the devilt, or against the Turk it is true that the Scripture sayeth: Sine me nihil potestis facere. i. without me you ea do nothing. Otherwise there is no puissance to stand against the devil or to conquer the world, Nisi fides nostra: that is, our faith only all the promises of God (touching salvation) be annexed, beyond which promises we must not go, for the word must be our rule. He that presumeth beyond the promises in the word expressed, goeth not, but wandereth, he can not tell whether. Neither must we appoint God, how to save the world, but must take that way which he hath appointed. Let us not set our God to school, nor comprehend his holy spirit within our skulls. 
Gratis venum ●ati●stis. gratis ●e●imemini. Elai 52.  He that made us without our counsel, did also redeem us as pleased him. If he be merciful, let us be thankful. And if his mercies surmount our capacity, let us therefore not resist, but search his word, and thereunto apply our will: which if we will do, all but contentious will soon be at a point. Let us therefore search the will of our God in his word, and if he will his salvation to stand free to all nations, 
Omnes s●tientes venite ad aquas, emite absque argento et commutatione. Elai. 55.  why do we make merchandise thereof? If he have graciously offered his waters to us, without money or money worth, let us not hedge in the plenteous springes of his grace given us.  
And finally, if God have determined his own son only to stand alone, let not us presume to admixed with his majesty any of our trumpery. He that bringeth S. George or S. Devise as patrons, to the field to fight against the turk, leaveth Christ (no doubt) at home. Now how we have fought these many years against the Turk: though stories keep silence, yet the success declareth. We fight against a persecutor, being no less persecutors ourselves. We wrestle against a bloody tyrant, and our hands be as full of blood as his. He killeth Christ's people with the sword: and we burn them with fire. He observing the works of the law, seeketh his justice by the same: the like also do we. But neither he nor we seek our justification as we should, that is, by faith only in the son of God.  
And what marvel then, if our doctrine being as corrupt almost, as his: and our conversation worse, if Christ fight not with us, fight against the Turk? The Turk hath prevailed so mightily, not because Christ is weak, but because that Christians be wicked, and their doctrine impure. Our temples with Images, our hearts with idolatry are polluted: Our priests stink before God for adultery, being restrained from lawful matrimony. The name of god is in our mouths, 
Reformation of religion requisite before we fight with the turks.  but his fear is not in our hearts. We war against the Turk with our works, Masses, traditions and ceremonies: but we fight not against him with Christ and with the power of his glory, which if we did, the field were won.  
Wherefore briefly to conclude, 
Faith getteth victory.  saying my judgement in this behalf, what I suppose: this hope I have, & do believe that when the Church of Christ with the Sacraments thereof, shallbe so reform, that Christ alone shall be received to be our justifier, all other religions, merits, tradition, images, patrons and advocates set a part: the sword of the Christians, with the strength of Christ, shall soon vanquish the Turks pride and fury. But of this more largely in the process of this story.  
The sixth and last cause, 
The sixth cause.  why I think the knowledge of the Turks history, requisite to be considered, is this: be cause that many there be, which for the they be farther from the Turks, and think therefore themselves to be out of danger, take little care and study, what happeneth to their other brethren. Wherefore to the intent to excite their zeal and prayer to almighty God, in this so lamentable ruin of Christ's church: I thought it requisite by order of history, to give this our nation also something to understand, what hath been done in other nations by these cruel Turks, and what detriment hath been and is like more to happen by them, to the Church of Christ, except we make our earnest invocation to almighty God, 
Earnest invocation necessary in the Church of Christ.  in the name of his son, to stop the course of the devil by these Turks, and to stay this defection of Christians falling daily unto them, and to reduce them again to his faith which are fallen from him. Which the Lord jesus of his grace, grant with speed. Amen.  
Before we enter into this story of the Turks and Saracens, first let us call to remembrance the Prophecy and forewarning of S. Paul writing to the Thess. in his 2. Epistle, in these words: 
2. thess. 2.  Be not moved nor troubled in your minds, either by preaching, or by writing, or by letter from us, as though the day of the Lord were at hand: for the Lord will not come except there come a defection first, and the wicked person be revealed. etc. Of this defection sundry minds there be, 

The place of S. Paul expounded.  
2. thess. 2. speaking of the defection to come.   of sundry expositors: some thinking this defection to mean a falling away from the Empire of Rome: some from the obedience of the Pope. But as S. Paul little passed upon the outward glory of the roman Empire: so less he passed upon the proud obedience of the Pope. What Saint Paul meant by this defection, the reading of these Turkish stories, and the miserable falling away of these Churches by him before planted, will soon declare.  

The number of the apocalypse, cap. 13. expounded.  Another mystery there is in the Revelations, Apoc. 13. where the number of the beast is counted 666. Whereby may seem by all evidences, to be signified the first origen and springing of these beastly Saracens, as by sequel hereof may appear by the first rising of this devilish sect of Mahumet. 
another place, Apocal. 16.   

Et sextus Angelus effudit phialam suam. etc.  Moreover, an other place there is, cap. 16. Apoca. where we read that by pouring out of the Phial of God's wrath. of the sixth Angel, the great flood Euphrates was dried up, to let in the kings of the East: the opening of which Prophecy, may also more evidently appear, in considering the order and manner of the coming in of these Turks into Europe.  
Some also apply to the Turks certain Prophecies of Daniel, ezechiel, and other places of the old Testament more, which here I omit, for so much as the Prophecies of the old Testament, if they be taken in their proper & native sense, after my judgement, do extend no further, then to the death of our Saviour, and the end of the jews kingdom. Albeit herein I do not prejudicate to any man's opinion, but that every man may abound in his own sense.  
As touching the year and time when this pestiferous sect of Mahumet first began, 
The time of Mahumete the false prophet expounded.  histories do not fully consent: Some affirming that it began, an. 621. and in the 10. year of Heraclius Emperor of Constantinople: in which mind is joannes Lucidus. As Munsterus counteth, it was in the year of our Lord 622. Martin Luther, & john carrion referreth it to the 18. year of the reign of Heraclius, which is the year of our Lord 630. Unto the which number the computation of the Beast signified in the Apocali. 
The number of the beast in the Apo. cap. 13.  doth not far disagree, which numbereth the name of the Beast, with three Greek letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Greek letters after the supputation of the Grecians, make the number of 666.  
In this all writers agree, that this damnable mohammed was borne in the country of Arabia, bordering on the East part of jewry. 
Mahumet of the stock of the Ismalites dwelling in Arabia.  His father was a Syrian, or a Persian, his Mother was an Ismalite, which Ismalites being a people of Arabia, were called then Agarens: which term Mahumet afterward turned to the name of Saracens. Of this wretched Mahumete mention was made before. pag. 124. where we showed, how he making himself the highest Prophet of all other, yet denieth not Christ to be an holy Prophet and next to him, and Moses also to be an other. Moreover he denieth not Mary the mother of Christ to be a virgin, and to have conceived Christ by the holy ghost, affirming further that Christ in his own person was not crucified, but another called judas for him. He greatly commendeth also john the son of Zachary for a virgin: 
The prodigious lies & blasphemies of Mahumets Koran.  when he himself permitteth a man to have 4. wives, and as many concubines as he is able to find: & saith that where as Christ & other Prophets had the gift given them to work miracles, he was sent by force of sword, to compel men to his religion. The prodigious vanities, lies, & blasphemies contained in his law called Koran, are rather to be laughed at, then recited.  
It is thought that Sergius a Nestorian, was a great doer with Manhumet, in contriving of this lying Alchoram & so it doth well appear by the scope and pretence thereof which especially tendeth to this end, to take the divinity from the person of Christ, whom he granteth notwithstanding to be a most holy man, & also that he is received up to God and shall come again to kill Antichrist. etc.  
Moreover this ridiculous Koran is so blaunched & powdered with so divers mixtures of the Christians, 
Mahumetes Koran mingled with divers laws.  jews and the Gentiles laws, giving such liberty to all wantonness of flesh, setting up circumcision, abstaining from swine's flesh and judaical lotions, and so much standeth upon Father Abraham, that it is supposed of some, this filthy Alchoram, not to be set out in the days of mohammed, but that certain jews had some handling also in this matter, and put it out after his death: and so seemeth first to take his force about the number of years limited in the Apocal. as is aforesaid, 
The numeration of the Apoc. 666.  where thus it is written: He that hath intelligence, let him count the number of the beast: For it is the number of a man, and his number is six hundred, six score and six.  
After this devilish mohammed had thus seduced the people, teaching them that he came not by miracles, but by force of sword, to give his law, & that they which will not obey it must either be put to death or else pay tribute (for so be the words of the Koran) and after that he had gathered strength about him, of the Arabians, which Arabians then had occasion to rebel against the Emperor, because their stipends were not paid them of Heraclius the Emperor's officers: he began to range with force and violence in the parts of Syria bordering near unto him, 
Damascus' subdued of the Saracens  and first subdued Mecha, than Damascus: and further increasing in power, entered into Egypt, and subdued the same. From thence he turned his power against the Persians, with whom Cosroes the king of Parsia, encountering with a puissant army, 
Mahumet put to flight by Cosroes king of the Persians.  overthrew the Saracens, & put mohammed to fight. Of these Persians came the Turks, which afterward joining with the Saracens, maintained them against the Christians. Ex Munster.  
After the death of this beast, which as some say, was poisoned in his house succeeded Ebocara, or Ebubecer his father in law, or as Bibliander affirmeth, his son in law who took upon him the government of the Saracens, and got the City Gaza, 
Jerusalem besieged.  and besieged also Jerusalem two years. He reigned two years, having for his chief City, Damaicus.  
After him followed Omar, or Ahumar, who conquered a great part of Syria, and got Egypt.  


Cesaria got of the Saracens.  
The kingdom of the Persians subdued to the Saracens. Arabia, Palestina, Phenicia, Syria, Egypt and Persia, subdued of the Saracens Constance the Emperor overcome by the Saracens.  
Murder commonly prospereth not with the Lord.  
Rhodes spoiled of the Saracens.   The 4. king of the Saracens after Mahumet, was Odmen, than followed Haly, & after him Muhanias: which after the siege of 7. years, obtained & got the christian City of Cesaria: also overcame the Persians, with their king Orunasda, and subdued that country to his law.  
Thus the wicked Saracens in the space of 30. years subdued Arabia, got Palestina, Phenicia, Syria, Egypt, and Persia: which came directly to the 666. years, prophesied of in the Revelations of S. john, as is aforesaid. And not long after they proceeded further, and got Africa, and then Asia, as in the process of their story shall appear, the Lord willing.  
Not long after, Heraclius Emperor of Constantinople, succeeded Constans his nephew, who in the 13. year of his Empire, fight unluckily against the Saraceus in Licia, was overthrown of Muhamas aforesaid in the year of our Lord 655. Which Constans if he were not prospered by the Lord in his wars, it was no great marvel, considering that he had slain his brother Theodosius before at home: moreover lived in incestuous matrimony: also being inclined to certain new sects, could not abide the contrary teachers, but slew them which admonished him thereof. The said Constans going afterward to Italy, was also overcome of the Lombard's, etc. the Saracens after this victory spoiled also Rhodes.  
Although these cursed Saracens, in these their great victories & conquests, were not without domestical seditions and divisions among themselves, 
Sultanes first called.  yet the princes of the Saracens, being called then Sultan's, had in their possession, the government of Syria, Egypt, Africa, & of a great part of Asia, about the term of 400. years: till at length the Saracen king which ruled in Persia, fight against the Saracene of Babylon, 
The first rising of the turks.  sought aid of the Turks, to fight with him against the Sultan of Babylon. The which Turks by little and little surprised upon the Sultan of Persia, & not long after putting him out of place, usurped the king doom of Persia: which afterward went further, as ye shall hear the Lord willing. And this is the first beginning of the Turks dominion.  
These Turks after they had thus overcome great countries and provinces: and made their power large & mighty both in Asia and Europa, begun to divide their kingdoms & countries amongst themselves. But when they could not agree, but with deadly war contended for the bounds of those kingdoms and dominions: in the mean time 4. of the principal families conquering and subduing all the rest, 
The turks dominions parted into 4. families.  parted the whole Empire amongst themselves. And yet they also not so contented, fell to such cruel hatred, contention, war, and slaughter (no doubt by the just judgement of God against his blasphemous enemies) that there was no end thereof, until the remnant of the ancient Turks was utterly rooted out.  
For it is evident, that there are few now remaining which are Turks in deed by birth and blood, and that the state of that great empire is not upholden, but by the strength an● power of soldiers, which have been Christians, and now are turned to Mahumetes Religion: so that even their own natural language is now out of use amongst them, saving in certain families of their nobility and gentlemen.  
These four families above mentioned, with their Captains and armies, about the year of our Lord. 1330, went raging throughout all Asia and Europa, and every one of them conquered some part of the countries where they passed.  

The dissensention of the Christians do make the turks so strong.  The causes of these great invasions and victories were the dissension and discord, falsehood, idleness, unconstancy, greedy avarice, lack of truth and fidelity among Christian men of all states and degrees, both high and low. For by the wilful defection and backsliding of the Christians, the Turkish power did exceedingly increase, in that many ●rsiring the licentious life & liberty of war, & alured with the prosperous success of things, forsook the Church of God, and made themselves bond slaves to mohammed and his devilish sect: b●th because that fleshly liberty is delighting to all men, and partly also because, as fortune favoureth, so commonly the wills of men incline: And again such as be profane and without the fear of God, (whereof there is an infinite number in the Church) in all ages, are wont commonly to judge of Religion, according to the success of realms and kingdoms. For if any, not only for the variety of opinions, but also for the diversity of events and fortune amongst men, have inquired and do inquire, whether there be any Church of God distyncte from other nations: what it is, and where it is: especially, for so much as the greatest part of men, both in the old time, when as the four Monarchies flourished in order, was ignorant of this doctrine, which is peculiar to the Church alone, and now also the barbarity of Mahumet prevaileth & reigneth in the most part of the world. And how standeth this with man's reason, that a small number both miserable and also feebled and broken with many battles, should be regarded and loved of God, and the other flourishing in all wealth, prosperity, victories, authority and power, should be rejected and despised of God, seeing there is no power and authority, but by the ordinance of God? Albeit therefore, the power of the Turks hath been, for these two hundredth years, of greater force, than any other Monarchy of the world besides: 
No impe●lall country in all the turkish dominions.  yet is there no Imperial dignity to be esteemed in that Turkish tyranny: but amongst those nations only, where the heavenly doctrine of the Gospel is preached, & other disciplines necessary for the Church of God, & the common life of man maintained and regarded: where the laws of God, & other honest and civil ordinances agreeable to the same, do flourish and reign: where lawful judgement is exercised: where virtue is honoured and rewarded: where sin and wickedness is punished: where honest families are maintained and defended.  
These things are not regarded amongst the Turks, 
The description of the turks unordinate Empire.  the enemies of the son of God, and all lawful empires: because they dissolve and reject all godly focietyes, honest discipline, good laws, policies, righteous judgements, the ordinance of matrimony, and godly families. For what hath the Empire of the Turks been hitherto, but most deadly, cruel, and perpetual war, to work all mischief, destruction and desolation? to subvert good laws, Cities, kingdoms, policies, and to enlarge their cruel power & dominion? The stay and strength whereof, is not love and favour proceeding of virtue and justice, as in lawful and well governed empires: but fear, violence, oppression, swarms and infinite thousands of barbarous and most wicked people, ministers of Satan's malice & fury. Which kind of dominion and tyranny hath been condemned by the voice of God, 
Ezech. 39 Apoc. 20.  many years ago: the testimonies whereof the Lord would have to remain in the Church, lest the godly being moved with the power & success thereof, should fall away and forsake the son of God.  
Wherefore, let us not se●ke for any Imperial state in that barbarity: but let us be thankful, & acknowledge the great benefit of God, for that he hath reserved to us certain remnants of the roman Empire: And let us call upon him daily with hearty petitions and groans & with zeal and love to the house of God, that this Turkish power joined with the malice of Satan, against the son of God, prevail not against the poor congregations & little remnant of his Church, as it hath hitherto done against those strong and noble christian kingdoms and churches, were now we see the Turkish tyranny to reign & Satan to have taken full possession. 
The Christian kingdoms and churches destroyed by the turks, are a warning for us, whom God hath yet spared.  Whose state was once far better than ours is now, and more like to continue without such horrible overthrows and desolation Oh that we might foresee a little the great danger that hangeth over our heads. For though the Turk seemeth to be far of, yet do we nourish within our breasts at home, that may soon cause us to feel his cruel hand and worse, if worse may be, to overrun us: to lay our land waste: to scatter us amongst the Infidels, the enemies and blasphemers of the son of God.  
Now, 
Four principal families of the turk.  although these 4. families above mentioned, long continued together in bloody wars and deadly hatred, yet one of them passed the rest in all cruelty and tyranny, and subduing the other 3. families, took upon him the government alone, 
The family of Ottomannus.  and so became the first Monarch, or Emperor that reigned among them, called Ottomannus, of whom all that reigned after him, were called Ottomanni. Who succeeding orderly of his line, have occupied the same dominion and seat of the Turks, from the year of our Lord 1300. unto this present time, which have been to the number of 12. Of the which 12. in such order as they lived and reigned, I intent (Christ so permitting) scuerally and compendiously something to entreat, briefly abstracting out of prolix and ●edious writers, such specialties, as for us Christians, shall be chiefly requisite to be known.   

¶ Ottomannus the first great Emperor or Tyrant of the Turks.  

Ottomannus the first Emperor of the Turks.  THis Ottomannus was at the first, of poor estate and obscure amongst the common sort of men, coming of a base progeny and of rustical parents: but through his valiantness and activity in war, he got him a great name amongst the Turks. For he being a man of fierce courage, refusing no labour and delighting in war, and gathering together by great subtlety and multitude of common soldiers, began to make war, and by conquests and victories, to advance himself and his family. first he began to rob and spoil with a great band of rovers and afterward he attempted to set upon all men. Neither did he vex and destroy the Christians only, but set upon his own nation also, 
Inward war among the Turks.  and sought all occasion to subdue them wholly unto him. For now the Princes and Captains of the Turks, inflamed with ambition and desire of rule, began to fall out and contend among themselves, in so much that they fell to domestical and inward war, with all the power they could.  

The coming up of Ottomamnus.  Ottomannus having this occasion very fit & meet to accomplish that which he long had sought for, gathering unto him all such as he thought to be given to robbing and spoiling, and set all upon mischief, in short time began to grow in authority, & first set upon certain towns, as he saw opportunity to serve him: Of which towns, some he took by force, some by yielding, other some he spoiled & overthrew, to terrify the rest, thus laying the first foundation of his rising. In the mean time, the discord which was among the Christians, was no small advantage to this Ottomannus, 
Bithynia, Anatolia, Ancyra, Sinope, Sebastia, subdued.  by occasion whereof, he within x. years space, subdued Bethinia, and all the provinces about Pontus: Also Anatolia, which comprehendeth all the dominion of the Greeks within Asia: Ancyra a City in Phrigia: Sinope a City in Galatia: and Sabastia a City in Capadocia: and thus still prevailing, he increased in short time, to a mighty power, either through the secret judgement of God against that nation, or else because God would have them so far & so cruelly to prevail, for the punishmen of the sins of other nations, like as it was prophesied before, 
Ezech. 38.  that such a kingdom there should be of Gog and Magog.  
This Ottomannus, after he had reigned 28. years in the year of our Lord 1527. died, and departed to his mohammed, leaving behind him three sons, of whom Orcanes being the youngest, killed his two brethren, whilst they were at variance between themselves.   

¶ Orcanes the second Emperor after Ottomannus.  

Orcanes' the second Emperor of the Turks, after Ottomannus. Mysia, Lydia, Lycaonia, Phrigia, Caria, Prusia, Nicia, Nicomedia. Christian Cities subdued of the Turks. Civil war among the Grecians.  Orchanes', the youngest of the sons of Ottomannus, after he had slain his two brethren, took the regiment of the turks after his father. Who after he had drawn to him the hearts of the multitude, such as had their dispositions set upon the licentious life of war, converted his power, further to enlarge his father's dominion: winning & subduing Mysia, Lydia, Lycaonia, Phrygia, and Caria: All which countries, being within the compass of Asia, unto the sea side of Hellespontus, and the sea Euxinus, he added to the Turkish Empire. Also he wan Prusia: which was the metropolitan City of Bythinia, which then he made the chief seat of the Turks Empire. Besides these moreover, he conquered Nicaea, & got Nicomedia: all which were before Christian Cities & regions. And yet all this could not make the Christian Princes in Grecia, to cease their civil wars, & to join & accord among themselves: Such debate and variance was then between Cantacuzenus, on the Greeks part, & Paleologus the Emperor of Constantinople. By reason whereof, the turks aid was sent for out of Asia, to help our Christians one to kill an other, and at length to get all those parts of Europe from them both. Who if they had according to their profession, so well joined in brotherly unity, 
By the discord of Christians, the Turks increase.  as they did in cruel hostility dissent, neither had Orcanes so prevailed in getting Prusia from the Grecians, neither had the turks so soon presumed into Europe as afterward they did. Orcanes' after these victories, when he had reigned 22. years was strooken, as some say, with a dart in the shoulder, at the siege of Prusia. The opinion of others is, that he fight against the Tartarians, where he lost a great part of his army, was there also slain himself. an. 1349.   

¶ Amurathes the 3. after Ottamannus.  
THe Greek writers do hold that Orcanes had two sons, Solimannus, and Amurathes. Of which two, first Solimannus reigned albeit not long. 
Amurathes the third ●●●ter Ottomannus.  After him followed Amurathes, who after that Asia now was subdued by his predecessors, sought by all means and ways how to proceed further & to invade Europe. To whose ambitious purpose the domestical wars of the Christians gave unprosperous occasion: 
Amurathes seeketh occasion to invade Europe.  which occasion is thus declared. Certain discord fell between the princes of Greece (whose captain was Cantaguzenus) and Paleologus Emperor of Constantinople. Whereupon Paleologus, for that he was not able to make his party good with the Grecians, most unwisely sent for Amurathes, to help him. Who being glad to have such an occasion offered, which he so long had sought, sent to aid him 12000. Turk's into Thracia: but first used all delays he could, of crafty policy to the intent that the Greeks first should waste their strength and power upon themselves, whereby he might be more able afterward to set upon them, and to accomplish his conceived desire.  
The Turks thus being called into Europe, by the Christians, whether they tasting the sweetness of the soil incensed Amurathes their Emperor to make invasion, 
The first coming of the Turk into Europe  or whether Amurathes of his own head thought good to use the time, in the year of our Lord 1363. he came himself over into Europe with 60000. Turks, falling upon the Grecians, being wasted and spent with their long wars and battles before. 
The covetousness of Christians brought over the Turks. Callipolis, Philippolis, Adrianopolis, Thracia, gotten of the Turks.  The pretence of the devilish Turk was to aid and to assist the Emperor Peleologus, whether he would or no, and to subdue such as had fallen from him. The Christian ships of the Ligurians for money were hired to conduct them over, taking for every soldier a piece of gold. Ex Pucer. & alijs.  
Thus the Turks army being conveyed over by the Grecianssea called Hellespontus, first got Callipolis with other towns and Cities bordering about the sea, & there planting themselves, and preparing ships of their own for transporting their munitions out of Asia, advanced their power further into Thracia, and there wan Philip polis, then got Adrianopolis, which was not far from Constantinople, & there Amurathes made his chief seat. Then began Paleologus the Emperor at length to bewail his offer & covenant made with Amurathes. 
The Turks entereth into Mysia and Bulgaria, and Seru●a. Lazarus Despota overcome of the Turks.  When the Turks had expugned thus a great part of Thracia, they extended forth their army unto Mysia, which they soon subdued: from thence proceeding and conquering the Bessos' and Triballos, they entered into Servia, and Bulgaria: where they joining battle with Lazarus Despota prince of Servia, and with other Dukes of Dalmatia, and Epirus, wan of them the field, & put them to the worse: where Lazarus Despota being taken, 
Example of a faithful servant. The death of Amurathes.  and committed to prison, ended his life. This Lazarus had a certain faithful client or servant, who to revenge his masters death, with a bold courage, although seeing death before his eyes, yet ventured his life so far, that he came to the tyrant & thrust him through with his dagger. This Amurathes reigned. 23. years, and was slain in the year of our Lord 1372.   

Baiazetes the 4. after Ottomannus. 
Baiazetes the 4. after Ottomannus.   
THe power of the Turks began to increase in Europe, what time Baiazetes, the first of that name, after the death of his father, entered the possession of the turks kingdom. This Baiazetes had 2. brethren, Solimamnus & Sauces. Which Sauces had his eyes put out by his father for striving for the kingdom. Solimamnus was slain of his brother. Thus Baiazetes beginning his kingdom with the murder of his brother, reduced his Imperial seat from Prusia a city of Bythinia, unto Adrianople, intending with himself to subdue both Asia & Europe to his own power. 
Marcus Despota slain of the Turk. Servia, Macedonia. Bulgaria, Phocides, Thracia, Attica, Thessalia, with other Christian countries cóquered of the Turks. Constantinople besieged 8. years by the Turks.  First he set upon the Seruians and Bulgarians, thinking to revenge his father's death, where he gave the overthrow to Marcus Despota, with all the nobility of the Seruians and Bulgarians, and put all those parties under his subjection unto the fines and borders of the Illyrians. All Thracia moreover he brought likewise under his yoke, only Constantinople and Pera excepted. That done, he invaded the residue of Grecia, prevailing against the countries of Thessalia, Macedonia, Phocides, and Attica, spoiling and burning as he passed, without any resistance: and so returning with innumerable spoil of the Christians, unto Adrianople, laid siege to Constantinople the space of viij. years, and had expugned the same, but that Paleologus being brought to extremity, was driven to crave aid of the frenchmen, and of Sigismond the Emperor. Who being accompanied with a sufficient power of Frenchmen & germans, came down to Hungaria & toward Servia against the Turk. Baiazetes hearing of their coming, raised his siege from Constantinople, and with 60000. horsemen, 
The Christians overthrown of the Turks. Sigismond Emperor put to flight The barbarous cruelty of the turks, against the Christians.  came to Nicopolis, where he encountering with them, overthrew all the Christian army, took john the Captain of the French power prisoner: Sigismundus, which before in the Council of Constance, had burned john Hus & Jerome of prague, hardly escaped by flying. Baiazetes after the victory got, carried away Duke john, with five other in hands, into Prusia, where before his face he caused all the other christian prisoners to be cut in pieces.  
afterward the said john being ransomed with 200000. crowns, was delivered. Some authors refer this story to the time of Calepinus, as followeth hereafter to be seen.  
Baiazetes the cruel tyrant after this victory won, & tyranny showed upon the Christians, returned again to his siege of Constantinople, fully bending himself to conquer and subdue the same, which thing no doubt he had accomplished, 
Tamerlanes a Parthian stirred up of God to revenge the cause of the Christians. Baiazetes son taken and slain. Cruelty justly revenged with cruelty Baiazetes raiseth his siege from Constantinople.  but that the providence of God had found such a means that Tamerlanes King of Parthia, with an 100 thousand horsemen, and swarms of footmen, like a violent flood, overrunning Asia, and pressing upon Syria and Sebastia, had taken Orthobules the son of Baiazetes, prisoner, and afterward slew him, exercising the like cruelty upon his prisoners, as Baiazetes had done before upon the Christians: insomuch that he spared neither sex nor age of the Turkish multitude: of whom he caused xij. thousand at one time, to be overriden and trodden down under his horses feet. By reason whereof, Baiazet's the tyrant was enforced to raise his siege from Constantinople, & to return his power into Asia: where he, near the hill called Stella, pitched his tents there to encounter with Tamerlanes.  
The fight between these ij. was long & great on both sides, which was in the year of our Lord 1397. and the second year after the slaughter of our Christians at Nicopolis in Ponnonia: but the victory of this battle fell to Tamerlanes at length. 
Baiazetes overcome of Tamerlanes king of Parthians.  In the which battle as Munsterus writeth, were slain 2000000. Turks. Among whom, Baiazetes the tyrant, having his horse slain under him, was taken prisoner, and to make a spectacle of his wretched fortune, was bound in golden fetters, and so being enclosed in an iron grate (whom before all Grecia could not hold) was led about and showed through all Asia, to be scorned & laughed at: and moreover was used in stead of a footstool to Tamerlanes, 
The just hand of God upon a cruel persecutor. Baiazetes made for a block for Tamerlanes to get upon his horse. Vi●d. supra. pag. 73. The great victories of Tamerlanes in Asia.  or a block, as often as he mounted upon his horse. Some add also, that he was made like a dog to feed under Tamerlanes table. The tyranny of which Baiazetes against the Christians, as it was not much unlike to the cruelty of Ualerianus the Roman Emperor above mentioned, pag. 73. so neither was the example of his punishment much discrepant, for as Sapores King of the Persians did then with Ualerianus in time of the eight persecution of the primative Church: so likewise was Baiazetes this persecutor worthily handled by Tamerlanes king of the Parthians, as in manner abovesaid.  
Tamerlanes after this conquest, passed with his army into Mesopotamia, to Egypt, and all Syria, where he victoriously subduing the Cities and munitions of the Turks, at length also conquered Damascus. In his sieges his manner was, the first day to go all in white attire, the second day in red, the third day in black: signifying thereby mercy the first day to them that yielded, the second day the sword, the third day fire and ashes. At last, after great victories, and spoils gotten of the Turks, he returned into his Country again, and there died, anno 1402.  
Seb. Munsterus writing of this Tamerlanes, recordeth that he had in his army 200. thousand men: 
Ex Seb. Munstero lib. 4. Cosmograph  and that he overcame the Parthians, Scythians, Hiberians, Albans Persians, Medes, and conquered all Mesopotamia: and after he had also subdued Armenia, passing over the river Euphrates with six hundred thousand footmen, 
Tanais is the uttermost flood in the North side: and Nilus the uttermost flood in the South side of Asia.  and 4000000. horsemen, he invaded all Asia Minor, conquering and subduing from the flood Tanais unto Nilus in Egypt, and was called terror orbis, the terror of the world. He left behind him two sons, who falling in discord for their possessions, lost all again that their father got.  
In the mean time Baiazetes in the second year of his captivity, died, leaving behind him divers sons, jesus or josua the eldest, 
A generation of Vipers  Mulsumanes, Moses, Celebinus, or Calepinus, jesus the younger, Mustapha's, and Hali, of whom first jesus the eldest was overcome and slain of Mulsumanes: which Mulsumanes afterward was delivered to Moses his brother, and by him was slain likewise, which Moses had also the like end by his brother Calepinus, having his neck broken with a bow string, which was then the usual manner among the Turks in killing their brethren. The same Calepinus sparing only the life of Mustapha's his other brother, condemned him to perpetual prison. jesus the younger was baptized, & shortly after departed at Constantinople. In these such disorders and divisions among the Turks, what occasions were given to the Christias to have recovered again of the Turks that they had lost, if they had not been either negligent, or in their own private wars otherwise occupied with themselves.   

¶ Calepinus the 5. after Ottomannus.  
CAlepinus, 
Calepinus the fift, after Ottomannus.  or Celebinus was the son of Baiazetes, and of four brethren, the eldest: who being all taken captives of the Parthians, he only escaped and obtained his father's kingdom. This Calepinus encouraged by the sloth and negligence of the Princes of Europe, and by the discord of the Grecians amongst themselves and other nations near about them, long troubled and vexed the Bulgarians, Seruians, and Macedonians, even to the time of Sigismundus. Which Sigismundus seeing now Baiazetes to be overcome and taken of Tamerlane, and the power of the Turks weakened in Europe, & having such occasion offered him, as it were from heaven, to destroy and utterly to root out, not only out of Asia but also all Europe, that barbarous nation, and cruel enemies to the name and Religion of Christ: and also to revenge the great slaughter and discomfiture of his army fight before with Baiazetes at Nicopolis a City in Mysia: with great power made war against Calepinus at Columbatium a Town in Servia, 
Vide supra. pag. 7●9. The overthrow of Sigismond, fight against the Turk. Some stories record this conflict to be after the time of this Turk.  as is also before mentioned. pag. 719. but as unluckily and with as little success as he did before against Baiazetes his father: For in that battle were slain of the Christians to the number of xx. thousand, and the rest utterly discomfited, the king himself escaping so hardly, that he entered not again into his kingdom for the space of 18. months after. Some writ that this was done under Baiazetes, other some refer this battle to Amurathes, but howsoever it was, most pernicious was it to the Christians. He reigned but vi. years and died very young. an. 1404.   

¶ Orcanes and Moses his uncle, the sixth after Ottomanus.  
AFter the captivity of Baiazetes above mentioned, 
Orcanes and Moses his uncle. Diversity in histories.  histories diversly do dissent. The Greek writers making no mention at alof Calepinus, only make mention of the sons of Baiazetes, & of the contention among them. until the time of Muhumetes. The Latin stories writing of the children of Baiezetes and of their succession, do not therein agree, some affirming that Baiazetes had two sons, Orcanes' surnamed Calepinus, & Mahumetes his brother, which within two years slew the said Calepinus, and entered his dominion. Other attribute to Baiazetes more sons, as is above rehearsed. Some again do give to Baiazetes only these two sons Celebinus and Mustapha's: and hold that Calepinus or Celebinus had two sons, 
Tyranny between uncle and nephew. Murder revenged with murder.  to wit, Orcanes and Mahumetes, and add moreover that the said Orcanes being somewhat young, was slain of his uncle Moses, who governed but ij. years. For Mahumetes to revenge his brother's death slew Moses, and invaded his dominion. The Greek stories make no mention at all of Orcanes.   

¶ Mahumetes the 7. after Ottomannus.  
THis Mahumetes, 
Mahomates the 7. after Ottomamnus. Wallachia assaulted by Mahomates.  whether he was the son of Baiazetes, or else of Calepinus, converted to himself alone the kingdom, or tyranny rather, of the murdering Turks. Who afflicted the Christians with sore wars within Europe, especially the country called Wallachia, lying not far from the flood Danubius, between Hungary & Thracia. From thence he removed into Asia, where he recovered divers parts in Galatia, Pontus, Capadocia, Cilicia, which before Tamerlanes had alienated from the Turks. 
The Turks seat at Adrianopolis.  This Mahumetes planted his chief Imperial seat in Adrianople not far from Constantinople, within the country of Thracia. In some writers the conflict between Sigismond & the great Turk, wherein the Christians were so discomfited, is referred rather to this Mahumetes, then to Calepinus: of which conflict mention is above made in the story of Sigismundus. pag. 719. This Mahumetes reigned, 
Vide supra. pag. 719.  as some say 14. years, & died in the year of our Lord. 1419. Other affirm 17. years.   

¶ Amurathes the second, 8. after Ottmannus.  

Amurathes the 8. after Ottomannus.  AMurathes, as Philelphus saith, was the son of Celebinus, as Laonicus Chalcondiles testifieth, of Mahumetes: whose son soever he was, a wretched traunt he was, and permitted as a scourge of God, to correct the sins of the Christians. In the story of Baiazetes, mention was made before of Mustapha's his son, who was condemned to perpetual prison by Calepinus his brother. This Mustapha's escaping out of his brother's prison, was conveyed to the Grecians, where he remained long in custody, till at length they understanding the purpose of Amurathes, 
Mustapha's murdered by Amurathes his nephew.  set him up with sufficient habiliments and furniture of war, to fight against the said Amurathes his nephew. But in conclusion, he being not able to make his party good, came into the hands of his enemy, and had his neck broke with a bowstring, after the manner of the Turkish execution.  
The Grecians then terrified with this sinister adversity required truce of the Turk, but when that would not be granted, they procured unto them Mustapha's, the other brother to Amurathes, being of the age of xiij. years: who likewise being armed of the Grecians, got the City of Nice in Bythinia, from Amurathes his brother: Albeit it was not long but he was circumvented in the same City, 
The turk murdereth his brother. Amurathes set against the Grecians. Thracia subdued to the turk. Thessalonica subdued. The defection spoken of Saint Paul declared. 2. Thess. 2.  and brought to Amurathes: who caused him likewise to taste of the same whip, as the other Mustapha's had done before. Amurathes being now out of all fear and doubt of brethren & kinsfolk to rise against him, converted all his power against the Grecians: and first ranging through out Thracia, where divers Cities yielded unto him, which before belonged to the Emperor of Constantinople, from thence he set forward to the noble and famous City Thessalonica, being then under the league and protection of the venetians. This Thessalonica is a City in Greece, bordering upon Macedonia, to the Citizens whereof, S. Paul writeth, foreshowing unto them in his 2. Epistle, of a defection to come before the coming of the day of the Lord 2. Thess. 2. By the which apostasy or defection, what the holy Apostle doth mean, this story of the Turks may easily declare. After Thessalonica was subdued, Phocis, with all the country about Athens, Beocia likewise, Aetolia, Acarnavia, with all the region beyond Peloponesus, unto the coast of Corinth, to whom S. Paul also wrote other two epistles, were brought in bondage and slavery unto the Turk.  

joannes Castriotus.  In Epirus, and in that quarter that adjoineth to Macedonia, named Albania, reigned then one joannes Castriotus, who perceiving himself too weak to match with the Turks power, made with the Turk this convention, that he should have Croia, 
Croia given to ●● turk. 〈◊〉. sons of ●●●triotus, hostages with the turk. Georgius Scanderbeius, Alexd the great.  a famous City in Grecia, and also gave to him his three sons for hostages, to wit, Constantinus, Reposius, and Georgius.  
In this George, such towardness of noble courage, such vigour of mind, and strength of body singularly did appear, that the Turk caused him more freely to be instructed after the Turkish religion and manner in his own court: where he being traded up, did so shoot up as well in feats of activity, as in strength of body, that he excelled all his equals: in so much that he was named Scanderbeins, which soundeth as much as Alexander Magnus.  
After this Alexander was grown up to mature ripeness of age, and was well trained up in feats of war, he was sent out by the Turk, 
The valiant Acts of Georgius Scanderbeius.  to war against Caramannus of Cilicia, The Turks enemy. In which expedition he sped himself most manfully, fight hand to hand, first with a footman of Scythia, then with an horseman of Persia, being challenged by them both to encounter, first with the one, after with the other: whom he so valiantly overthrew, the he won great renown with the Turk: In so much that he trusting to the Turks favour, when he heard of the decease of his father, durst ask of the Turk the grant of his father's dominion to be given unto him. Which request, although Amurathes the Turk did not deny him: yet notwithstanding he perceiving the matter to be dallied out with fair words, by subtle means and policy 
* Georgius Scáderbeius stealeth away from the turk to his country Cro●ia recovered Epyrus and Macedonia recovered from the turk. The valiant a●●es of Georg●us Scanderbei●●● against the turks.  slipped out of the Turks court, and came to Epirus his own inheritance: where first by forged letters he recovered Croia. The other Cities of their voluntary mind, yielded themselves unto him, who then gathering unto him the people of Epirus & Macedonia (which were not so many in number, as with good willing minds they stuck unto him) so manfully and valiantly behaved himself, that against all the puissance both of Amurathes, and also of Mahumete, he maintained his own, repulsed their violence, and put to flight their armies, many years together. But to return again to the course of Amurathes victories, after he had thus prevailed (as is before signified) against the East parts of Europa and Grecia, 
Illi●le●, or Selavonia, Dalmatia, Croatia, Istria, Liburnia, Albania, Bosna, spoiled and wasted by the turk.  and had convented thus for the dommion of Epirus, he invaded Iluricum, (otherwise called now Sclavonia) containing in it Dalmatia, Croacia, Isiria, and Liburnia: which Countries after he had spoiled and wasted, he continued his course to Albania, and Bosna. In which regions, when he had subdued a great part, and had led away an innumerable multitude of captives, he moved further to Walachia and Servia, upon hope to conquer all Pannonia.  
There reigned at the same time in Servia a certain prince named Georgius Despota, 
Georgius Despota prince of Servia. An ungodly grant of a Christian father to mary his daughter to the turk. Scopia, Sophia, Novomonte, Mysia subdued of the turk. Georgius Despota fled into Hungary. The cruelty of the turk upon his wives brother. Belgradum besieged of the turk.  who made great suit to the Turk for truce & peace, promising to give his daughter to marriage: for by the Turks law they may marry as many wives as they lust. It was not long after Amurathes had married the daughter of Despota, but he contrary to his league and promise, made war upon Despota his father in law, and expelled him out of his kingdom, taking from him divers Cities, as Scopia, Novomonte, Sophia, and all Misia. Georgius himself fled into Hungary, leaving behind him his son to defed the town of Sinderonia. Amurathes understanding of the flight of Despoto his father in law, compassed the City of Sinderonia with a strong siege, which when he in few days had expugned, he took his wives brother, son of Despota, and without regard of all mercy and affinity, after the barbarous tyranny of the Turks, put out his eyes, with a basin red hot set before his eyes, and after that led him about with him, in derision and despite of his cowardly father. Ex Christof. Rhicherio Gallo. & Gasp. Peuc & alijs.  
Servia being thus won and gotten, Amurathes thinking to go further into Hungary, besieged the City called Belgradum, and no doubt, had also suppressed the same, had not the providence of God found a means, that partly through slaughter of his men, partly for lack of victual and other forage, he was compelled to raise his siege and retire.  
In the mean time joannes Huniades (of whom mention was made before, 
joannes Huniades, Vaivoda.  pag. 720.) had got great victories against the Turkish power, and had recovered part of Servia, and all Muldavia: against whom, Amurathes the Turk, with a mighty army, moved into Pannonia. But Huniades with the power and aid of Ladislaus King of Polonia (but specially by the power of the Lord) did soon infringe the puissance of the Turk, and gave him the overthrow, recovering unto the Christians the greatest part of Servia and Bulgaria.  
In this battle Huniades had five sundry conflicts with the Turks upon one day, 
Five victories of joan. Huniades, against the turk gotten in one day. The great Baslaor duke of the turks overthrown by Huniades.  and with five victories put them to the worse, and toward night did so discomfit and overthrow the great captain of Amurathes, called Bassa, the Duke of Anatolia (which is otherwise named Asia Minor) that he slew of the Turks that day, to the number of 30. thousand. Amurathes, although he was not a little thereat discouraged, yet dissembling his fear, with stout countevace sent for Carambeius his principal stay & captain, with a new power brought out of Asia, to assist him in his wars. Then Carambeius, in the downs of Trasiluania, Ladislaus the foresaid king of Polony (the Lord so working) through the industry of joannes Huniades, 
The victory of Huniades against Carambeis the great captain of the turks. The great turk brought to a great distress.  so received & with such celerity oppressed him unprovided, that all his stout & sturdy army either was slain down right, or else put to flight & disparkled, Carambeius the Captain being himself taken prisoner in the same field.  
These victories of Huniades struck no little terror to Amurathes, in somuch that for distress of mind he was ready to destroy himself (as some do write) but being confirmed by Helibeus Bassa his counsellor, he kept himself within the streites of the mount Rhodope. Who then hearing that Caramannus invaded the same time the country of Bithynia and Pontus in Asia: 
Amurathes seeketh truce of the Christians.  was glad to take truce with Ladislaus and Huniades upon such conditions as they listed to make themselves: which conditions were these, that Amurathes should departed clearly from all the region of Sernia, 
The conditions between Ladislaus king of Polony, and Amurathes.  and should remove from thence all his garrisons, which were placed in the Castles and forts of the same: Also he should restore George Despota (which is to say) Prince of Servia unto his possession, and set his children free, whom he had in captivity, and restore them to their inheritance. Item, that he should make no more claim nor title to the country of Moldonia above mentioned, nor to that part of Bulgravia which he had lost: 
Truce between the Christians & the turks for x. years.  and that he should desist hereafter from all wrongs and injuries against the Christians. Upon these conditions the Turk being agreed, so was truce concluded on both parts for ten years, and with solemn oath between them confirmed.  

Amurathes returneth into Asia. The Pope's dispensation and absolution abused.  This done, Amurathes the tyrant addresseth himself toward Asia, to resist the invasion of Caramannus aforesaid. At what time Pope Eugenius so soon as he heard the Turk to be returned into Asia, sendeth julianus Caesarianus his Cardinal (whose story is before touched, page. 683.) unto Ladislaus the foresaid king, with full dispensation and absolution, to break his oath and league with the Turk, promising moreover great hope of aid, if he would go in arms stoutly against the tyrant.  
¶ Where by the way is to be noted, that as there is no truth of promise in that pestilent sea of Rome, 
The pope's rash counsel pernicious to Christendom. Nothing prospereth that is taken in hand by the pope's setting on. The pope breaketh truce made between the Christians and the turk. The pope moved Ladislaus to break truce The false dealing of the Italian Navy. The battle of Varna, between Ladislaus king of Polony, and Amurathes.  neither was there ever any war prospered, which was taken in hand by the Pope's counsel: so was there never any counsel of the Pope, that brought with it more detriment to Christianity, than this. But the Pope belike thought, that as he might lawfully break promise with john Hus, and with other Christians, so also he needed not to observe any league or truce taken with the Turk: but it turned much otherwise then the Pope's blind brains imagined, as by the sequel is to be seen. For Ladislaus being thus excited by the unadvised and sinister instigation of Pope Eugenius, contrary to the truce established a little before, set out with his army from Seledinus, and so proceeding to Walachia and Burgaria, came to Uarna, a town of Bulgary, where he fell sick.  
It was not long but the Turk having thereof intelligence, left his wars begon with Caramannus in Asia, and with great journeys made haste into Europe, passing over by the straits near to Calipolis, where all the Italian navy still looking on, and whether of purpose, or whether for cowardliness, would not stir one over to stop the passage of the Turkish army. When Amurathes was come to Adrianopolis in Thracia, using such celerity as no man looked for, within viij. days he was in Burgaria, & there encamped himself against Ladislaus. The day of battle being set, the armies joined on both sides. Huniades was himself there present, but all the matter was ruled by julianus the Cardinal, and the Pope's Clergy. The fight continued three days and three nights together, with great courage & much bloodshed on each side: insomuch that the field did stand with lakes of blood. They seemed at the first to incline to the Christians, by breaking the first ranks of the Turks. But the Priests and Prelates which were at the field (which had been more fit to have been in the Church) seeing the Turks to begin to fly, unskilfully left their array to pursue the enemy, so that they leaving the other standings of the Christians naked, gave great advantage to the Turks, with their darts & shot to disturb the Christian ranks. By the which occasion, Amurathes enclosing the Christians with his army round about, obtained the victory. In the which field, Ladislaus the young king of Polony, having his horse first killed under him, was strooken down, 
The popish prelates were the cause of losing the field. A just punishment upon the popish prelate's for their unjust dealing. julianus the Cardinal slain in the war and spoiled. Huniades escapeth. The worthy commendation of john Huniades.  & slain. The Pope's Bishops flying to save themselves, fell into the marshes, and there were destroyed, sustaining a durtey death condign to their filthy falsehood and untruth. julianus the Cardinal, which with the Pope was the chief doer in breaking the league, in the way was found dead, being full of wounds, and spoiled to his naked skin. Of the rest of the army that escaped by flying, part was drowned in the marshes, some perished miserably for hunger, some for cold, watching & wandering in the woods. Huniades hardly escaped the danger, by the merciful providence of God, being reserved to the further profit and commodity of Christendom.  
This john Huniades the worthy warrior was borne in Walachia, being Earl of Bistrice, of all Captains that ever went against the Turks, most famous & singular, prudent in wit, discreet in counsel, expert and politic in war, prompt of hand, circumspect before he attempted, quick in expedition: in whom wanted almost no good property requisite in a warlike Captain. Against two most mighty and fierce tyrants, Amurathes and Mahumetes, through the Lords might, he defended all Pannonia, and therefore was called the thunderbolt and terror of the Turks. Like as Achilles was unto the Grecians, so was he set up of God to be as a wall or bulwark of all Europe against the cruel Turks and enemies of Christ, and of his Christians. Neither was there any King or Prince that ever achieved such noble victories, either so many in number, or so profitable for the public utility of all Europe, as did he, and that not only in the days of this Amurathes, but also of Mahumetes his successor, as hereafter remaineth further to be seen. This battle of Amurathes against the Christians at Uarna in Bulgaria, was fought in the year of our Lord 1404.  
Amurathes by reason of this victorious overthrow against the Christians, surprised with no small pride, directed his journey incontinent toward the Grecians, where Castriotus was, 
Amurathes taketh his voyage against the G. ecians.  otherwise called Scanderbcius. And first coming to Peloponesus, and breaking down the wall about the straits of Corinthe, encountered with the brother of the Emperor of Constantinople, whom with his sudden coming he oppressed, with all the Greeks army, ere they were provided. Paleologus the Emperor after that, did build up the wall again: but at the Turks bidding he was compelled to undo it again: which wall afterward the venetians did repair. After the demolition of the wall, Amurathes entering into 
* Peloponesus, Sycione, Patris, with all the parts of Thessaha & Achaia, brought under the turk. The memorable acts of Scanderbeius against Amurathes.  Peloponesus, took divers towns and Cities, as Sycione, and Patris, and moreover made all the parts of Thessalia and Achaia tributaries unto him.  
The next year after this battle of Amurathes fought against the Christians at Uarna, the Turk being now about the parts of Grecia, purposed to bend all his force and main against the country of Epyrus belonging to Georgius Castriotus Scanderheius. Of this Scanderbeius mention was made before, how he was brought up in the Turks Court, from whence we declared also how subtly he conveyed himself, and came to the possession of his own patrimony of Epyrus. 
* This Epyrus is a country in Grecia bordering near to the parts of Macedonia. Seven. captains of the turks overcome by Castrio●us. Scanderbeius.  Which Epirus this noble and victorious Scanderbeius (whom the Lord also had raised up the same time with Huniades, to bridle the fury of the Turks) valiantly defended against all the power of Amurathes: In so much that he discomfited and vanquished seven. of the most expert Bassas or Dukes of the Ottoman Emperor, one after an other, with all their armies of most piked and chosen soldiers, dislodged them of their tents, and expulsed them utterly out of all Epyrus. Also when Amurathes himself with his whole puissance, had environed about the City of Croia, with cruel siege and ordinance out of measure, yet notwithstanding the said Scanderbeius (through the power and blessing of the Lord) beat him out of the field, & repulsed him from his siege.  
After this discomfiture, 
Amurathes renounced his dominion, & made himself a turkish monk.  the saying is that Amurathes, to keep his vow made before, after his victory at Uarna, gave himself into a religious order, living a contemplative life with certain other Priests joined unto him, in the forest of Bythinia, renouncing the government of his realm to the hands of Haly one of his Princes (for thou must understand, good Reader, that the Turks also be not without their sundry sects of Religion, no more than we Christians are without our Friars and Monks.)  
In the mean time while Amurathes this Turkish tyrant was cloistered up in his Monkish Religion, 
Two Christian warriors in Europe stirred up of God to vanquish the turks.  joannes Huniades in the kingdom of Hungary, and Castriotus Scanderbeius in Grecia, kept great stir against the Turks. By reason whereof Amurathes was taken again from his Monkish vow and profession, & brought again into the field: For first Huniades had rescued the whole country of Hungary: and had propulsed moreover all the might of the Turks far from Servia. 
This john Huniades is reported of 20. battles with the turk, to lose but two.  And although the peevish practice of Grgins' Prince of Servia had oft times disclosed his counsels unto the Turks, whereby twice he was brought in danger, yet notwithstanding (through the Lords gracious protection) he was preserved, and delivered by the said George unto the Hungarians again, & after that manfully vanquished the Turks, so that they had no resting place about those parts of Servia and Bulgaria, so long as he lived.  
On the other side in Grecia, 
Epyrus & Macedonia, defended by Scanderbeius.  Castriotus Scanderbeius so foiled the Turk in defence of his country Epirus and Macedonia, and kept Amurathes so short, that not only he was not able to win any great Town in all Epyrus: but also coming from Epyrus in the straits, was so entangled by Castriotus, that he was forced to give battle: In the which battle he was so vanquished, & most part of his army slain, 
Amurathes overcome by Scanderbeius.  that for grief and sorrow conceived, he falling into a raving sickness, was transported out of his pavillon unto Adrianople, and there in fury & madness died, after he had reigned 34. years, which was about the year of our Lord. 1450.  
This Amurathes first ordained the order of janizarites. Which were the men children of such Christians as he conquered & took captive: whom he forced to renounce the faith of Christ, wherein they were Baptized & brought them up in Mahumetes law, & exercised them in the same feats of war as he did his own people: 
janizari among the turks.  and after that they came to men's estate, he named them janizari (that is to say) soldiers of a strange country, and made them to guard his person. They wear on their head is stead of an helmet, a white attire made of the grossest sort of will, and in so manifold about their head, that it can not be pierced with a sword. It hangeth down on the back with a tail, and before on the forehead it is garnished with gold and silver. They were wont to use bows and lances in the field, but now they use dags as our horsemen do.  
At the first institution there were but 8000. in their garrison, but now they be twice so many. This of all bondage and servitude that the Christians suffer under the Turk is most intolerable, and greatly to be of all true Christians lamented. For what can godly minds behold more to their grief, then to see their children pulled from the faith of Christ, wherein they were baptized, and by whose blood they should eternally be saved, and to be instructed and nourished with the blasphemous doctrine of mohammed, and to be professed enemies of Christ and his Church, 
A lamentable slavery of Christian men's children under the turk.  to make war against heaven, and to perish everlastingly? And finally, what a lamentable thing is it, to see and behold our own children borne of our own bodies, to become our mortal and cruel enemies, and to cut our throats with their own hands? This servitude of mind is far greater than death itself, which if our Princes would well consider, it would cause them the rather to agree, and bend their whole force and power against this cruel enemy.   

¶ Mahumetes second, the ix. after Ottomanus.  

Mahumetes the 9 turk after Ottomannus.  AMurathes left behind him three sons, Mahumete borne of the daughter of Despota, Prince of Servia, being twenty years of age, the second son called Turcines, the third named Calepinus. This Turcines being an infant, and but eighteen months old, was strangled at the commandment of the Turk, by his servant Moses, himself being there present, and beholding the horrible murder. And when Moses the executor of the murder had desired him not to pollute his hands with the blood of his brother, 
The tyranny of Mahumets in murdering his brethren.  he answered, that it was the manner of all the Ottoman Turks, that all the other brethren being destroyed, none should be left alive but one to gonerue the Empire. Wherefore Moses was commanded by the tyrant, there presently, and in his sight, to kill the infant. This horrible fact when the mother of the child understood, she crying out, and almost mad for sorrow, cursed the tyrant to his face. But he to mitigate the rage of his mother, at her request being desirous to be revenged upon the executor of her sons death, delivered the said Moses bound into her hands, who then in the presence of the tyrant, thrust him to the hart with a knife, and opening his side, took out his liver, and threw it to the dogs to be devoured.  
The third son called Calepinus, which was but six months old, the foresaid Amurathes his father commended to the custody of Halibassa one of his Nobles, 
Halibassa a traitor to his master.  who to gratify and please the tyrant, betrayed the infant, & brought him unto him, and thereupon he at the tyrants commandment was strangled. Some affirm, that in the stead of Calepinus, another child was offered unto the tyrant, and that Calepinus was conveyed to Constantinople, and after the taking of Constantinople, was carried to Venice, and then to Rome to Pope Calixt, where he was baptized, and afterward came into Germany to Fridericke the Emperor, 
Horrible parricide of the abominable turk God's providece can fetch out of the devils mouth whom he list to save. Note here gods punishment upon the betraer of innocent blood.  and there was honourably entertained, & kept in Ostrich during his life. Where note how the merciful providence of God, whom he list to save, can fetch out of the devils mouth. And note moreover touching the foresaid Halibassa the betrayer of the infant, how he escaped not unrevenged: For Mahumet understanding him to be a man of great substance and richesse, through forging of false crimes, with great torments put him to death to have his richesses: for this tyrant was given to insatiable avarice. Thus this bloody Mahumete began his regiment with horrible murder, after the example of other cursed tyrants his predecessors.  
Although this Mahumete, notwithstanding that he came of a Christian mother, being the daughter of Despota prince of Servia, and by her was brought up and instructed from his childhood in the precepts of Christian religion and manners, yet he soon forgetting all, gave himself to Mahumetes' religion, and yet so, that he being addicted to neither Religion, became an Atheist, believing and worshipping no God at all, but only the Goddess of good Fortune, irriding and mocking the minds and judgements of men, which believe that God by his providence, governeth and regardeth the state of humane things on earth.  
After that this Mahumete heard of the victories and conquests of other his predecessors, and had understanding how Baiazetes lay eight years about Constantinople, and could not win it: he dispraising Baiazetes, and disdaining that so long time should be spent about the siege thereof, 
Mahumete first setteth upon Ath●●  and yet no victory gotten, bend all his study and device how to subdue the same. But first having a privy hatred against the City of Athens, and having his hands lately imbrued with the blood of his brethren, this murdering Mahumete first of all taketh his usage to subvert and destroy the City aforesaid, being a famous School of all good learning and discipline. Against the which City he did so furiously rage for the hatred of good letters, 
The fury of Mahumete the turk against the City and school of Athens.  that he thought he ought not to suffer the foundation thereof to stand, because that City was a good nurse and fosterer of good Arts and Sciences: wherefore, he commanded the City to be razed, and utterly subverted: and wheresoever any monuments or books could be found, he caused them to be cast into dirty sinks, and the filthiest places of the City, or put to the most vile uses that could be devised, 
Athens destroyed.  for extirping and abolishing of all good literature, and if he understood any to lament the case and ruin of that noble place, those he grievously punished and put to death.  
Thus the famous and ancient School of Athens being destroyed and overthrown, he returned his army & power into Thracia, where in all haste he gathering his power together both by sea & by land, 
The siege & taking of Constantinople.  with a mighty multitude compassed the City of Constantinople about, and began to lay his siege against it, in the year of our Lord 1453. and in the 54. day of the said siege it was taken, sacked, and the Emperor Constantinus slain. As touching the cruelty and fierceness of the Turks in getting of this City, and what slaughter there was of men, women, and children, what calamity and misery was there to be seen, for somuch as sufficient relation, with a full description thereof, 
Vid. supra. pag. 708.  hath been made before, pag. 708. it shall be superfluous now to repeat the same. This only is not to be omitted touching three principal causes of the overthrow of this City: whereof was the first the filthy avarice of those Citizens, which hiding their treasures in the ground, would not employ the same to the necessary defence of their City. For so I find it in story expressed, that when the Turk, after the taking of the City, had found not so much treasure as he looked for, suspecting with himself (as the truth was) the treasures and riches to be hidden under the ground, commanded the earth to be digged up, and the foundations of the houses to be searched: where when he had found treasures incredible, 
Ex joanne Ramo lib. 2. rerum Turcicarum.  what (quoth he) how could it be that this place could ever lack inunition and fortification, which did flow and abound with such great riches as here is, and plenty of all things? The second cause was the absence of the Navy of the Uenetians, which if they had been ready in time, might have been a safeguard against the invasion of the enemies. A third cause also may be gathered upon occasion incident in stories, either for that the City of Constantinople fifteen years before did yield to the Bishop of Rome, 
Vid. supra. pag. 67.  as is before to be seen, pag. 76. or else because (as in some writers it is evident) that Images were there received & maintained in their Churches, and by the Turks the same time destroyed.  
joannes Ramus writing of the destruction of this City, 
Ex Ramo.  amongst other matters maketh relation of the Image of the Crucifix, 
An image of the Crucifix in Constantinople.  being there in the high temple of Sophia: which Image the Turk took, and writing this superscription upon the head of it Hic est Christianorum Deus. 1. This is the God of the Christians, gave it to his soldiers to be scorned, and commanding the said Image with a trumpet to be carried through all his army, made every man to spit at it most contumeliously. Wherein thou hast (good Reader) by the way to note, 
What ossences be given to the infidels, by Images in Christian Churches.  what occasion of selaunder and offence we Christians give unto the barbarous Infidels by this our ungodly superstition, in having Images in our temples, contrary unto the express commandment of God in his word. For if Saint Paul writing to the Corinthians, faith: we know Christ now no more after the flesh: how much less than is Christ to be known of us in blind stocks and Images set up in our Temples, serving for none other purpose, but for the Infidels to laugh both us & our God to scorn, 
Vienna admonished.  and to provoke God's vengeance? which by the like example (I fear) may also fall upon other Cities, where such Images and Idolatrous superstition is maintained, whereof God grant Uienna to take heed betime, which hath been so long, and yet is in such great danger of the Turk, and polluted with so many Images, and plain Idolatry.  
In summa, 
The cruel murder by the turks in the city of Constantinople.  to make the story short, such was the cruelty of these Turks in winning the City, that when Mahumete had given licence to the soldiers three days together, to spoil, to kill and to do whatsoever they listed, there was no corner in all Constantinople, which did not either flow with Christian blood, or else was polluted with abominable abusing of maids, wives & matrons, without all reverence of nature. Of the which Citizens, some they murdered, some they roasted upon spits, of some they flayed off their skin, hanging them up to consume with famine, of othersome they put salt into their wounds, the more terribly to torment them, insomuch, that one of them contended with another who could devise most strange kinds of new torments and punishments, 
A lamentable destruction of the City of Constantinople.  exercising such cruelty upon them, that the place where the City was before, seemed now to be no city, but a slaughter house or shambles of Christian men's bodies. Among the dead bodies, the body also of Constantine the Emperor was found: whose head being brought to Mahun 〈◊〉, he commanded to be carried upon a spear through the whole City for a public spectacle & decision to all the Turkish army. And because he would diminish the number of the captives, which seemed to him to be very great, he never rose from his table, but he put every day some of the nobles to death, no less to fill his cruel mind with blood, 
The bloody cruelty of the turk against the Christian captives.  than his body was filled with wine: which he used so long to do as any of the nobles of that City was left alive: And of the other sort also, as the stories do credibly report, there passed no day, in the which he did not orderly slay more than three hundredth persons, the residue he gave to his rascal soldiers to kill, and to do with them what they would. Where is to be noted, that as Constantinus the son of Helena, was the first Emperor of Constantinople, so Constantinus the son also of Helena, was the last Emperor thereof.  

The city of Pera yieldeth itself for fear to the turk.  Not far from the said City of Constantinople, there was another little City called Pera, & once called Gallatia, situated by the Sea side: who hearing of the miserable destruction of Constantinople, and seeing the City flaming with fire, sent certain of their chiesmen with speed to Mahumete, declaring unto him that they neither had sent any help to the City of Constantinople, neither yet wrought any detriment to any of his army: wherefore they desired & prayed him, that as they would gladly yield unto him, so he would be favourable unto them and spare them, & not to punish the guiltless with the guilty. Mahumete, although he was not ignorant that for fear, rather than of any good will, they submitted themselves, and that they would rather resist him if they had been able, yet he received for that time, the submission of the messengers: but sending with them his Ambassador into the City, he commanded also his army to follow withal, and to enter with him into the City, which, although it was greatly suspected & misliked of the Citizens, 
The city of Pera spoiled.  yet they durst no otherwise do, but suffer them to enter: which being done, the Ambassador gave a sign to the soldiers, every man to do whatsoever he was bidden, of whom, some ran to the walls, some to the temples and Churches, some to the streets & houses of the City, plucking all things down to the ground, sacking and ranging with no less fury and abominable filthiness, than they had done at Constantinople before, saving only that they abstained from murder: 
Drunken Mahumete false of promise. The merciful providence of God in saving his people.  but the same day letters came from Mahumete to the Ambassador, that he should spare none, but destroy and murder all that ever were in the City: which message, because it seemed to the Ambassador to be too cruel, forsomuch as they had yielded themselves, he stayed his hand a little until night came. In the mean time drunken Mahumete coming something to himself (whom drunkenness had before overcome) sent his second letters to revoke the first. Where again is to be noted the merciful providence of God towards his people in their deserved plagues, by staying the hands, and bridling the fury many times of their enemies, when otherwise the case seemeth to be past all remedy.  
Mahumete thus being in himself not a little advanced and elevated by the winning of Constantinople, 
Constantinople made the imperial seat of the turk. The siege of Belgradum in Hungary. joan. Huniades.  where he had now made the Imperial seat of the Turkish dominion, the third year next following, to adventure more masteries, he set out to the siege of Belgradum, a City of Hungary, lying near to the banks of Danubius, thinking to have the like success there, as he had in the winning of Constantinople, albeit through the Lords disposing, it sell out much otherwise. Within the City of Belgradum the same time of the siege thereof, was joannes Huniades the valiant Captain, of whom in divers places mention hath been made before, who with a sufficient strength of piked soldiers, albeit in number nothing equal to the Turks army, valiantly defended the City with great courage, and no less success. In the which siege great diligence was bestowed, and many of the Turks slain. Among whom also Mahumere himself, being strooken with a pellet under the left arm, was feign to be carried out of the field for half dead, and the rest so put to flight, that of the Turks the same time were destroyed to the number, or not much under the number of 40. thousand, 
40000. turks slain at the siege of Belgradum.  besides the loss of all their ordinance, which the Turks in haste of their flight, were forced to leave behind them.  
Hieronymus Zieglerus writing of the siege of this Belgradum, 
Ex Hier. Zieglero, in lib. de illustrab. virts Germa c● 98.  addeth moreover, that when Mahumete was at the siege thereof, seeing the town to be so small & w●ake of itself, that it could not be won with all his great multitude, he staring and faring like a mad man, commanded all his brazen pieces to be laid, to battare down the walls and Towers of the Town: So that the Christians within the walls were vehemently distressed, for the siege continued both night and day without intermission. Among the rest of the Christians which defended the town. 
The noble act of a Bohemian in defence of his country.  Hieronymus Zieglerus maketh mention of a certain Bohemian, much worthy of his condign commendation: Who being upon the walls, and seeing a Turk with a banner or ensign of the Turks to be gotten up, by the sight where of the whole Town was in danger to be conquered and taken, runneth unto the Turk, and clasping him about the middle, speaking to john Capistranus standing by low, ask him, whether it were any danger of damnation to him, if he of his voluntary mind, did cast himself with that dog (so he termed him) down headlong from the wall, to be slain with him: what should become of his soul, and whether he might be saved or not. To whom when the other had answered that he should be saved without doubt, he eftsoons tumbleth himself with the Turk, down of the wall, where by his death he saved the same time, the life of all the City: Mahumete being so wounded and in despair of winning the City, was carried (as ye heard) out of the field. Who at length coming again to himself, 
The town of Belgradium valiantly defended from the turk.  partly for fear and partly for shame, was ready to kill himself. And thus was the town of Belgradum at that time rescued through God's providence, by the means of joannes Hunianes and this good Bohemian.  
This siege of Belgradun begun in the year of the Lord. 1456. and endured. 
200. thousand turks at the siege of Belgradum.  46. days. At the which siege were numbered of the Turks. 200. thousand. Of whom more than 40. thousand (as is aforesaid) were slain: where the victory fell to the Christians through the prosperous success given of God to joannes Huniades, & Capistranus. Which Huniades not long after the said victory, 
The decease of joannes Huniades.  through the importune labour and travail in defending the said town, was taken with a sore sickness and thereof departed, to whose valiant prows and singular courage, stories do give great land and commendation.  
Mahumetes the Turk after this done in Europe, 
The turks war against Vsumcassanos'.  returned into Asia to war, with Vsumcassanes a Persian, one of the Turks stock with whom he had three battles. The first was about the River Euphrates, where the Turk lost 10. thousand men, and was put to the worse. In the second field likewise he was discomfited. The third battle was at Arsenga, where through the terrible noise of the brazen pieces, the Persian horses disturbed the camp, and so was Vsumcassanues overcome. 

The turk again returneth against the Christians.  
Synope, Paphlagonia, Trapezuntus gotten of the turks.  
David Emperor of Trapezuntus with his two sons and uncle cruelly killed of the turk.  
Corinthus, Mitylene, Lesbos. Lemnus subdued of the turk.    
From thence the Turk reduced again his power against the Christians, and first subdued unto him Synope and all Paphlagonia: Also the kingdom of Trapezunce, which he besieging both by land and water, wan from the Christians, and sent David the king of the same with his two sons and Calus his uncle, unto Constantinople, where they were miserably and cruelly put to death, & all the stock of the Conneni, which were of the kings stock, by the Turk were destroyed. Which was about the year of our Lord. 1459. at which time this mischievous Mahumete was first saluted Emperor.  
Not long after, he got from the Grecians Corinthus and Mitylene, not without great slaughter of Christian men: in somuch that the whole City of Mitylene was utterly to the ground almost destroyed. The Isles also of Lemnus & Lesbos he wan from the Venetians: In the which Island of Lesbos is the City of Mitylene aforesaid.  
Not far from this isle of Lesbos and Mitylene, there is a country in Asia toward the sea side bordering next to Europe, 
The falsehood ●● the wretched turk against the Prince of Mysia. The cruelty of the turk against the king of Mysia.  called Mysia, or of some called Moesia, wherein stood the City of Troy. This country Mahumete coveting to win rather by policy & falsehood, then by doubtful danger of war, secretly sent for the Prince thereof to come to speak with him for certain causes (as he pretended) which should concern the profit and commodity of them both. Which when the king of Mysia, either for shame would not, or for fear durst not deny, he came to him as to confer upon necessary affairs in common to them appertaining. Mahumete when he had brought that to pass which he would, he caused the king to be apprehended, and cruelly to be slain, or rather torn in pieces: and so invading the land of Misia, exercised the like tyranny upon all his kindred and affinity.  
This Misia by fraud being taken and lost, Mahumere flieth again toward Europe, where he assailed the Island Euboia, otherwise called Nigroponte, making a bridge of a marvelous frame over the sea Euripus, to convey over his army out of Grecia, and there laid his siege to the City Chalcis, 
The siege of Chalcis in Euboia.  which at length in thirty days he overcame, not without a great slaughter of his army: who in the siege thereof is said to have lost 40. thousand of the Turks. But the slaughter of the Christians was greater: for when the City was won, 
The cruel tyranny of the turk against the City of Chalcis.  the tyrant commanded most cruelly, none to be spared within the whole city, but to be put to the sword, whosoever was above the age of twenty years. This cruelty was showed of the barbarous Tyrant for anger and fury, because such a number of his Turks were slain at the siege thereof, 
Ex joanne Ramo de rebus Turcicis.  being reckoned (as is said) to 40. thousand. In the fierce siege of this City, it is memorable that is in stories recorded, how that the women of that City, 
The noble stratagem of women in defending that City.  seeing the men to begin to faint, and the City to lie in present danger, took the matter themselves in hand, and playing the men, went to the walls, and there defended the City with no less trouble to the enemy, than the men had before done, and so for a space continued, so long as any man's strength and diligence could do any good. A great cause of the loss of this City and Island, is imputed to the cowardly timidity of the Venetians navy: who being there present, and having prosperous wind, yet durst not, or would not adventure upon the Turks bridge, which if they had done, the Island of Euboia and Chalcis, had not so soon been overmatched of the Turks.  
Thus all the East parts of Grecia being subdued to the Turkish tyrant, with all Achaia, Attica, Acarnania, & Euboia, 
Peloponesus, Achaia, Messenia, Laconia, Argolica, Arcadia, Christian provinces in Grecia, subdued of the turk.  shortly after followed also Peloponesus, brought in like subjection to the Turk. Within this Peloponesus were these provinces contained, Achaia, Messenia, Laconia, Argolica, and Arcadia, etc. The Venetians in this Peloponesus had great possessions, and had made up the wall again toward the Sea side, near to the streites of Corinth before mentioned, where for the more speed of the work, they had 30. thousand workmen to the building thereof, which when it came to the knowledge of the Turk, he braced into the country of Peloponesus with an army of 80. thousand, and first wasting the regions of the Coroneans, and Methoneans, and making a great slaughter of the Venetians, in short time he brought the whole dominion of Peloponesus under his yoke & tribute.  
Long it is and more lamentable to recite all the victories of this Mahumete gotten against the Christians both by land & sea: who after he had overcome the Isle Lesbos above mentioned, and had cruelly slain Nicolaus Catalusius the Prince thereof, turning his army toward the sea of Pontus Euxinus, 
Capha taken of the turk.  got the country of Capha from the Genuans. Before was declared how truce was taken between Georgius Scanderbeius, and the Turk for ten years: which truce being expired, Mahumete leaveth no time unspent, no diligence unsought, but maketh all his power to Epyrus & Albania, which he after long fatigation of siege, at length overcame and subdued. In the which tract also he wan from the Venetians, Scodra, Lysson and Dinastrum. Notwithstanding, when Scanderbeius the valiant Captain had done against the Turk what in man's strength did lie, yet being overmatched with power and multitude, seeing no possibility to make his party good, 
The counsel of Scanderbeius, how to fight against the turk.  was forced to departed his country as an exile, and went to Italy, & there being sent for by the Pope's letters, openly declared not to be possible otherwise to resist the furious rage of the barbarous Turks by the strength of any one king or prince, unless all Europe, with one consent should join their power & force together. And thus Georgius Scanderbeius, a man of puissant courage, being driven out of his country, continued his age in exile. Whose courage & vehemency is reported to have been such, that in fight against the barbarous enemy, for very egernes of spirit, 
A notable example of singular courage in a Captain.  his blood was seen to burst out of his lips. It is testified also of him, that being provoked, he neither denied to fight, and in his fighting, never turned his back, neither yet was ever wounded, but only once with a light shaft in his foot, neither ever set against the Turk with more than 6000. horsemen, 
The commendation of Scanderbeius against the turks.  and 3000. footmen: who is said with his own hand to have slain above 2000 Turks, whom with such violence he did strike, that many of them he did clean asunder from the head to the middle.  
Neither yet was the unsatiable greediness of this Turkish helbound with all this satisfied, but still he conceived greater things in his mind, thinking to conquer the whole world, and so passing forward towards Europe, subdued all Illiria, slaying Stephanus the King of Bosna, 
Mathias the son of Huniades.  about the year of our Lord 1463. But afterward Mathias corvinus, the son of Huniades afore mentioned, recovered again the said kingdom of Bosna, with many other Cities near unto Croacia and Dalmatia, and moreover repulsed Mahumete the Turk in his second siege of jaiza, taking his tents and munitions left behind him.  
Moreover, the said Mahumete passing unto Walachia, set upon Dracula the Prince thereof, by which Dracula, although he had no great power of soldiers, yet he so enclosed & environed the Turk, that he had almost lost his whole army, of whom a great part notwithstanding was destroyed, and many of his ensigns taken. Into Dalmatia was sent two Captains of the Turk, who fight against the provinces of the Venetians, 
Stiria, Carinthia, taken of the turk.  made great spoil and waste about the regions of Stiria & Carinthia: where also the Venetian power was discomfited, & Hieronimus Novel their Captain slain. At length truce was taken between the Turk & the Venetians, upon this condition, that Scodra, Tenarus, & Lemnus should be yielded unto him, and that they should pay to him yearly 8. thousand ducats for the free passage of their Merchants.  
After this peace concluded with the Venetians, Mahumete himself saileth over into Asia, sending two of his great captains abroad to sundry places: of whom, Mesithes was sent against the Rhodes with a mighty navy. The other called Acomates Bassa was sent into Italy to take Rome and all the West Empire. 
Rhodes besieged.  Concerning the voyage of which two Captains, this was the event, that Mesithes after his great travail and bloody siege against the Rhodians, was feign to retire at length with great shame and loss. The other Captain Acomates (as is said) was sent into Italy, with a navy of a hundredth Ships, and fifteen thousand men, 
Lencadia, Cephalenia Zacinthus, Favelona, taken of the turk. The pope flieth for fear of the turk. Hydruntum taken.  who by the way in his sailing got Leucadia (which now they call S. Maure) Cephalenia, and Zacynthus, and sailing by Favelona, arrived in Apulia, and so passing along by the sea side, spoiled and wasted divers parts by the coast, till at length he came to Hidruntum, a City of Calabria in Italy, which after long siege he overcame and subdued, and brought such a terror into all Italy, that the Pope forgetting all other things, yet mindful of himself, with all haste fled out of Rome. After the City of Hydruntum was taken, and the Turks placed in the same, which was the year of our Lord 1481. Mathias corvinus Huniades son was sent for by the Italians, to set upon the said City: unto the rescue whereof, when Acomates was about to make his return with 25. thousand Turks, in the mean time news came that Mahumete the great Turk was dead, by reason whereof the siege broke up, and the City was delivered to the Italians again, 
These two Empires were Constantinople and Trapezunce.  and so was Italy delivered at that time out of that present peril and danger. This Mahumete wan from the Christians 200. Cities, and twelve kingdoms, and two Empires, which he joined both together. He died in the year abovesaid, anno. 1481.   

¶ Baiazetes second, the 10. after Ottomannus.  
Mahumetes' aforesaid had three sons, of the which, Mustapha the eldest, through voluptuousness & carnal just, died before his father. The other two were Baiazetes and Demes, otherwise called Zizimus. About whom, great controversy arose amongst the Turks which of them should succeed in their father's kingdom: For neither of them was present at Constantinople when Mahumetes died, Baiazetes being in Cappadocia, & Demes in Lycaonia, wherefore when great disscution was among the nobles for the succession, and great strife & bloodshed for the matter, the janizarites, which were the Turks guard, did proclaim Baiazetes Emperor: others in the absence of Baiazetes the father, did choose Corcuthus his son. Baiazetes the father coming at length from Cappadocia, partly through yielding, partly by corrupting with money, 
Of these janizarites, read before pag. 636.  got the wills of the janizarites, & was made Emperor. Demes the other brother being in Lycaonia more near, although he made no less speed in his coming, yet was prevented of Baiazetes, and excluded out of Constantinople. Wherefore he being put back from all hope of his kingdom, incited by some of his friends, moved war against his brother, 
Baiazetes slayeth his brothers & mother, and his two nephews.  who being overcome in three battles by Acomates Baiazetes Captain, who had got Hydruntum before, did fly to the great Master of the Rhodes, leaving in a place called Carrae, his mother, and two young children, whom Baiazetes slew.  
This Demes being with the master of the Rhodes, was desired first of Pope Innocent the 4. then of Ludovicus the 2. French king, but especially of Mathias corvinus, king of Hungary, intending by him to obtain great victory against Baiazetes. But in conclusion the Knights of the Rhodes sent him to the B. of Rome, 
Readbefore pag 734.  where he being kept, and afterwards sent to Charles the 8. French king, for an hostage of Pope Alexander the 6. was poisoned by the way of Terracina, by the said Pope Alexander, as is before declared. After whose death Baiazetes, to require the foresaid Acomates for his good service, 
False treason worthily recompensed.  put him to the halter, partly misdoubting his power, partly for lucre sake to have his treasure: Whose death redounded to the great profit of the christians, for somuch as he was ever an utter enemy to the religion and name of Christ.  
Baiazetes thus being confirmed in his tyranny, made his first expedition against Walachia, 
Lithostomus, Moncastrum, Christian forts subdued o'th' turk. The turk overthrown at Tarsus.  where he subdued two great forts, one called Lithostomus, the other called Moncastrum. From thence he removed his power, taking his voyage into Asia, thinking to be revenged of the Sultan of Egypt, which had succoured and entertained before his brother Demes against him, wh●re he lost two great battles, the one fought at Adena, the other at Tarsus: but specially at the field at Tarsus the army of the Turk took such a wound, that of a 100 M. brought into the field, scarce the third part remained unslain. But as touching the Rhodians, although they were succourers of Demes aforesaid, yet Baiazetes (whether for fear, or for subtlety) abstained to provoke them with war, but rather entered with them the league of peace, requiring the master of the Rhodes to keep his brother safe under his custody, promising for his yearly salary, to be paid unto him every year in the month of August. 45000. ducats,  
Thus Baiezetes being overthrown and terrified with evil luck fight against the Sultan of Egypt, removed from Asia, and directed his army into Europe, where he got Dyrrachium near unto Velona, 
Dyrachium taken of the turk.  & had a great victory over the Christian army in the country of Croatia, where the Illyrians, Pannonians and Croatians joining their power together, encountered with the Turk and lost the field, about the year of our Lord. 1493.  

The turk against the Venetians.  From thence the Turk leading his army against the Venetians, had with them divers and doubtful conflicts, where the Turk sometimes was put to the worse, and sometimes again prevailing, out of jadra and divers other cities about Dalmatia, 
The Christians carried away captives.  carried away great multitudes of Christians into captivity, which was about the year of our Lord. 1498.  
Two years after this, which was the year of our Lord, 
Peloponesus again invaded by the turk.  1500. Baiazetes with 150. M. armed men, entered into Peloponesus, which although Mahumete had expugned before, yet the Venetians had defended Methone, otherwise called Modon, all this while against the Turks. Which Methone the Turk besieged with three armies, having about the walls 500 great brazen Canons, whereof 22. were most violent and hurtful, wherewith he battered the City both day and night: but the Citizens, which were within the City, committing themselves to God, defended their City as well as they could, rather choosing to die then to yield unto the Turks tyranny. But the turk prevailing, and they not able to withstand the siege, the Christians convented together into a certain house prepared for the purpose, both men, women, and children, where they setting the house on fire, gave themselves rather to be burned, then to come into the tyrants hands, Certain women also with their children, cast themselves headlong into the sea, by that means to avoid the turkish captivity. 
Methone taken of the turks, and miserably destroyed.  Some writers there be which affirm that the Methonians, seeing 5. great ships of the Venetians coming with men and victuals toward them, issued down from the walls to the sea side to receive them, which were all taken captives, being above the number of a thousand: which all being tied with long ropes, were brought before the tyrant, and in his sight were cruelly slain, except certain Nobles whom Cherseugles, son in law to Baiazetes, got to be pardoned, amongst whom was Andreas Britto. 
Coron, Pilus, Crisseun yielded to the turks.  The City of Coron, & also Pilus Cities in Grece being terrified with the example of the Methonians, yielded themselves to the power of the turks. Crisseum otherwise called Caput Sancti Galli, was expugned by Cherscogles, by force of guns.  
These things thus achieves, although Baiazetes went away victor unto Constantinople, yet notwithstanding the Venetians, through the help of the kings of France and Spain, had won from the Turk Chephalenia an Island very commodious for their traffic: Also had gotten other two Islands, 
Ch●●●● 〈◊〉 L●●● 〈…〉 Ilan● 〈…〉 red of 〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉  Leucas and Nericus otherwise called Sancta Maura, slaying all the garrison of the Turks. But afterward peace being taken between the Venetians and the turks, by the counsel of Andreas Gitto aforesaid, the Turks so agreed, that Leucas and Nericus the Islands abovesaid, should be rendered unto the Turk, and the Venetians should keep still the possession of Chephalenia.  
Unto this league the Turk did the rather condescend, 
Truce 〈◊〉 the V●●●● the 〈◊〉  for that he had to maintain war against Ishmael Sophus in Asia, king of Persia: Which Sophus was stirred up by God's providence to war with this Baiazetes, where by the Christian Churches in Europe might have some breathing time, and freedom from the Turks cruel tyranny & bloodshed. 
War 〈◊〉 Sophus 〈◊〉 iazetes.  This Sophus was a valiant Turk, who with great power & victories had overrun a great compass of the East parts of Asia: then passing from Assiria into Media, and returning again into Arinenia, he made war against the Albanians, Hiberians, and Scythians, and from thence coming unto Asia Minor, encountered with Corcuthus Baiazetes son, 
Caragius the turks captain taken prisoner & slain of Sophus  and afterward coming to Bythinia, sought with Caragius Bassa, Baiazetes Captain, whom he overcame and put to flight, and afterward took him alive and his wise prisoners. Afterward he was encountered by Halibassa an other captain of the Turks, whom Techelles one of the said Sophus captains meeting in the plain of Galatia did withstand, and so by the way slew Caragius the Captain, 
Halibassa the turks captain slain.  and hanged him upon a pole in the sight of Halibassa, which Halibassa shortly after was slain in war, and his army scattered and put to flight.  
Thus through the admirable example of God's justice and providence, were these turks kept occupied, & so came it to pass, that these Barbarians being blasphemous against the son of God, should thus horribly run one to the destruction of an other, 
Rest given to the Christians by the discord of the turks  being worthily punished with mutual slaughter and bloodshed for their impiety and blasphemy against Christ and his religion, whereby in the mean time some rest was given to the Christians.  
Baiazetes partly by these victories discouraged, partly diseased and languishing of the gout, and partly also broken with age, finding himself unwieldy to the regiment of that tumultuous kingdom, began to have talk with his nobles about the choosing of one to succeed him. The occasion whereof ministered much matter of inward wars amongst the Turks. This Baiazetes had in all 6. sons, whereof three died before him, and three yet were left alive, to wit, Acomates, Corcuthus and Zilymus, Baiazetes himself had most mind to Acomates, but the chiefest of his nobles did favour rather Zelymus: who through their traitorous incitation provoked him to stir war against his father: and notwithstanding that he was overcome in war, yet through intercession he was reconciled again to his father, 
Zelymus made Emperor against his father's will.  and afterward proclaimed again Emperor against his father's will, through the help & favour of the soldiers, entering the first beginning of his kingdom, in the murdering of his own father. The story whereof in some authors is thus declared.  
After that the janizarites had persuaded with Baiazetes for that he himself was unwieldy, 
What these janizarites mere, read pag. 736.  therefore he should do well to constitute some successor, and that he had assigned Acomates to succeed him, the janizarites being offended with the said Acomates, because he would not enlarge their stipends and bribe them, compassing about the king's palace with their privy sword which they had under their garments, with a mighty cry, required Zelymus to be appointed for their Emperor. Unto whom when Baiazetes had answered that he had assigned Acomates, they refused him because he was fat, gross, and unable thereunto: but needs would have Zelymus, which was stout and warlike, to be made Emperor: and withal drew out their swords, crying Zelymus, Zelymus. Then Baiazetes giving place to their fury, 
The counsel of Baiazetes to his son Zelymus.  showed himself content to give them Zelymus: whom the jaitizarites receiving, brought him into the palace: unto whom Baiazetes his father giving place, willed him not to be so hasty & furious in his doings, but to be modest and take heed what he did, and not to follow his fury, but to give place unto time, which revealeth all things, and think himself to be a man subject to dangers and icoperdies as other men are: and thus speaking, he resigned his Imperial throne and seat unto him, & went away all heavy, entering into a certain order of their religion. Whereupon followed great exclamations of the people saluting Zelymus as Emperor. Who then taking the rule upon him, begun with great cruelty to govern, destroying many of his nobles, such as had stood against him some with poison, some by other cruel means, & advancing his own side with great honours and promotions.  
Not long after that Zelymus was thus settled in his kingdom, Baiazetes his father intending to see & prove how he behaved himself in his government, first entered into the treasure house, where he found all his riches to be scattered and gone. afterward he came into his armory, where all the spoils gotten by war were likewise wasted: then entering into the jewel house, where all his plate and gifts sent from Kings and Princes were kept, which likewise were dispersed & given away. At length he came into the stable, where also he seeing his principal horses to be lacking, 
The displeasure of Baiazetes against his son Zelymus.  sighing with himself, and crying vengeance upon him, he prepared himself with the residue of the treasure which was remaining, to sail over into Anatolia unto his eldest son, and passing by an Orchard near to the sea side, where he had appointed to take ship, in the mean time whilst the ships were in furnishing he sat down under a tree, & began to curse his son, and to axe vengeance upon him, for that he had so despised his father & was become so impious a wretch.  
Zelymus' understanding of his father's departure, came into the orchard where his father was, seeming to be very heavy, and much lamenting that his father would so privily departed and go away, 
The dissembling words of Zelymus to his father  seeing that he desired not the government of the Empire, but was contented only with the title thereof. O father (said he) do not thus privily departed away: do not procure this shame to your son, who so tenderly loveth you. Let me have but the name only: and be you the Emperor in deed. The end of your natural life most patiently I shall expect, which I pray God may long continued. And thus using many fair & flattering words to his father, he commanded a banquet with many dainty junkets, to be brought unto him, but tempered and infected with poison. Which, 
Zelymus the son poisoneth his father.  as soon as Baiazetes had begun to taste of, and felt the strength of the poison working in his body, he took his last farewell of his son, and going out of the city accompanied with a great retinue of men, yelling and crying out in the streets, in the middle of his journey fell down and miserably died, in the year of our Lord, 1512. here mayest thou see, good Reader, a cursed brood of this Turkish generation, where that father dieth in cursing the son, and the son reigneth by poisoning his father.   

Zelymus the 11. after Ottomannus.  

Zelymus the 11. after Ottomannus.  AFter that this wretched Zelymus had exercised his barbarous cruelty upon his father, with like impiety he seeketh the destruction of his brethren and their children, first beginning his murder with the five children his Nephews, which were the sons of his 3. brethren before departed. Which done, then remained his other 2. brethren yet alive, Acomates and Corchutus with their children likewise to be destroyed. 
The cruelty of Zelymus against his father and his brethren.  Of whom the one had 3. sons, whom the father sent to Zelymus his brother & their uncle, with fair and gentle words to entreat him to be good unto their father, offering to him their duty and service in all things, honouring him also as Emperor. But cruel Zelymus commanded forthwith his said Nephews to be strangled. 
The cruelty of Zelymus against his cousins.  The father hearing of the cruel murder of his sons, leaving house and home, went and hid himself in mountains, where he lived for a space with herbs and wild honey, but being bewrayed by one of his men, was brought to Zelymus, and so was strangled.  
Christophorus Richerius, writing of these matters, seemeth some thing to differ from other stories, and sayeth that Zelymus, after the death of his brother Corchutus, came to Bursia, where he, under the colour of making a great triumph, 
Ex Christ. Richerio.  ordained a feast for his friends and kinsfolk, Whereunto were called especially his nephews: who then at the end of the feast calling his nephews aside (as under the pretence of conferring with them secretly about his necessary affairs) committed them to his servants to be strangled and put to death. All this while Acomates his brother, through the help & instruction of his mother, was kept out of the tyrant's hands, till at length, after great labour and search made how to get him, certain forged letters were cast abroad, wherein was contained that Acomates, to revenge the great impiety & subdue the tyranny of Zelimus his brother, should show himself abroad. Which if he would do, he should find friends enough to take his part. Acomates circumvented with these subtle trains, partly for hope of revengement, 
Zelymus the turk warreth against his brother.  partly for desire of that Empire, showed himself abroad with such power and strength as he had: who being set upon incontinent by Zelymus his brother, was overcome in battle, and falling from his horse, being a man corpulent and gross, and his horse falling upon him, was so overpressed and slain.  
Touching the death of this Acomates, Munsterus somewhat differing from this narration, addeth moreover, and sayeth, that he was not killed with the fall from his horse, but sitting all dismayed upon a stone, and seeing no other remedy but death, desired the Captain, taking his rings from his fingers, to deliver the same to his brother, desiring him that he might not be put to any extreme cruelty of death, but that he gently would suffer him to be let blood in the hath, 
The cruelty of Zelymus against his brother. The two sons of Acomates fly away from the tyranny of Zelymus the turk.  and so to die. But Zelymus being not ignorant of this, suborneth privy torments, who binding his hands behind him, with their feet cast him down upon the ground, and so twixing his neck with a cord, did strangle him. This Acomates had two sons, who hearing of the death of their father, did fly for succour, the one to Sophus in Persia, and the other to the Sultan in Egypt.  
By the means whereof, new occasion of war grew unto Zelymus, whereby he was kept in Asia at home, to fight against the Persians & Egyptians: so that through the lords providence, Christendom by that means was delivered from great danger and peril of the Turks tyranny: For otherwise, the Turk was wholly mined, with all his force and puissance, to invade the Christians, being in doubt whether first to begin with Rhodes, 
The providence of God in stirring up occasions for his people.  or whether to assault Pannoma, or else to set upon Italy, being then at great discord within itself: but this cause occupied the Turks mind otherwise, and kept him at home. Such was then the providence of the Lord for the safeguard of his people.  
Wherefore, for somuch as the affairs and doings of this Turk were spent for the most part in the Turkish & heathenish countries: it shall not be greatly necessary to trouble our christian stories therewith, but only shall suffice to contract them in a brief sum, declaring superficially what unquietness was amongst them there, which could never be quiet, but ever working some mischief either abroad, or at home. 
War between Zelymus and Sophus the Persiam king.  Amurathes the Turks nephew aforesaid, after he had obtained aid of Sophus the king of the Persians, first invaded Cappadocia: not long after whom followed Ishmael, Sophus the Persian king.  
By reason whereof a great battle was fought betwixt the Persians and Zelymus in the fields of Armenia mayor. In the which battle Ishmael Sophus the Persian King was hurt on the shoulder with a pellet, and so being carried out of the field, left the victory to Zelymus: who all be it had an army of 150. M. men, yet he in the same field lost about 30000. of his Turks. Which field was fought in the year of our Lord. 1514. Zelymus after this victory went to Tauricia the imperial City of the Persians, which he by yielding subdued.  
In this mean time it happened that one Aladulus a king in Armenia the greater, 
War between Zelymus and Aladulus an other turk.  was also a helper to Ishmael against the Turk, whereupon Zelymus the Turk taking great indignation, the next year following, leaving the Persians, fought against the said Aladulus, & in the end overcame him, and afterward being found in a cave in a wood, was taken out and brought to Zelymus and so beheaded: whose head being first carried about Asia for a triumph, was afterward sent to the Senate of Venice for a terror unto them. The eldest son of Aladulus scaping the hands of his pursuers, fled into Egypt. This battle thus fought and ended, Zelymus after he had divided the kingdom of Aladulus into three provinces, went to Lycaonia, & from thence to Europe, there to defend the City of Samandria, against the Christians in Hungary. 
Preparation of war between Zelymus etc. the Christians.  But the Hungarians being soon repressed by juno Bassa the Turks captain, great preparation began to be made by the Turks against the confines of Servia bordering upon Hungary: The terror whereof stirred up Maximilian the Emperor, and Ladislaus king of Hungary, and Sigismundus King of Polony, 
The turk called away from the Christians. A turkish vow.  to consult together, and conjoin their power for defence of Christendom. But through new encumbrances incident, the turk leaving Europe, made haste again into Asia, to renew again his wars against the Persians, who had made a vow not to give over that war before Ishmael was overthrown.  
But before he entered that war, first he sent his messengers to the Sultan of egypt, requiring him not to intermeddle in that war, for this sultan before had promised to assist the Persians against the Turk. 
Campson the Sultan or ruler of the Egyptians. Mamalucy.  The name of the Sultan which reigned then in Egypt, was Campson, set up by the Mamaluci. These Mamaluci were a certain order amongst the Egyptians, much like to the janizarites about the Turk, being the children of christian men, and after denying Christ, were the chiefest doers in the Sultanes court, and being grown into a great multitude, did degenerate into a turkish barbarity, or rather became worse than Turks. This Campson unto the messengers of the Turk gave this answer again, that unless he would leave of his war against Ishmael, and restore the son of Aladulus, otherwise he would not lay down his armour.  
Zelymus being incensed not a little with this insolent answer of the Sultan, leaving all other wars aside, with great celerity advanced his power against the Sultan. Which Sultan partly through the falsehood of his captain Caierbeius, 
Caierbeius ●alse to his master.  partly by the sodeinnesse of the Turks coming, not far from the city of Damascus encountered with the turk, and there overthrown from his horse, being a fat and gross body, and falling under his horse, and his horse also falling upon him, 
Campson slain.  was quashed in pieces and so died, which was the year of our Lord. 1516.  
Mamalucie, of whom more than a M. in this battle were slain, flying from thence to Memphis, set up Tomoumbeius in stead of Campson: 
Tomoumbeius made Sultan of Egypt.  whose captain Gazelles was overcome at the City of Gaza, & he afterward himself driven out of Memphis, where a great part of the Mamaluci were destroyed. Then Tomoumbeius flying over the flood Nilus, renewed his army again: but in the end was discomfited and chased into a marish, where he was found standing in the water up to the chin, and so being brought to Zelymus, was put to the rack and great torments, to make him confess where Campsons' treasures were. But when he would not declare, he was carried about the Town with a halter about his neck, & hanged up upon a high gibber for a spectacle to all Egypt: 
Tomoumbeius executed  which was the year of our Lord. 1517. And thus were the two Sultanes in Egypt destroyed with the Mamaluci, which there had borne the rule in Egypt the space of 243. years. The progeny of the which Mamaluci remaining of the wars, 
A worthy destruction of the Mamaluci forsaking their faith and religion. Note again the providence of God. The death of Zelymus.  the Turk commanded in prison gates of Alexandria to be cut in pieces. Zelymus from thence, triumphing departed to Constantinople, intending to spend the rest of his time in persecuting the Christians: But in that mean space he was strooken with a cankered sore rotting inward, and died after he had reigned 7. years like a beast, in the year of our Lord. 1520.  
The reign of this Turk was but short in number of years: but in number of his murders and cruel bloodshed it might seem exceeding long: which lived more like a beast than a man, for he never spared any of his friends or kindred. His father first he poisoned, his brethren and all his cousins he quelled, leaving none of all his kindred alive. Moreover his chief and principal captains for small occasions he put to death, 
The beastly cruelty of Zelymus against his kindred.  as Mustapha, Calogere, Chendeme, Bostang his son in law, and junobassa.  
It is said moreover that he intended the poisoning of his own son Solyman, sending unto him a shirt infected with poison, because he seemed something freely to speak against the cruel demeanour of his father: But by the means of his mother, the gift being suspected, was given to an other which was his Chamberlain, who putting on the shirt, was strucken with the poison thereof, and therewith all died.  
As touching this Turk Zelymus, by the way here may be noted how the secret providence of the Lord kept him occupied with his Turkish wars at home, while that the reformation of christian religion here in Europe the same time begun by Martin Luther, 
The cruelty of Zelymus against his son Solyman.  might the more quietly take some roaring without disturbance or interruption. For so it appeareth by the computation of time, that in the days of this Zelymus, Martin Luther first began to write against the Pope's indulgences, which was in the year of our Lord. 1516.   

Solymannus the 12. after Ottomannus.  

A note of God's providence for the reformation of religion.  SOlymannus the only son of Zelymus succeeded after his father's death, who in the first beginning seemed to some to be simple and shepish, and not meet for the turkish government. Wherefore certain of his nobles consulting how to depose him, intended to set up an other Emperor. In which conspiracy, especially are named Caierbeius & Gazelles. This Caierbeius was he that betrayed before Campson the Sultan of Egypt to Zelymus, 
Solymamnus the 12 after Ottomamnus Read in the pag. 738.  as is aforesaid: who now also being in consultation with Gazelles & other about this matter, detected than also unto Solyman. Wherefore the said Gazelles and his fellows being thus detected, were put to death by Solyman, declaring thereby that he was not so shepish as he was thought of them to be, & as also by his acts afterward did more appear.  
Solymannus after this execution done upon the conspirators, taking his voyage into Europe, 
Belgradum again besieged of the turk.  first besieged Belgradum: which being a City in Hungary, was the strongest fort of all the Roman Empire, and the chief defence at that time, of all christendom, which also being assaulted before time by Amurathes the 2. was valiantly defended by joannes Huniades as is above specified. 
Read before pag 743.  But here now lacked such a one as Huniades was: For the kingdom of Hungary at that time, was under the government of Ludovicus a young king, unexpert and of a simple wit. Whom other Princes, & specially the covetous church men did so pil and pol, that they left him nothing but only the bare name and title of his kingdom: Whereby he being unfurnished both of men and money, was unable to match with such an enemy.  
another vantage also the Turks had in besieging of Belgrade: 
Discord amongst Christian princes what mischief it bringeth.  For the Christian princes at that time were in civil dissension and variance amongst themselves: and the Pope with his Churchmen also were so busy in suppressing of Luther, and of the Gospel then newly springing, that they minded nothing else, except it were to maintain the wealth of their own bellies. Which pope if he had set his care (as his duty was) so much in stirring up Princes against the common enemy, as he was bend to deface the gospel, & to persecute the true professors thereof: soon might he have brought to pass, not only that Belgrade might have been defended against the Turk, but also y● to be recovered again which was lost before: and moreover might have stopped the great dangers and perils which now are like to fall upon the religion and church of Christ: which the Lord of his great mercy avert and turn away.  
certes what so ever the Pope then did, 
The pope so busy against Luther, that he neglecteth the ruin of Christian doom.  this had been his duty, setting all other things apart, to have had an earnest compassion of so many miserable & lost captives, which were fallen from their faith & religion, unto the misery and slavery of the Turk, & thraldom of the devil, and to have sought all means possible to have reduced them, as lost sheep into the fold again: which then might soon have been done if prelate's & prince's joining together in christian concord, had loved so well the public glory of Christ and souls of Christians, as they tendered their own private, worldly, & frivolous quarrels. 
True compassion lacking in the Pope.  And admit that the Pope had conceived never so much malice against Luther, his quarrel also being good: yet the public church standing in such danger, as it then did by the invasion of the Turk, reason would nature led, religion taught, time required that a good Prelate forgetting lighter matters, should rather have laid his shoulder to the excluding of so great a danger, as then was imminent both to himself, and the universal Church of Christ: But now his quarrel being unjust, and the cause of Luther being most just and godly, what is to be said or thought of such a Prelate, who for bearing the Turk, whom in a time so dangerous, he ought chief to have resisted, persecuted the truth, which he should specially have maintained? But Christ for his mercy stand for his Church, and stir up zealous Princes and Prelates, if not to recover that is lost, yet at least to retain that little which is left.  
Solyman therefore taking his occasion, and using the commodity of time, while our princes were thus at variance betwixt themselves, without any resistance or interruption, brought his army unto Belgrade, in the year of our Lord. 
The city of Belgrade won of the turk.  1521. Which City being but slenderly defenced, the Turk through his underminers, guns and other engines of war, without great difficulty, & with little loss of his soldiers, soon subdued and overcame.  
After this victory, Solyman resting himself a whole year, and casting in his mind how to make all sure behind him, for fear of enemies to come upon his back, thought it expedient for his purpose if he might obtain the Island of Rhodes: for that only remained yet Christian betwixt him and Asia: wherefore the next year following, he brought his army of 450. ships, and 300. M. men to the besieging thereof. This Rhodes was a mighty and strong Island, 
Rhodes besieged.  within the sea called Mare mediterraneum. The inhabitants whereof at the first did manfully resist the turk, sparing no labour nor pains for the defence of themselves & of all christendom: But afterward being brought to extremity, and pinched with penury, seeing also no aid to come from the christians: somewhat began to languish in themselves. The turks in the mean time casting up two great mountains with strength of hand, 2. miles of from the city, like rolling trenches carried them defore them near unto the city, in the tops whereof they planted their ordinance & artillery, to batter the city. The master of the knights of the Rhodes was then one Philippus Villadamus a Frenchman, in whom no diligence was lacking that appertained to the defence of the city. The Rhodians likewise so valiantly behaved themselves upon the walls, that with their shot all the ditches about the city, were filled with the carcases of dead Turks.  
Besides this, such a disease of the bloody flux reigned in the Turks camp, that 30. M. of them died thereof: and yet for all this, Solyman would not cease from his siege begun: who at length by underminers casting down the vamures and uttermost parts of the city, wan ground still more and more upon the Rhodians, and with mortary pieces so battered the houses, that there was no free place almost standing in all the City. And thus continued the siege for the space of five or six months, and yet all this while came no help unto them from the christians. Wherefore they being out of all hope, through the advise of Ualladamus, yielded themselves unto the Turk upon condition that he would spare them with life and goods, which convention the Turk kept with them faithfully and truly.  
Thus Solyman with his great glory and utter shame to all christian princes, 
Christian princes negligent in helping their fellows.  and also ruin of all Christendom, got the noble I'll of Rhodes, although not without great loss and detriment of his army: in so much that at one assault 20. thousand Turks about the walls, were slain with fire, sword, stones, and other engines. Whereby it may be conjectured what these Rhodians might or would have done, 
Rhodes won of the turk.  if succour had come to them from other christian princes as they looked for. This city was won upon Christmas day. An. 1522.  
This conquest of Rhodes obtained, Solyman the 4. year after, bringeth back his army again into Hungary, where he found none to resist him but only Ludovike the young king: who being accompanied with a small army, and nothing able to match with the Turk, yet of a hasty rashness and vain hope of victory, would needs set upon him: who if he had staid but a little, had prospered the better. For joannes Uainoda being a captain well exercised in Turkish wars before, was not far off, coming with a sufficient power of able soldiers. 
Christian wars against the turk never speed well under the guiding of Popish prelate's.  But Paulus the Archbishop Coloss. a Franciscane Friar, a man more bold than wise, with his temerity and rashness troubled all their doings: For the whole sum of the army of the Hungarians, contained in all but only 24. M. horsemen and footmen, who at length coming unto the battle, and being compassed about with a great multitude of the Turks army, were brought into great distress. The Turks twice short of their pieces against the Christian army: yet scarce was any Christian touched with the stroke thereof: which was thought to be done of purpose, because they were christians which had the ordering of the guns, for then the special gunner's of the Turks were Christians, 
Christians were the special gunner's to the turk  whom for the same cause they spared. Then the Turks horsemen coming upon the back of the christian army, compassed them about, and by reason of their multitude, overcharged their horsemen. Amongst whom was slain the same time the Archb. Friar aforesaid, with the Bishops of Strigone and Uaradine & many other nobles besides. 
The rathe archbishop slain.  Also the king himself being destitute of his necessary aid and succour, was compelled to fly into a marish, where he falling from his horse, being heavy laden with his harness, was not able to rise again, 
king Ludovick perished in war  but there miserably perished.  
Solyman the Turk marveled at the foolishness of Ludovic the King, who with so small an army would presume to encounter with such a great host of two hundredth thousand. This battle in Hungary was fought, Anno. 1526.  
After the decease of Ludovick, Ferdinandus succeeded in the kingdom, 
Ferdinandus K. of Hungary.  being Duke of Austria and king of Hungary. Then Solyman setting contention betwixt joannes Uaivoda and Ferdinandus for the kingdom of Hungary, sped his voyage to the City of Buda, which also in short time he made to be yielded unto him upon condition that they should escape with their lives and goods: which condition some say he kept, and some say he did not. Besides Buda divers places and munitions the said Turk, 
Buda, Varadinum, and the city called Quinquecclesia taken of the turk.  contrary to his league made before, did spoil and waste, as Varadinum, Quinque Ecclesias, and other forts and munitions more, bordering about the coasts of Hungary.  
In the year of our Lord 1529. Ferdinandus king of Hungary aforesaid, recovered divers holds gotten of the Turk before, and also warring against joannes Uaivoda his enemy, 
Contention between Ferdinandus, and Vaivoda. Vaivoda flieth to the turks.  with whom he had variance (as ye heard before) expulsed him out of his kingdom. Whereupon Uaivoda flying to the Turk, desired his aid. The Turk glad to take that occasion, with great preparation addressed himself to return into Hungary, where he recovering again the City of Buda, which Ferdinandus had gotten from him a little before, removed his army into Austria, spoiling and destroying by the way all that came to his hands, showing many examples of great cruelty & tyranny most lamentable to here and understand. For of some he put out their eyes, of some he cut of their hands, of some their ears and noses, 
Horrible examples of the turks cruelty.  and of their children he cut of their privy members. The maidens he corrupted, the matroves had their breasts cut of, and such as were with child, were ripped and their children cast into the fire. And these examples of horrible and barbarous tyranny, this wretched Turk perpetrated by the way coming toward Uienna a noble City in Austria, besides the captives which he took by the way, and led into servitude most miserable, mounting to the number of 30. thousand.  
Among other holds by the way as the Turk came, there was a castle called Altenburch strongly by nature situated, and by art defenced, 
The esseminate cowardliness of the soldiers in Altenburch.  which castle the Turk intending not to overpass because he would make all things sure behind him, began to make his assault, and lay his ordinance against it. The warders and keepers of the Castle, so soon as the Turks began to lay siege against them, making no resistance, of a womanly cowardness sent their messengers to the Turk to yield themselves, 
The castle of Altenburch yielded to the turk.  ready to do his commandment, and further him with their victual. Amongst whom were three hundredth Bohemians, who were commanded to follow the host, that the Turk by them might learn what strength was in the city of Uienna: also where the king was, and what was to be done for the winning thereof.  
Of whom when the Turk had understanding how all things stood, and how that there was but 20. thousand men in Uienna able to bear armour, and that other cities of Austria would soon yield if that were gotten, and that Uienna was vitailed but for 2. months, and that the king was of late in Boheme, thus the Turk of all things being certified, having no doubt in his mind of victory, made speed toward Uienna: and first coming to Neapolis a city but 8. miles distant from Uienna, he required them to yield themselves: 
Neapolis besieged of the turk. The turks army of 250 thousand soldiers.  who notwithstanding withstood them, and repulsed them valiantly. Then the Turks assigned a place for the pitching of their tents, which because it seemed some thing too little for such a great multitude, they took in more ground to the compass of 7. mile's circuit. The multitude of his army, which he there planted, is accounted of some to extend to 250. M. soldiers. The Turk thus being planted, made daily excourses over all the country of Austria, specially about the city of Uienna, wasting and spoiling with great cruelty & murder amongst the poor Christians.  
Moreover, to make all things more sure toward the preparation of the siege, scouts were sent abroad, and bushments were laid about the river side of Danubius, to provide that no aid nor victual should be brought to Uienna. 
Vienna besieged of the turk.  So it pleased the providence of the Lord (who disposeth all things) that 3. days before the coming of the Turk, Fridericus the Earl Palatine, which was then assigned by that Empire to take the charge of Uienna, was come down by the river of Danubius with 14. M. and with a certain troop of horsemen well appointed and picked for the purpose. 
Fridericus Earl palalatine captain of Vienna.  After the coming of this Fridericke, provision also of victual was appointed to follow shortly after, by the said river of Danubius.  
In the mean time, they which had the carriage & transporting thereof, hearing how the ways were laid, & all the passages 10. miles about Uienna, stopped by the Turks although they knew the city to stand in great need of victual, yet seeing there was no other remedy, rather than it should come to the enemies hand, thought it best to sink their boats with their carriage, and so they did. Whereby, all be it the christians wanted their relief, yet were the Turks disappointed of their prey & purpose. 
Fridericus Earl Palatine, William Rogendorffius, Nicholaus Earl of Salme, captains of Vienna.  The captains which had the keeping of the City, which were chief Fridericus the Earl Palatine, Gulielmus Rogendorffius, and Nicolaus earl of Salme, seeing themselves so straightened contrary to their expectation, although they had great causes to be discouraged, yet calling their courage unto them, they consulted together for the best way to be taken: and seeing that the little city Neapolis (above mentioned) being 8. miles distant from them, so valiantly withstood the Turks, that in one day they sustained 7. grievous assaults against all the main force of the Turkish army: by their example and manful standing, being the more animated and encouraged, thought to abide the uttermost before they would give over, and first plucking down all the suburbs, and buildings without the walls, whereby the enemy might have any succour, 
Preparation within the City of Vienna, against the turk.  they willed all the farmers & inhabitants about the City to save themselves, and to bring in their goods within the walls. Such places as were weak within the walls, they made strong. About the towers & munition of the walls, they provided rampires & bulwarks distant 80. foot one from another, to keep of the shot: and every man had his place and standing awarded to him upon the wall, and his office appointed what to do: but especially that side of the City which lieth to the river of Danubius, they fortified after the best wise: for that way only now remained for victual to be transported from the Bohemians unto them. Wherefore 8. ensigns were assigned to the keeping of the bridge, 
Provision made for victualling the city.  and in the plain, which was like an Island enclosed within the river, a sufficient garrison of horsemen were placed, lying within the gunshot of the city, to the intent that if any grain or victual were sent from the Bohemians, they might provide the same safely to be brought into the City.  
These things thus being disposed and set in order, L. William Rogendorffe, to assay the strength of the Turks, made divers roads out with his horsemen, albeit much against the minds of the Austrians: who knowing the manner of the Turks, thought it better to suffer them, while either with time they might be overwearied, or for lack of victuals consumed. 
Good counsel & experience refused.  Among many and sundry skirmishes which the Christians had with the Turks, one especially was to our men unprosperous: in which certain of the horsemen espying a small troop of the Turks scattering abroad from their company, made out after them, who suddenly & guilefully were enclosed and circumvented by the Turks, before they could recover the gates of the city, and so were all taken alive: 
Rash hardiness of our Christians in skirmishing with the turk. The wretched cruelty of the turks against the Christian captives.  Of whom 3. were sent from the Turks into the City, to declare to the Uiennians what strength they had seen in the camp of their adversaries, and to solicit them to yield their city for fear of punishment which would follow: The residue they reserved to torments and punishment, whom in the sight of the whole army, and of the Christians (which should tell the same to the Citizens) they caused every man to be drawn with 4. horses a piece, and so to be dismembered and plucked a sunder.  
After this done, the barbarous Turk immediately sent his Herold to talk with the Captains of the City, whether they would yield the City upon honest conditions, 
The message of the turk to the Viennians.  or else would abide the arbitrement of war. If they would gently submit themselves, they should have all gentleness to them showed: If they would be stubborn, and stand to their defence, he would also stand to his siege begon, so that he neither would spare man, woman nor child. To this the captains answered again, that they were contented Solyman to stand to his siege begon, 
The answer of the Viennians to the turk.  and to do his uttermost, what he would, or what he could. As for them, they were at a point to defend themselves and their City so long as they might: the event & fall of victory to be doubtful, and many times so to happen, that they which begin the war, are wearied sooner than they which be provoked: neither again that they were so unmindful either of themselves, or of their country, but that they did remember well what they are, and what they be called, named to be Germans: who use always first to assay the adversary, what he is able to do, and not rashly to commit themselves into their enemy's hands.  
Solymannus not a little disdaining at this answer, first burning and consuming all the villages, 
Solymanus approacheth Vienna with three great armies  houses, and places round about the city, infecting also the springs and fountains which gave water into the City, and so stopping all passages, that no relief should have way unto them, began with angry mood to approach more near to the City, with 3. great camps, sending them word in scorn and contumely, by one of his captives, that if they stood in need of help of soldiers, he would send unto them the 300. Bohemians (mentioned a little before) to aid them in their defence. To whom the Palatine directed answer again, that they had more soldiers in the City than they needed. As for the Bohemians which had yielded themselves, he might do with them, what he would, for Uienna stood in no great need of them.  
In the mean time a messenger coming from Ferdinandus, was privily let in by night into the City, 
A messenger sent from Ferdinandus to Vienna.  which brought word that they should play the men in keeping out the enemy a while: for it would not be long but both Ferdinandus and Carolus his brother, with the strength of all Germany, would be ready to rescue them. At which message the hearts of the soldiers began somewhat to be cheered, and to contemn the huge multitude of the adversaries, being so great as they never did behold, nor did ever almost hear of before. The largeness of whose army, extended to no less in compass (as is above said) then of 7. miles round about the City walls.  

The siege of Vienna beginneth.  Long it were to recite the whole order of this terrible siege, with all the parts and circumstances thereof. Briefly to touch so much as shall suffice for this history, with fewer words than were stripes given at the siege thereof: this is to be judged and confessed: whosoever beholdeth the number and fierceness of the Turks, the absence of the king Ferdinandus, the lack of provision and victual within the city, the noise of the guns, the violence of the shot, the terror of the sight, and yet no succour sent unto them: that the custody of that city was no man's doing, but the arm only of the Lord God of hosts, according to the true saying of the Psalm: Unless the Lord do keep the City, the watchmen watch in vain, 
The lords power and providence in keeping the City of Vienna.  which watch to save it: Unless the Lord do build the house, the builder striveth in vain, which taketh upon him to build it. Experience whereof in keeping this city may well appear.  
First Solymannus bending his shot and ordinance against the City, beat down to the ground the vammures with all the uttermost suburbs of the city, and that in such a short moment of time, that the hearts of the Uiennians a little before refreshed, were now as much appalled again with fear, misdoubting with themselves, lest the Turk with the same celerity and violence would have prevailed against the inward walls, as he did in beating down the outward vamures. And no doubt the same time the Turk had put the city in great hazard, had not night coming on, broken of the siege for that day.  
In the mean time the Citizens laboured all night in repairing and refreshing the walls, to make all things sure against the next assault. 
The slaughter of the turks about the walls of Vienna.  The next day early in the morning, the Turks approaching the city again with a new assault, thinking to scale the walls, were so repulsed & manfully resisted by the Germans, that uneath any ditches about the walls could be seen for the bodies of the dead Turks, wherewith they were replenished: so that the Turks were feign to fight standing upon the bodies of them which were slain. By the which calamity the force of the enemy was not a little abated, 
The manliness of Captain Rogendorffius against the turks   
It happened the same time, that a company of the Turks being spied out of the City wandering out of order, the Captain Rogendorffius with two legions of horsemennes issuing out of the City gate called Salmaria, and so passing closely under the hills side, did so set upon them, that they slew a great number of them: the rest being driven to take the river, whom with stones and shot likewise they destroyed, and so retired back into the City again. By this victory the Captain Rogendorffius began to be terrible to the Turks. For in the same skirmish (as after was known) was slain of them so many, that of 5000. and 300. horsemen and footmen, scarce 140. escaped alive.  
Solyman disdaining at this repulse, 
another assault of the turks against Vienna.  thought to prove an other way, & so bringing his power toward the gate called the kings gate, there making his trenches & bulwarks, planted his ordinance, with the violence whereof the walls were so battered & shaken, that no man was able there to stand. Wherefore the Turk seeing 2. great breaches made in the wall commanded his soldiers covertly in the dark smoke of gunnepouder to press into the City. The like also was done at the scottish to were, whereby the city was invaded in 2. sundry places at one time. The Uiennians at the first, freshly began to withstand them, new soldiers still coming in the place of them that were slain and hurt: and so this assault continuing more than 6. hours together, our men began at length to languish & faint, not only in strength but also in courage: whereby the City had been in great danger of losing, had not the two foresaid Captains Rogendorffius in the one place, and the Earl of Salme in the other place, manfully encouraged the soldiers to abide the brunt, and to bear out a while the violence of the Turks, promising that immediately they should have aid from Ferdinandus.  
In the mean time the Turks came so thick for greediness of the victory, scaling, climbing, and fight upon the walls, that had it not been for the press and throng of the great multitude of the Turks coming so thick that one of them could not fight for an other, 
Another repulse of the turks.  Uienna that same day had been taken and utterly lost: But by the policy of the captains giving a sign within the city, as though new soldiers were called for, our men began to be encouraged, & the Turks hearts to be discomfited.  
When Solymannus saw his army the second time, repulsed, he began to attempt a new way, purposing by undermining to overthrow the city: in the which work specially he used the help of the Illyrians, of whom he had a great number in his camp, expert in that kind of fear. These Illyrians beginning to break the earth at the gate Carinthia and coming near to the foundations of the Tower, 
Vienna undermined by the turks.  which they by strength of hand attempted to break, could not work so closely under the ground, but they were perceived by certain men above, which were skilful & expert in that kind of matter: who contrariwise undermining against them, & filling their trenches as they went, with gunpowder, conveyed their train, that when fire should be set unto it, the violence thereof should braced out by the trenches of the enemies: which done, suddenly the ground beneath made a great shaking, so that the tower did clean asunder, and all the underminers of the Turks working in their trenches, were smothered and destroyed, which came to the number (as it was supposed afterward) of 8000. persons: in so much that yet till this day a great number of dead men's skulls are found in the ground.  

another assault of the turks against Vienna.  When Solyman saw that this way also would not serve and had privy intelligence that the walls about the gates of Stubarium were negligently kept, and that he might have there more easy entrance: secretly he conveyeth about 10. garrisons of fresh soldiers, in such sort as the towns men should not perceive them: who came so suddenly upon them, that they had filled the ditches, and were upon the top of the fortresses and munitions, before that our men were aware of them, or could make themselves ready to resist them. For although there was no lack of soldiers within the City, yet for somuch as the whole brunt of the siege did lie, specially at the 2. gates aforesaid, from whence the soldiers which were there warding, could not be well removed, for a shift the rescuers (which within the City were ready for all sudden adventures) were sent to the walls: by whose coming, those few which kept the enemies of before, 
The turks again repulsed.  being sore hurted and wounded, were succoured and sent to surgery: and thus the said assault continued terrible and doubtful until (the dark night coming upon them) they could not well know the one from the other. In this vickering were counted of the Turks to be slain, more than 5000.  
Then the Captain Rogendorffius commending the valiant standing of his soldiers, misdoubting with himself (as it happened in deed) that the Turks would not so give over, but would set upon him the next day with a fresh assault, providing with all diligence for the purpose, made up the breaches of the walls, & prepared all things necessary for resistance: The next morning following, which was some thing dark and misty, 
another assault of the turks repelled.  the Turks thinking to prevent our men with their sudden coming, began again busily to bicker upon the top of the walls.  
It would require a long tractation here to describe the great distress and danger that the city, those 3. days following, was in. During all the which time, there was no rest, no intermission, nor diligence lacking, either in the enemies, fight against the City, either in our men in defending the same. For the Turks besides the multitude of the great ordinance, wherewith (as with a great tempest of gunshot) they never ceased, still battering the walls and beating the munitions of the City, sent also such heaps & multitudes of the Turks, to the scaling and climbing the walls, that uneath with all the ordinance and shot of the city, either the violence of them could be broken, or the number of them diminished: till at last the soldiers of the Turks perceiving themselves able by no means to prevail, but only to run in danger of life, and to do no good, began to wrangle among themselves, 
The turks at variance among themselves.  grudging and repining against their dukes and captains, imputing the whole cause only to them: that the City was yet untaken, seeing there was in them neither diligence nor good will lacking: and so ceased the siege for that time.  
After this, when Solymannus had purposed in himself, with his last and strongest siege, to try against the city the uttermost that he was able to do, and had encouraged his soldiers to prepare themselves in most forcible wise thereunto: the soldiers showed themselves much unwilling to return again from whence they were so often repulsed before: 
The Turk and his soldiers could not agree.  by reason whereof great commotion begun to rise in the Turks camp. The rumour whereof when it came to Soliman's ears, he sendeth his grand captain to keep all the soldiers in order and obedience, or if they would be stubborn, 
The turk entreateth his soldiers.  to compel them whether they would or not, to accomplish his commandment. Who coming to the soldiers, showed to them the great Turk's message, and to animate & encourage them, declared that the opportunity of the time present was not to be neglected, neither could they now without great shame give over, after so many assaults attempted: Who if they would sustain but one brunt more, the victory were in their own hands. The townsmen, he said, were wasted and their victuals spent: and the more to inflame their minds, he promised them not only great thanks and reward of their Emperor, but also the whole spoil of the City, in recompense of their travail.  
But when all this could not stir up the sturdy stomachs of the tired Turks, using compulsion where persuasion would not serve, he appointed a number of horsemen to be set at their backs, whereby to enforce them, either to go forward, or if they denied, with guns and spears to destroy them. The Turks seeing themselves in such a straight, that whether they went or tarried, 
Compulse of men serveth not where the Lord defendeth.  it was to them like peril, yet would they not set forward, except the Captain would take the venture before them. Who warding forward in his array, thus spoke unto his fellows, saying: Do you forsake your faith & allegiance, and betray the Emperor of Constantinople unto the Christians, if you will: but I will discharge my duty towards the common wealth and my Emperor, and with that word advanced his ensign, making toward the city walls. Whom when other followed & still more and more pressed after, 
The slaughter of the turks at Vienna.  so it came to pass that whole routs of them were overthrown & slain of our men upon the walls, before it was known what they meant. Other terrified by their example, gave back and left their array, and wineding themselves by buy ways and under covert of hills, returned again into their tents, and so came it to pass that the strength of the enemies daily more and more decreasing, they had less hope every day more than other of obtaining the City. For besides the innumerable slaughter of Turks upon the walls, the townsmen also watching the foragers and purveyors of the Turks, as they ranged about for victual for the camp, ever as occasion served them, did compass them about, and so encountered with them by the way, that of a whole Legion, scarly the tenth part returned again to their fellows alive, by means whereof the courage of the enemies began greatly to faint. Whereby such a marvelous alteration happened, that as our men began to receive more hope and courage, 
The turks slain.  so the Turks began still more to droop and to languish with despair, so that at length scarce durst they appear without the bounds, where they were entrenched, but only in light skirmishes, when they were provoked by our men to come out, and to show themselves.  
Solymannus perceiving his soldiers thus daily to go to wrack, 
The turk beginneth to take counsel to retire.  of whom he had lost already more than 80. W. and that with long tarrying he could do no good, being also in lack of forage, for that the country about him was wasted: beginneth to consult with his captains & counsellors, what remained best to be done. Of whom the most part advised him to raise his siege, and betime to provide for himself. Which to do, many causes there were that moved him.  
First the loss of his men, which daily were cut from him by great numbers, besides them which lay in his camp wounded, or sick, or famished. Secondly, lack of perveyance. Thirdly, the approaching near of winter. But the chiefest cause was, for that he heard Friderike Palatine above mentioned coming with a great army at Ratisbone towards Uienna, and there had done great molestation to a great number of the Turks foragers, whom by the way he prevented and so enclosed in the woods, that he slew them. Whereof when Solyman had intelligence, thinking it not best to abide the coming of the Palatine, 
Solyman removeth & raiseth his siege from Vienna.  made haste with bag and baggage to remove his camp and to retire: and first sending away his carriage before him, made speed himself with his army, to follow shortly after.  
The Uiennians, when they heard of the removing away of the Turks, although at the first they scarcely believed it to be true, being afterward certified out of doubt, both of their removing, and also of the order thereof, how it was in a manner of a flight or chase, were greatly desirous to make out of the City after them. Wherein, albeit the presence of the Palatine with his army, if he had been there present, might have stand them in great stead, yet notwithstanding they took the opportunity of the time present, and issuing out of the City, in most speedy wise, set after them with their horsemen: and first overpassing the tents (where the Turks had pitched their stations or pavilions) for haste of the way, 
The turks camp pursued in their flight.  they made such pursuit after them, that within little time, they overtook the rearward or latter end of the army, whereof they made such havoc and destruction, that (as the author reporteth) there was never a shot of the pursuers, nor weapon drawn, nor stroke strucken, which light in vain. Which was no hard thing for our men to do: For as the Turks in their flight went scattered out of order & array, neither would they in the fore rank (being so far off from jeopardy) return back to help their fellows, it was easy for our men, without resistance, to come upon their backs as they would.  
Yet notwithstanding in long pursuit, when our men could not see the carriage of the Turks, which was wont in armies to come away behind after the host, 
The privy purpose of the turks prevented.  and suspecting (as truth was) some ambush to be left in privy wait behind them, to come betwixt them and home: called themselves to retreat, and consulted upon the matter, thinking good, first to send out certain scours, to espy and bring them word, where the enemies lay, & what was the number of them. Whereof when intelligence was given them, that the remnant of the Turks army was remaining in the tents behind, word was sent to their fellows in Uienna, to issue out, and to join also with them against the tail of the turks, which had entrenched themselves within the camp. Other were appointed to follow the chase, lest peradventure the turks seeing our men to recoil back might return again upon them, & help their fellows. Which things being thus ordered and appointed, in the mean time, while part of the Uienians were hovering after the main army, the rest encountered with them that were left in the camp. Who seeing themselves overmatched, first defenced their camp with a deep ditch & Bulwark, to delay the time, until some help might come to them from the army. Secondly they directed messengers to the Christians, to entreat for peace. Thirdly they conveyed their privy letters unto Solyman for speedy aid and rescue. But all the ways and passages being stopped by the Christians, there letters were intercepted, and so the miserable Turks being destitute of all hope & succour, seeing no other remedy, made out of their camp, to hazard and prove the uttermost for their defence: 
The rest of the turks slain in the camp.  but in conclusion, in their desperate venture they were enclosed about by our men on every side, and there put to the sword and slain, a few only excepted, who escaping out very hardly by secret passages, shifted after the rest of their fellows, as well as they could. Their carriage and other furniture left behind them in their tents, was distributed amongst the soldiers only such things reserved as might serve for the public use and commodity of the City.  
Thus through the merciful protection and benefit of almighty God, Austria was delivered from the fierce and barbarous hostility of the cruel Turks: notwithstanding that neither Ferdinandus the king, 
The merciful protection of God over Christendom.  nor the Emperor his brother were there present, but only the power of God, through the valiantness of the worthy Germans, defended that city, in defence whereof consisted the safety & deliverance, (no doubt) of all these west parts of Christendom. For the which immortal praise and thanks be unto our immortal God in Christ our Lord, according as he hath of us most graciously and worthily deserved. 
God's blessing goeth with the maintainers of his true worship & religion.  Wherein by the way take this for a note (gentle reader) how & after what manner God's blessing goeth with the true reformers of his religion, and so much the more is it to be noted, for that the Turks in so many battles & sieges heretofore, were never so repulsed & foiled, as at this present time in encountering with the protestants & defenders of sincere Religion. This city of Uienna was besieged & delivered the year of our Lord. 1529. The assaults of the Turk against the City are numbered to be 20. and his repulses as many. The number of his army which he first brought, was 25000. Whereof were reckoned to be slain 80. thousand and above. During the time of his siege, he led away out of the country about many captives; virgins and Matrons he quelled & cast them out naked: the children he stuck upon stakes.  
Solymannus thus put from the hope of victory of Uienna after he had breathed himself a while at home, the second year after, which was an. 1531. repairing his host, returned again into hungary, with no less multitude, than before: where first he got the town called Gunza being but slenderly kept with a small garrison. By reason whereof the townsmen and soldiers yielding themselves unto the Turk, were constrained to agree upon unreasonable conditions. Ex joan. Ramo.  

Ex Melchiore Soitero lib. 2. de Bello Pannonico.  Melchior Soiterus in his second book writing De bello Pannonico, touching the foresaid Town of Gunza, or Gunzium, differeth herein something from Ramus, declaring how this Gunza being a small town in Hungary and having in it but only a 100 soldiers (or as Wolfegangus Drechslerus in his chronicle reporteth, 
Nicholaus jureschitz a valiant Captain.  at the most but 200. soldiers) under the valiant captain Nicholas jureschitz, defended themselves so manfully and wonderfully, through the notable power of God, against the whole puissance of 200. thousand Turks, that they being notwithstanding distressed with lack and penury of purveyance and suddenly of the Turks invaded, yet with pure courage and promptness of hart, sustained the uttermost force and violence of xiij. assaults of that great multitude, for the space of 25. days together.  
Although the narration of the author may seem to some incredible, yet thus he writeth, that what time the great ordinance and battering pieces of the Turks were planted upon two mountains much higher then that town whereby they within the town were oppressed both before and behind, in so much that 8 ensigns of the Turks were already within the town, yet by the reason of women and children and other impotent persons, 
A miraculous example of the lords protection & providence  who in the middle of the town were congregate in an house together such a noise and clamour went up to heaven praying and crying to God for help, that the turks within the walls supposing a new army of fresh soldiers to be sent into the town for sudden fear, voided the town, & leapt down from the walls again (which before they had got) whom no man either pursued or resisted: for never a soldier almost was left on the walls, which was not either slain or else wounded with the Turks ordinance. At what time through the lords providence it so happened, that one Ibrahimus Bassa, 
The turk falseth his siege from Gunza.  near about the Turk, seeing both the town to be small, and the great destruction of the Turks in the siege thereof, and that the captain in no case would yield, persuaded so the Turk, declaring how the Town being so little was not worth the loss of so many men, in the winning whereof there was no glory, & if he were repulsed, great dishonour might follow: whereby the Turk being persuaded, did follow his counsel, which was this that Nicholaus the Christian captain being called unto him under pledges and safe conduct, should receive the town as of his hand and gift, with condition, that he should do no violence to his soldiers left behind and wounded, but should procure such means as he could, for the recuring of them: and so he raising his siege departed. another cause might be also, which moved him so suddenly to raise his siege, for that he heard the Palatine not to be far of in pursuing after him, and therefore taking his flight by that mountains of the Noricians, he returned with much spoil of Christian men's goods into Constantinople. Ex Melchiore Soit. lib: 2. de bello Panno.  
For so it was provided the same time in Germany, 
The Emperor Charles & Ferdinandus begin at length to stir against the turk.  after the counsel or August and of Ratilboon (at what time the controversy of Religion between the Protestants & the papists, was differred and set of, to the next general Council) that Charles the 5. and Ferdinandus his brother having understanding of the Turk thus ranging in Hungary, should collect of the Germanynes, Hungarians, and Spaniards and others, an able army of 80. thousand footmen, and 30000. horsemen, to repulse the invasious of the Turk. But Solymanus having intelligence of this preparation of the Christian power coming toward him whether for fear, 
The turk refuseth to tarry the Christian army.  or whether to espy further opportunity of time, for his more advantage and our detriment, refused at that time to tarry their coming, and so speeding his return unto Constantinople, retired with much spoil and pray sent before him, as is above premised: Which was in the year of our Lord. 1532.  
Not long after, 
The turk warreth against the king of Tunece. Tunece won of the turk. Tunece recovered again by Charles the Emperor.  being the year of our salvation, 1534. Solymannus intending ij. wars at once, first sent Corradinus Barbarossa the admiral of his navies into Africa to war against the king of Tunece: Whom the Barbarossa also dispossessed & deprived of his kingdom: but Charles the Emperor, the next year following, an. 1535. restored the said king again into his kingdom, and delivered in the same voyage 20. thousand captives out of servitude.  
The same time the Turk also sent an other captain into Hungary, 
Taurus a city of Persia taken of the turks.  to war against Uaivoda while he himself taking his course to Persia, planted his siege against the City Taurus, which he in short space subdued and expugned. Albeit he long enjoyed not the same: for Tahames king of the Persians, suddenly coming upon the Turks unprepared, 
20 thousand turks slain of the Persian king  slew of them 20. thousand, and took his concubines to the great foil and reproach of the Turk.  
Two year after this, which was the year of our Lord 1537. Solymannus, who could not be quiet at home nor rest in peace, 
Corcyra the Island wasted & spoiled by the turks.  returning again out of Asia into Europe with 270. ships, great and little, set upon Corcyra, an other Island belonging to the Uenetians, which he besieged x. days wasting and burning the Towns and fields as he went beside the destruction of much people therein, whom partly he slew, partly led away captives. From thence he sailed to Zacynthus and Cythara, 
The I'll of Zazinthus & Cythara spoiled by the turks.  an other Island not far off from Corcyra, bordering near to the coasts of Epyrus and Grecia. Where he suddenly by night invading the husband men in villages and fields, sleeping and mistrusting no harm, drew them out of their houses and possessions, men and women, besides children, to the number of ix. hundredth whom he made his bondslaves: burning moreover their houses, and carrying away all the goods and cattle being without the said Cities of Zazinthus and Cythara. Ex. joan. Crispo.  
From thence these hellhounds turned their course to that siege and spoil of Egina, 
Captives of the Christians. War between the Egyenetes & the turks.  a rich and populous Island, lying between Grecia and Asia. Where first the Egenians did manfully in battle resist them, and were like to have prevailed: but being wearied at length and oppressed with innumerable thousands of fresh Turks, which still were sent in, 
Egina taken of the turk. The citizens of Egina slain of the turks.  to rescue the other which were overcome before, were compelled to fly into the City of Egina. Which city the cruel Turks (or rather Devils on earth) with much labour, & violence of their great ordinance fet out of their ships, subdued and cast down to the ground: the Citizens and inhabitants whereof, the Turk after he had burned their houses, and ransacked their goods commanded to be slain and killed every one. 
The women of Egina miserably entreated and captived of the turks.  The women both noble and unnoble, with their infants, were given to the mariners to be abused, and from thence being shipped unto Constantinople, were led away to perpetual misery & slavery, which was in the year of our Lord. 1537.  
In the same journey Solyman also took the isle in the said sea of Eugeum, 
The Isle Parum and Naxus. Ciclades subdued of the turk. Ex joan. Crispo  called Parum: also the Isle adjoining to the same named Naxus, and made them to him tributaries. The duke whereof was he which wrote the story both of these Islands aforesaid, and also of the other Islands called Cyclades, and other Dukes. Ex joan Crispo, Deuce Naxi. etc.  

Note what hurt cometh by the dissension of Christian princes Stiria is a country or province near adjoining to Austria.  This done, Solymannus directed his Navy unto Apulia, where he set on land. x. thousand footmen, & 2000 horsemen, which spoilt likewise and wasted those parties while the Emperor, the pope and the Uenetians were together in war and dissension. Furthermore the next year following. an. 1538. great attempts began in Stiria, but by the resistance of the inhabitants, the force of the barbarous turks was repulsed: notwithstanding great spoils of men & cattle were carried from thence, and the country miserable spoiled. In the which year also the Turk turning into Hungary, gave battle unto the Christians in Savia: where through the fraudulent falsehood of the Captain Cassianerus (Wolfegangus nameth him Calcianus being (as they say) corrupted with money, our men were put to the worse. an. 1538.  

The falsehood of the turk with the Venetians.  After that the Turks had invaded the Island of Corcyra abovesaid, the venetians with Solyman the Turk had joined truce for a certain time, for the which they gave the turk 300. thousand crowns, with the city of Neapolis, and Ma●uasia in the borders of Macedonia. But with in 4. or 5. years, the Turk to get a new stipend of the venetians, broke his league, and invaded their dominions: whereby they were enforced to enter new conditions again with him.  

Nowm Castellum in Dalmatia, over thro' wen by the turk, & the people slain.  In the year of our Lord, 1540 the restless Turk making his return toward Hungary, by the way passing by Dalmatia, lay against the town called Newcastle, being defended by the spaniards. In the which town because they refused to yield themselves all the inhabitants and soldiers were put to the sword & slain every one. This Nowm Castellum or Newcastle was a strong fort of that Christians, which being now in the Turks power, he had great advantage over all those quarters of Dalmatia, Stiria, Carinthia, and Hungaria. From thence he proceeded further, keeping his course into Hungary, where he planted his power against the City of Buda.  
This Buda was a principal city in Hungary, about which great contention had been (as ye heard before) between joannes Uaivoda, 
The contention in Hungary between Ferdinandus & Vaivoda & his successors.  and Ferdinandus. By reason whereof the Turk occasioned by Uaivoda, came into Hungary and delivered the City to Uaivoda. This Uaivoda living not long after, left behind him a son, whom being an infant he committed to the governance of one Georgius Monachus: who being left tutor unto the infant, reduced all Transiluania, Buda, Pesta, with other parties of Hungary, which belonged to Uaivoda before, to the subjection of the child. Ferdinandus hearing thereof, in a great haste and anger: levied an army to recover his lands in Hungary, and so laid siege to Buda. Monachus seeing his part weak, first sent his legate to Ferdinandus, desiring him to talk and confer with him upon matter, as he pretended, 
The communication between Monachus and Ferdinandus.  pertaynign to the behoof of them both. Whereupon both the parties being agreed, the place and manner of their convention was appointed, and also the day and time assigned. Thus the parties (according to the agreement) conventing together with their armies, with drawing a little aside, as they were entered in communication, suddenly among Ferdinandus men, happened a dagg to be heard, which by the heat of the day (as is thought) losing of his own accord, 
What hurt may come of rash suspicion.  gave a crack. The sound whereof coming to the ears of Monachus, he supposing the same to have been discharged, against him, in great anger drew out his sword, bidding Ferdinandus avant with his doubling dissimmulation, saying that he would never any more trust the promises of Christians, and immediately up on the same sent to Solymannus the Turk, for aid against the Christians, promising that he would surrender to him free possession of Hungary, 
The turk called again into Hungary by the dislention between Monachus and Ferdinandus. The cowardly voyage of joachimus Duke of Brandeburg, against the turk.  if he would come and vanquish the army of Ferdinandus lying about the siege of Buda. The Turk maketh no long tarrying, but taketh the occasion, and with a mighty power, flieth into Hungary, and eftsoons discharging the host of Ferdinandus, and putting them of from the siege of Buda, getteth the City into his own hands, commanding the son of Uaivoda with his mother, to follow after his camp.  
In the history of joannes Ramus it followeth, that when Solyman the Turk had thus prevailed against the City of Buda aforesaid, & against other parties more of Hungary, by the asset of the Empire, one joachimus duke of Brandeberg, prince elector was assigned with a puissant army of chosen soldiers of all nations collected, to recover the City of Buda from the Turk, and to deliver the other parties of Christendom from the fear of the Turk. an. 1542. Which joachimus at his first setting forth, appeared so courageous and valiant, as though he would have conquered the whole world: but this great heat was so slaked in short time by the Turk, that before any great jeopardy was offered unto him, he was glad to to be discharged of the voyage, and with shame enough, returned home again. And would God he had left behind him in the field, no more but his own shame. For the enemies having intelligence before of his cowardly departure, thinking to work some point of mastery or victory before his going, did set upon the right wing of his army (which chief consisted of Dutchmen of low Germany) out of the which they took away with them above 500 strong and valiant soldiers, 
500 Christian soldiers taken and carried away of the turks.  not killing them, but carrying them away alive. For whom it had been much better to have stand to their weapon and to have died manfully upon the turks, then by yielding themselves to be disgarnished of weapon and armour, and so to be left to the cursed courtesy of the foul Turks. To whom what courtesy was sheweed, 
The horrible punishments practised of the turks against the Christians.  by the sequel did appear. For after the Turks had led them out of Hungary into their own dominion, after a most horrible & beastly sort they disfigured & mangled them, & so sent them abroad through all Grecia to be witnessrs of the Turks victory. Their kind of punishment was thus: First they had their right arm thrust through with an iron red hot, whereby they should be unable and unmeet to all labour & warfare. Secondly, their heads were shaven to the very skulls, after the manner of our Friars & monks, when they are newly shaven. Thirdly, they had all their privy members cut of from their bodies to the intent to make them unfruitful for propagation which wound was so grievous unto them, that the greatest part of them died thereupon, the few that recovered the torment thereof, led a life more bitter & more miserable than death itself. And this kind of cruelty was executed in order upon them all. In much like sort did cruel Pharaoh exercise his tyranny against the people of God in Egypt: who to destroy the generation of them, caused all the male children to be drowned in the river. Whereby it is the more to be hoped, that seeing the tyranny of this turkish Pharaoh is come to such an extremity, 
Ex joan Ramo, de rebus turcicis. lib. 2.  the merciful goodness of God will the more shortly send some Moses or other unto us for our speedy deliverance. This was by the cruel Turks done. an. 1542. witnessed by joannes Ramus, which not only writeth the story, but by the testimony also of his own eyes recordeth the same to be true, beholding with his eyes one of the same number in the city of Uienna, who having wife and children in Bruxelles, either for shame or sorrow had no mind to return home to his own house. 
The falseness of the turk in keeping no promise with the Christians.  Ex joan Ramo.  
But to return again to the city of Buda, from whenre we have digressed, here is not to be pretermitted, what falsehood and what cruelty the turks used toward the Christians there, after their victory. For after that Solyman the Turk upon the yielding and submission of the men of Buda, had given to them his promise of safety and life, within short time, the said turk picking a quarrel with them for selling Oxen unto the Christians, and for bargaining with them, slew all the Magistrates of the said City of Buda: like as in all other Cities, where so ever the Christians yielded unto him, he never, or very rarely kept his promise with them, neither did ever any christians speed better with the turk, 
An horrible example of the beastly cruelty of the false turk.  than they which most constantly did resist him.  
And as his promise with the Magistrates of Buda was false and wretched: so his cruelty with the soldiers thereof was more much notorious & abominable. For in the expugnation of Buda among that rest which were slain ij. cohortes or bands of Christian soldiers came alive to his hands. To whom, when he seemed at the first to grant pardon of life, he commanded to put on their armour again, and to dispose themselves in order and battle array after the warlike manner of the christians, which when they had accomplished readily, according to his commandment, & he riding about the ranks of them, had diligently viewed and be holden them a certain space, at length he commanded them to put of their armour again, which done, certain of the tallest and strongest of them he piked out, the residue he commanded by his soldiers coming behind them, with sword to be cut in pieces and slain. Of the other, whom he had elected and chosen, some he set for marks and butts to be shot at: some he appointed to his two sons, for them to slash with their sword, & try their strength, which of them could give the deeper wound and (as they termed it) the fairer blow, 
Ex epist. Marti. Stellae. de successibus tur carum. etc.  whereby most blood might follow out of their Christian bodies. Ex Mart. Stella. De successibus Turcarum.  
After the winning of Buda, the Turk purposing not so to cease before he had subdued and brought under his obedience all Hungary, proceeding further with his army first brought under a strong hold of christians named Pestum or Pesta, where a great number of Christian soldiers partly were slain, partly were led away to more cruel affliction.  

The castle of Walpo won of the turks.  Then he came to an other Castle called Walpo situate in the confines of Bosna, Croatia, and Hungary. Which fort or castle he besieged three months, while no rescue nor aid was sent unto them, neither from Ferdinandus king of Hungary, nor from any other christian Prince or Princes. Whereupon at length the fort was given up to the Turk, but more through the false treachery or cowardly hart of the soldiers, then of the Captain. Wherein is to be noted an example not unworthy of memory. For when the cowardly soldiers, either for fear or flattery, would needs surrender themselves & the piece unto the Turk, contrary to the mind of the Captain, which in no case would agree to their yielding: they thinking to find favour with the turk, apprehended their captain, and gave him to Solyman. 
A notable example of God's judgements lighting upon themselves, which mean false hood toward the innocent.  But see how the justice of God sometimes by the hands of the enemy, disposeth the end of things to the rewarding of virtue, & punishing of vice. For where they thought to save themselves by the danger of the faithful Captain, the event turned clean contrary, so that the Turk was to the captain bountiful and very liberalll: and the soldiers, notwithstanding that they had all yielded themselves, yet were all put to death and commanded piteously to be slain, Ex joan. Martino Stella De Turcarum in Hungaria successibus. etc.  
There is in Hungary an other town bearing the name of five Churches, 
The city of 5. churhes yielded to the turks.  called Quiquecclesiensis, partly spoiled before, as is above mentioned, pag. 751. but now through the loss of Walpo, & by the hugeness of the Turks army (containing in it. 220. thousand fight men) was so discouraged and put out of hope and hart, 
The bishop leaveth his flock in the briars.  that the b. ●h. and chief nobles of the town fled before the jeopardy: the rest of the commons, which were partly prevented by the sudden coming of the turks, partly for poverty could not avoid sent their messengers to the Turk, to yield and surrender the town, upon promise of life, unto his hands. Whose promise how firm it stood, the story leaveth it uncertain. This is affirmed, that three days after the yielding of this Quinquecclesiensis, never a Turk durst enter the City. an. 1543. Ex joan. Mart. Stella. & alijs.  

Soclosia a town in Hungary subdued of the turks.  The next fort or hold gotten by the Turks in Hungary, was Soclosia. The town at the first invasion of the Turks, was won, sack, and fired. The castle within the town, did something hold out a time, and first requiring truce for 14. days, to see what aid should be sent unto them, and to deliberate upon the conditions that should be proposed unto them, after the 14. days expired, they (trusting to the situation and munition of the place, which was very strong) began for a certain space stoutly to put back the enemy: But afterward seeing their walls to be battered, their foundations to shake (for the Turk had set xij. thousand underminers under the diches of the castle) & their strength to diminish, 
Covetousness of worldly goods is the destruction of many a man.  and misdoubting themselves not to be able long to hold out, agreed in like manner to yield themselves, upon condition to escape with life & goods. Which condition of saving their goods, was the losing of their lives, especially of the richer sort. For the Turks perceiving by that condition, that they were of wealth and substance, omitting the inferior or base sort, 
The turk keepeth no promise.  fell upon the wealthy men for their riches, and slew them every one, an. 1543. Ibid.  
In the which his history this is also to be noted, that during the time while the castle of Soclosia was besieged, the villages & pages round about the same, came of their own accord, submitting and yielding themselves unto the Turk, bringing in (as they were commanded) all kind of victual and forage, 
Example what cometh by Christian men's yielding to the turk.  into the Turks camp. Which done, Solyman the Turk commanded all the head men of the pages to appear before him, which humbly obeyed and came. Then the turk warned them to return again the next day after, every one bringing with him his inferior retinue, and household servants. Which when they had with like diligence also, according to his commandment accomplished, the turk immediately commanded them every one, in the face of his whole army, to be slain and so was this their reward. Which reward the more that it declareth the bloody cruelty of the turk: the more encourage it may minister to our men, the more constantly to withstand him. Ex Martino Stella.  
another strong town there is in Hungary named Strigonium, distant from Buda above said, 
Strigonium a city in Hungary besieged of the turks.  the space of five Dutch miles, against the which the Turks made great preparation of ordinance, and all other instruments of artillery necessary for the siege thereof. Which city in like manner began also to be compassed and enclosed by the turks, before it could be sufficiently prepared & garnished of our men but that the archbishop only of Strigon privily conveyed unto them 200. Oxen. 
Negligence of Christian princes in public defence.  Such was then the negligence of Ferdinandus king of Hungary, which so slenderly looked unto the necessary defence of his towns and cities. More over such was the discord then of christian kings & Princes, which in their civil dissension and wars were so occupied and hot in needless quarrels, that they had neither leisure nor remembrance, to help in time there, where true need required. Which slender care, and cold zeal of the Christian rulers, not in tendering the public cause, while they contend in private trifles, hath caused the Turk to come so far as he hath, and yet farther is like, unless the mercy of the Lord do help more, than our diligence. One of the chief captains within the City, was Martinus Lascanus, a Spaniard.  
The Turks in the beginning of the siege began first to attempt the Citizens with fair words, and accustomed promises, to yield and gently to submit themselves. But they not ignorant of the Turks promises wisely refused, and manfully stood so long as they could to the defence of their city, now and then skirmishing with them in out corners, and killing certain numbers of them: sometime with their shot disturbing their munitions, & breaking the wheels of their guns. etc.  
Three special means the Turks use in winning great forts and cities: 
Three special helps of the turks in winning towns & cities.  great multitude of soldiers: great ordinance and mortuary pieces: the third is by undermining. All which here in the siege of this City, lacked not. This siege continued vehement a certain space: in which the Strigonians had borne out four strong assaults, and slew many thousands of the turks, till at length the turks either departing away, or else seeming to departed unto Buda, the people at last being so persuaded and made to believe of some chief rulers of the city (peradventure not the truest men) the citizens being erected with hope and comfort, and singing Te Deum, 
The citizens of Strigonium fly the city.  as though the city had been free from all danger, suddenly (by whose counsel it is unknown) conveyed themselves all out of the City. 300. horsemen also passed over the river and departed. The Italians which were under Franciscus Salamanca a Spanish captain hardly could be persuaded by him to abide, which were in all scarce. 600.  
Within 3. days after 300. german soldiers, with 2. ships laden with shot, powder, & artillery, were privily let into the town: So that of our men all there were scarce 1300. soldiers. 
The town of Strigonium destroyed after the flying of the citizens, & the castle defended.  Who seeing the small quantity of their number, burning and casting down the town & suburbs, took them to the castle: from whence they beat of the turks valiantly with their ordinance, a good space, and with wild fire destroyed great companies of them, till at last they seeing their walls to fail them, and the whole castle to shake by undermining, but especially by the working of a certain Italian surnamed Presbyter, they gave over. This Italian whether for fear or falsehood, secretly unknowing to the rest of the soldiers, accompanied with two other conveyed himself down from the walls, & being brought into the tents of the next captain or Bassa of the turks, there in the name of all his fellows, convented with the turks, 
An Italian fear in yielding the castle of Strigonium to the turk.  to give up to them the Castle: whereupon the turks were bid to cease the shooting. This Italian shortly after with two other turks was sent back to Salamanca his Captain, with the Turks message. The going out of this Italian being privy to the residue of his fellows, contrary to the laws and discipline of war, although it seemed to come of his own head: yet for so much as the other soldiers were not sure, but rather suspected lest the other Italians his countrymen had been in some part of consent therein, and would take his part: neither durst offer him any harm for that his doing, nor yet could well advise with themselves what was best to do, for fear of privy confederacy within themselves.  

A turkish truce taken with the Christians, they not knowing thereof.  Thus while Lascanus the chief captain of the Christians aforesaid, with his fellow soldiers, were in a maze what to do or not to do: in the mean time came one running, who giving a sign both to the Christians and the Turks, to hold their hands and weapons, for that it was against all law of war to fight after peace and truce taken: our men, as they were commanded, went into the inward tower. The turks in the mean time, had got into the Castle, and occupied all the utter parties. Then was Salamanca by the consent of the rest, sent out to the Turk, who there being stayed that night, the next morrow the Turks bull or warrant was sent into the Castle, 
The false turks never true in promise.  permitting free liberty to the Christians to departed with bag and baggage. Who now being ready to departed, first were commanded by the turks compassing them round about, to cast from them their dags, lances, and battle axes, into the trench. Then coming to the gate to go out, their sword were taken from them, looking then for nothing but present death.  
At last when they were come a little further, other were sent to them to discharge them of their helmets, their tergattes, currettes, and what soever piece of harness, was about them. Whereupon great fear came upon them, lest some great cruelty should be showed upon them. 
The miserable affliction of our Christian soldiers taken at Strigonium.  Solyman after he had long deliberated with himself, whether to kill them or not, at last contrary to all expectation, granted their lives but before they should be dismissed, he first caused them, in derision of Christianity, to be baited with scorns and mocks throughout all the Turkish army, and so the next day commanded them being stripped out of their coats and apparel, to be reduced again into the castle by companies setting over them certain turks with cudgels, & bats to lay upon their backs and sides, causing them to bury the dead carcases, and to gather up the rubbish broken down from the castlewalles, and to scour the ditches. Which done the next day following he demanded of them by an interpreter, whether they would enter wages with him, & take horse and armour to serve him in his. 
Holy soldiers & Martius slain of the turks for their faithful religion.  Wars, which condition divers for fear were contented to take, seeing no other remedy to avoid present death. Some neither by manasing words, nor for any fear of death, could be compelled thereunto, of whom certain which stood stoutly in refusing thereof, were presently slain, whom I may worthily recite in the number and catalogue of holy martyrs.  
Of the foresaid christians, part were carried over the river of Danubius, not without great villainy, & contumely most despiteful, For some had their wives taken from them and carried away, some had their wives ravished before their face: and such as made or showed any resistance thereat, had their wives before them cast into the river and drowned: also their infants and young children, being appointed by the turks to the abominable order of the janizarites, mentioned before pag. 736. their parents not consenting thereunto, were precipitate and thrown into the river and drowned. All which things are testified by john Martinus Stella, 
Ex joan. Mart. Stella in Epist. ad fratros.  in his Epistles in print extant, written to his two brethren, William, & Michael, etc. Which Mart Stella moreover this addeth & affirmeth, that he himself being the same time at Uienna, did see one of the foresaid wives, who being holden fast by the hear of the head yet notwithstanding having her hear plucked off, cast herself into the river Danubius, for the singular love to her husband, and so swam to the ship where he was. And thus this miserable company of Germans, Spaniards and Italians mixed together, macerate with labours, with hunger pined, with watchings, dolours, and sorrow consumed came at length to Schinda.  
When the tidings thereof was noised at Uienna, partly with fear and dread, partly with indignation, all men's hearts were moved & vexed diversly. Some thought them not worthy to be received into their city, 
divers opinions of the Viennians touching these miserable afflicted soldiers.  showing themselves so dastardly and cowardly. Other thought again that mercy was to be showed unto them, and commended their fact for that they being so few, & unfurnished of aid neither able to match by any means with such an innumerable multitude of the turks, kept themselves till better time might serve them. But howsoever the matter was to be thought of, the captains brought the poor remnant of that rueful company, unto possidonium, where the said captains were laid fast, and their kept in durance, to render account of the whole matter, how it was wrought and handled. And thus have ye, the lamentable story of Strigonium.  
The Turk proceeding in his victories, conducted his army next unto Tath, 
Tath, subdued of the turks.  and to the parties lying near about Comaron. This Tath was also a strong hold in Hungary wherein were placed certain garrisons, pertly of the germans, partly of the Italians. The chie●tayne of the Italians was one Hannibal Tosso, constitute by Philipus Torneilius. This Tasso was a man well expert in prows of war: 
Victory hath never success under awicked captain and swearer.  but of a filthy corrupt life, & also a foul swearer: and horrible blasphemer of God and his saints. To make the story short, this fort of Tathe, before any siege was laid unto it, was yielded and given up to the Turks: upon what conditions, or by whose means, the author showeth not: Thus much he showeth, that the said Hannibal shortly upon the same, returning into Italy, was commanded by Tornellius aforesaid: to be apprehended and beheaded.  
After the turks had subverted and destroyed the fort of Tathe, 
Alba Regalis besieged of the turk.  they turned their power against Alba, surnamed Regalis, for that the kings of Hungary have been always wont there to be crowned, and buried. This Alba is a little well compacted city in Hungary, having on the one side a marsh somewhat foggishe or fenny, which made the town less assaultable. 
The turks devise in filling up the marsh  But near to the same was a wood from the which the turks every day with vi. C. carts, brought such matter of wood and trees felled for the same purpose, into the marish, that within less than 12. days they made it apt, and hard to their feet, which the towns men thought never could be gone upon, but only in the hard frosts of winter. At the first beginning of the siege, there stood a little without the munitions in the front of the city, a certain church or Monastery, which the Citizens pretending to maintain and keep against the turks, had privily conveyed light matter easily to take flame, 
A stratagem of the Christians against the turks.  with powder, in secret places thereof, and had hid also fire withal. Which done, they (as against their wills being driven back, withdrew themselves within the munitions, waiting the occasions, when this fire would take. Thus the turks having the possession of the church, suddenly the fire coming to the powder, raised up the Church, and made a great scatter and slaughter among the barbarous turks This was not so soon espied of them within the town, but they issued out upon them in this disturbance, and slew of them a great number: Among whom divers of their nobles also the same time were slain, and one Bassa an Eunuch, which was of great estimation with the turks. 
A note touching the French king that then was.  Moreover, in the same skirmish was taken one of those gunner's which the french king is said to have sent to the Turk a little before. Which if it be true, let the Christian Reader judge what is to be thought of those Christian princes, which not only forsaking the common cause of Christ's Church joined league with the turk, 
Ex epist. joan. Marti Stella. ad fratres. De Turcar. in Hungaria successibus.  but also sent him gunner's to set forward his wars to the destruction of Christ's people, and to the shedding of their blond, for whom they know the blond of Christ to be shed. If this be not true, I show mine author: If it be, then let the Pope see and mark well how his title of Christianissimus, can well agree with such doings.  
But to let this matter sleep, although the turks (as ye heard) had won the fen, with their policy and industry, against the City of Alba, yet all this while the Albans were nothing inferior to their enemies, through the valiant help & courageous endeavour of Octavianus Scruzatus, a captain of Milan. By whose prudent counsel and constant standing, the busy enterprises of the turks did little prevail a long time, till at length, suddenly arose a thick fog or mist upon the city, where as round about besides, the sun did shine bright. Some said it came by Art Magical, but rather it may appear to rise out of the fen or marish, being so pressed down with men's feet and other matter laid upon it.  
The turks using the occasion of this misty darkness in secret wise approaching the walls, 
The outwardwalles got by the turks.  had got up to a certain fortress, where the germans were, before our men could well perceane them: where they pressed in so thick, & in such number, that albeit the christian soldiers standing strongly to the defence of their lives, did what valiant men in cases of such extremity were able to do: yet being overmatched with the multitude of the Turks, & the suddenness of their coming, gave back, seeking to retire into the inward walls. Which when their other fellows did see to recoil, than was their flying of all hands every man striving to get into the City. There was between the outward Wales or vamures, 
A miserable slaughter of Christian soldiers.  and inward gate of the city, a strait or narrow passage, cast up in manner of a bank or causey, ditched on both sides: which passage or ingress happened the same timeto be barred & stopped. By reason whereof the poor soldiers were forced to cast themselves into the ditch, thinking to swim as well as they could, into the city: where many of them sticking in the mud, were drowned: one pressing upon an other: many were slain of their enemies coming behind them, they having neither hart, nor power to resist. A few which could swim out, were received into the City: but the chief Captains and warders of the town were there slain.  
The citizens being destitute of their principal captains and warriors, were in great perplexity and doubt among themselves, what to do, some thinking good to yield, some counselling the contrary. This while the minds of the citizens were distracted in divers & doubtful sentences, the Magistrates minding to stand to the turks gentleness, sent out one of their heads unto the turk, who in the name of them all, should surrender to him the city, and become unto him tributaries, upon condition they might enjoy liberty of life & goods, which being to them granted, after the turkish faith & assurance, first the soldiers which were left within the city, putting of their armour, were discharged & sent away. Who being but only 300. left of 4. ensigns of Italians, & of a thousand Germans, 
Let never good Christians stand to the turks gentleness.  by the way were laid for by the Tartarians, for hope of their spoil: so that they scattering a sunder one one way, an other an other to save themselves as well as they could: fled every one what way he thought best. Of whom some wandering in woods & marshes fainted for famine: some were taken and slain by the Hungarians, a few with bare and empty, and withered bodies, more like ghosts than men, escaped & came to Uienna. And this befell upon the soldiers.  
Now understand what happened to the yielding Citizens. So in story it followeth, that when the turk had entered the town, and had visited the sepulchre of the kings for three or 4. days he pretended much clemency toward the citizens, as though he came not to oppress them, but to be revenged of Ferdinandus their king, & to deliver them from the servitude of the Germans. On the fourth day, all the chief & head men of the city were commanded to appear before the turk in a plain, not far from the city where the condemned persons before, were wont to be executed, as though they should come to swear unto the turk. 
The cruelty of the turks against the Christians. What it is to yield to turk and to stick to his promise.  At this commandment of the turk, when the citizens in great number, & in their best attire were assembled, the turk contrary to his faith and promise, commanded suddenly a general slaughter to be made of them all. And this was the end of the citizens of Alba.  
In the mean time, during the siege of Alba, the Hungarians meeting sometimes with the horsemen of the Tartarians, which were sent out to stop their victuals from the city, 
The citizens of Alba destroyed of the turks. Half of a young child found in the satchel of a captive coming from the turks. The castle of Pappa won of the turks. Wizigradun got and surprised of the turks. The false dealing and cruelty of the turks against the Christians. Nowm castellum in Dalmatia won by the turks.  slew of them at one bickering. 3000. Turks. In which story is also reported & mentioned of mine author, an horrible sight and example of misery, concerning a certain captive (a Christian belike) who coming into Uienna, was found to have in his scrip or satchel the half of a young child of two years old, which remained yet uneaten, the other half being eaten before. an. 1543. Ibid.  
Next after this was expugned the castle of Pappa, by the Turks. Let the castle now of Papa take heed, lest one day it follow after.  
The like fidelity the turks also kept, with the fort of Wizigradum and the soldiers thereof. This Wizigradun is situate in the mid way between Buda and Strigonium. Of the which fort or Castle, the highest tower so mounteth upon the hill, that unless it be for famine and lack of water they have not to dread any enemy. Notwithstanding so it happened, that the lower piece being won, they in the higher tower abiding four days without drink were compelled with liberty granted of life and goods, to yield themselves. But the devilish turks keeping no faith nor promise, slew them every one, only Petrus Amandus the captain of the piece, excepted: who privily was conveyed by the Captain of the Turks, out of the slaughter. an. 1544.  
To these moreover may be added the winning of Nowm Castellum in Dalmatia, where he slew all that were within both soldiers & other, 
The discord of Christian princes within themselves. The turk occasioned to return out of Europe into Asia.  for that they did not yield themselves in time. Thus the turk, whether they yielded to him or not, never spared the people and flock of Christ.  
As the false & cruel Turk was thus raging in Hungary, and intended further to rage's without all mercy and pity of the Christians, and easily might then have prevailed and gone whether he would for that Charles the Emperor and Franciscus the french king were the same time in war and hostility, and also other Christian Princes, as Henry Duke of Brunswike, against john Frederick Duke of Saxony, also Princes and rulers were contending among themselves: behold the gracious providence of our Lord and God toward us, who seeing the misery & having pity of his poor Christians, suddenly as with a snafle reined this raging beast, and brought him out of Europe into his own country again, by occasion of the Persians, who were then in great preparation of war against the turks, 
The providence of God for his Christians.  & had invaded his dominion. By reason whereof the turks was kept there occupied, fight with the Persians a long continuance. Which wars at length being achieved and finished, (wherein the said Turk lost great victories, with slaughter of many thousands of his Turks) he was not only provoked by the instigation of certain evil disposed Hungarians, but also occasioned by the discord of Christian Princes, to return again into Europe, in hope to subdue all the parts thereof unto his dominion. Whereunto, 
another example of God's providence for his  when he had levied an army incredible of such a multitude of turks, as the like hath not lightly been heard of, see again the merciful providence & protection of our God toward his people. And as the Turk was thus intending to set forward with this innumerable multitude against the Christians, the hand of the Lord sent such a pestilence through all the turks army and dominions, reaching from Bythinia, and from Thracia, to Macedonia and also to Hungary, that all the turks possessions almost seemed nothing else, but as a heap of dead corpses, whereby his voyage for that time was stopped, and he almost compelled to seek a new army.  
Beside this plague of the Turks aforesaid, which was worse to them then any war, other lets also and domestical calamities through God's providence happened unto Solymannus, the great rover and robber of the world which stayd him at home from vexing the christians, especially touching his eldest son Mustapha.  
This Mustapha being hated and partly feared of Rustanus the chief counsellor about the Turk, and of Rosa the turks concubine & after his wife, was divers times complained of to his father, accused, & at length so brought into suspicion and displeasure of the turk, by them aforesaid: that in conclusion his father caused him to be sent for to his pavilion, 
Sylyman the turk murdereth Mustapha his own son.  where 6. Turk's with visours were appointed to put him to death: Who coming upon him, put (after their manner) a small cord or bowstring full of knots about his neck, & so throwing him down upon the ground, not suffering him to speak one word to his father, with the switch thereof throtcled & strangled him to death his father standing in a secret corner by, and beholding the same. Which fact being perpetrate, afterward when the Turk would have given to an other son of his and of Rosa called Bianger, the treasures, horse, armour, ornaments and the province of Mustapha his brother: Bianger crying out for sorrow of his brother's death: fie of thee, saith he to his father, thou impious and wretched dog, traitor, murderer, I cannot call thee father, take the treasures the horse and armour of Mustapha to thyself: and with that taking out his dagger, thrust it through his own body. And thus was Solyman murderer & parricide of his own sons: which was in the year of our Lord. 1552.  
Wherein notwithstanding is to be noted the singular providence and love of the Lord toward his afflicted christians. For this Mustapha as he was courageous & greatly expert and exercised in all practice of war: 
The loving providence of our Lord for his Christians.  so had he a cruel hart, maliciously set to shed the blood of christians: Wherefore great cause have we to congratulate, 
Good hope at God's hand to be conceived of Christians.  & to give thanks to god, for the happy taking away of this Mustapha And no less hope also and good comfort we may conceive of our loving Lord, hereby ministered unto us, to think that our merciful God after these sore afflictions of his Christians under these 12. Turks afore recited: now after this Solyman intendeth some gracious good work to Christendom, to reduce & release us out of this so long & miserable turkish captivity: as may be hoped now by taking away these young imps of this impious generation, before they should come to work their conceived malice against us: the Lord therefore be glorified and praised. Amen.  
Moreover as I was in writing hereof, opportunely came to my hands a certain writing out of germany, 
Good news of the turks lately repulsed by the Christian.  certifying us of such news & victory of late achieved against the turk, as may not a little increase our hope and comfort us, touching the decay and ruin of the Turks power & tyranny against us. Which news are these: that after the turkish tyrant had besieged with an army of 30000. men, the famous & strong town and castle of jula in Hungary lying 40. dutch miles beyond the river Danubius, which city had, by the space of 6. weeks sustained many grievous assaults: God through his great mercy & goodness so comforted the said town of jula and the poor Christians therein, at their earnest prayers, that the Turk with all his host was driven back, by the hands of the general, called Karetshim Laslaw and his valiant company, who not only defended the said town, but also constrained the Turks to retire, to the great shame and confusion, with a great slaughter of the turkish rabble: For the which the everlasting God be praised for ever.  
The manner of the overthrow was this. As the foresaid general did see his advantage with Captain George, and other horsemen of the Sclesians' and Hungarians, they set on the rearward of the Turks and killed about 8000. of them, 
8000. turks slain.  and took also some of their artillery and followed them so fast, that the Turks were constrained to fly into a marish ground, and to break the wheels of the rest of their artillery, to save themselves, and therewith they got a very rich booty, rescuing besides and taking from the Turks a great number of christian prisoners. Like thanks also are to be given to God, 
Christian captives rescued & taken from the turks. 800. turks slain.  for the prosperous success given to Magotschie the valiant Captain of Erla, who making toward the Turks, and recountring with the Tartarians, slew of them about 8. hundredth.  
Not long after this, it happened through the like providence of our God, a turkish Captain called Begen, accompanied with a thousand fresh horsemen came newly out of Turkey, 
A great captain of the turks slain and his treasure taken.  to go toward the city named Quinque Ecclesiae, or Finffenkyrchen: with whom the Earl of Serin by the way did encounter, and in the right setting upon him, killed the captain and took 8. Camels, and 8. Moils laden with treasure, and also got two red Guidons, with a whole great piece of rich cloth of gold, and with an other fair and strange jewel. The horse of this foresaid turkish captain, was betrapped and decked most richly. The saddle whereof had the pommel and the back part covered over with plate of fine Arabic gold, and the rest of the saddle, beside the sitting place, was plated with silver very fair gilded. The seat of the saddle was covered with purple velvet: the trappers and bridle beset with little Turkeys, and Rubies: Which horse was sent to Uienna unto the Emperor Maximilian for a present.  
Although the Earl would very fain have saved the Captain, not knowing what he was, yet the janizarites labouring to carry away their captain, so stiffly defended themselves, that the Earl with his company, was constrained to kill both them and their Captain. From whom the said Earl of Serin the same time got, xv. thousand Turkish and Hungarish Ducats: which money was brought for the payment of the Turkish soldiers in the town aforesaid of Finffenkyrchen. etc. All which be good beginnings of greater goodness to be hoped for hereafter, through the grace of Christ our Lord, especially if our Christian rulers and potentates, first the churchmen & prelate's for their parts: then the civil powers & princes for their parts, with holding their affections a little, will turn their brawls & variance, into brotherly concord and agreement, which the Lord of peace put in their minds to do. Amen. Or otherwise if it will so please the Lord, that the turk come further upon us, so as he hath begun, for our punishment & castigation, his grace then give to the flock of his poor Christians, constancy of faith, patience in suffering, and amendment of life: For so I understand by public fame, although uncertainly rumoured by the voice of some, 
The turk piercing into Italy.  that the Turks power of late, this present year of our Lord 1566. hath pierced the parties of Apulia within Italy, wasting and burning the space of an. 100 miles toward Naples. Which if it be certain, it is to be feared, that the Turk having thus set in his foot, & feeling the sweetness of Italy, will not so cease before he get in both head and shoulders also so far into Italy, that he will display his banners within the walls of Rome, & do with old Rome the like as Mahumete his great granfather did with new Rome, the city of Constantinople, and as the Persians did with Babylon.  
The causes why we have so to judge, he divers: first that the sea of Rome hath been defended hitherto and maintained with much blood, 
Conjectures why it is to be feared that the turk shall get Rome.  and therefore it may seem not uncredible, but that it will not long continue, but be lost with blood again, according to the verdict of the Gospel: He that striketh with the sword, shall perish with the sword. etc. An other cause is, the fulfilling of the 18. chapter of the apocalypse: where is written that great Babylon shall fall & be made an habitation of devils, and a den of unclean spirit, and a cage of filthy and unclean birds: the fall whereof shall be like a millstone in the sea, that is, which shall not rise again. And this to come before the day of judgement, the text of the said chapter doth apertly declare: where the words do follow, showing that the kings of the earth, and the merchants which had to do with the whorish City, standing a far of for fear of the heat, and beholding the smoke of the said City flaming and burning with fire, shall be wail and rue her destruction and desolation etc. What city is this, called great Babylon, which like a millstone shall fall and burn, and be made an habitation of unclean spirits, and beasts, let the reader construe. This is certain and plain by these her kings and merchants standing a far of for fear, and beholding her burning, that the destruction of this city (what city soever it be) shall be seen here in earth before the coming of the lords judgement, 
The phrophesis of the 18. chap. of the Apoccalipse● pounded.  as may easily be gathered by these iij. circumstances, that is, by the standing, the beholding, and be wailing of her merchants. By the which merchants and kings of the earth, peradventure may be signified, the Pope, the rich Cardinals, the great prelate's and fat doctors, and other obedienciaries of the Romish sea: who at the coming of the Turks, will not adventure their lives for their Church, but will flee the city (no doubt) and stand a far of from danger: and when they shall see with their eyes, and hear with their cares the city of Rome to be set on fire and consumed by the cruel Turks, the sight thereof shall seem to them piteous and lamentable, to behold the great and fair city of Rome, the tall castle of S. Angel, the Popes mighty sea (where they were wont to fish out such riches dignities, treasures, and pleasures) so to burn before their eyes, and to come to such utter desolation, which shall never be reedefied again, but shall be made an habitation of devils and unclean spirits, that is, Turks and heathen Sultan's, and barbarous Saracens. etc. This (I say) peradventure may be the meaning of that prophetical place of the Apoc. not that I have here any thing to pronounce, but only give my guess, what may probably be conjectured. But the end at length will make this and all other things more plain and manifest. For mystical prophecies lightly are never so well understand, as when the event of them is passed and accomplished.  
another cause concurring with the causes aforesaid may be collected, 
The third cause Ex Paulo Iou●o.  out of Paulus iovius, who writing ofy e subversion of Rhodes, which was as ye heard. an. 1522. upon Christmas day, saith that it chanced suddenly the same day in Rome, that as Pope Hadrian the vi. was entering into the church to his service, suddenly over his head the upper frontier or top of the chapel door, which was of marble immediately as the pope was entering, fell down and slew certain of his guard waiting upon him. Whereby peradventure may be meant, that the ruin of Rome was not long after to follow the loss of Rhodes.  
The fourth cause I borrow out of joannes aventinus, 
The fourth cause Ex joan. Auentino. Annal. lib. 3. fol. 30.  who in his third book alleging the names, but not the words of Hildegardis, Brigitte, and other prophetical men hath these words: Si vera sint carmina & vaticinia D. Hildegardae, & Brigittae. Sybillanum Germaniae, & Bardorum fatidicorum, qui ea quae nostro aevo completa vidimus, longo ante tempore nobis cecinerunt: A grippinensis Colonia, nolimus, velimus, Turcarun caput erit, 
A prophesi.  etc. That is, if the sayings and prophecies of Hildegarde, of Brigitte, & of other prophetical people be true, which being foretold long before, we have seen now in these our days accomplished: the town of Colen will we, nil we, must needs be the head city of the turks. etc.  
And this I writ not as one pronouncing against the City of Rome, what will happen, but as one fearing what may fall. Which if it come to pass (as I pray God it do not) than shall the Pope well understand, whether his wrong understanding of the Scriptures, & his false flattering glosers upon the same, have brought him.  
Wherefore my counsel is to the Pope, 
A caucat to the bishop of Rome, if he be wise.  & all his Popish maintainers and upholders to humble themselves, & to agree with their brethren by time, letting all contention fall: lest that while the Bishop of Rome shall strive to be the highest of all other Bishops, it so fall out shortly, that the bishop of Rome shallbe found the lowest of all other Bishops, or peradventure no bishop at all.  
Whereupon also an other cause may be added, taken out of Hieronunns Savonarola, who prophesieth that one shall come over the Alpes like unto Cyrus, & destroy Italy. Whereof see more, pag. 737.  
This Solimanus, if he be yet alive, hath now reigned 46. years, 
Ex Pau●o jonio.  who began the same year, in the which the Emperor Charles the v, was crowned, which was an. 1520. and so hath continued by God's permission, for a scourge to the Christians, unto this year now present. 1566. This Solyman by one of his Concubines, had his eldest son called Mustapha. By an other Concubine called Rosa, he had four sons, Mahumete, Baiazates, Zelymus, and Gianger. Of the which sons, Mustapha and Gianger were slain (as ye heard before) by the means of their own father. And thus much concerning the wretched tyranny of the Turks out of the authors here under written.  

The Authors of the Turks stories.  

Authors of the turks stories.  Laonicus Chalcondila.  
Nicolaus Eboicus Episo. Saguntinus.  
joan. Ramus.  
Andraeas' a Lacuna.  
Wolfgangus Drechslerus.  
joan. Crispus.  
joan Faber.  
Ludovicus vives.  
Bernardus de Breydenbach.  
Mityleneus Archiepise. Sabellicus.  
Isiodorus Rutherus.  
Marinus Barlerus.  
Henrious Penia de bello Rhodio.  
Melchior Soiterus.  
Paulus iovius.  
joan Martinus Stella.  
Gaspar Peucerus. etc.  
Nicolaus a Moffen Burgundus.  
Sebast Munsterus.  
Baptista Egnatius.  
Barthol Peregrinus.    

¶ A Notice touching the miserable persecution, slaughter and captivity of the Christians under the Turks.  

Persecution under the turks.  hitherto thou hast heard (Christian Reader) the lamentable persecutions of these latter days, wrought by the Turks against the people and servants of Christ. In the reading whereof, such as sit quietly at home, & be far from jeopardy, may see what misery there is abroad, the knowledge and reading whereof, shall not be unprofitable for all christians earnestly to weigh & consider, for that many there be, which falsely deceiving themselves, imagine that Christianity is a quiet and restrull state of life, full of pleasure & solace in this present world, when in deed it is nothing less, testified by the mouth of our Saviour himself, who rightly defining his kingdom, teacheth us that his kingdom is not of this world, premonishing us also before, that in this world we must look for affliction, but in him we shall have peace. Examples hereof in all parts of this history through all ages are plenteous and evident to be seen, whether we turn our eyes to the first x. persecutions in the primitive Church during the first 3. hundredth years after Christ: or whether we consider the latter 3. hundredth years in this last age of the Church, wherein the poor flock of Christ hath been so afflicted, 
Comparison between the persecutions of the primitive church and of the latter church. Three special enemies of Christ's Church.  oppressed & devoured, the it is hard to say whether have been more cruel against the Christians, the infidel Emperors of Rome in the primitive age of the Church, or else those barbarous Turks in these our latter times of the Church now present.  
Thus from time to time the Church of Christ almost hath had little or no rest in this earth, what for the Heathen Emperors on the one side, what for the proud Pope on the other side, and on the third side what for the barbarous Turk: for these are and have been from the beginning the three principal & capital enemies of the Church of Christ, signified in the apocalypse by the beast, the false Lamb, and the false Prophet, from whom went out three foul spirits like frogs, to gather together all the kings of the earth to the battle of the day of the Lord God almighty. 
Apoc. 16. The cruelty of the furious turks described.  Apocal. 16. The cruelty and malice of these 3. enemies against Christ's people hath been such, that to judge which of them did most exceed in cruelty of persecution, it is hard to say: but that it may be thought that the bloody & beastly tyranny of the Turks especially above the rest, incomparably surmounteth all the afflictions and cruel slaughters that ever were seen in any age, or read of in any story: In so much that there is neither history so perfect, nor writer so diligent, who writing of the miserable tyranny of the Turks, is able to express or comprehend the horrible examples of their unspeakable cruelty and slaughter exercised by these 12. Turkish tyrants, 
Two things to be noted in the turks: how many victories they have got, & how cruelly they have used their victories.  upon poor Christian men's bodies, within the compass of these latter 3. hundredth years, whereof although no sufficient relation can be made, nor number expressed: yet to give to the Reader some general guess or view thereof: let us first perpend and consider what dominions & empires, how many countries, kingdoms, provinces, cities towns, strong holds and forts, these Turks have surprised and won from the Christians. In all which victories, being so many, this is secondly to be noted, that there is almost no place, which the turks ever came to and subdued, where they did not either slay all the inhabitants thereof, or led away the most part thereof into such captivity and slavery, that they continued not long after alive: or else so lived, that death almost had been to them more tolerable.  
Like as in the time of the first persecutions of the Roman Emperors, the saying was, that no man could step with his foot in all Rome, but should tread upon a Martyr: so here may be said, that almost there is not a town, city, or village in all Asia, Grecia, also in a great part of Europa, and Aphrica, whose streets have not flowed with blood of the Christians, whom the cruel turks have murdered. Of whom are to be seen in histories, heaps of soldiers slain, of men & women cut in pieces, of children sticked upon poles & stakes, whom these detestable turks most spiteful (& that in the sight of their parents) use to gore to death: some they drag at their horse tails & famish to death: some they tear in pieces, tying their arms and legs to four horses: other some they make marks to shoot at: upon some they try their swords, how deep they can cut and slash, as ye before have read, pag. 777, The aged & feeble they tread under their horses: women with child they spare not, but rip their bodies, and cast the infants into the fire, or otherwise destroy them▪ 
Ex Marino Barletio de Scodr. ex pugnat. lib. 2.  Whether the Christians yield to them, or yield not, all is a matter As in their promises there is no truth: so in their victories there is no sense of manhood or mercy in them, but they make havoc of all.  
So the Citizens of Croia, after they had yielded & were all promised their lives, were all destroyed and that horribly. In Mysia, after the king had given himself to the turks hand, having promise of life, Mahumet the Turk slew him with his own hands. The Princes of Rasia had both their eyes put out with basins red hot set before them. Theodosia, otherwise called Capha, was also surrendered to the Turk, having the like assurance of life and safety: & yet contrary to the league, the Citizens were put to the sword and slain. At the winning and yielding of Le●bos, what a number or young men and children were put upon sharp stakes and poles, and so thrust through? At the winning of the City of Buda, 
Ex Michael. Sottero. lib. 1. de Bello Pannonico fol. 525.  what tyranny was showed and exercised against the poor Christians, which had yielded themselves, and against the two Dukes Christopher Bisserer and joannes Tranbinger, contrary to the promise and handwriting of the Turk, is to be seen in the story of Melchior Soiterus, de Bello Pannonico.  
The like also is to be read in the story of Bernardus de Breydenbach, 
Ex Bernardo de Breydenbach Decano Eccl. Maegun●.  who writing of the taking of Hydrimtum, a City in Apulia, testifieth of the miserable slaughter, of the young men there slain, of old men trodden under the horse feet, of matrons & virgins ravished, of women with child cut & rend a pieces, of the Priests in the Churches slain, & of the Archbishop of that City, 
The superstitious use of the material cross.  who being an aged man and holding the cross in his hands, was cut a sunder with a wooden saw. etc. The same Bernerdus also writing of the overthrow of Nigropontus, otherwise called Chalcides, an. 1471. describeth the like terrible slaughter: which there was exercised: where the Turk, after his promise given before to the contrary, 
Vide supra. pag. 755.  most cruelly caused all the youth of Italy to be pricked upon sharp stakes: some to be dashed against the hard stones, 
Ex Bernardo Breydenb.  other some to be cut in sunder in the midst, and other more with other kinds of torments to be put to death: in so much that all the streets and ways of Chalcides did flow with the blood of them, which were there slain. In which history the foresaid writer recordeth one memorable example of maidenly chastity, worthy of all Christians to be noted and commended. 
A notable example of maidenly chastity.  The story is told of the praetors daughter of that City, who being the only daughter of her father, & noted to be of an exceeding singular beauty, was saved out of the slaughter, & brought to Mahumet the turk, to be his concubine: But she denying to consent to his turkish appetite and filthiness, was commanded therewith to be slain and murdered, and so died she a Martyr, keeping both her faith and her body undefiled unto Christ jesus her spouse. Ibid.  
The like cruelty also was showed upon them which kept the Castle, & afterward yielding themselves upon hope of the turks promise, were slain every one. What should I speak of the miserable slaughter of Methone, & the Citizens thereof dwelling in Peloponesus: who seeing no other remedy but needs to come into the Turks hands, set the barn on fire where they were gathered together, men, women, and children: 
Vid. supra. pag. 7●4.  some women also with child voluntarily cast themselves into the Sea, rather than they would sustain the Turks captivity. Vide pag. 734.  
Miserable it is to behold, 
The miserable spilling of Christian men's blood by the wretched turk●.  long to recite, incredible to believe all the cruel parts and horrible slaughters wrought by these miscreants, against the Christians, through all places almost of the world, both in Asia, in Africa, but especially in Europa. Who is able to recite the innumerable societies and companies of the Grecians Martyred by the Turks sword in Achaia, Attica, Thessalia, Macedonia, Epirus, and all Peloponesus? besides the Island of Rhodes and other Islands, and Cyclades adjacent in the sea about, numbered to 52. of the which also Pathmos was one, where S. john being banished, wrote his revelations. Where did ever the Turks set any foot, but the blood of Christians there, without pity or measure, went to wrack? & what place or province is there almost thorough the world, where the turks either have not pierced, or are not like shortly to enter? 
A brief recital of Christian towns & forts won of the tu●ke in Europe.  In Thracia, & through all the coasts of Danubius, in Bulgaria, Dalmatia, in Servia, Transiluania, Bosna, in Himgaria, also in Austria, what havoc hath been made by them, of Christian men's bodies, it will rue any Christian hart to remember. At the siege of Moldavio, at the winning of Buda, of Pesta, of Alba, of Walpo, Strigonium, Sociosia, Tathe, Wizigradum, Nowm, Castellum in Dalmatia, Belgradum, Uaradinum, Quinque ecclesie: also at the battle of Uerna, where Ladislaus king of Polony with all his army almost, through the rashness of the Pope's Cardinal were slain: at the winning moreover of Xabiacchus, Lyssus, Dinastrum: at the siege of Guntza, and of the faithful town Scorad, where the number of the shot against their walls, 
The cruelty of the turk against the Citizens of Constantinople Vide supra. pag. 706.  at the siege thereof, were reckoned to 2539. likewise at the siege of Uienna where all the Christian captives were brought before the whole army and slain, and divers drawn in pieces with horses: but especially at the winning of Constantinople above mentioned, pag. 706. also at Croia & Methone, what beastly cruelty was showed, it is unspeakable. For as in Constantinople, Mahumer the drunken Turk never rose from dinner, but he caused every day, for his disport. 300. Christian captives of the nobles of that City to be slain before his face: 
The cruelty of the turk against the prisoners of Methone. Ex Leonico Chalcondyla de rebus Turcicis. lib. 10.  So in Methone, after that his captain Omares had sent unto him at Constantinople 500 prisoners of the Christians, the cruel tyrant commanded them all to be cut and divided in sunder by the middle, & so being slain to be thrown out into the fields.  
Leonicus Chalcondyla, writing of the same story, addeth moreover a prodigious narration (if it be true) of a brute Ox, which being in the fields, and seeing the carcases of the dead bodies so cut in two, made there a loud noise after the lowing of his kind and nature: & afterward coming to the quarters of one of the dead bodies lying in the field, first took up the one half, 
A strange and a prodigious wonder of a brute beast toward a dead Christian body.  & then coming again, took up likewise the other half, and so (as he could) joined them both together. Which being espied of them which saw the doing of the brute Ox, and marveling thereat, and word being brought thereof to mohammed, he commanded the quarters again to be brought, where they were before, to prove whether the beast would come again: who failed not (as the author recordeth) but in like sort as before, taking the fragments of the dead corpse, laid them again together. It followeth more in the author, how that mohammed being astonished at the strange wonder of the Ox, 
More humanity seen in a brute beast then in the turk.  commanded the quarters of the christian man's body to be interred, and the Ox to be brought to his house, and was much made of. Some said it to be the body of a Venetian: some affirmed, that he was an Illyrian: but whatsoever he was certain it is, that the Turk himself was much more bestial than was the very brute Ox: which being a beast showed more sense of humanity to a dead man, then one man did to an other Ex Leonic. Chalcondyla.  

The Bishop with the Citizens of Methone slain of the turk. Ex Andrea de L●cuna, & aliss. Ex joanne Fabro, in oratione ad Regem. Henr. 8.  To this cruelty add moreover, that beside these 500 Methonians thus destroyed at Constantinople, in the said City of Methone, all the towns men also were slain by the foresaid Captain Omares, and among them their Bishop likewise was put to death. Ex Andrea de Lacuna, & ex Wolfgango & alijs.  
john Faber in his Oration made before king henry the 8. at the appointment of king Ferdinandus, and declaring therein the miserable cruelty of the Turks toward all christians, as also toward the bishops and ministers of the church, testifieth how that in Mitilene, in Constantinople, and Trapezunda, what Bishops & Archbishops, or other ecclesiastical and religious persons the Turks could find they brought them out of the cities into the fields, there to be slain like Oxen and Calves. The same Faber also writing of the battle of Solyman in Hungary, where Ludovicus the king of Hungary was overthrown, declareth that 8. Bishops in the same field were slain. And moreover, when the Archbishop of Strigon, 
The cruelty of the turk in Eubo●a.  and Paulus the Archbishop Colossensis were found dead, Solyman caused them to be taken up, & to be beheaded and chopped in small pieces. an. 1526.  
What christian hart will not pity the incredible slaughter done by the Turks in Euboia, where as the said Faber testifieth that innumerable people were sticked & gored upon stakes, divers were thrust through with a hot iron, children and infants not yet waned from the mother were dashed against the stones, & many cut a sunder in the midst. Ex johan Fabro & alijs.  

The prince of Servia slain & slain of the turk.  But never did country taste and feel more the bitter & deadly tyranny of the Turks, than did Rasia, called Mysia inferior, & now Servia. Where (as writeth Wolfgangus Dreschlerus) the prince of the said country being sent for, under fair pretence of words & promises, to come & speak with the Turk, after he was come of his own gentleness, thinking no harm, 
●et never christian prince trust the turk. The turks stirred up of the devil to fight against Christ.  was apprehended & wretchedly & falsely put to death, & his skin slain of, his brother & sister brought to Constantinople for a triumph, and all the nobles of his country (as Faber addeth) had their eyes put out. etc.  
Briefly to conclude, by the vehement and furious rage of these cursed cayrifes, it may seem that Satan the old dragon, for the great hatred he beareth to Christ, hath stirred them up to be the butchers of all christian people, inflaming their beastly hearts with such malice & cruelty against the name and religion of Christ, that they degenerating from the nature of men to devils, 
The turks are butchers of the Christians.  neither by reason will be ruled, nor by any blood or slaughter satisfied. Like as in the primitive age of the Church, and in the time of Dioclesian and Maximilian, when the devil saw that he could not prevail against the person of Christ which was risen again, he turned all his fury upon his silly servants, thinking by the roman Emperors, utterly to extinct the name and profession of Christ, out from the earth: So in this latter age of the world Satan being let lose again rageth by the Turks, thinking to make no end of murdering and killing, till he have brought (as he intendeth) the whole church of Christ, with all the professors thereof, under foot. But the Lord (I trust) will once send a Constantinus to vanquish proud Maxentius: Moses' to drown indurate Pharaoh: Cyrus to subdue the stout Babylonian.  
And thus much hitherto touching our christian brethren, 
The miserable state of the Christian captives under the turk.  which were slain & destroyed by these blasphemous turks. Now forsomuch as besides these aforesaid, many other were plucked away violently from their country, from their wives & children from liberty, & from all their possessions, into wretched captivity and extreme poverty, it remaineth likewise to entreat somewhat also concerning the cruel manner of the Turks handling of the said christian captives. And first here is to be noted that that turk never cometh into Europe to war against the christians, 
The buying and selling of Christian captives under the turks  but there followeth after his army, a great number of brokers & merchants, such as buy men & children to sell again, bringing with them long chains in hope of great cheats: In the which chains they link them by 50. & 60. together, such as remain undestroyd with the sword, whom they buy of the spoils of them that rob & spoil the Christian countries: Which is lawful for any of the Turks army to do, so that the tenth of their spoil or pray (whatsoever it be) be reserved to the head Turk, that is, to the great master thief.  
Of such as remain for tithe, 
Christian caprives tithed of the turk.  if they be aged (of whom very few be reserved alive, because little protite cometh of that age) they be sold to the use of husbandry or keeping of beasts. If they be young men or women, they be sent to certain places, there to be instructed in their language and Arts, as shall be most profitable for their advantage, & such are called in their tongue Sarai: and the first care of the Turks is this, to make them deny the Christian religion, and to be circumcised: and after that they are appointed every one as he seemeth most apt, either to the learning of their laws, or else to learn the feats of war. Their first rudiment of war is to handle the bow, first beginning with a weak bow, and so as they grow in strength, coming to a stronger bow, & if they miss the mark, they are sharply beaten: 
O wickedness passing all misery.  & their allowance is two pence or three pence a day till they come & take wages to serve in war. Some are brought up for the purpose to be placed in the number of the wicked janizarites, that is, the order of the Turks champions, which is the most abominable condition of all other. Of these janizaraites, 
O misery above all miseries.  see before pag. 736. And if any of the foresaid young men or children shall appear to excel in any beauty, him they so cut, that no part of that which nature giveth to man, remaineth to be seen in all his body, whereby while the freshness of age continueth, he is compelled to serve their abominable abomination: and when age cometh, than they serve in stead of eunuchs to wait upon Matrons, or to keep horses and Mules, or else to be scullions and drudges in their kitchens.  
Such as be young maidens & beautiful, are deputed for concubines. 
The servitude of young women captives.  The which be of mean beauty serve for matrons to their drudgery work in their houses & chambers, or else are put to spinning and such other labours, but so that it is not lawful for them either to profess their christian religion, or ever to hope for any liberty. And thus much of them which fall to the Turk by tithe.  
The other which are bought and sold amongst private subjects, first are alured with fair words and promises to take circumcision. Which if they will do, they are more favourably entreated, but all hope is taken from them of returning again into their country, which if they attempt the pain thereof is burning. And if such coming at length to liberty, will marry, they may: but then their children remain boud to the Lord, for him to sell at his pleasure: and therefore such as are wise amongst them will not marry. They which refuse to be circumcised, are miserably handled: for example whereof, the author (which giveth testimony hereof) doth infer his own experience.  
Such captives as be expert in any manual art or occupation can better shift for themselves: but contrariwise, they which have no handicraft to live upon, are in worse case. And therefore such as have been brought up in learning, or be priests or noble men, 
Ex Bartholomeo Georgioniz Peregrina lib. de afflictionibus Christianorum sub Tuica.  & such other, whose tender education can abide no hardness, are the least reputed, & most of all other neglected of him that hath the sale or keeping of them, for that he seethe less profit to rise of them, then of the other: & therefore no cost of raiment is bestowed upon them, but they are carried about bare head, & barefoot, both summer & winter in frost and snow. And if any faint and be sick in the way, there is no resting in any Inn, but first he is driven forward with whips, and it that will not serve, he is let peradventure upon some horse: or if his weakness be such, that he cannot sit, then is he laid overthwart the horse upon his belly, like a Calf, and if he chance to die, they take of his garment such as he hath, and throw him in a ditch.  
In the way moreover, beside the common chain, which doth enclose them all the hadst also of every one are manacled which is because they should not harm their leaders, for many times it happened that x. persons had the leading of 50. captives: & when night came, their feet also were fettered, so that they lodged in no house, but lay upon the ground all night.  

The miserable calamity of Christian women being in captivity under the turks. The manner of Christian captives, how they are brought to markets and sold.  The young women had a little more gentleness showed, being carried in paniers on the day time. But when night came, pity it was to hear the miserable crying out of such as were enclosed within by reason of the filthy injuries which they suffered by their carriers, in so much that the young tender age of 7. or 8. years, as well of the one sex as of the other could not save than from the most filthy villainy of the bestial turks.  
When the morning cometh, they are brought forth to the market, to sale, where the buyer if he be disposed plucking of their garments, vieweth all the bones & joints of their body: and if he like them, he giveth his price, and carrieth them away into miserable servitude, either to tilling of their ground, or to pasture their cattle, or some other strange kind of misery incredible to speak of: In so much that the author reporteth, that he hath seen himself, certain of such Christian captives yoked together like horse and oxen, 
Christians in their captivity, put to draw in the plough like horses.  and to draw the plough. The maid servants likewise are kept in perpetual toil and work in close places, where neither they come in sight of any man, neither be they permitted to have any talk with their fellow servants. etc. Such as are committed to keep beasts, lie abroad day and night in the wild fields, without house and harbour, and so changing their pastor, go from mountain to mountain: of whom also, beside the office of keeping the beasts, other handy labour is exacted at spare hours, such as pleaseth their masters to put unto them.  

The great dangers of Christian captives which fly out of turkey.  Out of this misery there is no way for them to fly, especially for them that are carried into Asia beyond the seas: Or if any do attempt so to do, he taketh his time chiefly about harvest, when he may hide himself all the day time in the corn, or in woods, or marshes, and find food: and in the night only, he flieth and had rather be de●●outed of wolves and other wild beasts, then to return again to his master. 
The manner and shift of our men in getting over the sea.  In their flying they use to take with them an hatchet and cords, that when they come to the sea side, they may cut down trees, and bind together the ends of them, and so, where the sea of Helle●pontus is narrowest, about the Sestos and Abydos, they take the sea, sitting upon trees, where, if they wurde & tide do serve luckily, they may cut over in four or five hours: But the most part either perish in the floods, 
The manifold dangers by the way in flying.  or are driven back again upon the coasts of Asia, or else be devoured of wild beasts in woods, or perish with hunger and famine. If any escape over the seas alive into Europe, by the way they enter into no town, but wairder upon the mountains, following only the Northftarre for their guide.  

The misery of Christian cities & provinces which line under the turks tribute.  As touching such towns & provinces, which are won by the Turk, and wherein the Christians are suffered to live under tribute: first all the nobility there they kill and make away, the churchmen and Clergy hardly they spare The Churches with the bells & all the furniture thereof, either they cast down, or else they compert to the use of their own blasphemous Religion, leaving to the Christians, certain old and blind chapels, which when they decay, it is permitted to our me to repair the again, for a great sum of money given to the Turk: Neither be they permitted to use any open preaching or ministration. But only in silence and by stealth, to frequent together. Neither is it lawful for any Christian to bear office within the city or province, nor to bear weapon, nor to wear any garment like to the Turks. 
If Christians may not go like turks, why should our Gospelers go like Papists? The turks have their fire & faggots, as well as our papists. The Christians must light from their horse, meeting a turkish priest, and adore him.  And if any contumely or blasphemy, be it never so great, be spoken against the, or against Christ, yet must thou bear it, and hold thy peace. Or if thou speak one word against their religion, thou shalt be compelled (whether thou wilt or no) to be circumcised: And then if thou speak one word against Mahumet, thy punishment is fire and burning. And if it chance a Christian being on horseback, to meet or pass by a mussulman, that is a Turkish priest, he must light from his horse, & with a lowly look, devoutly reverence & adore the mussulman: Or if he do not, he is beaten down from his hoary with clubs & slaves.  
Furthermore, for their tribute they pay the fourth part of their substance and gain to the Turk: beside the ordinary tribute of the Christians, which is to pay for every poll within his family, a ducat unto the Turk: which if the parents cannot do, they are compelled to sell their children into bondage. Other being not able to pay go cheined in fetters from door to door begging, to make up their payment, or else must lie in perpetual prison.  
And yet notwithstanding, when the christians have discharged all duties: 
another misery most lamentable, in taking away christian men's children from their parents, to serve the turk.  it remaineth free for the turks to take up among the christians children, whom the best like, and then to circumcise and to take them away being young, from the sight of their parents, to far places, to be brought up for the Turks wars, so that they may not return to them again: but first are taught to forget Christ, & then their parents: so that if they come again amongst them, yet are they not able to know their kinsfolks and parents.  
This misery passing all other miseries, no man is able with tongue to utter, 
O misery.  or with words to express. What weeping & tears, what sorrow and lamentation, what groaning, sighs, and deep dolour doth tear & rend a sunder the woeful hearts of the silly parents, at the plucking away of their babes and children? to see their sons & their own children, whom they have borne and bred up to the service of Christ jesus the son of God, now to be drawn away violently from them to the warfare of Satan, and to fight against Christ? to see their babes borne of christian blood, of christians to be made turks and so to be plucked out of their arms and out of their sight without hope ever to return to them again: 
This is with tears rather than with words to be expressed.  to live perpetually with aliens, barbarous & blasphemous Turks, and so to become of the number of them which are called fatherless and motherless.  
Albeit the same children afterward do greatly degenerate from the faith of Christ, yet very many of them have privily about them the gospel written of S. john, 
Privy Gospelers in Turkey,  In principion erat verbum. etc. Which for a token of remembrance of their christian faith, they carry under their arm hole, written in greek and araby. Who greatly desire, and long look for the revenging sword of the Christians to come & deliver them out of their dolorous thraldom and captivity according as the Turks themselves have a prophecy, 
An old prophesy of the turks touching the sword of the Christian.  & greatly stand in fear of the same. Whereof more shallbe said (Christ willing) in the chapter following.  
¶ And thus have ye heard the lamentable afflictions of our christian brethren under the cruel tyranny & captivity of the turks, passing all other captivityes that ever have been to God's people, either under Pharaoh in Egypt, or under Nabuchodonoser in Babylon, or under Antiochus in the time of the Maccabees. Under the which captivity, if it so please the Lord to have his spouse the church to be nurtered, his good will be done and obeyed. But if this misery come by the negligence & discord of one christian guides & leaders, then have we to pray and cry to our Lord God, ●yther to give better hearts to out guiders and rulers, or else better guides and rulers to his flock.  
And these reoubles and afflictions of our Christian brethren suffered by the Turks, I thought good and profitable for our country people here of England to know, for so much as by the ignorance of these, and such like histories worthy of consideration, I see much inconnenence doth follow. Whereby it cometh to pass, that because we English men being far of from these countries, 
Necessary for many causes that the troubles of the church beknown.  and little knowing what misery is a broad, are the less moved with zeal & compassion to tender their grievances, and to pray for them, whose troubles we know not. Whereupon also followeth, that we not considering the miserable state of other are the les grateful to God, when any tranquillity by him to us is granted. And if any-title cloud of pert●rhation arise upon us, be it never so ●ile, as poverty, less of living, or a little banishment out of our country for the lords cause, we make a great matter the reat, and all because we going no further than on● own country, and only feeling our own cross, do not compare that which we feel, with the great crosses, where unto the Churches of Christ commonly in other places abroad are subject. Which if we did rightly understand, & earnestly consider, and ponder in our minds, neither would we so excessively forget our selves in time of our prosperity given us of God: nor yet so impatiently be troubled, as we are in time of our adversity, and all because either we hear not, or else we ponder not the terrible crosses which the Lord layeth upon our other brethren abroad in other nations, as by this present story here prefixed may appear.  

The largeness of the Turks dommions declared.  NOw consequently remaineth, as I have showed hitherto what tyranny hath been used of the Turks against Christ's people, so to declare likewise, how far this tyranny of the Turks hath extended and spread itself, describing as in a table, to the Christian Reader, what lands, countries and kingdoms the Turks have won, and got from Christendom, to the intent that when Christian princes shall behold the greatness of the Turks dominions spread almost through all the world, and how little a part of Christianity remaineth behind, they may thereby understand the better, how it is time now for them to bestir them, if ever they think to do any good in God's Church. And therefore to make a compendious draft as in a brief table, of such countries, kingdoms, and dominions, got from us by the Turks, we will first begin with Asia, describing what tracts, countries, cities and Churches, the Turk hath surprised, and violently plucked away from the society of Christian dominions, taking only such, as be most principal, and chiefly them that be in Scripture contained, for that it were to long to discourse all and singular such places by name, as the Turk hath under his subjection.  
The world being divided commonly into three parts, Asia, Africa, and Europa, Asia is counted to be the greatest in compass, containing as much as both the other, and is divided into 2. portions, the one called Asia Maior: the other called Asia minor. And although the Empery of the Turk extendeth unto them both: yet especially his dominion standeth in the other Asia, which is called Asia Minor, which reacheth from the coasts of Europa, unto Armenia Maior, beyond the river Euphrates, and comprehendeth these regions and Cities under written.   

¶ The division of Asia Minor, called Cheronesus, with the particular Countries and Cities belonging to the same.  
Countries. Cities. Pontus. Act. 2. Nicaea. Chalcedon. Heraclea. Prursa or Bursa. Bithynia. Act. 16. Nicomedia. Apamea. 
A pamea, is a city in Bithynia, also another in Mesopotamia, Apamea Cybotus also a city in great Phrygia, and another also in parthia.  
¶ Anatolia, or Anatolia, containeth divers countries, with their Cities, as followeth.  Countries. Cities. Mysia Minor. Act. 16 Cyzicus. Parium. Lampsacus. Dardanum. Callipolis. 
Phrygia Minor in Ptolemy is called Iroas.  Phrygia Minor. Act. 2 Abydus. Alexandria, or Troias' Act. 16 Toras. Act. 20 Ilium. Assus. Act. 20 Mysia Maior. Act. 16 Scepsis. Adramitium. Act. 27 Phrygia Maior. Act. 2 Hierapolis. Col. 4 Pitane. Apollonia. Myrina. Lydia. Esay. 66 Phocoea. Smyrna. Apoc. 2 Erythrae. Aeolis. Laodicea. Apoc. 3 
At Carura, a certain bawd with a company of harlots, being there lodged, suddenly happened an earthquake in the city, wherein the said bawd with all his strumpets were swallowed up. Pius 2. papa. lib. Descriptione cap. 16.  Carura. Thatyra. Apoc, 2 jonia. Philadelphia. Apoc. 3 Pergamus. Apoc. 2 Cuma. Caria. 1. Mac. 15 Ephesus. Apoc. 2 Sardis. Apoc. 3. Halicarnassus. Mach. 15 Doris. Miletus. Act. 20 
¶ Thus far reacheth the compass of Anatolia.  Countries. Cities. Lycia. Act 27 Colossae. Col. 1 Patara. Act. 21 Pinara. Xanthus. Andriaco. Myra. Act. 13 Galactavel Gellogr●cia. Act. 16 Ancyra Gordium. Tharma. Pessenus. Paphlagonia. Amisus. Sinope. Corambis. Pamphilia. Act 2 Perga. Act. 13 Artalia. Act. 14 Aspendus. Phaselis. Mach. 15 Pisidia. Act Trapesus. Temiscyra. Comana Po●tica. Cappadocia. Amasia vel Eupa toria. 
Here Basilius Magnus was Bishop.  Masa, vel Caesarea. Naziantium. Here Gregorius Nazianzenus. was Bishop. Comana Cappadocia. Miletena. Armenia Minor. Nicopolis. Leandis. Claudiopolis. juliopolis. Tharsus. Act. 22 
The country where S. Paul was borne.  
* Another Corycus is also in the isle of Creta.  Coricus. Cilicia. Solimuntis, vel Traianopolis. Issus, vel jaiassa. Augusta. Act. 27 Iconium. Act. 14 Lystra. Act. 16 Laconia. Derbe. Act. 14 Antiochia, Pisidiae. Act. 11 
¶ Syria comprehendeth in it divers particular provinces, with their cities, as followeth.  Countries. Cities. Syria. Act. 15 jerosolyma. Act. 1 Caesarea Stratonis Act. 8 Bethleem. Math. 2 Emaus. Mar. 1 jerinco. Math, 20 joppes or jos. 15 Palestina judea. japheth. Act. 9 Tyberias. john. 6 Accaron. josua. 13 Azotus. Act. 8 Chanaan. Ascalon. judi. 2 Gaza. Act. 8. 
Bessabee is a city in jury, also an other in Ipumaea.  Bersabee. josu. 19 Antipatris. Act 23 Assaron. Act. 9 Samari. Act. Bethania. Mar. 11 Lydda. Act. 9 Galilea. Mat. ●. Nazareth. Math. 4. Capernaum. Math. 4 Cana. joan. 2 Phoenicea. Act. 11 Tyrus. Luc. 6 Sydo vel Sichem. Luc. 6 Ptolomias Ptolomais. Act. 21 Caesarea phillipi. Math. 16. Damascene. Damascus. Gal. 1 Philadelphia. Apoc. 1 Coelesyria. Buthis vel pella. Cassiotis. 
* Antiochia, apud Orentem, chief city in Syria, where the disciples of christ were first named Christians. Acts. 11.  Antiochia apud Orontem, vel Theopholis Act. 11 Comagena. Samosata. Antiochia. sub. Tauro. Alexandria apud Issum. 
* Nicopolis, is a City also in Macedonia, mentioned in the Epistle of S. Paul to Titus. Cap. 3.  Nicopolis. Seleucis. Gephyra. Gindarus. 
* Seleucia, is a city in Syria, Also another in Pamphilla, another in Cilicia pisidiae, an other in Coelisyria, and in Mesopotamia another.  Seleucia. Act. 13 Imma. Laodicene. 
* 
In this Laodicaea was the council kept, which is called Concilium Laodicense.  
There is another Laodicaea, in Lydiae near to Colos●ae, in Asia minor, Coloss. 5.  
Lacodicae a also is the chief City in Phrigia pa catiana, near to Galatia, Act. 18. 1. Tim. 6.  
In Edessa reigned king Abgarus, mentioned in Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 15. to whom Christ wrote, promising to send unto him after his death. Babylon in Chaldoea, where Nabuchodonoser reigned, and was after destroyed and translated by Seleucus Nicanor. Another is in Egypt, called Alcay●●s.   Laodicaea. Coloss. 2 Paradisus. jabruda. Apamene. Nazamma. Apamia. Idumea. Marc. 3. Besamma. vel Bersabee. Euleusa. Massa. 
¶ Thus far reacheth the compass of Syria.  Countries. Cities. Arabia. Gal. 1.4 Petrea, or Nabataeae. Felix. 

Panchaia.  
Sabaea.   Deserta. Mesopotamia. Psalm. 59 Carra. or Charan, where Abraham dwelled. Act. 7 Seleucia. Edessa, which is now called. Orpha. and in the story of Tobias, called Rages. Babilonia Dan. 3 In the country of Babilonia, is also a certain region appointed for Philosophers and Astronomers called Chaldea. jere. 50 Bible. Babylon, vel Baldach. Act. 7 Orchoe, vel Vrchoa. vel Hurchaldeoram, where Abraham was borne. Gen. 11.15. Sarmatia. Patarue. Azara. Gerusa. S. Georgius. Sinda. Colchis. Dioscuria, vel Sabastia, which is now called Suias'. Phasis. Iberia. Lubium. Artanissa. Armachica. Albania. Getara, vel Gangara. Chabala. Armenia. Gen. 8 Armenia maior is divided from Armenia minor, by the River Euphrates. This Armenia mayor and minor, this day be both under the Turks. 
¶ And thus far reacheth the compass of Asia Minor, with the Countries, and provinces to the same pertaining, which being once brought to the faith of Christ, are now in a manner, all subdued to the Turks.  
¶ The Islands belonging to the Regions of Asia Minor aforesaid, gotten by the Turks.  Countries. Cities. 
islands belonging to Asia Minor.  Thinias. to Bythinio. Tenedos. to Troas. Chios. Act. 20 to Lydia. Pathmos. Apoc. 1 Possidium. to Aeolis. Samos. Act. 20 to jonia. Trogolium. Act. 20 Cnidus. Act. 27 to Doris. Coos Coun. Act. 21 to Doris. Carpathus. to Doris. Rhodus. Act. 21 to Lycia. Cyprus. Act. 11 
This Cyprus K. Rich. the first, did once subdue, fight against the Saracens. Ex Aene. syluio. Lib. De Orbis Descrip. cap 74.    
¶ Aeneas Silvius, otherwise Pope Pius. 2. in describing of Asia Minor, cap. 74. reciteth a certain fact of a worthy virgin: who at what time the Turks were besieging a certain town in Lesbos, and had cast down a great part of the walls, so that all the Townsmen had given over, putting on man's harness, stepped forth into the breach, where not only she kept the Turks from entering in, h●t also slew of them a great sor●. The Citizens seeing the rare courage, 
A memorable fact of a virgin, in defence of her country.  and good success of the Maiden, took to them again their hearts and harness, and so lustily laid about them, that an incredible number of the Turks were slain. The rest being repulsed from the land, recoiled into their ships: who being then pursued by a Navy of Calisa, were worthily discomfited likewise upon the sea. And thus was the isle of Lesbos at that time, by a poor virgin, that is, by the strong hand of the Lord working in a weak Creature preserved from the Turks. Ex Aene. sil. Et SebMunst. Lib. 5.  
Beside these Regions and Countries of Asia minor, 
Ex Sebast. Munst, Cosmo. lib. 5. in praefat.  above described, Seb. Munster in the fift book of his Cosinography, declareth moreover, that the Turks and Sultannes have under their subjection, both Arabia, Persia, and also India exterior wherein is Calecute. The which Persia, although it be under the Sophi, which is an enemy to the Turk, yet it is to be thought that he is a Sultan, one of the Turkyshe and Mahometish Religion. This Persia and India were once seasoned with Christ's Gospel, as may appear by the primitive Church, pag. 98. And thus have you the parts of Asia described, 
Vide supra. pag. 98.99.  which in times past being almost Christened, do now serve under the Turk.  
After the description of Asia, let us next consider the parts and countries of afric: Where although the greatest part either consisteth in deserts desolate, or is possessed with Prester john, which professeth Christ and his gospel: yet the Turk hath there also no little portion under his dominion, as  
Countries. Cities. Aegyptus. Math. 2 Alexandria. Memphis. Arsinoe. Regnum Tunece.  Africa Minor. Charlago. Aphrodisum. Hippon. Here Saint Augustine was Bishop. Cyrene. Act. 2  Mauritania.  
¶ A description of countries and Cities in Europe, which were before christened, & now are subdued and subject to the Turk.  
Europa  Countries. Cities. Thracia. Constantinopolis, or Byzantium. Pera. Adrianopolis. Samothracia. Act. 16 Traianopolis. Caliopis. Sestus, Appollonia. Graecia. Act. 20 Thessalonica. Act. 17 Philippi. Act. 16 Demetrias. Neapolis. Act. 16 Macedonia. Rom. 15 Amphipolis. Act. 17 Apollonia mygdoniae. Act. 17 Berrhaea. Act. 17 Thessalia.  Epirus. Ambracia. Actium Chaonia. Torona. Azelia. Thresprotia. Acarnanon. 
Argos, is a city in Amphilochia, and an other also in Peloponesus.  Amphilochia. Argos. Astacus. Ambrachia. Omphallum. Achaia. Rom. 15 Athenae. Attica. Megaris. Boeotia. Thebae. Phocis. Delphos. Egris. Aetholia. Chalidon. Locris. Naupactus. Peloponesus. Corinthia. 
Of Corinthus, Strabo writeth that more than a thousand virgins, there in the temple of Venus, used yearly to be set out to be made common: and therefore not without cause Saint Paul writeth: Eratis Scortatores, Idololatrae. etc. 1. Cor. 6.  Corinthus. Act. 17 Mesena. Tegea. Argos.  Argia. Lacedaemon, or Sparta 2. Mach. 5. Epidaurus. Helice. Laconia. Lerna. Leuctrum. Messenia. Methone. Mycenae. Elis. Megalipolis. Nemea. Sicyona. Nauplea. Olympia. Arcadia. sition. Aegira. 

The islands about Graecia.  ¶ Islands bordering about Grecia, won likewise by the Turk, from the Christians.  Euboea, 
Vide supra pag. 719.  or Nigropontus. Chalcis. Charistus. Cerinthus. Gerestus. 
In Creta, S. Paul ordained Titus to be Bishop and overieer.  Creta. Act. 17 Pulchri portus. Act. 27 Lasaea. Act 27. Phoenicia. Act. 17 Salmone. Act. 27.  Clauda. Act. 27  Cyclades, Insulae. 53 Salamis. Delos. 1. Mach. 15 Cephalenia.  Zacynthus, or Xanthus. Vide supra. pag. 727 Lemnos.  Ithaca.  Samos. Act. 20.  Corcyra. Vide supra. pag. 727 Corcica. 
Corcica, is an Island beyond Italy, which the Turks navy, joining with the French, did overcome. an. 1553.   
¶ After the Turk had subdued Thracia and Grecia, proceeding further into Europe, he invaded other regions, and cities, which also he added to his dition, as  Countries. Cities. Mysia Superior. 
The region of Mysia is divided into two parts: whereof the one is in Asia, & is divided into Mysia mayor, and Mysia minor. The other is in Europa, & is divided into Mysia, or Moesia superior, and Mysia inferior.  Rhaetiaria. Nessus. Vlpianum. Scupi. Sigindunum, or Siget. Mysia. Inferior. Triballorum. Oescus. Tirista. Axium, or Chilia. Dalmatia. 2. Tim. 4. Labacus, Metropolis. Carinthia. Epidaurus, or Ragusium. 
Epidaurus is a city in Illiria, and also an other in Peloponesus.  Milea, or Meleda. Coruatia. Senia, or Segna. 
These regions were in the former time called by the name of Illyria, or Illyricum and Afterward by reason of certain Scythians coming thither, they were also called Sclavonia.  Enona, or Hona. Croatia. jadra, or Zara. Sebenica. Istria. Stridon, where S. Jerome was borne. Bosna. Quinquecclesiae. jaitza, Metropolis. Bulgaria. Bulgaria was won of Baiazetes. the Turk from the crown of hungary, 

Stephanus king of Bosna, & afterward of Rascia and Mysia, was by subtle train alured to come and speak with Mahumete the Turk: who being come, was taken and his skin slain off.  
All this tract of Bulgaria, Walachia, Transyluania, Servia, Rascia, & Moldavia, was wont to be called Dacia, but afterward was severed into divers lands and dominions. Of joannes Huniades, read before, pag. 720.721.   through the unprosperous war of Sigismundus, at the field of Nicopolis. an. 1395. This Sigismond, was the burner of john Hus, and the persecutor of his doctrine. Wallachia. Tergovistus, or Teruis. Huniad: where joannes Huniades was borne. Transyluania or Septen castra. Hermenstat. Cronestat. Saltzburg. Alba julia, or Weissenburg. Servia. Gyula. Samandria. 
At Columbetz, Sigismunde lost the field fighting against the Turks, Vide supra. pag. 719. In Varna, a City in Rascia, Ladislaus K. of Hungary, fought with the Turk, and was overcome. an. 1444. Vide supra, pag. 720.  Columbetz. Rascia. Walpo. Vid. sup. pag. 740 Novigradum. Varna. Moldavia.  Hungaria. Buda or Osen. Alba regalis. Belgradum or Taurinum. Strigonium. Varadinum. Neapolis. 

Maior.  
Minor.   Austria. Pestum.  
¶ As I was writing hereof, a certain sound of lamentable news was brought unto us how the Turk, whom we had hoped before to have been repulsed by the Emperor Maximilian out of Christendom, hath now of late this present year. 1566. got the town of Gyula about Transyluania, after they had sustained 16 of his most forcible assaults, destroying in the same most cruelly, many thousand of our chisten brethren, men, women, and children: but because we have no full certainty, we will refer the story thereof, to further information,   

¶ The Prophecies of the holy Scriptures considered touching the coming up and final ruin and destruction of this wicked kingdom of the Turks, with the Revelations and foreshewinges also of other authors concerning the same  
FOr so much as you have hitherto sufficiently heard, to what quantity & largeness the dominon of the Turks hath increased, 
Prophecies considered for the beginning and falling of the Turks kingdom.  & do understand what cruel tyranny these wretched miscreants have and do daily practise most heinously wheresoever they come, against the servants and professors of Christ: it shall not be unprofitable, but rather necessary, and to our great comfort, to consider and examine in the Scriptures, with what prophesies the holy spirit of the Lord hath premonished and forewarned us before, of these heavy persecutions to come upon his people by this horrible Antichrist. For as the government and constitution of times and states of monarchies & policies fall not to us by blind chance, but be administered and allotted unto us from above: so it is not to be supposed, that such a great alteration and mutation of kingdoms, such a terrible & general persecution of God's people, almost through all Christendom, and such a terror of the whole earth, as is now moved and gendered by these Turks, cometh without the knowledge, sufferance and determination of the Lord before, for such ends and purposes, as his divine wisdom doth best know. For the better evidence & testimony whereof, he hath left in his Scriptures sufficient instruction, & declaration, whereby we may plainly see to our great comfort, how these grievous afflictions & troubles of the Church, though they be sharp & heavy unto us, yet they come not by chance or by man's working only, but even as the Lord himself hath appointed it, and doth permit the same.  

Two things to be considered in the time and order of the old Testament. The scriptures, & the people.  And first to begin with the time of the old Testament let us seriously advise & ponder, not only the Scriptures & Prophecies therein contained, but also let us consider the whole state, order, and regiment of that people: the Church I mean of the Israelites. For although the Scriptures and Prophets of the old Testament, were properly sent to that people, & have their relation properly to things done or thant should be done, in that commonwealth, of which prophets, john Baptist was the last & made an end, as our Saviour himself witnesseth, saying: The law and Prophets be unto the time of john. etc. Yet notwithstanding the said people of that old Testament, beareth a lively Image & resemblance of the universal Church which should follow, planted by the son of God through the whole earth: So that as the Prophets of God speaking to them from the mouth & word of God, prophesied what should come to pass in that people: so likewise the whole course & History of those Israelites, exemplifieth & beareth a Prophetical image to us, declaring what is to be looked for in the universal Church of God dispersed through the world, planted in Christ jesus his son, 
In Dan. Prophe. Phil. Melanct.  according as Phil. Melan●thon gravely gathering upon the same, testifieth in divers places, in his Commentary upon the Prophet Daniel.  

Gen. 4.  As first the History of godly Abel slain by wicked Cain, what doth it import, or Prophecy, but the condition of the people and servants of God, which commonly go to wrack in this world, and are oppressed by the contrary part, which belongeth not to God?  
The like may be said also of Isaac, and Ishmael: of jacob and Esau. Of whom, those two which were the children of promise, and belonged to the election of God, were persecuted in this world, of the other, which were rejected. Where moreover is to be noted concerning Ishmael, that of his stock after the flesh, 
The Saracens come of Ishmael. Resemblance between the 12. sons of Ishmael: and the 12. Ottoman Turks. 4. Reg. 17.  came the Saracens: whose sect the Turks do now profess & maintain. And as Ishmael had but xii. sons: so it were to be wished of God, that this Solyman which is the twelve of the Turkish generation, may be the last. But of this, better occasion shall follow (the Lord willing) hereafter.  
Furthermore, of the xii. tribes of Israel, the sacrate history so reporteth, that after they had a long season continued together, by the space of. 8. or. 9 C. years, at length, for their idolatry, & transgression of their forefathers. x. tribes of them were cut of, and dispersed among the Gentiles. 130. years before the captivity of Babylon: so that but ij. tribes only remained free, and they also at last, after a. 130. years, were captived under the Babylonians, for a certain time. 
The old church of the Israelites beareth a representation or image of the public church of Christ jesus  No otherwise hath it happened with the Church of Christ almost in the universal world, of which Church the greatest part both in Asia, in Africa, & almost in Europe (where the holy Apostles so laboured and travailed) we see now to be disparkled among the Turks, and their candlesticks removed (the Lord of his great grace, reduce them again. Amen:) So that of xij. parts of Christendom, which was once planted in Christ, scarce ij, parts remain clear, and they how long they shall so continue, the Lord knoweth: And albeit through the mercy of the Lord, they escape the danger of the Turks, yet have they been so beaten with the Pope, that they had been better almost to have been in the Turks hands.  
Again, after the said Israelites returned, being restored of Cyrus, let us consider well their story, the continuance of time, the manner of their regiments, and what afflictions they sustained in the time of the Maccabees: and we shall see a lively representation of these our days expressed in that Prophetical people, 
1. Cor. 10.  according as S. Paul writing of them, showeth how all things happened to them in figures: that is the actions and doings of that one nation, be as figures and types of greater matters, what shall happen in the latter times of the whole Church universally in Christ collected.  
So the transmigration & deliverance again of those two tribes, 
The church of the jews a figure of Christ's Church.  declareth to us the affliction of Christ's Church for sin: and yet that God will not utterly reject his people for his sons sake, as by manifold examples of the Church hitherto may well appear.  
Again, the continuance of the law first given by Moses, unto the destruction of the said people by Titus, amounteth to 1564. years: 
Ex Phil. Melanct. in Danielem. cap. 9  So we counting the age of the new Testament, and reckoning from the day of our redemption unto this present, be come now to the year 1534. lacking but only 33. years of the full number.  
Likewise in counting the years from their deliverance out of captivity, 
The times and years of the old church, compared with the new.  to the end of their dissolution, we find 564. years, during which years, as the Church of the jews was not governed under the authority of kings, but the high Priests took all the power and authority to themselves: so we Christians for the space especially of these later 564. years, 
The rule and dominion of the high priests in the jews common wealth, and of our prelate's, compared.  what have we seen and felt, but only the jurisdiction and domination of the Pope and his high Priests, playing the Rex in all countries, and ruling the whole: whereby, by the count of these years, it is to be thought the day of the Lords coming not to be far off.  
Furthermore, in those latter years of the jews kingdom, what troubles and afflictions that people sustained three hundredth years together, but chief, the last 166. years before the coming of Christ, by Antiochus and his fellows, 
Antiochus beareth a figure of Antichrist.  the history of the Maccabees can report. Wherein we have also notoriously to understand the miserable vexations and persecutions of Christian Churches in these latter ends of the world by Antichrist: For by Antiochus Antichrist (no doubt) is figured and represented. 
The family of Antiochus.  This Antiochus surnamed Magnus, and Antiochus Epiphanes his son, came of the stock of Seleucus Nicanor, much like as the Mahumetes the Turk, and Solymannus, came of the stock of Ottomannus. Wherein this is to be noted and pondered, that like as of the said Seleucus issued xij. Syrian Kings one after another of that generation, which reigned over the Israelites with much severity and tyranny: 
The family of the Turks.  so of this devilish generation of Ottomannus, have come xij. Turkish tyrants, whereof this Solyman is now the twelve, God grant he may be the last. And as the ij. last Antiochi, being sons of the ij. brethren, did fight together for the kingdom, and in fight were both slain, and shortly after the kingdom fell to the Romans: so the Lord grant for Christ's sake, that the bloody brood of this old Solyman, (which had reigned now 46. years, may so fight together, and perish in their own blood, that the bloody tyranny of theirs may come to a final end for ever, Amen.  
And that the truth hereof may the better appear to such as be disposed to meditate more upon the matter, I thought good and profitable for the reader, to set before his eyes, in tablewise, the catalogue of both these Antichristian families, with the names and succession of the persons, first of the twelve Syrian Kings, then of the twelve Ottomans, in like number and order.  

A comparison between the Syrians and the Turks.  

¶ The Syrians.  1 Seleucus. 
32  2 Antiochus Soter. 
19  3 Antiochus Theos, who killed Bernice his mother in law, and his young brother. 
15  4 Seleucus Callinicus, with Antiochus Hierax his brother, which two brethren warred one against the other. 
20  5 Antiochus Magnus. 
36  6 Seleuchus Philopator. 
12  7 Antiochus Epiphanes, or rather Epimanes. 
 8 Antiochus Eupator. 
2  9 Demetrius brother of Epiphanes, who killed Eupator his cousin. 
 10 Demetrius Nicanor, whom Antiochus Sedetes his brother repulsed from his kingdom. 
 11 Antiochus sedetes. These two last being brethren, had two sons. 
 12 Antiochus Grypus, & Antiochus Cyriconus. These two striving together for the kingdom, were both slain: and so not long after, the kingdom of Syria came to the hands of Cigranes' King of Armenia, and so being taken from him, came to the Romans in the time of Pompeius. 
  

¶ The Turks.  1 Ottomannus. 
28 
Resemblance between the Syrian kings, and the Turks.   2 Orcanes. He slew his two brethren. 
22  3 Amurathes. He put out the eyes of Sauces his own son. 
23  4 Baiazetes. He slew Solymannus his brother. 
 5 Calepinus. The Greek stories make no mention of this Calepinus, the Latin stories say that Calepinus and Orcanes were both one, and that he was slain by Mahumetes his brother. 
6  6 Orcanes. whom Moses his uncle did slay. 
 7 Mahumetes. 1. He slew Mustapha's his brother. 
14  8 Amurathes. 2. He siue Mustapha's his brother. 
34  9 Mahumetes. 2. He slew his two brethren Turcinus an infant, and Calepinus. 
73  10 Baiazetes. 2. He warred against his brother Demes, which Demes was afterward poisoned by Pope Alexander. 6. 
33  11 Zelymus. He poisoned Baiazetes his father, & his two brethren, Acomates and Corcutus, with all their children his own cosines. 
7  12 Solymannus. He slew Mustapha's his own son, and was the death or Gianger his second son. 
46   

The time of Antichrist examined by prophecies.  These two pestilent families and generations, rising out (doubtless) from the bottomless pit, to plague the people of God, as in number of succession they do not much differ: so in manner of their doings and wicked abominations, they be as near agreeing, being both enemies alike to the people and Church of Christ, both murderers and parricides of their own brethren and kindred, both blasphemers of God, and troublers of the whole world. Wherein we have all to learn and note by the way, the terrible anger of almighty God against sin, and wickedness of men.  
Furthermore, who so is disposed to consider and cast the course of times, and to mark how things be disposed by the marvelous operation of God's providence, shall find the times also of these two adversaries, in much like sort to concur and agree. For in considering with ourselves both the Testaments and Churches of God, the first of the jews, the second of the Christians, look what time had the Syrian Kings to rage then in Jerusalem, 
One Antichrist prefigureth an other.  the same proportion of time hath now the tyranny of the Turks to murder the Christians: so that the one Antichrist may well represent and prefigure the other. For as by the book of Maccabees may appear, Antiochus Epiphanes was about the 191. years before the passion of our Saviour, and day of our redemption: so now casting the same number from this present year backward, we shall find it to be about the same year and time, when Baiazetes the fourth Turk after Ottoman, began to remove his Imperial seat from Bursa in Bythinia, to Adrianople in Europe, which is a City of Thracia. In which year & time began all the mischief in Europe, as is to be seen before, pag. 738. and this was the year of our Lord 1375. Unto the which year, if we add 691. it maketh 1566. according to the prophesy of the Apocal. chap. 20. where it is prophesied of Gog and Magog, 
Apoc. cap. 20.  that they shall compass about the tents of the Saints, and the well beloved City, by the which well-beloved City, is meant (no doubt) Europa: and this was in the year abovesaid 1375. Although touching the precise points of years and times, it is not for us greatly to be exquisite therein, but yet where diligence and studious meditation may help to knowledge, I would not wish negligence to be a pretence to ignorance.  

Machab. lib. & cap. 1. The furious cruelty of Antiochus against God's people.  And thus much for the times of Antiochus and his fellows. Now what cruelty this Antiochus exercised against the people of God, it is manifest in the history of the Maccabees: where we read, that this Antiochus in the eight year of his reign, in his second coming to Jerusalem, first gave forth in commandment, that all the jews should relinquish the law of Moses, and worship the Idol of jupiter Olympus, which he set up in the temple of Jerusalem. The books of Moses and of the Prophets he burned. He set garrisons of soldiers to ward the Idol. In the City of Jerusalem he caused the feasts and revels of Bacchus to be kept, full of all filth and wickedness. Old men, women, and virgins, such as would not leave the law of Moses, with cruel torments he murdered. The mothers that would not circumcise their children, he slew. The children that were circumcised, he hanged up by the necks. The temple he spoiled & wasted. The altar of God, and candlestick of gold, with the other ornaments and furniture of the temple, partly he cast out, partly be carried away. Contrary to the law of God, he caused them to offer, and to eat Swine's flesh. Great murder and slaughter he made of the people, causing them either to leave their law, or to lose their lives. Among whom, besides many other, with cruel torments he put to death a godly mother with her seven. sons, sending his cruel proclamations through all the land, that whosoever kept the obseruauncies of the Sabbath, and other rites of the law, and refused to condescend to his abominations, should be executed. By reason whereof the City of Jerusalem was left void and desolate of all good men, but there was a great number, that were contented to follow & obey his Idolatrous proceed, and to flatter with the king, became enemies unto their brethren. Briefly, no kind of calamity, nor face of misery could be showed in any place, which was not there seen. Of the tyranny of this Antiochus, it is historied at large in the book of Maccabees: And Daniel prophesying before of the same, 
1. Machab. cap. 1. Daniel. 9  declareth that the people of the Jews deserved no less for their sins and transgressions.  
By consent of all writers, this Antiochus beareth a figure of the great Antichrist, 
Antiochus a figure of the Turk.  which was to follow in the latter end of the world, and is already come, & worketh what he can against us: Although as S. john saith, there have been, and be many Antichrist's, as parts and members of the body of Antichrist, 
Ex Lyra in Glosa ordin. cap. 1. Machab.  which are forerunners: yet to speak of the head & principal Antichrist, & great enemy of Christ's Church, he is to come in the latter end of the world, at what time shall be such tribulation, as never was seen before: Whereby is meant (no doubt) the Turk, 
The name of Antichrist what it containeth.  prefigured by this Antiochus. By this Antichrist, I do also mean all such, which following the same doctrine of the Turks, think to be saved by their works and demerits, & not by their faith only in the son of God, of what title and profession else soever they be: especially if they use the like force & violence for the same, as he doth. etc.  
Of the tyranny of this Antiochus aforesaid, and of the tribulations of the Church in the latter times both of the jews Church, and also of the Christian Church to come, let us bear & consider the words of Daniel in xj. chap. & also in his seven. chap. Prophesying of the same as followeth.  
He shall return and fret against the holy covenant: 
Dan. cap. 11.  so shall he do, he shall even return and have intelligence with them that forsake the holy covenant. And arms shall stand on his part, and they shall pollute the Sanctuary of strength, and shall take away the daily sacrifice, and they shall set up the abominable desolation. And such as wickedly break the covenant, shall flatter with him deceitfully: but the people that do know their God, shall prevail and prosper. And they that understand among the people, shall instruct many: yet they shall fall by sword and by flame, by captivity, and by spoil many days.  
Now when they shall fall, they shall be helped with a little help: but many shall clean unto them feignedly. And some of them of understanding shall fall to be tried, and to be purged, and to make them white, till the time be out: for there is a time appointed. And the king shall do what him list: he shall exalt himself, and magnify himself against all that is God, and shall speak marvelous things against the God of Gods, and shall prosper, till the wrath be accomplished: for the determination is made. Neither shall he regard the God of his Fathers, nor the desires of women, nor care for any God: for he shall magnify himself above all. But in his place shall he honour the God Mauzzim, and the God whom his fathers knew not, shall he honour with gold and with silver, and with precious stones, and pleasant things.  
Thus shall he do in the holds of Mauzzim with a strange God, whom he shall acknowledge: he shall increase his glory, and shall cause them to rule over many, and shall divide the land for gain. And at the end of time, shall the king of the South push at him, and the king of the North shall come against him like a whirl wind, with charets, and with horsemen, and with many ships, and he shall enter into the countries, and shall overflow and pass through. He shall enter also into the pleasant land, and many countries shall be overthrown: but these shall escape out of his hand, even Edom and Moab, and the chief of the children of Ammon. He shall stretch for his hands also upon the countries, and the land of Egypt shall not escape. But he shall have power over the treasures of gold and of silver, & over all the precious things of Egypt, and of the Libyans, and of the black Mores where he shall pass. But the tidings out of the East and the North, shall trouble him: therefore he shall go forth with great wrath to destroy and root out many: And he shall plant the tabernacles of his palace between the Seas, in the glorious & holy mountain, yet he shall come to his end, and none shall help him.  
To this place of Daniel above prefixed, might also be added the prophesy of the said Daniel written in the seven. chapter, and much tending to the like effect: where he entreating of his vision of four beasts (which signify the four Monarchies) and speaking now of the fourth Monarchy, hath these words.  

Dani. cap. 7.  After this, I saw in the visions by night, and behold, the fourth beast was grim and horrible, and marvelous strong. It had great iron teeth: it devoured, and broke in pieces, and stamped the residue under his feet: and it was unlike the other beasts that were before it, for it had ten horns. As I considered the horns, behold, there came up among them another little horn, before whom, there were three of the first horns plucked away. And behold, in this horn, were eyes like the eyes of a man, and a mouth speaking presumptuous things, and seemed more stout than the other. Which horn also (when I looked on) made battle with the saints, & prevailed against them: until the old aged came, & judgement was given to the Saints of the highest, and till the appointed time was come, that the Saints should have the kingdom.  
Thus have ye heard the plain words of Daniel. In the which, as he doth manifestly describe the coming of Antiochus the great adversary, toward the latter end of the jews: so by the same Antiochus is figured also to us the great adversary of Christ, which is the Turk.  

Vide Rodulphum Gualt. de Antichristo.  Although some there be notwithstanding, which with great learning & judgement, do apply this place of Daniel above recited, not to the Turk, but rather to the Pope, & that for vj. or seven. special causes herein touched and noted.  

The first note.  The first is this, that the wicked transgressors of the covenant shall join with him deceitfully and hypocritically, which shall pollute the tabernacle of strength, & take away the perpetual sacrifice, and bring in the abomination of desolation.  

The second note.  The second note is, that the Prophet declareth, how the learned among the people shall reach many, & that they shall fall into the sword, into fire, and captivity, and shall be banished, whereby they shall be tried, chosen, & made bright and pure, etc. All which (say they) is not among the Turks to be seen, but only in the Pope's Church: where the faithful preachers & teachers of the people are slain and burned, and go to wrack, etc. Where likewise it followeth, that they shall be helped against Antichrist, and that many false brethren shall join unto them dissemblingly, etc. To this they allege that the Christians have no such help against the Turk, whereunto such false brethren should join themselves, as is and hath been commonly seen among the Christians against the Pope, 
Helps of the Christians against the Pope.  from time to time, almost in all countries: as in Germany by the Protestants & free Cities: In England in King Henry's time by the Lord Cromwell, and afterward by King Edward, & now by Queen Elizabeth: In Scotland by the godly nobility: In France, by the Queen of Navarre and her son: and also by the Prince of Condy and the worthy Admiral, and his two brethren, and many others: In Flaunders, by them whom the Regent calleth Beggars: So as was in the time of the Maccabees, against Antiochus.  

The third note.  Thirdly, that the King shall exalt himself above all that hath the name of God, and shall lift up his mouth to speak presumptuously against God.  

The fourth note.  Fourthly, that he careth not for the desires of women: which may seem to note how the Pope's doctrine shall forbid the honest and lawful marriage in Churchmen.  

The fift note.  The fift specialty which they apply to the Pope, is that followeth in the Prophet, saying: Neither shall he regard the God of his fathers, nor any God: but in stead of him, shall set up his God Mauzzim, & shall worship him with silver, 
Mauzzim the pope's God.  & gold, & precious stone, etc. which they do apply to the Pope, setting up his God of bread, & worshipping him with glistering golden ornaments & most solemn service.  

The sixth note.  Sixtly, it followeth: & he shall increase them with much glory and riches, and shall divide unto them, lands & possessions, etc. meaning that the Pope having dominion over treasures of gold and silver, and all precious things of the land, shall endue his Cardinals, Prelates, his flattering doctors, with Friars and Monks & Priests, and all such as shall take his part, with great privileges, liberties, revenues & possessions. And thus, I say, some there be, which apply this prophesy of the xij. and xi. chapter of Daniel, unto the Bishop of Rome. 
The 7. and 11. chapped. of Dan. meaneth the great Antichrist the turk.  whom although I take to be an extreme persecutor of Christ's Church: yet I judge rather those two chapters of Daniel concerning the little horn in the middle of the x. horns, and the great destroyer of the pleasant land and glorious holy mountain, to mean first Antiochus, and by him secondly to mean the great Antichrist, the Turk: who hath now set already the tabernacles of his palace between the Seas, according to the Prophecies of Daniel, as is abovesaid.  
Over & besides these Prophecies above alleged, 
Ezech. cap. 38.39.  may be added also the Prophecy of Ezechiel chap. 39 speaking of Gog & Magog: 
Gog & Magog.  which as it may be applied to the oppression of the jews under the Heathen multitude, which stopped the building of the City, and under the Syrian kings: etc. yet in the same also is expressed the calamities and afflictions of Christ's Church in these latter times, under the Saracens and the Turks. etc.  
Proceeding further in this matter, 
The prophecies of the new Testament, concerning the 〈◊〉.  let us come now to the Prophecies of the new Testament & mark the words of S. Paul writing to the 
* 2. Thessal. 2.  Thessalonians, which then were Christened, & now either are Turkish, or under the Turk, which words be these: Be ye not suddenly moved in your mind, nor troubled, neither by spirit, not by word nor by letter as sent from us, as though the day of Christ were at hand let no man deceive you by any means, for the Lord will not come, before there come a defection, or a departing first, and that wicked man be revealed, the son of perdition, which is an adversary and is extolled above all power, and that which is called God: so that he shall sit in the temple of God, boasting himself to be God. etc. Although this defection & departing may have a double understanding, 
The defection in time of Antichrist declared.  as well of the pope's sect (which is gone & departed from the free justification by faith only in Christ, through the promise of grace) as of the Turks: yet learning a while to speak of the Pope because it appeareth more notoriously in the Turk, we will chief apply it to him: in whom so aptly it doth agree, that unless this great defection from faith in so many Churches, had happened by the Turk, it had been hard to understand the Apostles mind, which now by the history of these Turks is easy and evident to be known, considering what a ruin hath happened to the Church of Christ by these miserable Turks, what Emperies, nations, kingdoms, countries, towns and Cities be removed from the name & profession of Christ, how many thousands & infinite multitudes of Christian men and children, in Asia, in Africa, & in Europe, are carried away from Christ's Church to Mahumetes Religion, some to serve for the Turks guard among the janizarites, some for soldiers, some for miners, some for gunner's, to fight & war against the Christians: so that the most part of all the Churches planted once by the Apostles, are now degenerated into Turks, only a small handful of Christians reserved yet in these West parts of Europe, of the which small residue, what shall also become shortly, except Christ himself do help. Christ only himself doth know. How great this defection hath been spoken of by S. Paul, thou mayest so (gentle Reader) in the table above described. pag. 741.  
Notwithstanding this text of the holy Apostle (as I afore said) may be verified also with no less reason, 
Vide supra, pag. 903.  upon the Bishop of Rome, them upon the Turk, both for that he is a man of sin, that is, his seat & City is a great maintainer of wickedness, 
The place of S. Paul 1 Thess. 2. applied 〈◊〉 the Pope.  & also for that he is an adversary, that is, contrary in all his doings and proceedings to Christ.  
Thirdly, for that he sitteth in the temple of God, and so did not Mahumet.  
Fourthly, because he is an exalter of himself, & sitteth more like a God than a man in Rome, whereof see more in the book set forth in English, called the CONTESTATIONS of the Popes.  
Fiftly, for that he seduceth and hath seduced by his apostasy, the most part of all Christendom from the doctrine and free promises of God, into a wrong and strange way of salvation, which is, not to be justified freely before God only by our faith in Christ his well-beloved son (unto the which faith the promise of God freely and graciously hath annexed all our salvation only, & to no other thing) but hath taught us to work our salvation by an infinite number of other things: In so much that he bindeth the necessity of our salvation also to this, 
Ex Bonifacio extravag.  that we must believe (if we will be saved) and receive him to be the Vicar of Christ in earth. etc.  
But to return again unto the Turks, among all the prophecies both of the old Testament & of the new, there is none that painteth out the Antichristian kingdom of the Turks, better than doth the revelation of S. john, whose words let us weigh and consider. Who in the Apocalypse 9 where he speaketh of opening the seventh & last seal, (which signifieth the last age of the world) and there writing of the seven. trumpets of the seven. Angels at the sounding of the vi. Angel saith, Lose the iiij. Angels, which are bound in the great river Euphrates. 
Apoc. 20.  And the four Angels were loosed, which were ready both day and hour, and month, and year, to slay the third part of men. And the number of horsemen were 20. thousand times ten thousand: and I heard the number of them. And thus I saw in a vision, horses, and them that sat on them, having fiery habbergions, and of jacinth stone, and of brimstone, and the heads of the horses were as the heads of Lions, and out of their mouths went forth fire, and smoke, and brimstone, of these three plagues was the third part of men killed, that is, of the fire, smoke, and brimstone, which proceeded out of their mouths, etc.  
By the seventh seal is meant the seventh and last age of the world, 
The 7. trumpets of the 7. Angels in the Apoc. expounded.  which last age of the world, is from Christ, to the judgement and resurrection of the dead.  
By the seven Angels with their seven Trumpets, is signified the seven plagues that come in this seventh and last age of the world.  

The sixth trumpet.  By the sixth trumpet of the sixth Angel, is meant the sixth plague coming last and next before the plague of the great judgement day, which sixth plague is here described to come by the East Kings, that is, by the Turks, as followeth to be seen.  

Losing of the angels upon the river Euphrates. Apoc. 19  By losing the Angels which had rule of the great river Euphrates, is signified the letting out of the East Kings, that is, the Turks, out of Scythia, Tartary, Persia, and Arabia, by whom the third part of Christendom shall be destroyed, as we see it this day hath come to pass.  
It followeth in the prophesy, Their power shall be in their mouths, and in their tails. For their tails be like Serpents having heads, and with them they hurt, etc. Meaning that these Turks with the words of their mouths, shall threaten great destruction of fire and sword, to them that will not yield unto them, and in the end, when the Christians shall yield unto them, trusting to their promises, they like Serpents shall deceive them in the end, & kill them, as appeareth by the story of the Turks above past, 
Apoc. cap. 16.  pag. 752. 753. 757.  
The like prophecy also after the like words and sense, is to be seen and read in the 16. chap. of the Apoc. where S. john entreating of seven cups, 
The 4. beasts in the Apoc. mean the 4. Monarchies.  filled with the wrath of the living God, given to the hands of 7. Angels, by one of the four beasts (that is in the time of one of the four Monarchies, which was the Monarchy of Rome) speaketh likewise of the sixth Angel, which poured his viol of God's wrath upon the great river Euphrates, & the waters thereof dried up, that the way of the kings of the East should be prepared, etc.  
By the sixth Angel with the sixth viol, is meant as before, the last plague save one that shall come upon the Christians. By the King's of the East are meant the Saracens, and 12. Ottoman Turks. By drying up the river of Euphrates, is signified the way of these Turks to be prepared by the Lord's appointment, to come out of the East to the West parts of the world, to molest and afflict the Christians. It followeth more in the text. And I saw three unclean spirits like frogs, 
The kings of the East.  come out of the mouth of the Dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false Prophet, for they are the spirits of devils, 
Drying up of Euphrates. Ibid.  doing wonders, to go unto the Kings of the whole earth, to assemble and gather them together, to the battle, against the day of the great God omnipotent, etc. And it followeth shortly after, And he assembled them together into a place which is called in Hebrew Armagedon, that is, a trap or train of destruction. And immediately it followeth in the same place, And the seventh Angel poured out his viol in the air, and a mighty voice came from heaven, out of the Throne, saying, factum est, It is done, or finished, etc. Whereby it is to be understood, that toward the last consummation of the world, great force shall be seen, and a mighty army of the enemies shall be collected and gathered against the people, and Saints of the highest, and then cometh the consummation, with factum est, etc.  
Wherefore it is not for nought that the holy Spirit of God in the same place, a little before the sixth Angel do pour out his viol, doth exhort all the faithful, saying: Behold, 
Ibid. An exhortation of the holy ghost to the faithful.  I come like a thief in the night, Blessed is he that watcheth and keepeth his garments, lest he walk naked, and men see his filthiness, etc.  
Nicol. de Lyra, and Paulus Bishop of Burdens, and Mathias Dorinke writing upon the 13. chap. of the Apoc. & expounding the mystery of the second beast, 
Apoc. cap. 13.  rising out of the earth, having the horns of a lamb, etc. do apply the same to mohammed and the Turks, with a solemn declaration made upon the same. 
The prophesy of the Apo. cap. 13. discussed.  Which interpretation of theirs, although in some points it may seem to have some appearance of probability, neither can it be denied but that mohammed & the Turk be pestilent and wicked enemies of Christ our Lord, & most bitter persecutors of his Church, yet as touching the proper & natural meaning of the Apostle in that place, speaking of the false lamb, etc. if we consider well all the circumstances of that beast, and mark the consequence of the text, 
The beast having horns like the lamb, must needs mean the Pope.  both of that which goeth before, and followeth after, we must needs grant that Nicol. de Lyra, with his fellows, & with all such like of the Pope's school, that follow that school be deceived, and that the description and interpretation of that falshorned lamb, must necessarily be applied only to the Bishop of Rome, and none other, which is to be proved by six principal causes or arguments.  
The first is, for that this beast is described to bear the horns of a lamb. 
The first reason.  By the which lamb, no doubt, is meant Christ. By the horns of the lamb is signified the outward show or resemblance of Christ our saviour: which show or resemblance can have no relation to mohammed, for that he taketh himself to be above Christ, & Christ as an excellent Prophet of God, sitting at his feet. Wherefore seeing mohammed cometh neither as equal to Christ, nor as vicar under Christ, this prophecy can not agree in him, but only in him which openly in plain words protesteth, 
Ex Boni. 8. Extr. de Maiorit. & obed.  that all Christ's lambs and sheep not singularly, but universally through the whole world, are committed to him, as vicar of Christ, and successor of Peter, and that all men must confess the same of necessity, or else they are nove of Christ's sheep, etc. wherein it is easy to see where the pretenced horns of the lamb do grow.  
The second argument, And he spoke like the Dragon, etc. A lambs horns and the mouth of a Dragon, 
The second reason. Anno. 1553.  do not agree together. And as they do not agree together in nature, so neither can they be found in any one person, either Turk, or other (if we will judge truly) so lively, as in the Bishop of Rome. When thou hearest him call himself the Apostolical Bishop, the vicar of Christ, the successor of Peter, the servant of God's servants, etc. thou seest in him the two horns of a lamb, and would think him to be a lamb in deed, and such a one as would wash your feet for humility: but hear him speak, and you shall find him a dragon. 
Vid. supra. pag. 649.  See and read the Epistle of Pope Martin the fift above mentioned, pag. 649. charging, commanding, and threatening Emperors, Kings, Dukes, Princes, Marquesses, Earls, Barons, Knights, Rectors, Consuls, Proconsul's, with their Shires, Counties, and Universities of their kingdoms, Provinces, Cities, Towns, Castles, Uillages, and other places. See the answer of Pope Urban. 2. and his message to King William Rufus, pag. 192. Behold the works and doings of Pope Innocent against King john.  
Note also the answer of another Pope to the King of England, 
The Pope hath the horns of a Lamb, but the mouth of a Dragon  which for the price of the king's head, would not grant unto him the investing of his Bishops. Mark well the words and doings of Pope Hildebrande against the Emperor Henry the fourth, pag. 175. Also of Pope Alexander the 2. treading upon the neck of Fredericus Barbarossa, not like a lamb treading upon a dragon, but like a drago● treading upon a lamb: so that his own verse might ●ac turned upon himself: tanquam aspis & basiliscus super oviculam ambulans, & tanquam Leo & draco conculcans agnum. Consider moreover the behaviour, manner, condition, and property, almost, of all the Popes which have been these 600. years, and what Dragon or Serpent could be more viperous than their own doings and words can speak, and give testimony against themselves.  
It followeth moreover in the same prophecy of the Apocalypse for the third argument, 
The third reason.  And he doth all the power of the first beast, presently before his face, and causeth the earth, and all the inhabitants therein to honour the first beast, the stripe of whose deadly wound was cured, etc.  
In this prophecy ij. things are to be noted: first, what the first beast is, 
The two beasts in the 13. cap. of the Apoc. expounded.  whose power the second beast doth execute. Secondly, what this second beast is, which so doth exercise his power in his sight. The first of these beasts here in the Apoc. described, having 7. heads & 10. horns, must needs signify the city of Rome, which may easily be proved by two demonstrations. First by the exposition of the 17. chap. of the same apocalypse, where is declared and described the said beast to stand of 7. hills, & to contain 10. kings, having the whole power of the dragon given: 
A description of the City and Monarchy of Rome.  and also the same city to be named the whore of Babylon, drunken with the blood of saints. All which properties joined together, can agree in no wise but only to the heathen Empire of Rome, which City at the time of writing these prophecies, had the government of the whole world. The second demonstration or evidence, may be deduced out of the number of the months assigned to this beast, Apoc. 13. For so it is written, that this beast had power to make, that is, to work his malice against Christ's people 42. months, which months counted by sabbates of years (that is, every month for seven years) maketh up the just number of those years, in which the primitive Church was under the terrible persecutions of the heathen Emperors of Rome, as is afore specified, pag. 397.  
Which thing thus standing, proved and confessed, that the first beast must needs signify the Empire and City of Rome, then must it necessarily follow that the second beast with the lambs horns, 
The description of the beast with the two horns of the Lamb. Apoc. 13.  must signify the Bishop & Pope of the same City of Rome. The reason whereof is evident, and apparent by that which followeth in the prophecy, where it is declared, that the second beast having two horns of a lamb, received and exercised all the power of the first beast, before or in the sight of the said beast, which can not be verified neither in the Turk nor in any other, but only in the Pope of Rome, who (as you see) receiveth, usurpeth, and deriveth to himself all the power of that City and Monarchy of Rome: 
The Pope having all the rule and power of Rome. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Apoc. 13.  In so much that he saith, that when Constantine or Ludovicus yielded unto him the rule & kingdom of that City, he gave him but his own, and that which of right and duty belonged to him before.  
And this authority or power over all the Empire of Rome, he worketh not in Asia, or in Constantinople as the Turk doth, but in the sight of the beast which gave him the power, that is, in the City of Rome itself, which is the first beast here in this prophecy of the Apocalypse described.  

The fourth reason.  Fourthly, it followeth more, And he causeth the earth, and all the inhabitants therein, to worship and honour the first beast, which had a deadly wound, and was cured, etc. The interpretation of this part, as also of all the other parts of the same chapter, standeth upon the definition of the first beast, for being granted, as it can not be denied, that the first beast signifieth the City and Empire of Rome, it must consequently follow, that the Bishop (whom we call the Pope) of the same City of Rome, must be understood by the second beast, for somuch as neither Turk nor any other, but only the Bishop of Rome, hath holden up the estimation and dignity of that City, which began to be in ruin and decay by the Uandalians, Goths, Herulians, and Lombard's, about the year of our Lord 456. but afterward by the Bishop of Rome, the pristine state and honour of that City revived again, and flourished in as great veneration, as ever it did before. And that is it which the holy Ghost seemeth here to mean of the first beast, saying: That he had a wound of the sword, and was cured. For so it followeth.  

The fift reason.  Fiftly, And he caused all the inhabitants of the earth to make the image of the beast, which had the stripe of the sword and lived. And it was given to him to give life to the image of the beast, and to make the image thereof to speak, and to cause all them that worshipped not the image of the beast, to be killed: forcing all persons both little and great, rich and poor, bond and free, to take the mark of the beast in their right hand, or in their foreheads, and that none might buy or sell but they which had the mark, or the name of the beast, or the number of his name, etc.  

Rome almost dead.  By giving life to the image of the beast, and making it to speak, is to be presupposed, that the beast was at a near point of death, and lay speechless before, insomuch that the City of Rome began to lose and change his name, & was called a while Odacrie, of Odacer King of the Herulians: which by dent of sword surprised the Romans: and yet notwithstanding, 
Roma called Odacria  by the means of this Roman Prelate, the said City of Rome, which was then ready to give the Ghost, so recovered his majesty and strength again, that it is hard to say, whether Rome did ever ruffle and rage in his tyranny before, in the time of Nero, Domitian, Diocletian and other Emperors, more tragically than it hath done under the Pope: or whether that Rome had all Kings, Queens, Princes, Dukes, Lords, and all subjects more under obedience and subjection, when the Emperors reigned, or now in the reign of the Pope. And therefore it is said not without cause of the holy Ghost: That it is given to him, 
To give life to the image of the beast. The Image of Rome speaketh again as cruelly as ever it did.  to give life and speech to the image of the beast, causing all them to be slain which will not worship the image of the beast, etc. As for example hereof, who seethe not what numbers and multitudes of Christian men, women, and children, in all countries, have been put to the fire and sword? Stories of all times will declare, what havoc hath been made of Christian blood, about the pre-eminence and majority of the Sea of Rome: what Churches and Countries both Greeks and Latin, have been excommunicated: what Kings have been deposed, 
Et faciet eos occidi, qui non adoraverint imaginem beitiae. Apoc. 13.  and Emperors stripped from their Imperial seat, and all because they would not stoop and bend to the Image of the beast, that is, to the majesty and title of Rome, advanced up so highly now by the Bishop thereof, as it was never higher before in the reign of Nero or Dyoclesian. Wherefore taking the first beast to signify the Empire of Rome, which can not be denied, it is plain, that the second beast must necessarily be applied to the Pope, and not to the Turk, for as much as the Turk seeketh nothing less than the advancement of that Empire, but rather striveth against it, to pluck it down.  
The sixth and last argument is grounded upon the number of the name of the beast, 
The sixth rea●●●.  expressed by the holy Ghost in the same Prophecy, by the letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In which letters a though there lieth great darkness and difficulty to be understood, yet certain ancient Fathers which were Disciples and hearers of them which heard S. john himself, as Irenaeus and other do expound the said letters coniecturally to contain the name of the beast, and to be the name of a man, under this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Where as else no other name lightly of any person either in Greek or Latin, 

The number of the name of the beast discussed. 666.   will agree to the same, 

The number of these letters in greek, maketh the full number of 666.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
o.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.    save only the foresaid name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Although some latter writers giving their conjectures upon the same, do find the name of Lateranus in Hebrew Letters, to answer to the same number. Some fain other names, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, made words, which signify nothing, as Diclux, or Ludwic, by Roman letters etc. But of all names properly signifying any man, none cometh so near to the number of this mystery (if it go by order of letters) as doth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, aforesaid. And this much by the way, and occasion of Nicolaus de Lyra, 
Nicol. de Lyra and other popish writers deceived in the 13. chap. of the Apoc.  Paulus Burgen, Mathias Dorinkus, the author of Fortalilium fidei, and other Commentaries more o● the same faction: who writing upon this xiij. Chapter of the Apocalypse, and not considering the circumstances thereof, both are deceived themselves, and deceive many other, applying that to the Turk, which can not otherwise be verified but only upon the Pope, as may appear sufficiently by the premises: Not that I writ this of any incode or malice either to the City of Rome, or to the person of the Bishop, as being God's creature: but being occasioned here to entreat of the Prophecies against the Turks, would wish the Readers not to be deceived, but rightly to understand the simple Scriptures according as they lie, to the intent that the true meaning thereof being boolted out, it may be the better known what Prophecies directly make against these Turks, what otherwise.  
In the which Prophecies against the Turks, now to proceed, let us come to the 20. Chapter of the Apocalypse, wherein the holy Scripture seemeth plainly and directly to notify the said Turks. The words of the Prophecy be these.  
And I saw an Angel descending from heaven, 
Apoc. cap. 20.  having the key of the bottomless pit, and a great chain in his hand: and he took the Dragon, the old Serpent, which is the devil and Satanas, and bound him up for a thousand years, and cast him in the pit, and sealed him up, that he should not seduce the people any more, till the thousand years were expired: and after that he must be let lose for a little while. etc.  
And it followeth after: And when the thousand years shall be complete, Satanas shall be let out of his dungeon, and shall go abroad to seduce the people, which are on the four corners of the land of Gog and Magog, to assemble them to battle: whose number is like to the sands of the Sea. And they went up upon the latitude or breadth of the earth, and compassed about the tents of the Saints, and the well-beloved Cities. etc.  
To the perfect understanding of this Prophecy, 
The binding and losing out of Satan examined. Three things to be noted in this prophesy.  three things are necessary to be known. First what is meant by binding up, and losing out of Satanas' the old Dragon. Secondly, at what time and year first he was chained up and sealed for a thousand years. Thirdly, at what year and time these thousand years did end, when as he should be loosed out again for a little season. Which three points being well examined and marked, the Prophecy may easily be understand directly to be meant of the Turk. Albeit Anagogically some part thereof may also be referred not unproperly unto the Pope, as is above notified.  
First, 
What is meant by binding up of Satan.  by binding and losing of Satanas, seemeth to be meant the ceasing and staying of the cruel and horrible persecution of the Heathen Emperors of Rome, against the true Christians, as is to be seen in the x. first persecutions in the primitive Church above described in the former part of these Acts and Monuments: in the which most bloody persecutions, Satanas' the devil then raged without all measure, till time it pleased almighty God to stop this old Serpent, and to tie him shorter. And thus have you to understand what is meant by the binding up of Satan for a thousand years: whereby is signified that the persecution against the Christians stirred up by the beast (that is, in the Empire of Rome, through the instigation of Satan) shall not always continue, but shall break up, after certain time, and shall cease for a thousand years. etc.  
Now, 
The time of binding up of Satan.  at what time and year this persecution, that is, the fury and rage of Satan should cease, is also declared in the Apocalypse before: where in the chapter. 11. &. 13. we read that the beast afore mentioned, shall have power to work his malice and mischief, the space of 42. months and no more, 
Apoc. 11.13.42. months in the Apoc. declared.  and then that Satan should be locked up for a thousand years. The computation of which months being counted by Sabbates of years (after the example of the 69. weeks of Daniel. cap. 11,) it doth bring us to the just year and time, when that terrible persecution in the primitive Church should end, and so it did. For give to every month a Sabbat of years, 
Supputation of years between the beginning & ceasing the persecutions in the primitive Church.  that is, reckon every month for seven years, and that maketh 294. years, which was the full time between the 18. year of Tiberius, (under whom Christ suffered) and the death of Maxentius the last persecutor of the primitive Church in Europe, subdued by Constantinus, as may appear by calculating the years, months and days, between the said year of the reign of Tiberius, and the latter end of Maxentius: and so have ye the supputation of the year and time, when Satan was first bound up, after he had raged in the primitue Church 42. months. Which months, as is said, being counted by Sabbates of years, after the usual manner of the Scripture, mounteth to 294, years: and so much was the full time between the passion of our Lord, 
Vide supra. pag. 385.  which was in the 18. year of Tiberius, unto the last year of Maxentius.  
And here by the way cometh a note to be observed, that forasmuch as by the number of these 42. months, 
The pope proved to be the second beast mentioned in the Apoc. ca 13.  specified in the apocalypse, the Empire of Rome must necessarily be confessed to be the first beast: therefore it must by like necessity follow, the Bishop of Rome to be the second beast, with the two horns of the Lamb, for that he only hath and doth cause the said Empire of Rome to revive and to be magnified, and so doth not the Turk, but rather laboureth to the contrary. Wherefore let every Christian man be wise and beware betime, how he taketh the mark of the beast, 
Et hic bibet de vino irae dei Apoc. 14.  lest peradventure it follow upon him, that he drink of that terrible cup of wrath mentioned Apocal. chap. 14.  
Thirdly, it remaineth to be discussed touching the third point in this foresaid prophesy, 
The 3. part of the prophesy for the losing out of Satan.  that as we have found out (through the help of Christ) the year and time of Satan's binding, so we search out likewise the time and season of his losing out, which by the testimony of Scripture, was appointed to be a thousand years after his binding up, and so rightly according to the time appointed it came to pass. For if we number well by the Scripture the year of his binding up, which was from the passion of our Lord 294. years, and add thereto a thousand years, it mounteth to 1294. Which was the very year when Ottomannus the first Turk began his reign: 
The beginning of the Turks progeny.  which was the first spring and welhead of all these woeful calamities that the Church of Christ hath felt both in Asia, Africa, and Europe, almost these three hundredth years past. For so we find in Chronicles, that the kingdom of the Turks being first divided into four families, an. 1280. at length the family of Ottomanus prevailed, and thereupon came these, whom now we call Turks: which was about the same time, when Pope Boniface the eight was Bishop of Rome.  

The time of Transubstantiation. The time of the Turks.  Where by the way this is again to be noted, that after the decree of Transubstantiation was enacted in the Council of Lateran by Pope Innocent the iij. the year of our Lord 1215. not long after, about the year of our Lord 1260. was stirred up the power and arms of the Oguzians, and of the Orthogules' father of Ottomannus: who about the year of our Lord 1294. begins first to vex the Christians about Pontus & Bithynia, 
Ex Laonico Chalcondyla. lib. 1. The prophesy of Ezech. ca 38.  & so beginning his kingdom anno. 1300. reigned 28. years, as is afore mentioned.  
Mention was made before of ezechiel prophesying against Gog, whose words divers expositors do apply against the Turk, and are these: Thou shalt come from thy place, out of the North parts, thou and much people with thee, all riding upon horse, a great and a mighty army, and thou shalt come up against my people of Israel as a cloud, to cover the land: Thou shalt be in the latter days, and I will bring thee upon my land, that the heathen may know me, when I shall be sanctified in thee, O Gog, before their eyes. Thus saith the Lord God: Art not thou he, of whom I have spoken in the old time, by the hand of my servants, the Prophets of Israel, that prophesied in those days and years, that I would bring thee upon them? At the same time also, when Gog shall come against the land of Israel, saith the Lord God, my wrath shall arise in mine anger. For in my indignation, and in the fire of my wrath have I spoken it: Surely at that time there shall be a great shaking in the land of Israel, so that the fishes of the Sea, the fowls of the heaven, the beasts of the field, and all that move and creep upon the earth, and all the men that are upon the earth, shall tremble at my presence: the mountains shall be overthrown: the stars shall fall, and every wall shall fall to the ground, etc.    

¶ The Prophecies of Methodius, Hildegardis and other, concerning the reign and ruin of the Turks.  
Unto these testimonies above excerped out of the holy Scriptures, 
Methodius prophesies.  let us add also the prophetical revelatious of Methodius, Hildegardis, Sibylla, and others. This Methodius is thought of some to be the same Methodius, of whom Jerome, and Suidas make mention: which was Bishop first of Olympus in Lycia, then of Tyrus, and suffered martyrdom in the last persecution of the primitive Church, under Diocletian. Unto whom also Trithemius attributeth the book entitled: 
The book of Methodius mistaken.  De Quatuor novissimis temporibus. But that can not be, forasmuch as the said Methodius doth cite and allege the Master of Sentence, namely, in his second book, and six distinc. Which Master of Sentence, followed more than a thousand year after Christ: besides certain other fabulous matter contained in the same book. Albeit, because he speaketh there of many things concerning the state of the Church under Antichrist, and the reformation of Religion, as secmeth rightly to come to pass, and more is like to follow, I thought not to defraud the Reader thereof, leaving the credit of the Author to his arbitrement, to esteem and judge of him as he seethe cause. Among divers other places of Methodius, prophesying of the latter time, these words do follow: After that the children of Ishmael have had multiplied in their generations to an infinite and innumerable multitude, in the desert aforesaid, 
The prophecies of Methodius, concerning the turks.  they came out of the wilderness of Arabia, and entered into the habitable land, and fought with the Kings of the Gentiles, which were in the land of promise, and the ●●●d was filled with them. And after 70. weeks, and half of their power, wherewith they have subdued all the kingdom of the Gentiles, their hart was exalted, seeing themselves so to have prevailed, and to have conquered all things, etc. And afterward it followeth of the same matter in this sort.  
It shall come to pass that the said seed of Ishmael, shall issue out and obtain the whole world, with the regions thereof, in the entering of peace, from the land of Egypt, unto Ethiopia: & from the flood Euphrates, unto India: and from the river Tigris, to the entering of Nabaot, the kingdom of jonithus, the son of No: and from the North, unto Rome and Illyricum, Egypt, and Thessalonica, and Albania, 
Viij. weeks of years, counting every week for a Sabbate of years, that is, every day for a year, cometh to 56. years.  and so forth to the sea Ponticum, which divideth the said kingdoms from Germany and France: and their yoke shall be double upon the necks of all nations, and Gentiles: neither shall there be nation or kingdom under heaven, which shall be able to stand against them in battle, until the number of eight weeks of years, etc.  
Briefly, as in a gross somme, this shall suffice, to admonish the reader, touching the meaning and method of Methodius Prophecies, which Methodius first describing the long and tedious afflictions of Christ's Church, maketh mention of the seed of Ishmael, which coming out of the parts and deserts of Arabia, 
The first state or alteration of times concerning the coming of the Saracens  shall destroy (saith he) and vanquish the whole earth, So that the Christians shall be given of God, to the hands of the filthy Barbarians, to be slain, polluted, and captived: Persia, Armenia, Capadocia, Cilicia, Syria, Egypt, the East parts, Asia, Spain, all Grecia, France, Germania, Agathonia, Sicilia, The Romans also shall be slain and put to flight: also the islands of the Seas shall be brought to desolation, and to captivity, 
Christians plagued by the Saraces.  and put to the sword. The which tribulation of the Christians shall be without mercy or measure: the ransom of gold and silver and other exactions, intolerable, but especially the dwellers of Egypt and Syria shall be most in the affliction of those times: And Jerusalem shall be filled with multitudes of people brought thither in captivity, from the four winds which are under heaven. So that beasts also, and fowls, and fish in the water, and the waters of the Sea shall be to them obedient. Cities and Towns, which were before full of people, shall be laid waste. Women with child shall be ripped: their children sticked: infants taken from the mothers, and cast in the streets, and none shall bury them. The rulers and sage of the people shall be slain, and thrown out to the beasts. Church's shall be spoiled: the Priests destroyed: virgins deflowered, and men compelled to sell their children, and the coming of them shall be chastisement without mercy, and with them shall go these four plagues: captivity, destruction, perdition, and desolation, with much more, which for brevity I overpass. And this affliction, sayeth he, shall last eight weeks, or Sabbates of years, which I take to signify eight hundredth years, etc.  
Secondly, 
The second state or alteration of the Christians relieved of their plagues and tribulations  after these terrible plagues thus described by Methodius upon the Christians, which he saith shall fall upon them for their wicked abominations recited in the first and second chapter of S. Paul to the Romans: the said Methodius afterward, in this great distress of the Christians, being out of all hope and comfort of relief, declareth and speaketh of a certain King of the Greeks or Romans which shall restore peace again to the Christians. 
Christians abusing Gods benefits.  In which peace they shall reedify their cities & mansions again: the Priests shallbe delivered from their grievances, & men at that time shall rest from their tribulations, and then shall the King of the Romans dwell in the City of Jerusalem a week or sabbate, and a half of times. etc.  
Thirdly, during the time of this peace, the said Methodius saith, the men shall fall into licentious security, & careless life: 
The third alteration by the coming of the turks.  and then according to the word of the Apostle, saying: When they shall say, peace, peace, sudden destruction shall fall upon them: then (saith he) shallbe opened the gates of the North, & the beastly people shall break in, which King Alexander the great, did close up within 2. mountains, making his prayer unto the Lord God, that he would bind up that bestial & execrable people, lest with their filthy & detestable pollutions, they should come out and pollute the holy land. Whose intercession being heard the Lord commanded them to be enclosed within 2. mountains in the North parts, to the deepness of 12. cubits (which signifieth peradventure 12. C. years) so that neither by witchcraft, 
The reign of Christian kings in Jerusalem lasted 88 years ' an. 1187.  nor by any means they could get out, or any might come unto them, until the time of the Lord appointed, which are (saith he) the latter times: & then, according to the prophecy of Ezechiel in the latter time of the consummation of the world, Gog & Magog out from the north, shall come forth into the land of Israel, & shall work all this mischief against the christians, above recited. And then (saith Method. proceeding in his Prophecies), shall the K. of Romans, after he hath reigned in jerusalem a sabbate of times, & a half, that is, saith Mer. x. years & a half, take the crown from his head and yield it up to the Cross in Golgotha where Christ was crucified, 
By this resigning up the crown to the crucifix in Golgotha, is signified, the ceasing of the reign of the christians in Hierusaien till the coming of Christ. By this tribe of Dan, and the city Chorosaim, Bethsaida, & Capernaum is signified Gods great malediction upon Antichrist.  and shall die. And the Cross with the crown shallbe taken into heaven, which shall not appear again before the coming of the Lord.  
Fourthly, it followeth then moreover in the Prophecies of Method. Which declareth, that when the week or sabbate & half week of times shall end, and when the K. of Romans shall give up his crown in jerusalem, & die. Then immediately shall Antichrist the son of perdition begin to appear, & be borne in jewry, of the tribe of Dan, whereof also came judas Iscarioth, & he shallbe borne (saith Methodius) in Chorosaim, & shallbe bred in Bethsaida, & shall reign in Capernaum: to the which 3. cities, Christ the Lord gave his 3. Vae. And when great tribulation shall increase & multiply in the days of this Antichrist, & all lordship & dominion shallbe destroyed, the Lord shall send his 2. faithful & dear servants, Enoch and Hely, to reprove and detect the false seducing, & lying forgeries of this Antichrist, openly before all men: so that the people seeing themselves falsely beguiled, & seduced by this son of perdition, coming out of the temple disemblingly, to the destruction of many, shall leave & fly from him, & join themselves to the said 2. holy prophets. Which son of perdition & Antichrist seeing his proceedings so to be reproved, & brought into contempt, in his fury & anger shall kill the 2. Prophets of God And then shall appear (saith Methodius) the sign of the coming of the son of man, and he shall come in the clouds of heavenly glory, and shall destroy the enemy with the spirit of his mouth. etc.   

Interpretation.  

The destruction of Antichrist.  TO these prophecies & testimonies of Methodius, what credit it is to be given, I leave it to the Reader. But if the meaning of his Prophecies go by such order of times, as is set & disposed in his book: 
The interpretation.  he seemeth to describe unto us 4. principal states and alterations of times to come.  
The first state and alteration is by Mahumete and the Saracens, which be the offsprings and sons of Ishmael coming out of Arabia in the time of Heraclius Emperor of Constantinople. 
The coming of the Saracens.  An. 630. which rebelling against Heraclius, increased & prevailed still more & more against the Christians, both in Asia, and Africa, and also in many places in Europe, especially in Spain, and Italy.  
The second state & alteration he Prophesieth to come by the Turk, which first coming out of the far parts of Seythia, 
The coming of the turks.  the is, out of the North, first overcame the Saracenes, subdued the Persians, and afterward joining together with the Saracens, conquered the kingdom of Jerusalem about the year of our Lord 1187: then subdued Syria and most part of Asia. etc. And these be they, which Methodius seemeth to mean of, speaking of the vile and miserable people closed up of the Lord God, at the intercession of Alexander the great captain in the North, between 2. mountains the deep●●nosse of 12. cubits, wast that filthy corrupt nation should pollute the early with their wickedness. Whereby are meant those Turks, which coming out from the uttermost parts of the North, that is, out of Scythia and the mountains of Caucasus or else Ismaels', 
Seythia iux ta C●ueassi.  were withholden & kept back of Almighty God, for Christ's cause, that they might not harm his Church alongspace, during the time of xii. C. years: yea, and then, the sins of the Christians so deserving, they were permitted of almighty God to break out, and to invade the church: who now joining together with the Saracens, have wrought, and daily do work, all these grievances against our Christian brethren: as we see this day is come to pass, and more is like to follow, except the hand of the Lord, which let them out, do pluck them in again.  
Moreover, 
Victory of the Christians got against the Saracens. Ex Paulo jonio The city of Jerusalem recovered by the Christias from the Saracens Jerusalem possessed of the christians 88 years. Jerusalem won from the Christians by the turks, an 1187.  in the mean space, between the reign of the Saracens and the Turks, where Methodius speaketh of the R. of Romans, which should restore quietness to the church, & should reign in Jerusalem, a sabbate of tunes and half a sabbate: thereby seemeth to be understand the voyage of Christian Princes out of the west parts of Europe, under Gotfridus Duke of Lotharing & his 2. brethren and many other christian Princes, with 300. M. footmen, and 100 M. horsemen: who fight against the Saracens, recovered again from them, the City of Jerusalem, in the year of our Lord. 1099. Which city before had been in their possession, the term of 490. years. After which victory got, first Gotfridus, than Baldwinus his brother, and other after them, to the number of 9 Christian kings, reigned in Jerusalem the space of 88 years: and after that through the discord of the Christians not agreeing amongst themselves, both Jerusalem and Syria, with other parts of Asia besides, were subdued and won of the Turks, which to this day they keep yet still. And this was in the year of our Lord. 1187.  
About which year and time (as followeth in Methodius) when the City of Jerusalem shall be won of the Turks, 
The coming & marks of Antichrist described.  then shall Antichrist begin to be borne of the tribe of Dan, of whom came judas Iscarioth, and shallbe borne in Chorosaim and bred in Bethsaida, and reign in Capernaum: Meaning that this Antichrist or son of perdition, shallbe full of God's malediction, noted by judas Iscariothe, and these 3. Cities, against whom were spoken thrice Vae of the Lord.  
And here is moreover to be noted, that Methodius saith, not that Antichrist shall be borne among the Saracens or Turks, but among the people of God, and of the tribe of Israel. Whereby is to be collected, that antichrist shall not come of the Saracens, nor Turks, but shall spring us among the Christians, and (sayeth Methodius) shall seem to come out of the Temple, to deceive many. etc. whereby the Pope may seem rather than the Saracene or the Turk, to be described, for so much as the Pope, being elected nourished, and reigning in the midst of God's people, at Rome, sitteth in the temple, and very place of Christ: and (no doubt) deceiveth many. etc.  
And now to come to the time assigned of Methodius, here is to be added also, 
The time of Antichrist. Petrus Lombardus. Gratianus. Innocentius. 3.  that which we read in Antoninus, Par. 3. that about this said present time, a certain Bishop of Florence preached that antichrist was then coming. But the pope commanded him to keep silence & to speak no more thereof. Now why the pope so did, & why he could not abide the preaching of antichrist, I refer it to them which list to muse more upon the matter. This is certain, that about this time, here assigned by Methodius, came Petrus Lombardus Gratianus, and Pope Innocent the third, the first authors & patrons of transubstantiation. 
Transubstantiation, The first persecution by the church of Rome Dominicke. Friar Frances, Ex antonino part. 3. tit. 19 c 1. The orders of Friars began.  At which time also began the first persecution by the church of Rome, against the Albingenses or waldenses, about Tolous, Bitures, and Auinion. Of whom 17. M. the same time were slain, by the Pope's crossed soldiers. Among whom friar Dominicke was then the chiefest doer. About which time also was Friar Frances, of which two came the two orders of begging Friars: all which began much about one time together. An. 1215. which were near, within 20. years. after the kingdom of the Christians was taken of the Turks, according to the prophesy above said. 
The pope exalting himself above kings and Emperors.   
It followeth moreover in Methodius, That in his time all Lordship & domination shall cease and give over. etc. The verity whereof we see no●e accomplished in the Pope. For where the Pope with his double sword, and triple crown doth come, there all seculare power must give place, both Emperors, Kings, and Princes must stoop.  
So king john yielded up his crown to Pandulsus the pope's Legate, and was in his hand 5. days. An. 12●7.  
Childerike the French K. had his crown taken from him, 
Notes of Antichrist.  and given to Pipine. An. 747.  
Henricus 4. Emperor was forced to submit himself and his sceptre to Pope Hildebrand. An. 1077.  
Fridoricus Barbarossa Emperor, in Saint Marks Church in Venice, was feign to lay down his neck under the Pope Alexander's feet. Anno 1277. Which Fridericke also before, was feign to hold the stirroppe to Pope Adrian, etc.  
What should I speak of the Ambassador of Venice, named Franciscus Dandulus? who being sent to Pope Clement the 5. was made to lie under the Pope's cable like a dog, & gather up the croms, mentioned in Sabel. Enn. 9 li. 7.  
Henry the 3. being Emperor, had his diadem first set on with the feet of the Pope, and afterward strucken off from his head with the Pope's foot again.  
And what shall I speak more hereof? when as Carolus Magnus submitted himself so low to kiss the feet of Pope Leo. An. 800. 
Enoch & Hely.   
It followeth then in the prophesy of Methodius: That in the tribulation of those days, shall be sent from God two special Prophets, Enoch and Hely, to reprove and disclose the fraudulent falsehood of Antichrist, and that many seeing his delusion, shall forsake him and follow them: Whereat Antichrist being grieved shall kill them. etc.  
We never read yet in any story, 
john Hus & Jerome of prague. Vid. in primo Tom. operum johan. Hus. De Anatomia.  of any such two Prophets to be sent either to the Saracens, or to the Turks: Whereas against the Pope, we read john hus and Jerome of prague, two learned Martyrs & Prophets of God to have been sent, & to have reproved and described the Anatomy of Antichrist, and at last to have been burned for their labour. And what Prophet can speak more plainly, either Enoch or Hely, 
Jerome of prague a prophet and Martyr.  then did Hierom of prague, prophesying of the coming of Martin Luther, an C. years after him? when the Pope and his fellows should answer to God and to him. The time we see came just. Now let the Pope see with his fellows, what answer they can make.  
The true plate of Hus and Jerome, among the Bohemians.  

The nearnes of the lords judgement.  It followeth further in Methodius concluding his prophecy. And then (saith he) shall appear the coming of the son of man in the clouds of heaven, with celestial glory. etc.  
Wherefore after the burning of these two notable Prophets, with many other thousands burned also since their time, by the B. of Rome it is to be thought, that the coming of Christ's judgement in the clouds, is not far of. Veni cito Domine. Amen.  
And thus much touching Methodius, of whose prophecies how much or how little is to be esteemed, I leave it indifferent unto the reader. For me it shall suffice simply to have recited his words, as I find them in his book contained: noting this by that way, that of this book of Methodius, De novissimis temporibus, neither Jerome in his catalogue, nor Suidas, nor yet aventinus in the place where he entreateth purposely of such prophecies, 
The prophecy of Hildegardis and Brigiete, of the Turks.  maketh any mention. As touching Hildegardus & Brigit, & other whom the French call Bardi for their songs & prophetical verses, sufficient hath been alleged before out of Anentinus: who in his 3. book of Chronicles writing of the testimonies of Hildegard, Brigit and Bardi, seemeth to ground upon them, 
Ex Auentino lib. 3. Annalium. A caneat to England.  that the Turks, whether we will or not, shall have their Imperial seat at Colen: And I pray God, that it come not to pass, that the Turk do give some attempt against England by the seas, before that he come to Colen by land. etc.  
Grevity causeth me to cut of many testimonies and revelations of these abovesaid, 
Ex Brigitta. lib. 4. cap. 57  or else I could here rehearse the prophetical words of Brigit, lib. 4. cap. 57 concerning the City and Church of Rome, which as she saith, must be purged and scoured with 3. things: 
Prophecies of Brigitte, against Rome.  to wit, with sharp sword, with fire, and with the plough, and that God will do with that City, as one that removeth plants out of one place unto an other: and finally, that the City of Rome shall sustain the sentence, as if a judge should command the skin to be slain off, the blood to be drawn from the flesh, and the flesh to be cut in small pieces, & the bones thereof to be broken, so that all the mary may be quised out from the same etc. 
The Prophecies of Erithrea Sibylla named Eriphila.  But for brevity I let Brigit pass, & something will declare out of Erythrea Sibylla, in her book of prophecies found in S. George's church in Venice: where she prophesying many things of the birth of Christ under Augustus, and of the birth of john Baptist, & of baptism, of the Apostles, of the conversion of the Gentiles, and of Constantinus, etc. hath these words: 
Ex Erithrea Sibylla in suo Nazilographo. i. imperiali scripto.  After that the peaceable Bull shall conclude all the climes of the world under tribute, in those days a heavenly lamb shall come: and the days shall come, when the power of the flowing stream shallbe magnified in water, & the Lion the Monarch shallbe converted to the Lamb, which shall shine to all men, and subvert kingdoms.  
Moreover sayeth Sibylla, In the latter age God shall be humbled, 
Prophecies of Sibylla of christ.  and the divine offspring shallbe abased, & Deity shallbe joined with humanity, the Lamb shall lie in hay, and God & man shall be bred up under a maiden's attendance, signs and wondershal go before amongst the circumcised. etc. Also, an aged woman shall conceive a child having knowledge of things to come. 
By his feet is supposed to be meant the years of his age.  The World shall marvel at Bowtes (the star) which shall be a leader to his birth. He having 32. feet and 6. thumbs shall choose to himself out of cozeners' and abjects, the number of 12. and one devil, not with ●●orde nor with battle. etc. And afterward thus followeth moreover, in Sybilia, saying: 
* The lamb lying, etc. that is, the Church without travel shall be maintained with some living or possessions of chief rulers.  The health of the lamb lying shallbe clothed with a few spoils of the lion. Black shallbe turned into red. He shall subdue the city of Aeneas, and kings, but in the book of the fisher, In dejection and poverty he shall conquer riches, and shall tread down pride with his own death, In the night he shall rise up, and be changed, he shall live and reign, and all these things shall be consummated, and regeneration (or new things) be made: at last he shall judge both good and evil. etc. And thus much briefly collected out of Sybilia Erythrea concerning Christ our Lord.  
Furthermore, touching the state and course of the Church and of Antichrist. it followeth in the said Sybille, saying: 
By these four beasts is meant the 4. Monarchies of the world, that is the multitude of all the kingdoms of the Gentiles, as is in the Apocal. By the city of Aeneas is meant Rome The prophecies of Sibylla, of Antichrist. The 663. feet do mean the years of his reign.  Then shall 4 Winged beasts rise up in testimony, they shall sound out with trumpets the name of the lamb, sowing righteousness, & the law irreprehensible. Against which law, the beast shall gainstand, & the abomination & froth of the dragon. But a marvelous star shall rise, having the image of the 4. beasts, & shallbe in a marvelous multitude, he shall bring light to the Greeks, and shall illustrate the world. The lake of the fisher shall bring the name of the lamb with power, into the City of Aeneas, unto the end of the world, (or time). Then in the city of Aeneas, the star joined, shall lose such as were bound of the devil, and thereof he shall rejoice and glory, and glorious shallbe his end etc.  
After this, Sybilia writing (as it seemeth) of Antichrist, importeth these words. And it shall come to pass, that an horrible beast shall come out of the East, whose roaring shall be heard to afric, to the people of Carthage, Which hath 7. heads and sceptres innumerable, feet 663. He shall gainstand the lamb, to blaspheme his Testament, increasing the waters of the dragon. The kings & princes of the world he shall burn in intolerable sweat, & they shall not diminish his feet. And then two stars like to the first star, shall rise against the beast, and shall not prevail, till the abomination shall be come, and the will of the Lord shall be consummate. And again, speaking of the same matter, he inferreth these words of the foresaid 2. stars above mentioned. 
These two stars seem to mean john Hus, & Jerome, who being put to death by the pope their doctrine rose again more strongly than before.  And toward the latter days, two bright stars shall arise, raising up men lying dead in their sins, being like to the first star, having the face of the 4. beasts which shall resist the beast, & the waters of the dragon, testifying (or preaching) the name and law of the lamb, the destruction of abomination and judgement, and shall diminish his waters, but they shallbe weakened in the bread of affliction, and they shall rise again in stronger force. etc.  
And it followeth moreover. After the abomination, then shall truth be revealed, & the lamb shallbe known, to whom regions and countries shall submit their necks, & all earthly men shall agree together in one, to come into one fold, and to be ruled under one discipline, and after this shallbe but a small time. etc.  
And shortly after, the said Sybilia speaking of the latter judgement to come, declareth how all the abominations of sins shall come before the lamb: and that terrible fire shall fall from heaven, which shall consume all carthly things created unto the top of heaven. etc.  
And thus much out of Sibylla, touching her prophecies of Christ & Antichrist, according a● I found them alleged of a certain catholic Romish writer, 
Ex libro cui titulus, onne Ecclesiae.  in his book entitled Onus ecclesiae, excerped, as he sayeth, out of the library of S. George in the city of Venice.  
Philip Melancthon in his preface upon Bartholomaeus Georgienitz Peregrinus, writing of the Origene and manners of the Turks, allegeth a certain prophecy of Hikenus, mentioned hereafter, which foresaid that the Turks should bear rule in Italy and in Germany. An. 1600.  
Now it remaineth in conclusion of these prophecies of the Turks, something to say of the Turks own prophecies, concerning the enduring & ending of their own kingdom, whose prophetical prognostication, being taken out of their own language, and their own books, I thought here to insert, as I find it alleged in the book of the foresaid Bartholomaeus Georgienitz, as followeth.  


A Turkish prophecy in the Persian tongue of the reign and ruin of the Turks.  
PAtissahomoz ghelu, Ciaferum memleketi alur, keuzul almai alur, Kapzeiler, iedi y ladegh Gyaur keleci csikmasse, on ikiyladegh onlaron beghlig eder: eusi iapar, baghi diker bahesai baghlar, oglikezi olur, onichi yldensora Hristianon Keleci csichar, ol Turchi gerestine tus chure.   

The Latin of the same.  

By the prince of the Gentiles the turks do here mean the kingdoms and dominions of the Christians, whom they call Gentiles, becuse they are not circumcised after their manner.  IMperator noster veniet, ethnici Principis regnum capiet, rubrum quoque pomum capiet, in suam potestatem rediget: quod si septimum usque annum Christianorum gladius non insurrexit, usque ad duodecimum annum els dominabitur. Domos ae dificabit, vineas plantabit, hortos sepibus muniet, liberos procreabit, & post duodecimum annum, apparebit Christianorum gladius, qui Turcam quaqua versum in fugam aget.   

The same in English.  
OUr Emperor shall come: he shall get the kingdom of the Gentiles prince: also he shall take the red apple and shall bring it under his subjection: and if the sword of the Christians shall not rise unto the seven. year, he shall have dominion over them unto the xii. year. He shall build houses, plant vineyards, shall hedge about his orchards, shall procreate children: and after the xij. year shall appear the sword of the Christians, which shall put the Turk to flight every where.    
They which make declaration of this Turkish prophesy do expound this xij. year to signify the xij. year after the winning of Constantinople: 
The exposition of the turks prophesy.  which Constantinople, they say, is meant by the red apple: And after that xij. year, say they, shall rise the sword of the Christians. etc. and this prophesy being written and translated out of the Persian tongue, with this exposition upon the same, is to be found in the book of Bartholomeus Georgienitz. Albeit, concerning the exposition thereof, 
Ex Barthol Georgienitz.  it seemeth not to be true which is there spoken of the xij. year, after the winning of Constantinople, being now 100 years since the winning thereof.  
Wherefore it may rather seem probable that by the seven. year and xii. year of the Turks, 
another ●●●●sition.  this to be the meaning, that if the seven. of the Ottoman Turks do scape the sword of the Christians, they shall continue, build and plant. etc. until the xij. Turk, which is this Solymannus, & then after that shall rise the Christians sword, which shall put them to flight, and vanquish them in all quarters. And this exposition may seem to accord with the place of Genesis, 
Gen. 25.  wherein is written of Ishmael, that he had xij. sons, & no more: So that this Solymannus being the xij. Turk after Ottomannus, may (by the grace of Christ) be the last, whom we heard credibly to be reported at the printing hereof, to be dead. But howsoever this prophecy is to be taken, it appeareth by their own Oracles, that at length they shallbe overcome by the Christians.  


A Table describing the times and years of the Saracens, Turks, and Tartarlans, for the better explaining of the story above prefixed.  AN. 632. Began the kingdom of the Saracens or Arabians, after the death of mohammed the fi●ft ringleader of the mischief which Savacens reigning in Babylon over Persia and Asia, continued about 

The Saracens begin their reign.  198. years  An 667. Jerusalem was taken of the Saracens. These Saracens after they had subdued Ormisda K. of Persia, set up to themselves a new kingdom, calling their chief prince Calipha, which signifieth a general Lord: and under him Seriphes, that is, an under prince: And again under him their Sultan: which is a ruler or captain under the which Soldans, all the provinces were divided. And thus ruled obey the space abovesaid of 
198. years  An. 703. The Egyptians being weary of their subjection under the Romans, called for help of the Saracene Calipha: and so casting of the Romans, submitted themselves to the law of the Saraces, and had also their Calipha and their Babylon called Cairus, where their Calipha continued unto Saraco or Syracinus. 

The Egyptian Saracens or Sultan's.  447. years  An. 810. Mauginetus or Muchumetus the chief Sultan of Persia, being at variance with Imbrael the Sultan of babylon, feut for the aid of the turks, out of S●ychia: ●● whom, when he had got the victory against the babylonians, the said Turks shortly after, conquered the Persians, and subdued their country within the space of. 
20●. years  An. 830. The Saracens being ●● puffed ●● of Asia by the turks, wandered above Africa, Spain, and Italy, and were 〈◊〉 verse places dispersed, and 〈◊〉 

The Saracens kingdom ceaseth.   An. 830. The Turk after they had expulsed the Sara●●●our of Asia, began to reign in Asia, in Persia, & in Arabia, and there reigned without interruption, till the coming of the Tartarians, the space of 

The turks kingdom beginneth.  192. years  An. 1009. The Turks wan the city of Herusalem from the Sara●ens: which city the Sultan of Egypt want again 〈◊〉 the Turks shortly after, & possessed the same till the coming of Gotfeldus. 
 An. 1051. Began the first king of the turks called ●aduke, to reign in Asia, and joined league with Calipha of Egypt, and there reigned till the conquest of Gotfridus and the Christians, the space of 
46. years  An. 1078. Solymamnus nephew to Aspasalem the turkish king in Asia, otherwise called Turquinia, subdued Capadocia, which hath continued now since, the space of 
500 years  An. 1099. Gotfridus Bulion duke of Lotharing a christian prince, taking his voyage into Asia, with 700000. Christian soldiers first got the city of Nicaea against the Sultan of the Turks: then Lycaonia, Cilicia, Syria, afterward Mesopotamia, and Comagena, than Autiochia. An. 1098. and the next year recovered Jerusalem, being then in the hands of the Saracens, which they a little before had won from the Turks, as is aforesaid. After this Gorfridus succeeded viij. christian kings, which kept the kingdom of Jerusalem and Asia, both from the Turks and Saracens, the space of 
88 years  An. 1100. The Georgians, which be a people of Armenia the greatye, vāquishe●● the Turks out of the kingdom of Persia, af●●● they had cut their king in pieces. whereby the Turks flying to Cappadoria, there remained under Solynian & joined themselves to the Solban of Egypt and waxed the strong in Asia minor, couted now Turquinia. 
 An. 1170. When Americus the seven. king of Jerusalem after Goufridus, had overcome the Calipha or Sultan of Egypt, the Sultan being overcome, called for the help of Saracon the Sultan of Syria. This Saracon after he had expulsed the christians out of Egypt, ●●oned his power against the Sultan of Egypt, and vanquishing him, took to himself the kingdom of Egypt: Which kingdom he with his posterity did hold till the coming of the Tartarians and the Mamaluches about the space of 
88 years  An. 1187. Saladinus the nephew of Saracon the Sultan of Egypt, perceiving the dissension among the Christian states of Palestina, got Antioch, where he slew Raymundus the Prince with his own hands: Then got Tiberias: From thence went to Accon, where he took Guido king of Jerusalem and Master of the Templares, prisoners: for whose ransom, the Turk had Ascalon yielded up to him of the Christians. That done, he subdued Jerusalem. which had been in the hands of the Christians before, the space of. 
 An. 1189. Friderike Emp. Philip French king, Rich, king of England made their voyage into Asia, where Friderike washing in a river at Lilicia, died. In this voyage at the siege of Accon, Saladinus wan the field of our men, of whom 2000 were slain in the chase. Accon at length was got of the Christians. King Richard got Cyprus. The two kings tell at strife. Philip retired home without any good doing, king Richard laid siege to Jerusalem, but in vain, and so returning homeward, was taken near to Uienna in Austria, after he had taken truce before with the sultan, upon such condition as pleased him. And this good speed had the Popes, sending out against the Turks. 
 An. 1215. There was an other Council holden at Rome by pope Innocent 3. where was enacted a new article of our faith for transubstantiation of bread and wine, to be turned into the body and blood of our saviour. In this Council also great excitation was made by the Pope, & great preparation was through all Christendom, to set forward for recovery of the holy land. A mighty army was collected of Dukes, Lords, knights, bishops & Prelates, that if God's blessing had gone with them, they might have gone throughout all Asia and India. 

Transubstantiation.   Anno 1219. The Christians after 18. months siege, got a certain town in egypt, called Damiata or Elipolis, with much a do, but not much to the purpose. For afterward as the christian army of the pope's sending, went about to besiege the City Cairus or Babylon, the Sultan through his subtle train so entrapped and enclosed them within the danger of Nilus, that they were constrained to render again the City Damiata, with their prisoners, and all the furniture thereof as they found it, into the Souldanes hand, and glad so with their lives to pass forward to Tyrus, An. 1221. 
 In the mean time the Egyptian Turk caused the City of Jerusalem to be razed, that it should serve to no use to the Christians. What great thing else was done in that voyage, it doth not greatly appear in stories. All be it Fridericus the 2. Emperor was not unfruitfully there occupied, and much more might have done, had it not been for the violence and persecution of the Bishop of Rome against him: whereby he was enforced to take truce with the Sultan for 10. years, and so returned. After which things done, not many years after, at length the last city of all belonging to the Christians, which was Ptolomais or A●●●s, was also taken from them by the Sultan, so that now the christians had not one foot left in all Asia. 

Vide supra pag. 312.   An. 1203. Thus the Christians being driven out of Asia by the Sultan's & Turks, yet the said Turks and Sultanes did not long enjoy their victory: For eftsoons the Lord stirred up against them the Tartarians, who breaking into Asia by the ports of Caspius subdued divers parts of Asia, namely, about Comana, Colchis, Iberia, Albania. etc. These Tartarians as they had got many captives in their wars: so for gain used to ship them over customably to Alexandria in Egypt to be sold: which servants and captives Melechsala the great Sultan was glad to buy, to serve him in his wars. Which captives & servants after they had continued a certain space in egypt, and through their valiant service grew in favour and estimation with the said Melechsala, and began more to increase in number and strength: at length they slew him, and took to themselves the name and kingdom of the Sultan. And thus ceased the stock of Saracon & Saladinus afore mentioned, which continued in Egypt, about the space as is said of 


Tartarians.  
Portae Caspiae.  
Saladinus stock in Egypt ceaseth.   100 years  An. 1240. After the death of Melechsala, the army of these foresaid rascals and captives, set up to themselves a king of their own company, whom they called Turquemenius. Who to fill up the number of their company that it should not diminish, devised this order, to get or to buy christian men's children, taken young from their parents, and the mother's lap: whom they used so to bring up to make them to deny Christ, and to be circumcised, and instructed in Mahumetes law, & afterward to be trained in the feats of war, and these were called Malaluchis. Among whom this was their order, that none might be advanced to be king, but out of their own number, or else chosen by them: neither that any should be made knights or horsemen, but only the children of christians which should deny Christ before, called Mamaluchi. Also it was among them provided, that to this dignity neither Saracens nor jews, should be admitted. Item, that the succession thereof should not descend to the children and offpring of these Mamaluchi. Also, that the succession of the crown should not descend to the children of the foresaid Sultanes, but should go by voice and election. The Tartarians with Turquemenius their king, about this time obtained Turquia, that is, Asia minor, from the Turks, and within 2. years after, prevailing against the Turks, expelled them from their, kingdom, and so continued these Mamaluchi reigning over Egypt, & a great part of Asia, till the time of Tomumbeius their last King, which was destroyed and hanged at the gates of Memphis, by Zelymus the Turk, father to this Solymannus, as in his history is declared, Those Mamaluchi continued the space of 


Mamaluchi in Egypt.  
Vide supra pag. 747.    An. 1245. These Tartarians ranging through the countries of the Georgians, and all Armenia, came as far as Iconium, which was then the imperial city of the Turks. 
 An. 1289. The sultan of Egypt & Babylon got from the christians Tripoli, Tyrus, Sydon, and Gerithus in Syria. 
 An. 1291. Lastly, Ptolo●●ais, which also is called Acres, was surprised by the said Sultan, razed and cast down to the ground, & all the Christians therein (which were not many left) were slain. And this was the last city which the Christians had in Asia. So that now the Christians have not one foot (as is said before) left in all Asia. Thus the Egyptian Soldans, and the Tartarians reigned and ranged over the most part of Asia above the Turks, till the reign of Ottomannus the great Turk, about the space of 
80 years    
¶ And thus have ye the whole discourse of the Turkish story, with their names, countries, towns, dominions also with their times, continuance, interruptions and alterations, in order described and in years distincted: which otherwise in most authors and writers be so confused, that it is heard to know distinctly, what difference is between the Saracens, Turks, Tartarians, the Sultan's or Sultan's, Mamuluches, or janizarites: What is their Calipha, their Seriphes, their Sultan, or Bassa, in what times they began, and how long, and in what order of years they reigned. All which in this present table manifestly to thine eye may appear.  

Why the pope cannot prevail against the Turks.  ¶ Wherein this thou hast moreover (gentle Reader) to consider, which is worthy the noting, how the B. of Rome all this season, from the first beginning of the Turks reign, hath not ceased from time to time continually, calling upon Christian princes and subjects, to take the cross and to war against the Turks: whereupon so many great viages have been made to the holy land, & so many battles sought against the Turk and Sultan for winning the holy cross: and yet no lucky success hath followed thereof hitherto, nor ever came it prosperously forward, whatsoever through the exciting of that Bishop, hath been attempted against that great enemy of the Lord: In somuch that the Christians have lost not only all that they had in Asia, but also uneath are able to defend that little they have in Europe, against his violence. What the cause is of this hard luck of the Bishops doings, it is hard for man to define. Let men muse as their mind leadeth, and as the Gospel saith, he that hath eyes to see let him see. This is certain, that as there hath lacked no care nor diligence in the B. of Rome, to stir men up to that business: so on the Prince's behalf there hath lacked no courage nor strength of men, no contribution of expenses, no supportation of charges, no furniture or abilement of war: only the blessing of God seemeth to have lacked. The reason and cause whereof I would were to easy to be reform, as it may be quickly construed. For what man beholding the life of us Christians, will greatly marvel, why the Lord goeth not with our army to fight against the Turks? And if my verdict might here have place, for me to add my censure, there appeareth to me an other cause in this matter, yet greater than this aforesaid: which to make plain and cuidet in full discourse of words, laisure no we doth not permit. Briefly to touch what I conceive, my opinion is this: that if the sincere doctrine of Christian faith delivered & left unto us in the word of God, had not hen so corrupted in the church of Rome, or if the B. of Rome would yet reclaim his impure idolatry, and profanations, and admit Christ the Lamb of God to stand alone, without our unpure additions, to be our only justification, according to the free promise of God's grace: I nothing doubt but the power of this faith grounding only upon Christ the son of God, had both framed our lives into a better disposition: and also soon would, or yet will bring down the pride of that proud Dolofernes. But otherwise, 
God offended with Idolatry and wrong faith of the Christians.  if the Bish. of Rome will not gently give place to the mild voice of God's word, I think not contrary, but he shallbe compelled at last to give place & room to the Turk, whether he will or not. And yet notwithstanding, when both the Turk & the Pope shall do against it what they can, the truth and grace of God's Testament shall fructify & increase, by such means as the Lord shall work, which beginneth already (praise to the Lord) to come graciously and luckily forward in most places.   

¶ A Prayer against the Turks.  

A prayer against the Turks.  O Eternal Lord God, father of our Lord jesus Christ, creator and disposer of all things, just, gracious, & wise only, in the name and reverence of thy son jesus, we prostrate ourselves, desiring thine omnipotent majesty, to look down upon these afflicted times of thy poor creatures and servants: relive thy Church, increase our faith, and confound our enemies: and as thou hast given thine only begotten son unto us, promising with him life to all that shall believe upon his name: so incline the obedience of our faith to thy promises in him, that our hearts may be far of from all other sinful additions and profane inventions, which are besides him, and not in him, grounded upon thy will and promise. And grant (we beseech thee) to thy Church, more and more to see how terrible a thing it is, to set up any other means or help of salvation, but only in him, whom thou only hast sent and sealed. Reform thy Church with perfect doctrine and faithful teachers, that we seeing our own weakness, may put off ourselves, and put on him without whom we can do nothing. 
Psal. 119. Galat. 4. Sapien. 5. Elai. 55. Genes. 6.  So shall we stand strong, when nothing standeth in us, but thy son alone, in whom thou art only pleased. Renew in this thy Church again, the decayed faith of thy son jesus, which may plentifully bring forth in us, not leaves only, but fruits of Christian life: And forgive our wretched Idolatry and blind fantasies past, wherewith we have provoked manifold ways thy deserved indignation against us: For our hearts have been full of Idols, our temples full of Images, our ways full of hypocrisy: thy Sacraments profaned, and thy religion turned to superstition, because the lantern of thy word went not before us, therefore we have stumbled. Miserably we have walked hitherto, like sons not of Sara, but of Agar, and therefore these Turkish Agarens have risen up against us. Many hard and strait ways we have passed, but the ways of the Lord we have not found. Much cost we have bestowed on bread that suageth no hunger, 
judic. 14. joa. 22. Luke. 6. Colosl. 2.  but that bread which only feedeth and cometh freely, we have not tasted. We have sailed far and near in barks of our own building, but have not kept within the Ark only of thy promise, and therefore these floods have taken us. We have prayed much, but not in thine appointed temple, and therefore have not been heard. We have ploughed and tilled, but without thy haiffer, and therefore this untidie ground of ours, bringeth forth so many weeds We do fish apace and that all night, but because we fish not on the right side of the boat, in our fishing we catch never a sin. Our buildings be full of good intentions & great devotions, but because the ground work is not surely laid upon the rock of thy promise, the East wind riseth and shaketh them all to shivers. We walk and have walked long after the precepts and doctrines of men, having a show of wisdom, but not as holding the head, where lieth all our strength, and therefore these Philistian Turks have hitherto so prevailed against us. Briefly, all the parts and bones of the body be shaken out of place, Wherefore we beseech thee (O Lord) put to thy holy hand, and set them in the right joint again. And finally, reduce this same thy mystical body again, to his perfect and natural head, which is thine only son jesus Christ, and none other. For him only hast thou anointed and appointed. Neither is there any other head, that can minister strength and nutriment to this body, but he alone: for as much as all other heads be sinful, and are not able to stand in thy sight, but make this body rather worse then better. Only this thy well-beloved and perfect son is he, in whom only dwelleth all our strength and fullness: him only we confess and knowledge. For whom, and with whom, we beseech thee (O Lord God of hosts) grant to thy Church strength and victory against the malicious fury of these Turks, Saraeens, Tartarians, against Gog and Magog, and all the malignant rabble of Antichrist, enemies to thy son jesus our Lord and Saviour. Prevent their devices, overthrow their power, and dissolve their kingdom, that the kingdom of thy son so long oppressed, may recover and flourish over all: and that they which wretchedly be fallen from thee, may happily be reduced again into the fold of thy salvation, through jesus Christ our only mediator and most merciful advocate. Amen.  

Anno. 1500.  IN this long digression; wherein sufficiently hath been described the grievous and tedious persecution of the Saracens, & Turks against the Christians, thou hast to understand (good reader) and behold the image of a terrible Antichrist evidently appearing both by his own doings, & also by the scriptures, prophesied & declared to us before. Now in comparing the Turk with the pope, if a question be asked whether of them is the truer or greater Antichrist, it were easy to see and judge, 
A question whether is the greater Antichrist the turk or the Pope.  that the Turk is the more open and manifest enemy against Christ and his Church. But if it be asked, whether of them two hath been the more bloody and pernicious adversary to Christ and his members: or whether of them hath consumed and spilled more Christian blood, he with sword, or this with fire and sword together, neither is it a light matter to discern, neither is it my part here to discuss, which do only write the history, and the Acts of them both, wherefore after the story of the Turks thus finished, now to teenter again there, whereas we left, in describing the domestical troubles and persecutions here at home under the Bishop of Rome: 
Babram and an old man Martyrs. Vide: supra. pag. 737.  after the burning of Babram in Norfolk above declared, pag 737. I signified also of an other certain aged man mentioned in an old written Chronicle borrowed of one in that tower, instituted Polychron. (although I find not his name in the said Chronicle expressed) which suffered the pains of burning in Smithfield, about the same time which was the year of our Lord. 1500. Ex Polycron.  
This aged father, I suppose, be he of whom I find mention made in certain old papers and records of W. Larye Citizen (all be it the day of the month doth a little differ) wherein is thus testified, that on the 20. day of july. An. 100 upon the day of S. Margaret, there was an old man burned in smithfield for an heretic, & the same person upon the 10. day before he was burned, would have stolen out of the Lolardes' tower, and so falling out of the tower did foully hurt himself: whereupon he was carried in a car● to his death, as he went to his burning.  
In the foresaid papers of ancient record, is furthermore declared, how in the year above prefixed, which was An. 1499. In the time of one Persevell, many were taken for heretics in Kent, 
divers, kentishin ●n bearing faggots.  and at Paul's cross they bore faggots and were abjured, and shortly after the same year, there went 13. Lollards afore the procession in Paul's, and there were of them 8. weemen and a young lad, and the lads mother was one of the 8. and all the 13. bare faggots on their necks afore the procession.   

William Tilsworth Martyr.  
FOr somuch as the world is come now to such a morosity and peevish insensibility in these contentious and canilling days of ours, that nothing can be so circumspectly written and storied, but shall lie in danger of one Sycophant or an other, which never will credit there, where they lift not to like: neither will they ever like that, which seemeth prejudicial to their faction, or not to serve the humour wherewith their fantasies be infected: therefore to stop the mouths of such carping cavillers with as much possibility as I may, be it known to all and singular such persons, 
Will Tilsworth, Martyr.  who by evidence of truth and witness will be satisfied, that in the town of Amerisham, be yet alive both men and women, which can and do bear witness of this that I shall declare. Also there is of the said company, one named William Page, an aged father and yet alive, witness to the same. Also an other named Agnes Wetherley widow, being about the age of an hundredth years, yet living and witness hereof: That in the days of king Henry 7. Anno 1506. in the diocese of Lyncolne in Bukingham shire (William Lylsworth was burned in Amersham, in a close called Standley about 60. years ago. At which time one joane Clerk, being a married woman, which was the only daughter of the said W. Tylseworth and a faithful woman, 
The daughter compelled to set fire to her father  was compelled with her own hands to set fire to her dear father: and at the same time her husband john Clerk did penance at her father's burning, and bore a faggot, as did also.  

Robert Bartlet.  
Richard Barlet.  
john Barllet.  
Thomas Harding, and his wife.  
Henry Harding.  
Richard Harding.  
Robert Ha●ding.  
john Milsent and his wi●e.  
William white.  
john Mumbe and his wife.  
Richard Bennet.  
Rog Bennet. john Fip.  
William Grinder.  
Thomas Homes.  
Yomaud Dorman.  
William Scrivener.  
John Scrivener.  
Thomas Chase.  
john Cracher.   

though Barnard, james Mordon Martyrs.  The burning of Thomas Barnard, and james Mordon.  
It followeth moreover in that testimony of the forenamed, that about the same time of the burning of William Lilsworth (as the Amersham men do say) or the next day after, 
Father Roberts Martyr  as recordeth the foresaid Agnes) was one father Roberts burned at Buckingham. He was a miller, and dwelled at Missenden: and at his burning were there above 20. persons that were compelled to bear faggots, and to do such penance as the wicked Pharises did compel them. After that by the space of 2. or 3. years, was burned at Amershan, Thomas Barnard a husbandman, and james Mordon a labourer, they two were burned both at one fire, and there was William Litlepage (who is yet alive) compelled to be burned in the right cheek, 
Father Rever Martyr.  and father Rogers, and father Rever alias Reive, which after was burned. This Father Rogers was in the bishops prison 14. weeks together, night and day, where he was so cruelly handled with cold, hunger, and yrones, that after his coming out of the said prison, he was so lame in his back that he could never go upright as long as he lived, 
Men of Amersham burnt in the cheek for God's word  as can testify divers honest men that be now living. Also there was 30. more burned in the right cheek, and bare faggots the same time. The cause was that they would talk against superstition and idolatry, and were desirous to hear & read the holy Scriptures. The manner of their burning in the cheek was this: their necks were tied fast to a post or stay, with towels, and their hands holden that they might not stir, and so the iron being hot, was put to their cheeks, and thus bore they the prints and marks of the Lord jesus about them.   

The cruel handling of Thomas Chase of Amersham, wickedly strangled and martyred in the bishop's prison at Wooburne, under W. Smith Bishop of Lincoln.  
AMong these aforesaid, 
Anno. 1506. Tho. Chase Martyr.  which were so cruelly persecuted for the Gospel and word of Christ, one Thomas Chase of Amersham, was one of them that was thus cruelly handled, which Thomas Chase by the report of such as did know him, was a man of a godly, sober and honest behaviour (whose virtuous doings do yet remain in memory) and could not abide Idolatry and superstition, but many times would speak against it: Wherefore the ungodly and wicked did the more hate & despise him, 
Tho. Chase brought before the B.  and took him, and brought him before the blind Bishop, being at that time at Wooburne, in the County of Buckingham, and as it is written. Act. 12. that wicked Herode did vex certain of the congregation, and killed james the brother of john with the sword, and because he saw that it pleased the Jews. etc. he proceeded farther, and had this same Thomas Chase before him, ask him many questions touching the Romish religion, to many taunts, checks, and rebukes, but what answer this godly man Thom. Chase made them, it is unknown. Howbeit it is to be supposed, that his answer was most zealous and godly in professing Christ's true religion and Gospel, 
Tho. Chase condemned to the Bishop's prison at Wooburne called little ease.  and to the extirpation of idolatry and superstition and hypocrisy, for that the said Thomas Chase was commanded to be put in the bishop's prison called litleease, in the bishop's house at woe burn, which prison had not been ministered unto him, had not his answers been sound and upright. There Thomas Chase lay bound most painfully with chains, gives, manacles and irons oft times fore pined with hunger, where the bishops alms was daily brought unto him by his chapleines: 
A worthy alms of a Bishop.  Which alms was nothing else put checks, taunts, rebukes and threatenings, floutinge, and mockings. All which cruelty the godly Martyr took most quietly & patiently, 
The perfect patience & constancy of Tho. Chase.  remembering and having respect to Christ's promises. Math. 5. Blessed are they which suffer persecution for righteousness sake: for theirs is the kingdom of heaven, and as followeth: Blessed are ye 〈◊〉 revile you and persecute you, etc. when the Bishop with his bond of shavelings, perceived that by their daily practices of cruelty they could not prevail against him, but rather that he was the more fervent & earnest in professing Christ's true Religion: and that he did tolerate and bear most patiently at their wickedness and truelty ministered unto him: they imagined how and which way they might put him to death, lest there should be a tumult or an uprose among the people. And as Richard Hun shortly after was hanged or strangled in Lolardes' tower, about the year of our Lord 1514. even so these bloudsuppers most cruelly strangled and priest to death this said Thomas Chase in prison, 
Tho. Chase cruelly murdered in the Bishop's prison.  which most heartily called upon God to receive his spirit: as witnesseth a certain woman, that kept him in prison.  
After that these stinging vipers being of the wicked brood of Antichrist, had thus most cruelly and impiously murdered this faithful Christian, they were at their wit's end, and could not tell what shift to make, to cloak their shameful murder withal, at last to blind the ignorant silly people, these bloody butchers most slanderously caused by their ministers to be bruited abroad, that the foresaid Thomas Chase had hanged himself in prison: 
Tho. Chase falsely slandered to hang himself.  which was a most shameful and abominable lit, for the prison was such, that a man could not stand upright, nor lie at ease but stooping, as they do report that did know it. And besides that, this man had so many manacles & irons upon him, that he could not well move neither hand nor foot, as the women did declare that saw him dead, in so much that they confessed that his bloudbolke was broken by reason they had so vilely beaten him and bruised him: And yet these holy catholics had not made an end of their wicked act in this both kill and slandering of this godly martyr, but to put out the remembrance of him, they caused him to be buried in the wood called Norlandwood, in the high way betwixt Wooburne and little Marlowe, to the intent he should not be taken up again to be seen: And thus commonly are innocent men laid up by these clerkly clergy men. 
God bringeth to light the secret murders of the papists. Math. 10. Luke. 12.  But he that is effectually true of himself, hath promised at one time or at another, to clear his true servants, not with lies and fables, but by his own true word. No secret faith he, is so close, but once shall be opened, neither is any thing so hid, that shall not at the last be known clearly. Such a sweet Lord is God always to those that are his true servants. Blessed be his holy name therefore, for ever and ever, Amen.  
Thomas Harding being one of this company, thus molested and troubled as is aforesaid, in the town of Amersham, for the truth of the Gospel, after his abjuration and penance done, was again sought for, and brought to the fire, in the days of King Henry viu. and under D. Langlond then Bishop of Lincoln, succeeding after Cardinal wolfey. Of whose death and martyrdom, we shall likewise record (Christ willing and granting) in order when we shall come to the time and year of this suffering.  

Tho. Norice Martyr. Anno. 1507.  After the martyrdom of these two, I read also of one Thomas Norice, who likewise for the same cause, that is, for the profession of Christ's Gospel, was condemned by the Bishop and burnt at Norwich, the last day of March, an. 1507.  

Elizabeth Sampson. Anno. 1508  In the next year following, which was an. 1508. In the consistory of London, was connected Elizabeth Samson, of the parish of Aldermanberic upon certain Articles, and specially for speaking against pilgrimage & adoration of Images, as that Image of our Lady at Wisdom, at Stanings, at Crome, at Walsingham, and the Image of saint Saviour, of Barmondsey, and against the Sacrament of the altar, and for that she had spoken these or like words: that our Lady of wisdon was but a burnt arse esie, and a burnt arse stock, and if she might have helped men & women which go to her on pilgrimage, she would not have suffered her tail to have been burnt: and what should folk worship our Lady of wisdom, or our Lady of Crome, for the one is but a burnt arse stock, and the other is but a puppet: and better it were for the people to give their alms at home to poor people, then to go on pilgrimage. Also that she called the Image of Saint Saviour, Sun Saviour with kit lips, and that she said she could make as good bread as that which the priest occupied, and that it was not the body of Christ, but bread, for that Christ could not be both in heaven and earth at one time. For these and certain other articles, she was compelled to abjure, before Master William Horsey, Chancellor the day and year above written. Ex Regist. Lond.   

¶ Laurence Guest.  

Laurence Guest. Martyr.  LAmentable it is to remember, & a thing almost infinite to comprehend the names, times, and persons of all them which have been slain by the rigour of the Pope's Clergy, for the true maintaining of Christ's cause and of his Sacraments. Whose memory being registered in the book of life, albeit it need not the commemoration of our stories, yet for the more confirmation of the Church, I thought it not unprofitable, the suffering and martyrdom of them to be notified, which innocently have given their blood to be shed in Christ's quarrel.  
In the Cathalogue of whom next in order cometh the memorial of Laurence Guest, who was burned in Salisbury for matter of the Sacrament, in the days of K. Denry the 7. he was of a comely & tall parsonage, & otherwise (as appeareth) not unfronded, for the which the Bishop & the close were the more loath to burn him: 
Laurence Guest two years in prison at Salisbury.  but kept him in prison the space of ij. years. This Laurence had a wife and seven. children. Wherefore they thinking to expugn and persuade his mind by the stirring his fatherly affection toward his children, when the time came which they appointed for his burning, 
Laurence would not be turned for wife nor children  as he was at the stake, they brought before him his wife and his foresaid seven. children. At the sight whereof, although nature is commonly wont to work in other, yet in him religion overcoming nature, made his constancy to remain unmovable: in such fort as when his wife began to exhort & desire him to favour himself, he again desired her to be content, & not to be a block to his way, for he was in a good course, running toward the mark of his salvation: 
Laurence died a Martyr.  & so fire being put to him, he finished his life, renouncing not only wife & children, but also himself to follow Christ. As he was in burning, one of the bishops men threw a firebrand at his face: Whereat the brother of Laurence standing by, ran at him with his dagger, and would have slain him, had he not been otherwise stayed.  
Testified & witnessed by the credible report of one William russel an aged man dwelling of late in Colmanstreet, 
Witness to the story.  who was there present the same time at the burning of Laurence, & was also himself burned in the cheek, & one of the persecuted flock in those days, whose daughter is yet living: The same is confirmed also with the testimony of one Richard Web servant sometime to M. Latymer, who sojourning in the house of the said William russel, heard him many times declare the same.   

¶ A faithful woman burned.  
BUt amongst all the examples of them, 
A notable stork of a faithful woman burned in Chippingsadbery.  whereof so many have suffered from time to time for Christ & his truth, I can not tell if ever were any martyrdom more notable & admirable, wherein the plain demonstration of God's mighty power and judgement hath at any time been more evident against the persecutors of his flock, then at the burning of a certain godly woman, put to death in Chepingsadbery, about the same time, under the reign of K. Henry the seventh.  
The constancy of which blessed woman, as it is glorious for all true godly Christians to behold: so again the example of the bishops Chancellor, which cruelly condemned the innocent, may offer a terrible spectable to the eyes of all Papistical persecutors to consider, and to take example: which the living God grant they may. Amen. The name of the Town where she was martyred, was as is said, Chepyngsadbery. The name of the woman is not as yet come to my knowledge. The name of the Chancellor, who condemned her, 
D. Whittington Chancellor a persecutor.  was called D. Whittington. The time of her burnying was in the reign & time of K. Henry 7. orderly therefore in this place & time to be inserted. Wherein is to be noted moreover the opportunity of this present history brought to my hands, & that in such convenient season, as I was drawing toward the end of the foresaid kings reign: so that it may appear to them, which behold the opportunity of things, not to be without God's holy will & providence, that this foresaid example should not lie hid & unremembered, but should come to light & knowledge, and that in such order of placing, according as the due course of our story hitherto kept, requireth.  
After this godly woman and manly Martyr of Christ was condemned by the wretched Chancellor above named D. Whittington, for the faithful profession of the truth, which the Papists then called heresy, and the time now come when she should be brought to the place and pains of her martyrdom, 
A faithful Christian woman and Martyr, burned at Chippingsadbery.  a great concourse of all the multitude both in the town and country about (as the manner is in such times) was gathered to behold her end. Among whom was also the foresaid Doct. Whittington the Chancellor, there present to see the execution done. Thus this faithful woman, and true servant of God constantly persisting in the testimony of the truth, committing her cause to the Lord, gave over her life to the fire, refusing no pains nor torments to keep her conscience clear & unreprovable in the day of the Lord. The sacrifice being ended, the people began to return homeward, coming from the burning of this blessed Martyr. It happened in the mean time that as the Catholic executioners were busy in slaying this silly lamb at the towns side, a certain Butcher within the town was as busy in slaying of a Bull, which Bull he had fast bound in ropes, ready to knock him on the head. 
A comparison between butchers, and the pope's murdering ministers.  But the butcher (belike not so skilful in his art of killing beasts, as the Papists be in murdering Christians) as he was lifting his axe to strike the Bull, failed in his stroke, and smit a little too low, or else how he smit, I know not. This was certain, that the Bull although somewhat grieved at the stroke, but yet not strooken down, put his strength to the ropes, and broke lose from the butcher into the street, the very same time as the people were coming in great press from the burning. Who seeing the Bull coming towards them, and supposing him to be wild (as was no other like) gave way for the beast, every man shifting for himself, as well as he might. Thus the people giving back, and making a lane for the Bull, he passed through the throng of them, touching neither man nor child, 
A rare & special example of the just punishment of God upon a persecutor.  till he came where as the chancellor was. Against whom the Bull, as pricked with a sudden vehemency, ran full but with his horns, and taking him upon the paunch, gored him through and through, and so killed him immediately, carrying his guts, and trailing them with his horns all the street over, 
D. Whittington slain of a Bull.  to the great admiration and wonder of all them that saw it.  
Although the carnal sense of man be blind in considering the works of the Lord, imputing many times to blind chance the things which properly pertain to God's only praise and providence: yet in this so strange and so evident example, what man can be so dull or ignorant, which seethe not herein a plain miracle of God's mighty power and judgement both in the punishing of this wretched chancellor, and also in admonishing all other like persecutors, by his example, to fear the Lord, and to abstain from the like cruelty▪  

Witness to the story.  Now for the credit of this story, lest I be said upon mine own head to commit to story, things rashly which I can not justify, therefore to stop such cavilling mouths, I will discharge myself with authority I trust sufficient: that is, with the witness of him which both was a Papist, and also present the same time at the burning of the woman, whose name was Rowland Webbe: which Rowland dwelling then in Chippingsadbery, had a son named Richard Webbe, servant sometime to Master Latymer, who also enduring with him in time of his trouble six years together, was himself imprisoned and persecuted for the same cause. Unto the which Richard Webbe being now aged, then young, the foresaid Rowland his father, to the intent to exhort him from this sect of heresy (as he then called it) recited to him many times the burning of this woman, and withal added the story of the Bull aforesaid, which he himself did see & testify. This Richard Webbe is yet living, a witness of his own father's words and testimony, which I trust may satisfy all indifferent Readers, except only such as think no truth to be believed, but that only which is in their Portues.  

¶ Verses touching the same. Tho. Hatcherus.  
MIra legis, quicunque legis, portenta nefandi  
Exitus, ut poenas addita poena luat.  
Vera legis, Domini cuicunque potentia nota est,  
Vt delinquentes ira severa premat.  
Saepè fit ut fusus cumuletur sanguine sanguis,  
Saepè fit ut poenis obruatira novis.  
Omnia sunt Domini dextrae subiecta potenti,  
Qui ciet arbitrio bruta, hominesque suo.  
Carnificis taurus luctando corniger ictus  
Euitans, sracto fune repentque fugit.  
Fortè viam quâ turba frequens confluxerat antè,  
Faeminea ut cernat membra perire rogo,  
Taurus ijt, fertur quâ confertissima turba,  
Laesus at ex tanta solus & unus erat:  
Solus & unus erat, rapidos qui misit in ignes,  
Et miserè parvum sparsit ouile Dei.  
Et quasi consultò ferretur; praeterit omnes,  
Cornibus hunc tollit, proterit hunc pedibus,  
Ille jacet, madido foedatur sanguine corpus,  
Eruta perque vias viscera sparsa jacent.  
Quis non à Domino, nutu qui temperat orbem,  
Cogitet haec fieri? non repetendo tremat?  
Vitio terribiles comitatur justa procellas,  
Sera licet, certis passibus illa venit.   
And thus much concerning the state of the Church. Wherein is to be understand, what storms and persecutions have been raised up in all quarters against the flock and congregation of Christ, not only by the Turks, but also at home within ourselves, by the Bishop of Rome, and his retinue. Where also is to be noted in the days and reign of this king Henry the seven. how mightily the working of God's Gospel hath multiplied and increased, and what great numbers of men and women have suffered for the same, with us in England, as by these stories above past, may be apparent.  
Now these things declared, 
The state of the common wealth, commonly followeth the state of the church.  which to the Church matters be appertaining, consequently it remaineth something to entreat of the state likewise of the common wealth, which commonly doth follow the state of the Church. Where the Church is quietly and moderately governed, and the flock of Christ defended by godly Princes in peace & safety, from devouring and violence of bloody wolves: the success of civil estate, for the most part, there doth flourish, and the Princes long continued through God's preservation, in prosperous rest & tranquility. Contrariwise where the church of Christ either through the negligence of Princes, or through their setting on, the poor members of Christ be persecuted and devoured: shortly after ensueth some just recompense of the Lord upon those Princes, that either their lives do not long continue, or else they find not that quiet in the common wealth, 
The duty of princes to defend their subjects from the slaughter of the Church of Rome.  which they look for. Examples hereof, as in all other ages be abundant, so in this present time be not lacking, whether we consider the state and condition of other countries far off, or else of our own country near at home.  
And here not to wander in our story, farther than to France only, let us a little behold the example of King Charles the viij. who living in this King's time, died also not long before him. This Charles is commended of Philippus Cominaeus, to be a moderate, valiant, and victorious Prince, adorned with many special virtues to a Prince appertaining. And yet the same king, because he was flack and remiss in defence of Christ's Church, neither did use his authority, nor took his occasion offered to him of God, to amend and reform the state of the Bishop and Clergy of Rome when he might, he was therefore himself punished and cut off of the Lord, as by his story ensuing may right well appear. For so it is of him recorded, that being marvelously excited and provoked, of his own mind (contrary to the counsel of most of his Nobles) he took his voyage into Italy, neither being furnished with money, nor the season of the year being convenient thereunto. And that this may appear the better to proceed of the Lords doing, to the intent he would have the Church and Clergy of Rome reform by the Prince's sword, 
Ex comenta riis Phil Co minaei De bello Neapolitano. lib 3.  which so vexed all Christendom at that time, we shall hear what is testified in the Commentaries of the foresaid Philip. Cominaeus Lib. 3. De bello Neapolit. writing in this wise.  
There was (saith he) in the City of Florence the same time a Dominicke friar, 
Vid supra pag. 731. The prophesy of Jerome Savonarola.  Dominicke friar, named Hieronimus Savonarola (of whom mention was made before, pag. 731.) a man of a right godly and approved life: who in the said City of Florence preached and prophesied long before, that the French King should come with an army into Italy, being stirred up of God to suppress the tyrants of Italy, and none should withstand him. He should also come to the City of Pisae, and the state of Florence should be altered: all which happened true. He affirmed moreover to be signified to him of the Lord, that the Ecclesiastical state of the Church must be redressed Per vim a●morum●●. by the sword, or force of arms. Many things also he prophesied of the Venetians, & of the French King, saying that the King with some danger & difficulty, should pass that journey, yet notwithstanding should overcome it and escape, albeit his strength were never so slender: for God would safely conduct him in that journey, and safely bring him home again. But because he had not done his office, 
Note.  in amending the state of the Church, and in defending his people from injury, and from devouring, therefore it should come to pass (said he) and that shortly, that some incommodity or detriment should happen to the King: or if he should escape that danger of his sickness, and recover health, then if he did resist the cruelty of the wicked, and procure the safety of the poor and miserable, God would show merc●●nto him, etc. And this the said Hieronymus declared before to Cominaeus one of the King's counsellors, which was the writer of the story, and required him to signify the same unto the King, which so did, and he moreover himself coming to the presence of the king, declared no less.  
All which things, as he had foretold, came directly to effect. For the King being but easily accompanied with a small power, entered into Italy, where first he came to As●a, then to Gemia● and to Pisae, from thence proceeded to Florence, which also he obtained, displacing there Petrus Medici's the Duke, who had used great tyranny upon the subjects. 
Vide Phil. Cominaeun de bello Neopol. lib. 5.  From thence he removed toward Rome, where a great part of the City wall at the coming of the french King, fell down.  
Afterward when the King was entered into the City, and the Pope (who then took part with Alphonsus' King of Neaples against the French King) had immured himself within the mount of Adrian, the wall of the Castle fell down of itself: whereby, when the King was both occasioned, and exhorted also by his Captains to invade the Pope, and to depose him, & to reform the Church of Rome, (which he might then easily have done, as it had pleased him) yet all these occasions offered so opportunely of God, moved not the king to do his duty, & to help the poor church of Christ: wherefore shortly after, returning home into France from Neapolis, either the same year or the next year following he was strooken with a sudden sickness at Amboise, as he was looking on them that played at tens, and that in the stinkingest place in all the Castle, where he fell down & died within twelve hours, according to the forewarning of Hieronimus, who wrote unto him a little before, both of his sons death and of his own, which was about the year of our Lord 1498. 
De bello Neopolit. lib. 5.  Ex Philip. Cominaeo. Lib. 5.  
Like examples we have many here also in this our realm of England. So long as king john kept out of the realm, the Pope's authority and power, he continued safe and quiet with his nobles: but so soon as he brought the realm under tribute and subjection to that foreign Bishop, God stirred up his Nobles against him, whereby he had much disquiet and trouble and soon thereupon decayed.  
Of all the Kings of England, from William Conqueror, to this king Henry seven. were none which either longer continued, 
Examples of kings of England, which were blessed of God with long prosperity, being enemies to the bishops of Rome. Augustus reigned 55 years.  or more prosperously flourished, than King Henry the second, King Henry the third, King Edward the first, King Edward the third, of whom the first, how stout he was in withstanding Tho. Becket and Pope Alexander the iij. is sufficiently before comprehended, pag. 206.  
The second, which was son of King john, albeit through the wretchedness of that time his power was not sufficient to repulse the Pope's usurped jurisdiction out of the Realm: yet his will was good: at least he so defended & provided for his subjects, that they took no great wrong at the Pope's hands: who reigned one year longer than Augustus Caesar, which hath not commonly been seen in any Prince.  
The third, which was King Edward the first, so vigilantly behaved himself for the public commodity & safety of his people, that he defended them from all foreign power and hostility both of the Scots (than our enemies, now our friends) and also from the Bishop of Rome, taking part with them against us, as may appear above, page 340. 
Vide supra pag. 340.  Furthermore of the same King, and of his worthy Nobles and house of Parliament, how valiantly they stood in denial of the Pope's subsidies, and also how the said King secluded out of his protection the Bishops, and especially the Archbishop Peecham for standing with the Pope, 
Vide supra pag. 352.  read pag. 352.  
Now as touching King Edward the third, how little he regarded, how princely he with his Nobles likewise resisted the Pope's reservations and provisions, how he bridled the Archbishop john S●ratford, 
Vide supra pag. 383.  and rejected the ●a●●e authority of the Bishop of Rome, both in ●efe●ise of his subjects, and also in defence of claiming his right title in the Realm of France, read pag. 383.  
Not that I do here affirm or define, as in a general rule, that worldly success and prosperity of life always followeth the godly, which we see rather to be given more often to the wicked sort: but speaking of the duty of Princes, I note and observe by examples of histories, 
What difference between moderate princes, and then that were persecutors.  that such Princes as have most defended the Church of Christ committed to their governance, from injury and violence of the Bishop of Rome, have not lacked at God's hand great blessing and felicity: whereas contrariwise, they which either themselves have been persecutors of Christ's members, or have not shielded them by their protection from foreign tyranny and injuries, have lacked at God's hand that protection, which the other had, as may appear by King Edward the second, Richard the third, King Henry the fourth, King Henry the v. king Henry the vj. etc. who because either negligently they have suffered, or cruelly caused such persecuting laws to be made, & so much Christian blood injuriously to be devoured: therefore have they been the less prospered of the Lord, so that either they were deposed, or if they flourished for a while, yet they did not long continue, almost not half the time of the other kings before named.  
And therefore, as the state of the common wealth doth commonly follow the state of the Church, as ye hard before: so it had been to be wished, that this King Henry the seven. being otherwise a prudent & temperaunt Prince, had not permitted the untemperaunt rage of the Pope's Clergy so much to have their wills over the poor flock of Christ, as than they had: according as by these persecutions above mentioned may appear. The which king Henry seven. albeit he had a sufficient continuance, who had now reigned 24. years, yet notwithstanding here cometh the same thing to be noted, whereof I speak before: that when the Church of Christ beginneth to be injuried with violence, & to go to wrack through misorder & negligence, the state of the common wealth can not there long endure without some alteration, & stroke of God's correction. But howsoever this mark is to be taken, thus lieth the story: that after the burning & vexing of these poor servants of Christ above recited, 
The death of K. Henry. 7.  when the persecution begun now in the Church to be hot, God called away the king, the same year above mentioned, which was. 1509. after he had reigned the term of years. 24. Who if he had adjoined a little more pitiful respect, in protecting Christ's poor members, from the fire of the Pope's tyranny, to his other great virtues of singular wisdom, excellent temperance, & moderate frugalitic: somuch had he been comparable with the best of those Princes above comprehended, as he had been interior but to a few: but this defect which lacked in him, was supplied most luckily (blessed be the Lord) by his posterity succeeding after him. 
Coventry men persecuted.  Of whom in the next volume following (Christ thereunto assisting us) we have to specify more at large.  
Among many other things incident in the reign of this king Henry seven. I have overpassed the history of certain godly persons persecuted in the Diocese of Coventry and Lichfield, as we find them in the Registers of the Diocese recorded, here following.  
The year of our Lord. 1485. March 9 amongst divers and sundry other good men in Coventry, these ix. here under named were examined before john Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, in S. Michael's Church, upon these Articles, following in order.  
FIrst, 
I. Blomstone.  john Blomston was openly and publicly, infamed, accused reported & appeached that he was a very heretic, because he had preached, taught, holden & affirmed, that the power attributed to S. Peter in the Church of God, 
The power of Peter flitteth not to his successors.  by our Saviour jesus Christ: immediately did not flit, or pass from him, to remain with his successors.  
Item, that there was as much virtue in an herb as in the Image of the virgin Mary.  
Item; 
Purgatory denied.  that prayer and alms avail not the dead, for incontinent after death, he goeth either to heaven 〈◊〉 held, whereupon he concludeth there is no Purgatory.  
Item, that it was foolishness to go on Pilgrimage to the Image of our Lady of Dancaster, Walsingham or of the Tower of the City of Coventry: for a man might as well worship the blessed Virgin by the fire 〈◊〉 in the ●itchin, as in the foresaid places, 
Images not to be worshipped.  and as well might a man worship the blessed Virgin, when he seethe his mother or sister, as in visiting the Images, because they be no more but dead stocks and stones.  
Item, that he said in English with a frowning countenance, as it appeared: a vengeance on all such whoreson Priests, for they have great envy that a poor man should get his living among them.  
RIchard Hegham of the same City was accused. etc. to be a very heretic, 
Richard Heghan.  because he did hold that a Christian man being at the point of death, should 〈◊〉 all his own works good and ●●l, and submit him to the mercy of God. 
Merits condemned.   
Item, that it was fondness to worship the Images of our Lady of Tower in the foresaid City, or of other Saints, 
Images serve rather to be burned, then to be worshipped.  for they are but stocks and stones.  
Item, that if the Image of our Lady of Tower were put into the fire it would make a good fire.  
Item, that it were better to deal money unto poor folks then to offer to the Images of Christ and other Saints, which are but dead stocks and stones.  
RObert Crowther of the same City was accused, 
Robert Crowther.  that he was an heretic, because he did hold, that who so receiveth the Sacrament of the altar in deadly sin, or out of charity, receiveth nothing but bread and wine.  
Item, that neither Bishop, nor Priests or Curates of Churches, have power in the market of penance to bind and lose.  
Item, 
Against Pilgrimage.  that Pilgrimage to the Image of our Lady of Tower is foolishness, for it is but a stock or a stone.  
IOhn Smith was accused to be a very heretic, 
john Smith.  because he did hold that every man is bonnde to know the Lords Prayer, 
The lords prayer to be in English.  and the Creed in English, if he might for these false Priests.  
Item, that who so believed as the Church then did believe, believed ill: and that a man had need to frequent the schools a good while, ece that he can attain to the knowledge of the true and right faith.  
Item, that no Priest hath power to assoil a man in the market of penance, from his sins.  

Roger Browne.  ROger Browne of the same City, was also accused to be an heretic, because he did hold that no man ought to worship the Image of our Lady of Walsingham, 
Against Pilgrimage.  nor the blood of Christ at hails, but rather God almighty, who would give him whatsoever he would ask.  
Item, that he held not up his hands, nor looked up, at the elevation of the Eucharist.  
Item, that he promised one to show him certain books of heresy, if he would swear that he would not utter them, and if he would credit them.  

Flesh eating in Lent.  Item, that he did eat flesh in Lent, and was taken with the manner.  
Item, if any man were not shriven his whole life long, and in the point of death would be confessed, and could not, if he had no more but contrition only, he should pass to joy without Purgatory: 
Against Purgatory and confession auricular.  And if he were confessed of any sin, & were enjoined only to say for penance one Pater noster, if he thought he should have any punishment in Purgatory for that sin, he would never be confessed for any sin.  

Against confession & satisfaction.  Item, because he said all is lost that is given to Priests.  
Item, that there was no Purgatory, that God would pardon all sins without confession and satisfaction.  

Thomas Butler.  THomas Butler of the same City, was likewise openly accused to be a very heretic, because he did hold that there were but two ways, that is to say, to heaven, and to hell.  

Against Purgatory.  Item, that no faithful man should abide any pain after the death of Christ, for any sin, because Christ died for our sins.  
Item, that there was no Purgatory, for every man immediately after death passeth either to heaven, or hell.  

Against merits.  Item, that whosoever departeth in the faith of Christ and the Church, howsoever he hath lived, shall be saved.  
Item, that prayers & pilgrimages are nothing worth, and aua●●● not to purchase heaven.  

john Falkes.  IOhn Falkes was accused to be a very heretic, because he did 〈◊〉 that it was a foolish thing to offer to the Image of our Lady; 
Against Images.  saying, her dead shall be hoar or I offer to her, what is it but a block? If it could speak to me, I would nove it an halsepeny worth of ale.  
Item, that when the Priest carrieth to the sick the body of Christ, who carrieth he not also the blood of Christ?  
Item, that he did eat cow milk upon the first Sunday of Lent.  
Item, that as concerning the Sacrament of penance & absolution, no Priest hath power to assoil any man from his sins, 
It is heresy to say a stone is a stone, & a block is a block.  when as he can not make one hear of his head.  
Item, that the Image of our Lady was but a stone or a block.  

Richar. Hilmin.  RIchard Hilmin was accused that he was a very heretic, because he did say and maintain that it was better to departed with money to the poor, then to give tithes to Priests, or to offer to the Images of our Lady, and that it were better to offer to Images made by God, then to the Images of God painted.  
Item, that he had the Lords Prayer and the Salutation of the Angel and the Creed in English, 
Scripture in English.  and another book did he see and had, which contained the Epistles and Gospels in English, and according to them would he live, and thereby believed to be saved.  
Item, that no Priest speaketh better in the Pulpit than that book.  
Item, that the Sacrament of the aultare is but bread, and that the Priests make it to blind the people.  
Item, that a Priest whiles he is at Mass, is a Priest, and after one Mass done, till the beginning of another Mass, he is no more than a lay man, and hath no more power than a mere lay man.  
¶ After they were enforced to recant, they were assoiled and put to penance.  
IN the year of our Lord 1488. 
Margery Goyt.  the iij. of April, Margery Goyt, wife of james Goyt of Asburne, was brought before the foresaid john Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, who was there accused that she said, that that which the Priests lift over their heads at Mass, was not the true and very body of Christ: 
Against the Sacrament of the Altar.  For if it were so, the Priests could not break it so lightly into four parts, and swallow it as they do: for the lords body hath flesh and bones, so hath not that which the Priests receive.  
Item, that Priests buying xl. cakes for a halfpenny, and showing them to the people and saying, that of every of them they make the body of Christ, do nothing but deceive the people and enrich themselves.  
Item, seeing God in the beginning did create and make man, how can it be that man should be able to make God?  
¶ This woman also, was constrained to recant, and so was she assoiled and did penance.  
Thus much I thought here good to inserte, touching these foresaid men of Coventry, especially for this purpose, because our cavilling adversaries be wont to object against us the newness of Christ's old and ancient Religion. To the intent therefore they may see this doctrine not to be so new as they report, I wish they would consider both the time and Articles here objected against these foresaid persons, as is above premised.  
I should also in the same reign of King Henry seven. have induced that history of joannes Picus Earl of Mirandula, 
Picus Mirandula Earl.  the mention of whose naine partly is touched before, page. 704. This Picus Earl of Mirandula being but a young man, was so excellently witted, & so singularly learned in all sciences, and in all tongues, both Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Chaldey, and Araby, that coming to Rome booted and spurred, he set up 90. conclusions, to dispute in the same with any in all Christendom, whosoever would come against him. Of which conclusions divers were touching the matter of the Sacrament, etc. And when none was found in all Rome, nor in Europe, that openly would dispute with him, privily and in corners certain of the Pope's Clergy, Prelates, Lawyers, & Friars, by the Pope appointed, consulted together to inquire upon his conclusions, whereupon they did articulate against him for suspicion of heresy. And thus the unlearned Clergy of Rome privily circumvented and entangled this learned Earl in their snares of heresy, against whom they never durst openly dispute. He died being of the age of 32. of such wit and towardness, as is hard to say whether ever Italy bred up a better. In his sickness Charles viij. the French King, moved with the fame of his learning, came to visit him. The furniture of his books cost him 7000. florins. A little before his death his mind was to give all away, and to take a cowl, to go about & preach, but the Lord would not permit him. His story requireth a long tractation, which if place do serve, we will not peradventure forget. With ij. Popes, that is, with Pope Innocent, & Alexander vj. he had much vexation.  

¶ The names of the Archbyshops of Canterbury in this sixth book contained.  62 john Stratford. viij. 63 john Kempe. iij. 64 Thomas Burchier. xxxiij. 65 john Morton. xiv. 66 Thomas Langhton. 
This Thomas Langhton was elected Archbysh. but died before he was confirmed.   67 Henry Dene. ij.  Guliel. Warham. xxviij.  
¶ here endeth the sixth Book, and the first Tome.    

A brief note of Ecclesiastical laws ordained by ancient Kings in this Realm.  
FOr somuch as it is, and hath been a persuasion long gendered in the heads of many, 
Ecclesiastical laws ordained by ancient kings of this Realm.  that the Bishops of Rome be the universal heads of the whole militant Church of Christ in earth, and have always so continued from the beginning of the primitive time. And that no Prince, King, nor Emperor in his own Realm hath any interest to intermeddle with matters and laws Ecclesiastical, but only the said Bishops of Rome; to refel and remove that opinion out of the heads of all Englishmen, as a thing most false, and contrary both to histories of time, and examples of ancient Kings & governors of this Realm, I thought to fill up a little end of paper here left, with some such brief rehearsal of laws divised & appointed by Kings and rulers of this land, for the ordering of the Church, and causes Ecclesiastical, to the intent that all the world may see the government of Christ's Church here in earth under Christ, hath not depended only of the Pope from ancient time, but hath been rather directed by such kings and princes, as God here had placed under him to govern the people of this Realm of England, as followeth here in this present table to be noted.  

¶ A brief recapitulation, of ancient Ecclesiastical laws by sundry Kings of this Realm ordained, for government of the Church, before the Conquest.  

¶ Ecclesiastical laws of King Inas, or Ina.  

Ecclesiastical laws of king Ina.  FIrst King Inas who reigned in this land the year of our Lord. DCCxij. commanded, that ministers should frame their conversation of life according to the form in laws prescribed.  
2. That infants should be baptized within 30. days.  
3. Item, that no man lay or spiritual, free or bond, should labour upon the Sunday.  
4. Item, he established immunity of Churches, & Sanctuary. Also he took order for the true payment of Church duties, and of the first fruits of all that was sown to be paid at the day of S. Martin.   

¶ Ecclesiastical laws of King Alured, or Alfred.  

King Allure des laws.  1. KIng Alured, after he had ordained divers judicial punishments for violating the holy precepts of God commanded by Moses, he also confirmed and enlarged the privilege of Sanctuary: he laid double pain upon such as committed offences in the solemnities of certain feasts: Also against them that committed sacrilege.  
2. He made a law against Priests committing murder.  
3. Also he made a law against whoredom, adultery, and fornication.  
4. He appointed days of fasting and ceasing from labour.  
5. Item, he set order for making and keeping vows.   

¶ Ecclesiastical laws of king Edward the elder, and Gythrum the Dane king.  

K. Edward's laws.  FIrst, they agreed upon the Sanctuary: they forbade Gentility and Paganisine: they laid punishment upon the Clergy committing theft, perjury, or murder, fornication, or any capital crime.  
2. They punished Priests, that pretermitted their office in pronouncing festival, or fasting days.  
3. They made a law against all labour, buying, and selling upon the Sabbaoth: also for keeping of feasts. Iten, for no execution to be done on the Sunday. Also against witches and sorcerers. etc.   

¶ Ecclesiastical laws of king Ethelstane.  

K. Ethelstanes laws.  1. KIng Ethelstan, who reigned the year of our Lord, 924. commanded that every Village of his own, should give a monthly corrodie to a poor person.  
2. That 50. Psalms should be sung daily in the Church, for the king. etc.  
3. He also ordained punishment for witches, & sorcerers. etc.   

¶ Ecclesiastical laws of king Edmund.  

K. Edmundes laws.  1. AFter king Ethelstan followed king Edmund about the year of our Lord. 940. who established and provided laws against the unchaste living of Churchmen.  
2. Item, he made laws concerning tithes, with first fruits of every man's crop, and almose money duly to be paid.  
3. Item, he enacted that Bishops of their own proper charges should repair Churches, and should also admonish the king for the furnishing of the same.  
4. For perjury also, and for fight within the Church, he set laws and pains.   

¶ Ecclesiastical laws of king Edgar.  
1. KIng Edgar, 
K. Edgar's laws  who begun his reign about the year of our Lord. 959. amongst other constitutions Ecclesiastical, ordained, that the Sunday should be kept holy from Saturday at noon till Monday in the morning.  
2. Item, he ordained and decreed concerning liberties & freedoms of the Church, for tithes also, and first fruits of corn, and paying of Peterpence.  
3. Item, for holy days and fasting days.  
4. Iten, that assemblies or Synods should be kept twice every year, whereat as well the Bishop of the Diocese should be present as the civil Magistrate.    

¶ King Aethelrede, Anno. 979.  
KIng Aethelrede also which succeeded after Edgar, 
King Ethelrede, laws.  and Edward appointed divers laws for public regiment, whereof we find but few touching matters Ecclesiastical, for tithes, lights, feasts and nothing else, and therefore we pass further to the laws of Canutus.   

¶ Ecclesiastical laws of king Canutus.  
CAnutus the Dane king began to reign in this land in the year of our Lord. 
King Canutus laws.  1016. The said Canutus (as Aethelrede had done before) divided his laws into Ecclesiastical and temporal.  

1. That Ecclesiastical persons being accused of fighting, murder, or any other offence, should purge themselves thereof  
2. That Priests should be degraded for perjury, and put in sureties of good behaviour.  
3. He prayeth Priests, that they will live chaste, and commanded other Religious.  
4. He limited the degrees of Marriage.  
5. Item, he commanded celebration of the Sabbaoth from Saturday at noon till Monday morning, as Edgar had done before, forbidding markets, huntyngs, labours, and Court keepynges, during the said space.  
6. He ordained each Christian man to come to the housel thrice yearly at the least: That they search and inquire after God's law, and his commandments.  
7. That every Christian man understand the points of his faith, & that at the least he learn perfectly the lords Prayer, and the Creed, and that whosoever can not the same, shall be excluded from the Eucharist, and shall not be received to undertake for others in Baptism.  
8. That Bishops and Priests should do their duties: that they cry out and warn their flocks when the Wolf cometh.  
9 That at the Court of every Shire, the Bishop of the Diocese shall be present with the Sherifte, and that the one shall teach them Gods law, and the other man's law, as ye heard in King Edgar's laws before.   
Many other laws both Ecclesiastical and temporal besides these were enacted by these and other Kings here in England before the Conquest, 
Kings of England before the Conguest governors as well in causes Ecclesiastical as temporal  but these be sufficient to give the understanding Reader to consider, how the authority of the Bishops of Rome, all this while, extended not so far to prescribe laws for government of the Church, but that Kings and Princes of the Realm, as they be now, so were then full governors here under Christ, as well in causes Ecclesiastical, as temporal, both in directing orders, instituting laws, in calling of Synods, and also in conferring bishoprics and benefices, without any leave of the Romish Bishops. Thus Odo, Dunstane, Oswold, Ethelwold, Aldelinus, and Lancfrancus, although they fet their palles afterward from Rome, yet were they made Bishops and Archbishops by Kings only, not by Popes.  
And thus stood the government of this Realm of England all the time before the Conquest, till Pope Hildebrand through the setting on of the Saxons, 
When kings of England came first under the Pope's subjection.  began first to bring the Emperor (which was Henry 4. ) under foot. Then followed the subduing of other Emperors, Kings, and subjects after that; as namely here in England, when Lancfrancus, Anselmus, and Becket, went to complain of their Kings and governors, than brought they the Pope's judicial authority first from Rome, over this land, both over Kings and subjects: which ever since hath continued, till these latter years. Albeit the said Kings of this Realm of England being prudent Princes, and seeing right well the ambitious presumption of those Romish Bishops, did what they could to shake off the yoke of their supremacy, as appeareth by the laws and Acts of their Parliaments, both in king Edward the thirds time, King Richard the 2. and King Henry the 4. above in their Parliament notes specified: yet for fear of other foreign Princes; and the blind opinion of their subjects, such was then the calamity of that time, that neither they could nor durst compass that, which feign they would: till at last, the time of their iniquity being complete, through the Lords wonderful working, their pride had a fall, as in the next Volume ensuing (the Lord so granting) shall by process of history be declared.    


The Image of the true Catholic Church of Christ.  ¶ The proud primacy of Pope's painted out in Tables, in order of their rising up by little and little, from faithful Bishops and Martyrs, to become Lords and governors over King and kingdoms, exalting themselves in the Temple of God, above all that is called God, etc. 2. Thessalonians. 2.  

The martyrdom of good bishops under wicked Emperors in the primitive Church.  IN the Table of the primitive Church above described, hath been (gentle Reader) set forth and exhibited before thine eyes the grievous afflictions and sorrowful torments, which through God's secret sufferance, fell upon the true Saints and members of Christ's Church in that time, especially upon the good Bishops, Ministers, and teachers of the flock: of whom some were scourged, some beheaded, some crucified, some burned, some had their eyes put out, some one way, some another, miserably consumed: which days of woeful calamity continued (as is foreshowed) near the space of CCC. years. During which time, the dear spouse and elect Church of God, being sharply assaulted on every side, had small rest, no joy, nor outward safety in this present world, but in much bitterness of hart, in continual tears and mourning under the cross passed over their days, being spoiled, imprisoned, contemned, reviled, famished, tormented and martyred everywhere, who neither durst well tarry at home for fear and dread, and much less durst come abroad for the enemies, but only by night, when they assembled as they might, sometimes to sing Psalms and Hymns together. In all which their dreadful dangers, and sorrowful afflictions, notwithstanding the goodness of the Lord left them not desolate: but the more their outward tribulations did increase, the more their inward consolations did abound: and the farther off they seemed from the joys of this life, the more present was the Lord with them with grace and fortitude, to confirm and rejoice their souls. And though their possessions and riches in this world were lost and spoiled, yet were they enriched with heavenly gifts and treasures from above an hundredth fold. Then was true Religion truly felt in hart. 
The true riches of the Church described.  Then was Christianity not in outward appearance showed, but in inward affection received, and the true image of the Church not in outward show pretenced, but in her perfect state effectual. Then was the name and fear of God true in hart, not in lips alone dwelling. faith then was fervent, zeal ardent, prayer not swimming in the lips, but groaned out to God from the bottom of the spirit. Then was no pride in the Church, nor leisure to seek riches, nor time to keep them. Contention for trifles was then so far from Christians, that well were they when they could meet to pray together against the Devil, author of all dissension. Briefly, the whole Church of Christ jesus, with all the members thereof, the farther it was from the type and shape of this world, the nearer it was to the blessed respect of God's favour and supportation.  

¶ The first rising of the Bishops of Rome.  
AFter this long time of trouble, 
The first rising of the Bishops of Rome.  it pleased the Lord at length mercifully to look upon the Saints and servants of his son, to release their captivity, to release their misery, and to bind up the old Dragon the Devil, which so long vexed them, whereby the Church began to aspire to some more liberty: and the Bishops which before were as abjects, utterly contemned of Emperors, through the providence of God (which disposeth all things in his time after his own willy began now of Emperors to be esteemed and had in price. Furthermore, as Emperors grew more in devotion, so the Bishops more and more were exalted, not only in favour, but also preferred unto honour, in so much that in short space they became not quarter masters, but rather half Emperors with Emperors.  
Constantinus the Emperor embracing Christian Bishops.  

A declaration of Saint Paul's words.  By which words of S. Paul we have divers things to understand: First, that the day of the Lords coming was not then near at hand. Secondly, the Apostle giving us a token before, to know when that day shall approach, biddeth us look for an adversary first to be revealed. Thirdly to show what adversary this shallbe, he expresseth him not to be as a common adversary, such as were then in his time. For although Herode, Annas and Cayphas, the high Priests and Pharasyes', Tertullus, Alexander the Coppersmith, Elymas & Simon Magus, & Nero the Emperor in Paul's time were great adversaries, yet here he meaneth another besides these greater than all the rest, not such a one as should be like to Priest, King or Emperor, but such as far exceeding the estate of all kings, priests and Emperors should be the prince of priests, & should make kings to stoop, and should tread upon the neck of Emperors and make them to kiss his feet. Moreover, where the Apostle saith, that he shall sit in the temple of God, thereby is meant, not the personal sitting of the Pope in the City only of Rome, but the authority and jurisdiction of his sea exalted in the whole universal Church, equal with God himself. For let men give to the Pope that which he in his laws, decrees, and in his pontifical requireth, 
The Pope matching himself even with God.  and what difference is there between God and the Pope? If God set laws and ordinances, so doth he? If God have his creatures, so hath he, if God require obedience, so doth he. If the breach of God's commandments be punished, much more be his. God hath his Religion, the Pope also hath his: yea for God's one Religion, he hath an hundredth. God hath set up one Advocate, he hath an hundredth. God hath instituted but a few holidays: for God's one, he hath instituted xl. And if the holy day that God hath appointed be simplex, the feast that the Pope appointeth is duplex & triplex. Christ is the head of the Church: so is the Pope. Christ giveth influence to his body: so doth the Pope. Christ forgiveth sin, the Pope doth no less. Christ expelleth evil spirits by his power: so pretendeth the Pope by his holy water. Furthermore, where Christ went barefoot upon the bare ground: he with his golden shoes is carried on men's shoulders. And where Christ was called Sanctus Sanctorum: he is called Sanctorum Sanctissimus. Christ never practised but only the spiritual sword, he claimeth both spiritual and temporal. Christ bought the Church: he both buyeth and selleth the Church. And if it be necessary to believe Christ to be the Saviour of the world: so is it necessary to believe the Pope to be the head of the Church. Christ paid tribute to Cesar: he maketh Cesar to pay tribute unto him. Finally, the crown of Christ was of sharp thorn: the Pope hath three crowns of gold upon his head, so far exceeding Christ the son of God in glory of this world, as Christ exceedeth him in the glory of heaven. The Image and Pattern of whose intolerable pride and exaltation, according as S. Paul doth describe him in his epistle aforesaid, we have here set forth, not only in these Tables to be seen, and by his own facts to be noted, but also his own words and Registers, Clementines, Extravagantes, and Pontificals, expressed as in order (the Lord willing) shall follow.   


Bishops of Rome advanced by Emperors, Constantinus, Theodosius. etc.  ¶ The exaltation of pope's above Kings and Emperors out of histories.  

john Patriarch of Constantinople subdued by B. of Rome.  FIrst, after that Italy and the City of Rome were overrun by the Goths and Vandals, so that the seat of the Empire was removed to Constantinople, then began joannes Patriarch of Constantinople, to put forth himself, and would needs be called universal Bishop of the world: but the Bishop of Rome in no case would suffer that, 
The emperors lieutenant of Ravenna subdued by the Lombard's and Roman Bishops. Boniface 3. obtained of Phocas to be called universal bishop.  and stopped it. After this came the emperors deputy, and Exarch of Ravenna to rule Italy, but the Bishop of Rome through aid of the King of lombards soon quailed him.  
Not long after, about the year of our Lord 500 came Phocas the murderer, who slew the Emperor of Constantinople his master Mauritius and his children. By which Phocas the bishops of old Rome aspired first to their pre-eminence, to be counted the headbishops over the whole church and so together with the lombards began to rule the city of Rome. 
Pope Zachary putteth down Childericus the French K. and serteth Pipinus in his place.. Pipinus and Carolus Magnus set up by pope Zachachary. How the Bishops of Rome came first to be the head Bishops of the Church.  Afterward when the lombards would not yield unto him, in accomplishing his ambitious desire, but would needs require of the Bishop the said city of Rome: he stirred up Pipinus, but first deposed Childiricus the king of France, and so thrusting him into an Abbay, set up in his place Pipinus and his son Carolus Magnus to put down the said king of lombards called Aistulphus. And so translated the Empire from Constantinople into France, dividing the spoil between him and them: so that the kings of France had all the possessions and lands which before belonged to the Empire, and he to receive of them the quiet possession of the city of Rome, with such donations and Lordships, which now they challenge unto them under the name of S. Peter's patrimony, which they falsely ascribe to the donation of Constantinus the great.  
It followeth then in process of time, after the days of Pipinus, 
Donation of Constantine a thing false and forged. P●pe Gregory 5. practiseth with the Germans to reduce the Empire to Germany. an. 1002.  Carolus and Ludovicus (who had endued these Bishops of Rome, called now Popes, with large possessions) when the kings of France were not so appliable to their beck, to aid and maintain them against the Princes of Italy, who began then to pynch the said Bishops for their wrongful usurped goods, they practised with the Germans to reduce the Empire to Otho first of that name Duke of spain, referring the election thereof to 7. Prince's electors of Germany, which was about ann. 1002. notwithstanding reserving still in his hands the negative voice, thinking thereby to enjoy that they had, in quietness and security, and so did for a good space.  
At length when some of these german Emperors also after Otho began a little to spurn against the said bishops and Popes of Rome, 
Otho first German Emperor.  some of them they accursed, some they subdued and brought to the kissing of their feet, some they deposed, and placed other in their possessions.  
So was Henricus 4. 
Emperors brought to kiss the pope's feet. Henricus 4. accursed, waiteth at the pope's gate 3. days. Rodulphus, and at last his own son set up to fight against him. Read before pag. 179. Pope Alexander. 3. treadeth upon the neck of Frederick Emperor. Pope Celestine crowneth Henry. 5. Emperor with his feet and with his foot spurneth the crown from his head again.  by these bishops accursed, the Emperor himself forced with his wife and child to wait attendance upon the Pope's pleasure three days and three nights in winter at the gates of Canossus. Read before pag. 179. Besides all this the said Pope raised up Rodulphus to be Emperor against him: who being slain in war, than the said Pope Gregory seven. not resting thus, stirred up his own son Henricus. 5. to fight against his own natural father and to depose him, which Henricus the 5. was also himself afterward accursed and excommunicated, and the Saxons at last set up by the Bishops to fight against him.  
After this the Emperors began to be somewhat calmed and more quiet, suffering the Bishops to reign as they listed: till Fridericke the first called Barbarossa came, and began to stir coals against them. Howbeit they hampered both him, and his son Henry in such sort, that they brought first the neck of Fridericke, in the Church of Venice, under their feet to tread upon: and after that the said bishops crowning Henricus his son in the church of S. Peter, set his crown on his head with their feet, and with their feet spurned it of again to make him know that the Popes of Rome had power both to crown Emperors, and to depose them again. Whereof read before pag. 784.  
Then followed Philippus brother to Henry aforesaid, whom also the Pope's accursed, about the year of our Lord. 1198. and set up Otho Duke of saxony. But when the said Otho began to be so laucy to dispossess the Bishops of their Cities and lands which they had encroached into they hands, they could not bear that, but incontinent they put him besides the cushion. The like also fell up on Otho the 4. that followed after Philip, who was suffered no longer than four years to reign, about the year of our Lord. 1209.  
emperors kissing the Pope's feet. K. john's supplication to the Pope.  
After this Friderick followed his son Conradus, 
War raised against Conradus, by the Bishops of Rome.  whom the foresaid Bishops for his disobedience soon dispatched, exciting against him in mortal war the Landgrave of Thuring, whereby he was at length driven into his kingdom of Naples, and there deceased.  
This Conradus had a son called Conradinus duke and prince of Suenia. When this Conradinus after the decease of his father came to enjoy his kingdom of Naples, the said Bishops stirred up against him Charles the french kings brother in such sort, 
Ex Auentino.  that through crafty conveyance, both Couradinus which descended of the blood of so many Emperors, & also Fridericke Duke of Austria were both taken, and after much wretched handling in their miserable endurance unseeming to their state, at length were both brought under the axe by the Pope's procurement, and so both beheaded. And thus ended the imperial stock of Fridericke the first surnamed Barbarossa.  
The like as happened to Fridericke the Emperor, had almost also fallen upon Philip the French king, by Pope Boniface the 8. who because he could not have his commodities and revenues out of France after his will, sent out his Bulls and letters patents to displace king Philip aforesaid, 
The insolency of Pope Boniface 8. against Philip French king. The tyrannous injuries of Bishops of Rome against kings of England. Pope Alexander 3. against King Henry. 2. Pope Innocent 3. against king john.  and to possess Albertus' king of Romans in his room.  
And thus hitherto of foreign stories. Now touching our country Princes here in England to speak somewhat likewise of them: did not Pope Alexander the 3. presumptuously taking upon him where he had nothing to do to intermeddle with the kings subjects, for the death of Becket the rebel, albeit the king sufficiently cleared himself thereof, yet notwithstanding did he not wrongfully bring the said king Henry 2. to such penance as it pleased him to enjoin, & also violently constrain him to swear obedience to the Sea of Rome? pag. 227. The like also was showed before in this story to happen to K. john his son. For when the said king like a valiant Prince had held out the tyranny of those Bishops 7. years together, were not all the Churches in England barred up, and his inheritance with all his dominions given away by pope Innocent. 3. to Ludovicus the French king, and he afterward compelled to submit both himself and to make his whole Realm sedotary to the Bishops of Rome & moreover the king himself driven also to surrender his crown to Pandulphus the Popes Legate, and so continued as a private person 5. days standing at the pope's courtesy whether to receive it again at his hands or no? And when the nobles of the realm rose afterward against the king for the same, was not he then fain to seek and sue to the foresaid Pope for succour, as by this his own letter, taken out of the public rolls, may appear?   

King john's Supplication to Pope Innocent the third.  
REuerendis. Domino suo & Patri sanctis. Innocentio Dei gratia joan. eadem gratia R. Angliae etc. Cum Comites & Barones Angliae nobis devoti essent, 
Ex Rotulo patent. De anno Regni Reg. joannis 8  antequam nos & nostram terram Domino vestro subia cere curassemus, ex tunc in nos specialiter ob hoc, sicut publice dicunt, violenter insurgunt. Nos verò praeter Deum, vos specialem dominum & patronum habentes, defensionem nostram & totius Regni, quod vestrum esse credimus, vestrae paternitati commissam, 
K. john's supplication to Pope Innocent. 3  & nos quantum in nobis est, curam & solicitudinem istam vestrae resignamus dominationi, devotius supplicantes quatenus in negotijs nostris, quae vestra sunt, consilium & auxilium efficax apponatis, prout melius videritis expedire, latores praesentium. etc. Teste meipso apud Dour. 18. Septemb. 6.  
Pope Coelestinus 4. crowning the Emperor Henricus 6. with his feet.  
Besides this king Henry. 2. and king john his son, what kings have here reigned in England since their time, until the reign of king Henry 8. who although they were prudent princes, & did what they could in providing against the proud domination of these Bishops were forced at length sore against their wills, for fear to subject themselves together with their subjects under their usurped authority, 
H. Henry 3. kissing the knee of the pope's Legate  in so much as some of them (as Math. Paris. writeth by king Henry the 3.) were sayne to stoop and kiss their Legates knee.   


Ex D. Paulo. 2. Thess. 2.  ¶ The Image of Antichrist, exalting himself in the Temple of God, above all that is named God, out of his own Decrees, Decretals, Extravagantes, Pontificals. etc. word for word as it is out of the said books here alleged and, quoted.  
Henricus. 4. Emperor Waiting 3. days upon Pope Gregory 7. Image of Antichrist.  
Henricus 4. Emperor surrendering his crown to the Pope. Image of Antichrist.  
King john offering his Crown to Pandulphus, Legate  
K. Henry 2. kissing the knee of the Pope's Legate coming into England.  
Fridericus. i. Emperor shent for holding Pope adrian's styrrup on the wrong side.  
The order of the Pope's riding, the Emperor holding his bridle, and kings going before him. Ex Lib. Sacrar. Ceremon, lib. 1.  
The P. carried on men's shoulders, the Emp. & K. going before him. Ex li. Sacrar. Cer. lib. 1.  
And to the intent I would all men to see and understand that I lack not witnesses more besides these, if I list to bring them out, you shall hear the whole queare of my divine clergy brought out, with a full voice testifying in my behalf, in their books, tractations, distinctions, Titles Gloss, and Summaryes, as by their own words here followeth. 

Doctors agree in Purgatory.  


A.  
Antoninus in Summulis.  
Augustinus de Ancho. in Decret. A stefanus Midorita.    


B.  
Baptista de Salum sua.  
Baptistiniana.  
Bonaventura.    


C.  
Campensis. lib. Controversiarum.  
Coclaeus.    


D.  
Durandus. in Speculo.  
Dreido. de eccles. Scriptures & Dogmat.    


E.  
Eduardus Pevellus, Anglus contra Luthe.  
Ecchius in Enchirid.    


F.  
Franciscus.  
Fulgo.    


G.  
Gabriel. Biel. Spica.  
Gaspar.  
Gratianus in Decretis.  
Gerson doctor Illuminatistimus ecclesiastica potestate.    


H.  
Hugo Cardinalis in postilla.  
Hostiensis.  
Holkot.  
Hosius.    


I.  
joannes Andrea.  
Innocentius.  
joan. de Turie Cremata de ecclesia summa.    


L.  
Lanfrancus contra wickliff.  
Lilius Historicum Anglus.  
Lapus.  
Laurentius.    


M.  
Magister. Sententiarum.    


N.  
Nicolaus.    


O.  
Ockam in Dialogo. part. 1. lib. 5.  
Oytanus.    


P.  
Petrus de Palude  
Petrus de Tuaram.  
Petrus de Aliaco.  
Pano●●●ta●●s Alexander de Alec.    


R.  
Raymundus in Summa de Calibus.  
Richardus.  
Rabanus super Math. cap. 16.  
Rupertus Tuitiensis.    


S.  
Scotus Doctor Subtilis.    


T.  
Thomas Aquin.    


V  
Vlricus.    


W.  
Waldenss … & De Sacramentis.     The Pope (say they) being the vicar of jesus Christ throughout the whole world, in the stead of the living God, hath that dominion and Lordship which christ here in earth would not have, although he had it in habitu, but gave it to Peter in Actu, that is, the universal iurisdictio both of spiritual things and also of temporal, which double jurisdiction was signified by the 2. sword in the Gospel: And also by offering of the wise men, who offered not only incense, but also gold, to signify not only the spirituali dominion, but also the temporal to belong to christ and to his vicar. For as we read: the earth is the Lords and the fullness thereof, & as Christ saith: all power is given to him both in heaven & earth. So it is to be affirmed Inclusiué, that the vicar of Christ hath power on things celestial, terrestrial, and infernal. Which he took immediately of Christ: all other take it mediately by Peter and the Pope. Wherefore such as say that the Pope hath dominion only on spiritual things in the world and not of temporal, may be likened to the counsellors of the king of Syria 3. Reg. 20. Which said that the Gods of the mountains be their Gods, and therefore they have overcome us, but let us fight against them in the low midowes and in valleys where they have no power, and so we shall prevail over them. So evil counsellors now a days, through their pestiferous flattery deceive kings and princes of the earth, saying, Popes and prelate's be Gods of mountains, that is, of spiritual things only, but they be not Gods of valleys, that is they have no dominion over temporal things and therefore let us fight with them in the valleys, that is in the power of the temporal possessions, and so we shall prevail over them. But what saith the sentence of God to them, let us hear. Because (saith he) the Syryans say that the God of mountains is their God, and not the God of valleys, therefore I will give all this multitude into your hand, and ye shall know that I am the Lord. What can be more effectually spoken to set forth the majesty of my jurisdiction, which I received immediately of the Lord of the Lord I say, and of no man. For where as Constantine the Emperor gave to Silvester, enduing him with this possession & patrimony that is, so to be expounded and taken not so much for a donation, as to be counted for a restitution made of that which tyrannously was taken from him before. And again, where as I have given at sundry times to Ludovicus and other Emperors, of my temporal lands & possessions, yet that was done, not so much for any recognising of homage to them, as for keeping peace with them, For I own to Emperors no due obedience that they can claim: but they own to me as to their superior. And therefore for a diversity betwixt their degree and mine, in their consecration they take the unction on their arm, I on the head. And as I am superior to them, so am I superior to all laws, & free from all constitutions. Which am able of myself, and by my interpretation, to prefer equity being not written, before the law written: having all laws within the chiest of my breast, as is aforesaid. And whatsoever this my sea shall enact, approve or disprove, all men ought to approve or reprove the same, without either judging, disputing, doubting or retracting. Such as the privilege given of Christ in the behalf of Peter, to the church of Rome. 
186 joan Dreido. De Dogmatibus vanis. Lib. 4.  that what country soever, kingdom or province, choosing to themselves bishops and ministers, although they agree with all other Christ's faithful people in the name of jesus, that is in faith and charity, believing in the same God, and in Christ his true son, and in the holy Ghost having also the same Crede: the same Evangelists and scriptures of the Apostles: yet notwithstanding unless their Bishops and Ministers take their origine and ordination from this Apostolical seat, they are to be counted not of the Church. So that succession of faith only is not sufficient to make a church, except the ministers take their ordination by them which have their succession from the Apostles. So their faith, supremacy, the chair of Peter, keys of heaven, power to bind and lose, all these be inseparable to the church of Rome: so that it is to be presumed, that God always providing, & S. Peter helping the Bishopric and Diocese of Rome, shall never fall from the faith. And likewise it is to be presumed and presupposed that the Bishop of that Church is always good & holy. Yea & though he be not always good, or be destitute of his own merits yet the merits of S. Peter, predecessor of that place, be sufficient for him, who hath bequeathed and left a perpetual dowry of merits, with inheritance of innocency to his posterity. 
187 Hugo, in Glosa. Dist. 40. c. Non Net.  yea and though he fall into homicide or adultery, he may sin, but yet he can not be accused, but rather excused by the murders of sampson, the thefts of the hebrews, the Adultery of jacob. 
188 Glos. in Caus. 11. q. 3. cap. Absis.  And likewise if any of his Clergy would be found embracing a woman, it must be expounded and presupposed that he doth it to bless her. Furthermore, the P. (say they) hath all the dignities & all power of all patriarchs. In his primacy he is Abel: In government, the Ark of No: In Patriarchdome. Abraham: In order Melchisedech: In dignity Aaron: In authority Moses: In seat judicial Samuel: In zeal Helias: In meekness David: In power Peter: In unction Christ. (Nay thou art Antichrist). My power (they say) is greater than all the Saints. For whom I confirm, no man may infirm. I may favour and spare whom I please 
189 Glosa. in c. 11. q. 3. Si. inimicus.  to take from one, and to give to an other. And if I be enemy to any man, all men ought to eschew that person forth with, and not tarry and look while I bid them so to do. All the earth is my Diocese, & I the Ordinary of all men, having the authority of the king of all kings upon subjects. I am all in all, and above all. 
190 Hostiensis in cap. Quanto De transl. praeb.  so that God himself and I the vicar of God have both one Consistory. 
192 Ex summacasuum fratris Baptistae.  and am able to do almost all that God can do, Claus non errant. 
192 Ex Citatione Henr. Bulling. define seculi. Orat. Prima. Item, ex citatione jacobi Andre ae, adversus. Hosli●●. Lib, 5. Item excitatione Hier. Marij. in acts. 2. Divi.  Item it is said of me, that I have an heavenvly are bitrement, and therefore am able to change the nature of things, Substantialia unius applicando alteri, and of nothing to make things to be: and of a sentence that is nothing, to to make it stand in effect: In all things that I lift, my will to stand for reason. For I am able by the law to dispense above the law, and of wrong to make justice, in correcting laws and changing them. You have heard hitherto sufficiently out of my Doctors. Now you shall hear greater things out of mine own decrees. 
193 Pope Nicola●s Dist. 96. c. Satis.  Read there Dist. 96. Satis. 
194 1●. q. r. Sacerdotibus.  Also, 12. Caus. 11. q. 1. cap. Sacerdotibus 
195 12. q. r. Futuran  Also, 12. q. ●. cap. Futuram. Do not you find there expressed how Constantinus the Emperor sitting in the general Council of Nice, called us Prelates of the Church, all Gods? 
196 Decretal. De Transl. epist. c. p. Quanto. Thus ye may see it verified that S. Paul prophesieth of the adversary sitting in the temple as God, and boasting himself above all that is named God. etc. 2. Thess. 2.  Again, read my Canon Decretal. De transl. Epis●. cap. Quanto. Do you not see there manifestly expressed how not man, but God alone separateth that which the bishop of Rome doth dissolve and separate: Wherefore if those things that I do be said to be done not of man, but of God What can you make me but God? Again, if Prelates of that church be called and counted of Constantinus for Gods, I then being above all prelate's, seem by this reason to be above all Gods. Wherefore no marvel, if it be in my power to change time and times, to alter & abrogate laws to dispense with all things, yea with the precepts of Christ For where Christ biddeth Peter put up his sword, monished his Disciples not to use any outward force in revenging themselves. 
197 Pope Nicolaus Causa. 15. q. 6. c. Autoritatem.  Do not I Pope Nicholaus writing to the bishops of France, exhort them to draw out their material sword in pursuing their enemies, and recovering their possessions, setting against the precept of Christ, the Prophet saying: Dissolve colligationes impietatis & c? Item. where Christ was present himself at the marriage in Cana Galilea. 
198 Pope Martin. Dist. 14 ● cap. Lector.  do not I pope Martinus in my distinction inhibit the spiritual clergy to be present at marriage feasts, and also to marry themselves? Item where matrimony by Christ, cannot be loosed but only for whore doom. 
199 Pope Gregorius Innior. 32. q. 7. cap. Quod proposuisti.  do not I pope Gregorius junior, writing ad Bonifacium permit the same to be broken for impotency or infirmity of body? 
200 Pope Inno. 4. Sext. Decretal. De sententia excom. cap. Dilecto.  Item, against the express caution of the Gospel, doth not Innocentius the 4. permit vim vi repellere? 
201 Pope Alexander. 3. De Decimis cap. Ex part.  Likewise against the old testament. I do dispense in not giving tithes. 
202 Pope. Nicolaus. ●5. q. 6. Autoritatem.  Iten, against that new testament in swearing and that in these 6. causes: 
203 De elect. & elect. potestate. Significasti in Glosa.  Pax, fama, fides, reverentia cautio damni. Defectus veri, poscunt sibi magna caveri.  
Wherein two kinds of oaths are to be noted. Whereof some be promissoria, some be assertoria. etc. 
204 Baptista de Salis. in Summa casuum ex panormitano.  Item, in vows, and that ex toto voto, where as other Prelates cannot dispense ex toto a voto, I can deliver ex toto a voto, like God himself. 
205 pope Innoc. 4. De elect. Venerabilem.  Item in perjury if I absolve, my absolution standeth, 
206 Ext. De jure iurando. cap. Venientes. Item. Dist. De Elect Significasti. in Glosa.  Where also note, that in all swearing always the authority of the superior is excepted. 
207 Pope Martinus. 5. Extra cap. Regimini universalis ecclesiae.  Moreover, where Christ biddeth to lend without hope of gain, up not I Pope Martinus give dipensation for the same? & notwithstanding the Council of Thuron enacted the contrary, yet with two Bustes I disannulled that decrement 
208 Pope Vibanus. 2. C●●●. 23. q. 5. c Excommunicatorum.  What should I speak of murder, making it no murder nor homicide to slay them that be excommunicate. 
209 Pope Nicolaus Caus. 25. q. 6. Autoritatem.  Likewise against the law of nature. 
210 Ibidem.  Item, against the Apostle. 
211 Dist. ●2. ●. praesbyter.  Also against the Canons of the Apostles. I can and do despense. For where they in their Canon command a Priest for fornication to be deposed, I through the authority of Silvester do alter the rigour of that constitution. 
212 pope pelagius. Dist. 34 cap. Frat●●. tatis.  considering the minds and bodies also of men now to be weaker than they were then. 
213 Baptista de Salis. fol.  Briefly, against the universal state of that Church I have dispensation scilicet quando status ecclesiae non decoloratur: And for marriage in the second degree of consanguinity and affinity, In collateralibus aequali linea, that is, between the brethren's children: although not in aequali linea, so that the uncle may not marry his nice, unless for an urgent and weighty cause. As for all such contracts betwixt party and party, where that matrimony is not yet consummate by carnal copulation, it is but a small matter for me to dispense withal. In summa, if ye list briefly to hear the whole number of all such cases as properly do appertain to my Papal dispensation, which come to the number of one and fifty points that no man may meddle with all but only I myself alone, I will recite them first in Latin, then in English, as they be set forth in my Canonical Doctors.   

Casus Papales 51. apud Fratrem Aste sanum sive de Ast. Doctorem solemnem in summa confessionis. Item apud Hostiensem, De office legat. reperti & his versibus comprehensi.  

SI sit Catholicus, Papam non judicat ullus.  
Erigit & subdit Cathedras: Dividit, unit,  
Mutat vota crucis. i. votam terrae sanctae. Restituit. i. degradatos. Eximit. i. episcopos & alios. Ad se  
Maiores causae referuntur. Legitimatque,  
Promovet, i. insufficientes. Appellare vetat, i. intrantes religionem. Prohibet profiteri.  
Deponit, transsert, suppletque, i. defectum regi vacant regno. Renunciat illi  
Praeful, Symonia, juramentum, Excommunicatio á Papa facta & exemptus. Simon, jurans, Anathema,  
Vel proprium, vel legati, vel lex utriusque tam Papa quam legati.  
Tum neque participans: i soluitur papa Etsi quam sponte salutat,  
Quem Canon damnat, sibi soli quando reseruat,  
Soluitur a Papa nec non quem regula damnat. qui irrelugaritatem incurrit.  
Addas suspensum, Causam, scilicet addas. cum fertur ad ipsum.  
Rescriptum, i. addas fidei dubium: i pluralitatem beneficiorum. Confert bona plura  
Irritat infectum, Legem condit generalem.  
Approbat imperium, i. imperatorem. firmat, deponit, & ungit.  
Consilium generale facit, Sacrat quoque canonizat. Sanctos.  
Ens non esse facit: de aliquo facit nihil. non ens, fore. de nihilo aliquid. Pallia semper  
Portat Concedit, Legi non subiacet ulli.  
Appellatur ad hunc medio sine, i immediate. judiciumque  
Est pro lege suum. de monacho non monachum facit. Monachum revocat renuentem.  
Maius adulterio soluit generaliter, i. incestum. etc. Arctat  
Et laxat quicquid sponsis nocet. i. impedimentum matrimoniale Ordinat extra  
Tempora dando sacrum, i. extra. 4. tempora. Promotum promovet idem.  
Ordinat atque die qua consecratur & ipse.  
Viventisque i sacerdotium confert nondum vacans. locum concedit, jureque private.  
In signit. in signia Episcopalia concedit. Laico sacro donat: i decimis eximit. Chrisma ministro. i. praesbytero concedit infantes ungere.  
Summa sede sedet, plenusque vicarius extat.  
Si sit Catholicus Papam non judicat ullus.    

Cases Papale, to the number of one and fifty, wherein the Pope hath power only to dispense and none else besides, except by special licence from him.  


24. q. 1. Quoties.  FIrst, the determination of doubts and questions belonging to faith.  

Extr. de translat. c. Inter  Translation of a bishop elect, or confirmed: Likewise of Abbots exempted.  

3. q. 6. Quamuis. 9 q. 3. Deniq;. 16. q. 1. Frater.  Deposition of Bishops.  
The taking of resignation of Bishops.  
Exemptions of Bishops, not to be under Archbyshops.  

2. q. 6. Ideo.  Restitution of such as be deposed from their order.  

Extr. De restitutione. cap Cum venissent. 7. q. 1. temporis.  The judicial definition, or interpretation of his own privileges.  
Changing of bishoprics, or dismission of Coventes. etc.  

16. q. 1 Felix.  New correction of Bishop's seats, or institution of new Religions.  

16. q. 1. Et Christus.  Subjection or division of one Bishopric under an other.  

Extr. De vota. Ex multa. Extr. de statu monachi. c Cum ad. Extr. De juramento. cap Venientes.  Dispensation for vowing to go to the holy land.  
Dispensation for the vow of chastity, or of Religion, or of holy orders.  
Dispensation against a lawful oath, or vow made.  

Extra. De judicio. c. At si clerici.  Dispensation against divers irregularities, as in crimes greater than adultery, and in such as be suspended for Simony.  

Extr. de Bigamia. c. nuper  Dispensation in receiving into orders him that had two wives.  

Extr. de clerico non ord..  Dispensing with such as being within orders, do that which is above their order, as if a Deacon should say mass, being not yet Priest.  

Extr. De corpore vitiatis & Dist. 55.  To receive into orders such as be blemished or maimed in body.  

Dist. 50. Miror.  Dispesation with murder, or with such, as willingly cut of any member of man's body.  

Extr. De sententia & excom. ca Cum illorum  Dispensation to give orders to such as have been under the sentence of the greater curse or excommunication.  

Extr. De filajs praesbyt. c. Is qui.  Dispensation with such as being unlawfully borne, to receive orders, or benefices.  

Extr De praebend. c. De multa.  Dispensation for pluralities of benefices.  

Extr. De elect. cap. Cum nobis.  Dispensation to make a man Bishop before he be thirty year old.  

Extr. De aetate & qualit, Generalem.  Dispensation to give orders under age.  

Dist. 15. per totum.  The Pope only hath power to make and call a general Council.  

9 q. 3. Per principale.  The Pope only hath power to deprive an Ecclesiastical person, and give away his benefice being not vacant.  

De elect. cap. Venerabilem  The Pope alone is able to absolve him that is excommunicate by name.  

Extr. De officio legati. c. Querenti.  The Pope only is able to absolve him whom his Legate doth excommunicate.  

9 q. 3. Aliorum.  The Pope both judgeth in the causes of them that appeal unto him, and where he judgeth none may appeal from him.  

Extr. De templi ordine. c. Come in Distrib.  Only he hath authority to make Deacon, and Priest, whom he made subdeacon, either upon Sundays, or upon other feasts.  

Extr. De usu palij. cap. Ad honorem.  Only the Pope, and none else, at all times and in all places wheareth the pass.  

Extr. De elect. c. Dudum  The Pope only dispenseth with a man, either being not within orders, or being unworthy to be made Bishop.  

Ext. de elec. c. venerabilem  He only either confirmeth, or deposeth the Emperor when he is chosen.  

Tractatu. De censuris.  A man being excommunicate, and his absolution referred to the Pope, none may absolve that man but the pope alone.  

Ext. De elect. c. Innocuit.  The same hath authority in any election, before it be made, to pronounce it none when it is made,  
He doth Canonize saints, 
Extra. De religione & veneratione Sanct. cap. 1  and none cl but he.  
Dispensation to have many dignities and personages in one Church, 
Extrau De praebend●ca. De multa.  and without charge and cure of soul, belongeth only to the Pope.  
To make that effectual which is of no effect, 
Extrau. Qui. si. sint. leg. cap. Tanta. 9 q. 3. cap. Vltimo.  and contrariwise, belongeth only to the Pope.  
To pluck a monk out of his cloister both against his own will and the abbots, 
Extrau. De Sentent. & re Indie. c. In causis.  pertaineth only to the Pope.  
His sentence maketh a law. 
Extrau De elect cap. Quod sicut.   
The same day in which the pope is consecrate, 
Extrau. De restit. spo. Literas.  he may give orders.  
He dispenseth in degrees of consanguinity and affinity. 
Extrau. De prescript c. vlt. & De judicio c. Novit.   
He is able to abolish laws, quoad utrumque forum, that is, both Civil and Canon, where danger is of the soul.  
It is in his dispensation to give general indulgences to certain places or persons. 
Thomas.   
Item to legitimate what persons soever he please, 
Extrau. Qui. si. sint. legit. c. Pervenerabilom. Petrus de Palude. lib. 4.  as touching spiritualties: in all places, as touching temporalties, as honours, inheritance, etc.  
To erect new religions, to approve or reprove rules, or ordinances, and Ceremonies in the Church.  
He is able to dispense with all the precepts and statutes of the Church. 
Secundum Thomam in 4.   
Item, 
9 q. 3. Per principalem.  to dispense and to discharge any subject from the bond of allegiance or oath made to any manner person.  
No man may accuse him of any crime, 
Distinct. 40. Si Papa.  unless of heresy, & that neither, except he be incorrigible.  
The same is also free from all laws, so that he cannot incur into any sentence of excommunication, 
Ibidem.  suspension, irregularity, or into the penalty of any crime, but into the note of crime he may well.  
Finally he by his dispensation may grant, 
Dist. 32. cap. Praeter hoc. ●. Verum.  yea to a simple priest, to minister the sacrament of confirmation to infants: also to give lower orders, and to hollow churches and virgins, etc.   
These be the cases wherein I only have power to dispense, and no man else, neither Bishop, nor Metropolitan, nor Legate, without a licence from me.  
¶ After that I have now sufficiently declared my power in earth, in heaven, and in purgatory, how great it is & what is the fullness thereof, in binding losing, commanding, permitting electing, confirming deposing, dispensing, doing, and undoing etc. I will entreat now a little of my riches likewise and great possessions, 
The riches and possessions of the Pope.  that enerye man may see by my wealth and abundance of all things, rents, tithes, tributes, my silks, my purple Mitres, Crowns, Gold, Silver, Pearls and Gems, Lands, and Lordships, how God here prospereth and magnifieth his Vicar in the earth. For to me pertaineth first the Imperial City of Rome, the Palace of Laterane the kingdom of Cicile is proper to me, Apulia, Capua be mine. Also the kingdom of England and Ireland, be they not or aught to be tributaries to me? 214. 
214. Dist. 96. Constantinus.  To these I adjoin also, besides other provinces and countries both in the Occident and Orient, from the North to the South, these dominions by name. 
215. Ex Commentarins Theodorici Niemi. quem citat Illyricus in Catalogo restium. fol. 228.  215. as Surrianum, Montembordom, & lunae in sulam, Corficae regnum, Paruam Mantuam, Montenselete, Insulam venetiarum, Ducatum Ferrariae, Canellum, Caniodam, Ducatum Histriae Dalmatiam, Ex archatum Ravennae, Faventiam, Cesenam, Castrum, Tiberiatus Roccam Mediolanum, Castrum, ceperianum, Castrum Casianum, Terram Cornulariam, Ducatum Arimini, Contam, Montem ferretum, Montem Capinie feu Olympicum, Gastrum exforij. Robin, Eugubin, Urbin, forum Sempronij, Galli, & Senogalli, Anconam, Gosam, Ducatum perusij, Vrbenetam, & Tudertum, Castrum Sinianum, Ducatum Spoletanum, Theanun, Calabriam, Ducatum Neapolim, Ducatum Beneventi, Selernum, Sorrenti insulam, Cardiniam insulam, Anciae insulam, Territorium Cutisan, Territorium praenestinum, Terram Silandis, 
216. Dist. 96. Constantinus. 217. Anto●inus in ●umma Maiore. 3. part.  Terram Clusium, Terram fundan, Terram vegetan, Terram Gland ●nam, ●erram commission, Terram Fabinensem, Terram Siram, Terram portuensem, cuminsula Archis, Terram Ostiensem cum maritimis, Civitatem Aquinensem, Civitatem lamentum, & Sufforariam, Civitatem Falisenam, Fidenam, Feretrum, Cliternam, Neapolim, Galiopolim, with divers other mo. 216. which Constantinus the Emperor gave unto me, not that they were not mine before he did give them. 217. For in that I took them of him, I took them not as a gift (as is afore mentioned) but as a restitution. And that I rendered them again to Otho, I did it not for any duty to him but only for peace sake. What should I speak here, of my daily revenues, of my first fruits, annates, palles, indulgences: bulls, confessionals, indultes and rescriptes, testaments, dispensations, privileges, elections, prebends, religious houses, and such like, which come to no small mass of money? 
218. Ex lib. Granominun nationis Germanicae. Above fifty byshopprickes in Germany. Aeneas Silvius. 219. Sext Decret. De penis. cap. Felicis in Glosa.  Insomuch that for one pall to the Archbishop of Mentz, which was wont to be given for x. thousand 218. florence, now it is grown to xxvij. thousand florence which I received of jacobus the Archbishop not long before basil Council: Besides the fruits of other bishoprics in germany, coming to the number of fifty, whereby what vantage cometh to my coffers, it may partly be conjectured. But what should I speak of Germany, 219. when the whole world is my Diocese, as my canonists do say, 
Ité De priuilegi●s c. Autoritaté in Glosa, 220 Pope Bonifacius 8. Ext. De Maio. & obed. c. unam sanctam. 221. Ibid.  and all men are bound to believe, 220. except they will imagine (as the manichees do) two beginnings, which is false and heretical. For Moses faith: In the beginning God made heaven and earth, and not in the beginnings. 221. Wherefore as I begon, so I conclude, commanding declaring and pronouncing, to stand upon necessity of salvation, for every humane creature to be subject to me.    
¶ The end of the first Volume of the Book of Martyrs.  


A lively picture describing the weight and substance of Gods most blessed word against the doctrines and vanities of man's traditions.    

¶ AT LONDON.  
Printed by john day, dwelling over Aldersgate beneath Saint martin's.  
Anno. 1583.  
Cum gratia & Privilegio Regiae Maiestatis.   

A Table of the X. first Persecutions of the Primitive Church under the Heathen tyrants of Rome, continuing the space almost of ccc. years after Christ from the time of Tiberius, unto Constantinus Emperors of Rome, with the sundry kinds of Torments devised against the Christians, as by the places here noted and quoted, in the story is to be found more at large.  

●I●. Months. revelat. xi.  THese persecutions of the primative Church lasted ccxciiij. years, counting from the beheading of S. john Baptist (which was the xxxii. year of the reign of Tiberius.) till the end of Licinius the last persecuting Emperor of Rome. Concerning the which ccxciiiij. years S john in his Revelation doth Prophesy before in sundry places: first Cap. ji. where he saith: The Gentiles shall tread down the holy City xiij. months. And again in the xiij. Chapter: And power was given to the Beast to make xlii. months. etc. Which xlii. months being counted by Sabbates of years after the common use of Scripture, & of Daniel, that is, every month for seven. years, do rise to the number aforesaid, of ccxciiij. years.  

lii. years & a half.  Wherein is to be noted the error of them, which taking these xlii. months simply (as the letter standeth (for iij. years and a half, do affirm thereby, that Antichrist, when he shall come (being borne of the tribe of Dan) shall reign but only iij. years and a half: not understanding how these xlii. months are mystically to be reckoned by Sabbates of years, that is, seven. years to every month, after the use of Scripture, and so they make ccxciiij. years: During the time of which years, Antichrist then reigned in the Primitive Church, till the coming of Constantine the Christian Emperor.  

iij. days & a half. revelat. xi.  The like understanding also hath the iij. days & a half mentioned in the Revelation. Cap. xi. where is said: That after three days and a half the two Prophets shall revive again. etc. For count every hour of the day (which bexii.) by Sabbates of years, that is, for seven. years, and it cometh to ccxciiij. years.  

A time, times, and half a time. revelat. xij.  And so whether ye count by months or by days, both ways it giveth a time, times, and half a tyme. For as one twelvemonth (which is one year) maketh one time, two. tweluemonthes (which is two. year) make two. times: & vi. months (which is half a year) make half a time, making altogether xlii. months: so likewise in one day, ij. days and half a day, may be understand a time, times, and half a time, mentioned in the Revelation cap. xii.  

M.CCLX. days. revelat. xij.  Furthermore, where in the said Revelation of S. john. cap. xii. mention is made of a M. cclx. days, it cometh, likewise to the same reckoning. For in giving thirty. days to a month, so many days do amount in all to xlii. months. Which (as is said) being reduced to Sabbates of years, make ccxciiii. years: and so long continued these Persecutions.  

The tying & losing again of Satan. revelat. 20.  Note moreover, that after the time of these Persecutions expired, S. john in the said book of his Revelations. Cap. xx. prophesieth that Satan should be tied up for a thousand years, and after that let lose again in the world for a little space that is, that the rage and violence of Persecution should then be stirred up against God's people, as before: Which losing of Satan falleth upon the year of our Lord. 1324. At what time the kingdom of the Turks first began under Ottomannus, wasting and destroying then the Churches of Asia, and afterward of Europa. Read the Acts and Monuments. Pag. 735.736.738. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.